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diff --git a/78914-h/78914-h.htm b/78914-h/78914-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cdc5ceb --- /dev/null +++ b/78914-h/78914-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,29141 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html> +<html lang="en"> +<head> + <meta charset="UTF-8"> + <meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1"> + <meta name="format-detection" content="telephone=no,date=no,address=no,email=no,url=no"> + <title> + The Decline of the West, Vol. 2 | Project Gutenberg + </title> + <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover"> + <style> + +body { + margin-left: 7%; + margin-right: 7%; +} + +h1,h2,h3 { + text-align: center; + clear: both; +} + +h3 { + page-break-after: avoid + } + +div.chapter {page-break-before: always;} +h2.nobreak {page-break-before: avoid;} + +a {text-decoration: underline;} + +p { + text-indent: 1.3em; + margin-top: .5em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: 0.8em; +} + +.subtitle { font-size: smaller; display: block; padding-top: 0.8em;} + +.tocdesc { padding: 0.8em 2em; } + +p.noindent, .footnote p { + text-indent: 0; +} + +hr.chap { + border: none; + position: relative; + text-align: center; + margin: 3em 0; + page-break-after: avoid + } +hr.chap::before { + content: "ꕥ"; + position: relative; + padding: 0 1em; + background: white; + color: #777; + z-index: 1 + } +hr.chap::after { + content: ""; + position: absolute; + top: 50%; + left: 0; + width: 100%; + border-top: 2px solid #ddd; + z-index: 0 + } +hr.front { + width: 16%; + margin: 3em auto; + border: 0; + border-top: 1px solid #777; + page-break-after: always; + } + +hr.tb::before { + content: "❧"; + color: #777; + font-size: 1.2em; +} + +table { + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; +} + +table td { padding: 0.25em; } + +.tdr {text-align: right;} + +.pagenum { + right: 1%; + font-size: x-small; + color: #333; + text-indent: 0; + text-align: right; + position: absolute; +} + +blockquote { + margin-top: 1em; + margin-bottom: 1em; + margin-left: 5%; + margin-right: 5%; +} + +.center {text-align: center; text-indent: 0;} + +.right {text-align: right;} + +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + +.allsmcap {font-variant: small-caps; text-transform: lowercase;} + +ul.index { list-style-type: none; } +li.ifrst { + margin-top: 1em; + text-indent: -2em; + padding-left: 1em; +} +li.indx { + margin-top: .5em; + text-indent: -2em; + padding-left: 1em; +} +li.isub1 { + text-indent: -2em; + padding-left: 2em; +} + +/* Footnotes */ + +.footnote {margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%; font-size: 0.92em;} + +.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 90%; text-align: right; text-decoration: none;} + +.fnanchor { + vertical-align: super; + font-size: 0.7em; + text-decoration: none; +} + +/* Poetry */ + +/* uncomment the next line for centered poetry */ +/* .poetry-container {display: flex; justify-content: center;} */ +.poetry-container {text-align: center;} +.poetry {text-align: left; margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%;} +.poetry .stanza {margin: 1em auto;} +.poetry .verse {text-indent: -3em; padding-left: 3em;} + +.transnote {background-color: #eeeeee; + margin:2em 0; + padding: 1.5em 2.5em; + font-size:smaller; +} + +.smaller {font-size:smaller;} +.larger {font-size:larger;} +.xlarge {font-size:x-large;} + +/* Poetry indents */ +.poetry .indent0 {text-indent: -3.0em;} +.poetry .indent2 {text-indent: -2.0em;} + +.page-table { + border: 2px solid #000; + border-collapse: separate; + border-spacing: 0; +} + +.page-table th, +.page-table td { + padding: 0.25em 1em; + text-align: center; + border-right: 1px solid #000; +} + +.page-table th:last-child, +.page-table td:last-child { + border-right: none; +} + +.page-table th:nth-child(2), +.page-table td:nth-child(2) { +border-right: 4px double #000; +} + + </style> +</head> + +<body> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78914 ***</div> + + +<div class="center" style="margin-top:4em;"> +<span class="larger"><b>THE DECLINE<br> +OF THE WEST</b></span><br> +<br> +[DER UNTERGANG DES<br> +ABENDLANDES]<br> +<br> +<span class="smaller">BY</span><br> +OSWALD SPENGLER<br> +<br> +<span class="allsmcap">VOLUME ONE</span><br> +FORM AND ACTUALITY<br> +[<span class="allsmcap">GESTALT UND WIRKLICHKEIT</span>]<br> +<br> +<span class="allsmcap">VOLUME TWO</span><br> +PERSPECTIVES OF<br> +WORLD-HISTORY<br> +[<span class="allsmcap">WELTHISTORISCHE PERSPEKTIVEN</span>] +</div> + +<hr class="front"> + +<div class="center"> +<h1> +THE DECLINE<br> +OF THE WEST +<span class="subtitle">PERSPECTIVES OF WORLD-HISTORY</span> +</h1> +<br> +BY<br> +<span class="xlarge">OSWALD SPENGLER</span><br> +<br> +<br> +<i>AUTHORIZED TRANSLATION<br> +WITH NOTES BY</i><br> +CHARLES FRANCIS ATKINSON<br> +<br><br><br> +VOLUME TWO<br> +<br> +MCMXXVIII: ALFRED A KNOPF: NEW YORK +</div> + +<hr class="front"> + +<p class="center smaller"> +COPYRIGHT 1928 BY ALFRED A. KNOPF, INC.<br> +<br> +<i>Originally published as<br> +Der Untergang des Abendlandes<br> +Welthistorische Perspektiven</i><br> +<br> +<i>Copyright 1922 by<br> +C. H. Becksche, Verlagsbuchhandlung,<br> +München</i><br> +<br> +MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA +</p> + +<hr class="front"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="pv">[v]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="TRANSLATORS_NOTE"> + TRANSLATOR’S NOTE + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>In the annotations to this volume I have followed the same course as in the +first—namely, that of giving primary references to the <cite>Encyclopædia Britannica</cite> +as being the most considerable work of the kind that is really widely +distributed in both the English-speaking fields, though occasionally special +encyclopaedias or other works are referred to. Owing to the more definitely +historical character of this volume, as compared with its predecessor, and +particularly its stressing of a history that scarcely figures as yet in a regular +education—the “Magian”—such references are necessarily more numerous. +Even so, more might perhaps have been inserted with advantage. The Translator’s +notes have no pretension to be critical in themselves, though here +and there an argument is pointed with an additional example, or an obvious +criticism anticipated. In each domain they will no doubt be resented by an +expert, but the same expert will, it is hoped, find them useful for domains not his +own.</p> + +<p>In the first volume of the English version, references to the second were +necessarily given according to the pagination of the German. A comparative +table of English and German page numbers has therefore been inserted. A list +of corrigenda to Vol. I is also issued with this volume.</p> + +<p class="right"> + C. F. A. +</p> + +<p class="noindent"><i>London, July 1928</i></p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="pvii">[vii]</span></p> + +<h2>TABLE OF GERMAN AND ENGLISH PAGES</h2> +</div> + +<table class="page-table"> + <thead> + <tr> + <th><span class="smcap">German</span><br>VOL. II</th> + <th><span class="smcap">English</span><br>VOL. II</th> + <th><span class="smcap">German</span><br>VOL. II</th> + <th><span class="smcap">English</span><br>VOL. II</th> + </tr> + </thead> + <tbody> + <tr><td>11</td><td>9</td><td>166</td><td>138</td></tr> + <tr><td>13</td><td>10</td><td>180</td><td>149</td></tr> + <tr><td>16</td><td>13</td><td>182</td><td>151</td></tr> + <tr><td>18</td><td>14</td><td>207</td><td>173</td></tr> + <tr><td>19</td><td>15</td><td>212</td><td>176</td></tr> + <tr><td>20</td><td>16</td><td>227</td><td>189</td></tr> + <tr><td>25</td><td>23</td><td>231</td><td>192</td></tr> + <tr><td>27</td><td>25</td><td>238</td><td>196</td></tr> + <tr><td>31</td><td>27</td><td>240</td><td>199</td></tr> + <tr><td>33</td><td>29</td><td>241</td><td>200</td></tr> + <tr><td>34</td><td>30</td><td>243</td><td>202</td></tr> + <tr><td>36</td><td>32</td><td>244</td><td>203</td></tr> + <tr><td>38</td><td>33</td><td>253</td><td>209</td></tr> + <tr><td>41</td><td>35</td><td>269</td><td>220</td></tr> + <tr><td>42</td><td>36</td><td>275</td><td>225</td></tr> + <tr><td>51</td><td>43</td><td>293</td><td>240</td></tr> + <tr><td>58</td><td>48</td><td>294</td><td>241</td></tr> + <tr><td>68</td><td>60</td><td>296</td><td>242</td></tr> + <tr><td>80</td><td>68</td><td>298</td><td>243</td></tr> + <tr><td>101</td><td>87</td><td>304</td><td>248</td></tr> + <tr><td>104</td><td>89</td><td>305</td><td>249</td></tr> + <tr><td>109</td><td>92</td><td>306</td><td>249</td></tr> + <tr><td>110</td><td>93</td><td>307</td><td>250</td></tr> + <tr><td>116</td><td>98</td><td>314</td><td>255</td></tr> + <tr><td>117</td><td>99</td><td>315</td><td>256</td></tr> + <tr><td>122</td><td>103</td><td>316</td><td>257</td></tr> + <tr><td>135</td><td>115</td><td>318</td><td>258</td></tr> + <tr><td>137</td><td>116</td><td>323</td><td>265</td></tr> + <tr><td>138</td><td>118</td><td>324</td><td>265</td></tr> + <tr><td>142</td><td>120</td><td>327</td><td>268</td></tr> + <tr><td>159</td><td>133</td><td>328</td><td>268</td></tr> + </tbody> +</table> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="pviii"></a>[viii]</span></p> + +<table class="page-table"> + <thead> + <tr> + <th><span class="smcap">German</span><br>VOL. II</th> + <th><span class="smcap">English</span><br>VOL. II</th> + <th><span class="smcap">German</span><br>VOL. II</th> + <th><span class="smcap">English</span><br>VOL. II</th> + </tr> + </thead> + <tbody> +<tr><td>334</td><td>273</td><td>403</td><td>327</td></tr> +<tr><td>342</td><td>279</td><td>421</td><td>340</td></tr> +<tr><td>343</td><td>280</td><td>427</td><td>345</td></tr> +<tr><td>345</td><td>281</td><td>441</td><td>355</td></tr> +<tr><td>346</td><td>282</td><td>482</td><td>388</td></tr> +<tr><td>350</td><td>286</td><td>488</td><td>392</td></tr> +<tr><td>354</td><td>288</td><td>521</td><td>416</td></tr> +<tr><td>357</td><td>291</td><td>529</td><td>422</td></tr> +<tr><td>358</td><td>292</td><td>539</td><td>430</td></tr> +<tr><td>359</td><td>293</td><td>562</td><td>449</td></tr> +<tr><td>360</td><td>293</td><td>577</td><td>460</td></tr> +<tr><td>362</td><td>295</td><td>589</td><td>471</td></tr> +<tr><td>363</td><td>296</td><td>603</td><td>481</td></tr> +<tr><td>365</td><td>297</td><td>607</td><td>484</td></tr> +<tr><td>368</td><td>299</td><td>610</td><td>486</td></tr> +<tr><td>369</td><td>300</td><td>616</td><td>490</td></tr> +<tr><td>370</td><td>301</td><td>618</td><td>492</td></tr> +<tr><td>373</td><td>303</td><td>624</td><td>499</td></tr> +<tr><td>376</td><td>306</td><td>625</td><td>500</td></tr> +<tr><td>378</td><td>307</td><td>626</td><td>501</td></tr> +<tr><td>382</td><td>310</td><td>627</td><td>501</td></tr> +<tr><td>385</td><td>313</td><td>631</td><td>504</td></tr> + </tbody> +</table> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="pix"></a>[ix]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS_OF_VOLUME_II"> + CONTENTS OF VOLUME II + </h2> +</div> + + +<table> +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Translator’s Note</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#pv">v</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">References from Volume I</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#pvii">vii</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter I. Origin and Landscape. (A) The Cosmic and The Microcosm</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p1">1</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + Plant and animal, <a href="#p3">p. 3</a>. Being and waking-being, <a href="#p6">p. 6</a>. Feeling, understanding, thinking, <a href="#p9">p. 9</a>. + The motion problem, <a href="#p14">p. 14</a>. Mass-soul, <a href="#p18">p. 18</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter II. Origin and Landscape. (B) The Group of the Higher Cultures</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p21">21</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + History-picture and nature-picture, <a href="#p23">p. 23</a>. Human and world history, <a href="#p28">p. 28</a>. Two ages: + primitive and high Cultures, <a href="#p33">p. 33</a>. Survey of the high Cultures, <a href="#p39">p. 39</a>. Historyless mankind, + <a href="#p48">p. 48</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter III. Origin and Landscape. (C) The Relations between the Cultures</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p53">53</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + “Influence,” <a href="#p55">p. 55</a>. Roman law, <a href="#p60">p. 60</a>. Magian law, <a href="#p67">p. 67</a>. Western law, <a href="#p75">p. 75</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter IV. Cities and Peoples. (A) The Soul of the City</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p85">85</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + Mycenæ and Crete, <a href="#p87">p. 87</a>. The peasant, <a href="#p89">p. 89</a>. World-history is urban history, <a href="#p90">p. 90</a>. + Figure of the city, <a href="#p92">p. 92</a>. City and intellect, <a href="#p96">p. 96</a>. Spirit of the world-city, <a href="#p99">p. 99</a>. + Sterility and disintegration, <a href="#p103">p. 103</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter V. Cities and Peoples. (B) Peoples, Races, Tongues</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p111">111</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + Streams of being and linkages of waking-being, <a href="#p114">p. 114</a>. Expression-language and communication-language, <a href="#p115">p. 115</a>. + Totem and Taboo, <a href="#p116">p. 116</a>. Speech and speaking, <a href="#p117">p. 117</a>. The house as race-expression, <a href="#p120">p. 120</a>. + Castle and cathedral, <a href="#p122">p. 122</a>. Race, <a href="#p124">p. 124</a>. Blood and soil, <a href="#p127">p. 127</a>. Speech, <a href="#p131">p. 131</a>. + Means and meaning, <a href="#p134">p. 134</a>. Word, grammar, <a href="#p137">p. 137</a>. Language-history, <a href="#p145">p. 145</a>. Script, <a href="#p149">p. 149</a>. + Morphology of the Culture-languages, <a href="#p152">p. 152</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter VI. Cities and Peoples. (C) Primitives, Culture-Peoples, Fellaheen</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p157">157</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + People-names, languages, races, <a href="#p159">p. 159</a>. Migrations, <a href="#p161">p. 161</a>. People and soul, <a href="#p165">p. 165</a>. + The Persians, <a href="#p166">p. 166</a>. Morphology of peoples, <a href="#p169">p. 169</a>. People and nation, <a href="#p170">p. 170</a>. + Classical, Arabian, and Western nations, <a href="#p173">p. 173</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter VII. Problems of the Arabian Culture. (A) Historic Pseudomorphoses</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p187">187</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + “Pseudomorphosis,” <a href="#p189">p. 189</a>. Actium, <a href="#p191">p. 191</a>. Russia, <a href="#p192">p. 192</a>. Arabian chivalry, <a href="#p196">p. 196</a>. + Syncretism, <a href="#p200">p. 200</a>. Jews, Chaldeans, Persians of the pre-Culture, <a href="#p204">p. 204</a>. Mission, <a href="#p209">p. 209</a>. + Jesus, <a href="#p212">p. 212</a>. Paul, <a href="#p220">p. 220</a>. John, Marcion, <a href="#p225">p. 225</a>. The pagan and Christian cult-churches, <a href="#p228">p. 228</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + <span class="pagenum" id="px">[x]</span> + <span class="smcap">Chapter VIII. Problems of the Arabian Culture. (B) The Magian Soul</span> + </td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p231">231</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + Dualism of the World-cavern, <a href="#p233">p. 233</a>. Time-feeling (era, world-history, grace), <a href="#p238">p. 238</a>. + Consensus, <a href="#p242">p. 242</a>. The “Word” as substance, the Koran, <a href="#p244">p. 244</a>. Secret Torah, commentary, <a href="#p246">p. 246</a>. + The group of the Magian religions, <a href="#p248">p. 248</a>. The Christological controversy, <a href="#p255">p. 255</a>. + Being as extension (mission), <a href="#p258">p. 258</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter IX. Problems of the Arabian Culture. (C) Pythagoras, Mohammed, Cromwell</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p263">263</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + Essence of religion, <a href="#p265">p. 265</a>. Myth and cult, <a href="#p268">p. 268</a>. Moral as sacrifice, <a href="#p271">p. 271</a>. + Morphology of religious history, <a href="#p275">p. 275</a>. The pre-Culture: Franks, Russians, <a href="#p277">p. 277</a>. + Egyptian early period, <a href="#p279">p. 279</a>. Classical, <a href="#p281">p. 281</a>. China, <a href="#p285">p. 285</a>. + Gothic (Mary and Devil, baptism and contrition), <a href="#p288">p. 288</a>. Reformation, <a href="#p295">p. 295</a>. + Science, <a href="#p300">p. 300</a>. Rationalism, <a href="#p305">p. 305</a>. “Second Religiousness,” <a href="#p310">p. 310</a>. + Roman and Chinese emperor-worship, <a href="#p313">p. 313</a>. Jewry, <a href="#p315">p. 315</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter X. The State. (A) The Problem of the Estates: Nobility and Priesthood</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p325">325</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + Man and woman, <a href="#p327">p. 327</a>. Stock and estate, <a href="#p329">p. 329</a>. Peasantry and society, <a href="#p331">p. 331</a>. + Estate, caste, calling, <a href="#p332">p. 332</a>. Nobility and priesthood as symbols of Time and Space, <a href="#p335">p. 335</a>. + Training and shaping, customary-ethic and moral, <a href="#p340">p. 340</a>. Property, power, and booty, <a href="#p343">p. 343</a>. + Priest and savant, <a href="#p345">p. 345</a>. Economics and science, money and intellect, <a href="#p347">p. 347</a>. + History of the estates, early period, <a href="#p348">p. 348</a>. The Third Estate, City-Freedom, <i>Bourgeoisie</i>, <a href="#p354">p. 354</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter XI. The State. (B) State and History</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p359">359</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + Movement and thing-moved; Being “in form,” <a href="#p361">p. 361</a>. Right and might, <a href="#p363">p. 363</a>. + Estate and State, <a href="#p366">p. 366</a>. The feudal State, <a href="#p371">p. 371</a>. From feudal union to Estate-State, <a href="#p375">p. 375</a>. + Polis and Dynasty, <a href="#p376">p. 376</a>. The Absolute State, Fronde, and Tyrannis, <a href="#p385">p. 385</a>. Wallenstein, <a href="#p389">p. 389</a>. + Cabinet politics, <a href="#p391">p. 391</a>. From First Tyrannis to Second, <a href="#p394">p. 394</a>. The bourgeois revolution, <a href="#p398">p. 398</a>. + Intellect and money, <a href="#p400">p. 400</a>. Formless powers (Napoleonism), <a href="#p404">p. 404</a>. Emancipation of money, <a href="#p410">p. 410</a>. + “Constitution,” <a href="#p412">p. 412</a>. From Napoleonism to Cæsarism (period of the “Contending States”), <a href="#p416">p. 416</a>. + The great wars, <a href="#p419">p. 419</a>. Age of the Romans, <a href="#p422">p. 422</a>. From Caliphate to Sultanate, <a href="#p423">p. 423</a>. + Egypt, <a href="#p427">p. 427</a>. The present, <a href="#p428">p. 428</a>. Cæsarism, <a href="#p431">p. 431</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter XII. The State. (C) Philosophy of Politics</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p437">437</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + Life is politics, <a href="#p439">p. 439</a>. The political instinct, <a href="#p441">p. 441</a>. The statesman, <a href="#p442">p. 442</a>. + Creation of tradition, <a href="#p444">p. 444</a>. Physiognomic (diplomatic) pulse, <a href="#p445">p. 445</a>. + Estate and party, <a href="#p448">p. 448</a>. The <i>bourgeoisie</i> as primary party (liberalism), <a href="#p449">p. 449</a>. + From Estate, through party, to the magnate’s following, <a href="#p452">p. 452</a>. + Theory, from Rousseau to Marx, <a href="#p453">p. 453</a>. Intellect and money (democracy), <a href="#p455">p. 455</a>. + The press, <a href="#p460">p. 460</a>. Self-annihilation of democracy through money, <a href="#p464">p. 464</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Chapter XIII. The Form-world of Economic Life. (A) Money</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p467">467</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + National economics, <a href="#p469">p. 469</a>. Political and economic sides of life, <a href="#p471">p. 471</a>. + Productive and acquisitive economy (agriculture and trade), <a href="#p473">p. 473</a>. + Politics and trade (power and spoil), <a href="#p475">p. 475</a>. Primitive economy, and economic style of the high Cultures, <a href="#p476">p. 476</a>. + Estate and economic class, <a href="#p477">p. 477</a>. The cityless land, thinking in goods, <a href="#p480">p. 480</a>. + The city, thinking in money, <a href="#p481">p. 481</a>. World-economics, mobilization of goods by money, <a href="#p484">p. 484</a>. + The Classical idea of money, the coin, <a href="#p486">p. 486</a>. The slave as money, <a href="#p487">p. 487</a>. + Faustian thinking in money, the book-value, <a href="#p489">p. 489</a>. Double-entry book-keeping, <a href="#p490">p. 490</a>. + The coin in the West, <a href="#p490">p. 490</a>. Money and work, <a href="#p492">p. 492</a>. Capitalism, <a href="#p493">p. 493</a>. + Economic organization, <a href="#p494">p. 494</a>. Extinction of money-thought; Diocletian; the economic thought of the Russian, <a href="#p495">p. 495</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + <span class="pagenum" id="pxi">[xi]</span> + <span class="smcap">Chapter XIV. The Form-world of Economic Life. (B) The Machine</span> + </td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#p497">497</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="tocdesc"> + Spirit of technics, <a href="#p499">p. 499</a>. Primitive technics and style of the high Cultures, <a href="#p500">p. 500</a>. + Classical technics, <a href="#p501">p. 501</a>. The will-to-power over nature, the inventor, <a href="#p501">p. 501</a>. + Intoxication of modern discovery, <a href="#p502">p. 502</a>. The man as slave of the machine, <a href="#p504">p. 504</a>. + Entrepreneurs, workers, engineers, <a href="#p504">p. 504</a>. Struggle between money and industry, <a href="#p505">p. 505</a>. + Last battle of money and politics, victory of the blood, <a href="#p507">p. 507</a>. + </td> + <td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td><span class="smcap">Index</span> <span class="allsmcap" style="float:right;">TO FOLLOW</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#pindex-i">507</a></td> +</tr> +</table> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p1"></a><a id="p2"></a></span> +<span class="pagenum" id="p3">[3]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I"> + CHAPTER I + <span class="subtitle"> + ORIGIN AND LANDSCAPE + <br> + (A) + <br> + THE COSMIC AND THE MICROCOSM + </span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<h3>I⁠<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></h3> + +<p>Regard the flowers at eventide as, one after the other, they close in the setting +sun. Strange is the feeling that then presses in upon you—a feeling of +enigmatic fear in the presence of this blind dreamlike earth-bound existence. +The dumb forest, the silent meadows, this bush, that twig, do not stir themselves, +it is the wind that plays with them. Only the little gnat is free—he +dances still in the evening light, he moves whither he will.</p> + +<p>A plant is nothing on its own account. It forms a part of the landscape in +which a chance made it take root. The twilight, the chill, the closing of +every flower—these are not cause and effect, not danger and willed answer to +danger. They are a single process of nature, which is accomplishing itself near, +with, and in the plant. The individual is not free to look out for itself, will +for itself, or choose for itself.</p> + +<p>An animal, on the contrary, can choose. It is emancipated from the servitude +of all the rest of the world. This midget swarm that dances on and on, that +solitary bird still flying through the evening, the fox approaching furtively +the nest—these are <em>little worlds of their own within another great world</em>. An animalcule +in a drop of water, too tiny to be perceived by the human eye, though it +lasts but a second and has but a corner of this drop as its field—nevertheless is +<em>free and independent in the face of the universe</em>. The giant oak, upon one of whose +leaves the droplet hangs, is not.</p> + +<p>Servitude and freedom—this is in last and deepest analysis the differentia +by which we distinguish vegetable and animal existence. Yet only the plant +is wholly and entirely what it is; in the being of the animal there is something +dual. A vegetable is only a vegetable; an animal is a vegetable and something +more besides. A herd that huddles together trembling in the presence of danger, +a child that clings weeping to its mother, a man desperately striving to force a +way into his God—all these are seeking to return out of the life of freedom +into the vegetal servitude from which they were emancipated into individuality +and loneliness.</p> + +<p>The seeds of a flowering plant show, under the microscope, two sheath-leaves +<span class="pagenum" id="p4">[4]</span>which form and protect the young plant that is presently to turn towards +the light, with its organs of the life-cycle and of reproduction, and in addition +a third, which contains the future root and tells us that the plant is destined +irrevocably to become once again part of a landscape. In the higher animals, +on the contrary, we observe that the fertilized egg forms, in the first hours of its +individualized existence, an outer sheath by which the inner containers of the +cyclic and reproductive components—i.e., the plant element in the animal +body—are enclosed and shut off from the mother body and <em>all the rest of the +world</em>. This outer sheath symbolizes the essential character of animal existence +and distinguishes the two kinds in which the Living has appeared on this earth.</p> + +<p>There are noble names for them, found and bequeathed by the Classical +world. The plant is something <em>cosmic</em>, and the animal is additionally <em>a microcosm +in relation to a macrocosm</em>. When, and not until, the unit has thus separated +itself from the All and can define its position with respect to the All, it becomes +thereby a microcosm. Even the planets in their great cycles are in servitude, +and it is only these tiny worlds that move freely relative to a great one which +appears in their consciousness as their world-around (environment). Only +through this individualism of the microcosm does that which the light offers +to its eyes—our eyes—acquire meaning as “body,” and even to planets we +are from some inner motive reluctant to concede the property of bodiliness.</p> + +<p>All that is cosmic bears the hall-mark of <em>periodicity</em>; it has “beat” (rhythm, +tact). All that is microcosmic possesses <em>polarity</em>; it possesses “tension.”</p> + +<p>We speak of tense alertness and tense thought, but all wakeful states are in +their essence tensions. Sense and object, I and thou, cause and effect, thing +and property—each of these is a tension between discretes, and when the +state pregnantly called “<i lang="fr">détente</i>” appears, then at once fatigue, and presently +sleep, set in for the microcosmic side of life. A human being asleep, discharged +of all tensions, is leading only a plantlike existence.</p> + +<p>Cosmic beat, on the other hand, is everything that can be paraphrased in +terms like direction, time, rhythm, destiny, longing—from the hoof-beats of +a team of thoroughbreds and the deep tread of proud marching soldiers to the +silent fellowship of two lovers, the sensed tact that makes the dignity of a +social assembly, and that keen quick judgment of a “judge of men” which I +have already, earlier in this work,⁠<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> called physiognomic tact.</p> + +<p>This beat of cosmic cycles goes on notwithstanding the freedom of microcosmic +movement in space, and from time to time breaks down the tension of the +waking individual’s being into the <em>one</em> grand felt harmony. If we have ever followed +the flight of a bird in the high air—how, always in the same way, it +rises, turns, glides, loses itself in the distance—we must have felt the plantlike +certainty of the “it” and the “we” in this ensemble of motion, which needs +no bridge of reason to unite your sense of it with mine. This is the meaning +<span class="pagenum" id="p5">[5]</span>of war-dances and love-dances amongst men and beasts. In this wise a regiment +mounting to the assault under fire is forged into a unity, in this wise does +the crowd collect at some exciting occasion and become a body, capable of +thinking and acting pitifully, blindly, and strangely for a moment ere it falls +apart again. In such cases the microcosmic wall is obliterated. <em>It</em> jostles and +threatens, <em>it</em> pushes and pulls, <em>it</em> flees, swerves, and sways. Limbs intertwine, +feet rush, <em>one</em> cry comes from every mouth, <em>one</em> destiny overlies all. Out of a +sum of little single worlds comes suddenly a complete whole.</p> + +<p>The perception of cosmic beat we call “feel (<i lang="de">Fühlen</i>),” that of microcosmic +tensions “feeling (<i lang="de">Empfinden</i>).” The ambiguity of the word “<i lang="de">Sinnlichkeit</i>” +has obscured this clear difference between the general and plantlike side and +the specifically animal side of life. If we say for the one race- or sex-life, and +for the other sense-life, a deep connexion reveals itself between them. The +former ever bears the mark of periodicity, beat, even to the extent of harmony +with the great cycles of the stars, of relation between female nature and the +moon, of this life generally to night, spring, warmth. The latter consists in +tensions, polarities of light and object illuminated, of cognition and that which +is cognized, of wound and the weapon that has caused it. Each of these sides of +life has, in the more highly developed genera, taken shape in special organs, +and the higher the development, the clearer the emphasis on each side. We +possess <em>two cyclic organs of the cosmic existence</em>, the blood system and the sex-organ, +<em>and two differentiating organs of microcosmic mobility</em>, senses and nerves. We have +to assume that in its origin the <em>whole</em> body has been both a cyclic and a tactual +organ.</p> + +<p>The blood is for us the symbol of the living. Its course proceeds without +pause, from generation to death, from the mother body in and out of the body of +the child, in the waking state and in sleep, never-ending. The blood of the +ancestors flows through the chain of the generations and binds them in a +great linkage of destiny, beat, and time. Originally this was accomplished +only by a process of division, redivision, and ever new division of the cycles, +until finally a specific organ of sexual generation appeared and made <em>one moment</em> +into a symbol of duration. And how thereafter creatures begat and conceived, +how the plantlike in them drove them to reproduce themselves for the maintenance +beyond themselves of the eternal cycle, how the <em>one</em> great pulse-beat +operates through all the detached souls, filling, driving, checking, and often +destroying—that is the deepest of all life’s secrets, the secret that all religious +mysteries and all great poems seek to penetrate, the secret whose tragedy +stirred Goethe in his “<i lang="de">Selige Sehnsucht</i>” and “<i lang="de">Wahlverwandtschaften</i>,” where +the child has to die because, brought into existence out of discordant cycles of +the blood, it is the fruit of a cosmic sin.</p> + +<p>To these cosmic organs the microcosm as such adds (in the degree to which +it possesses freedom of movement <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the macrocosm) the organ “sense,” +<span class="pagenum" id="p6">[6]</span>which is originally touch-sense and nothing else. Even now, at our own high +level of development, we use the word “touch” quite generally of contacts by +eye, by ear, and even by the understanding, for it is the simplest expression of +the mobility of a living creature that needs constantly to be establishing +its relation to its world-around. But to “establish” here means to fix <em>place</em>, +and thus all senses, however sophisticated and remote from the primitive they +may seem, are essentially <em>positive senses</em>; there are no others. Sensation of all +kinds distinguishes proper and alien. And for the positional definition of the +alien with respect to the proper the scent of the hound serves just as much as the +hearing of the stag and the eye of the eagle. Colour, brightness, tones, odours, +all conceivable modes of sensation, imply detachment, distance, extension.</p> + +<p>Like the cosmic cycle of the blood, the differentiating activity of sense is +originally a unity. The active sense is always an understanding sense also. +In these simple relations seeking and finding are one—that which we most appositely +call “touch.” It is only later, in a stage wherein considerable demands +are made upon developed senses, that sensation and understanding of sensation +cease to be identical and the latter begins to detach itself more and more clearly +from the former. In the outer sheath the critical organ separates itself from the +sense-organ (as the sex-organ does from that of blood-circulation). But our +use of words like “keen,” “sensitive,” “insight,” “poking our nose,” and +“flair,” not to mention the terminology of logic, all taken from the visual +world, shows well enough that we regard all understanding as derived from sensation, +and that even in the case of man the two still work hand in hand.</p> + +<p>We see a dog lying indifferent and then in a moment tense, listening, and +scenting—what he merely senses he is seeking to understand as well. He is +able, too, to reflect—that is a state in which the understanding is almost alone +at work and playing upon mat sensations. The older languages very clearly expressed +this graduation, sharply distinguishing each degree as an activity of a +specific kind by means of a specific label—e.g., hear, listen, listen for (<i lang="de">lauschen</i>); +smell, scent, sniff; see, spy, observe. In such series as these the reason-content +becomes more and more important relative to the sensation-content.</p> + +<p>Finally, however, a supreme sense develops among the rest. A something in +the All, which for ever remains inaccessible to our will-to-understand, +evokes for itself a bodily organ. The eye comes into existence—and in and with +the eye, as its opposite pole, light. Abstract thinking about light may lead (and +has led) to an ideal light representable by an ensemble picture of waves and rays, +but the significance of this development in actuality was that thenceforward +life was embraced and taken in <em>through the light-world of the eye</em>. This is the supreme +marvel that makes everything human what it is. Only with this light-world +of the eye do distances come into being as colours and brightnesses; +only in this world are night and day and things and motions visible in the extension +of illumined space, and the universe of infinitely remote stars circling +<span class="pagenum" id="p7">[7]</span>above the earth, and that light-horizon of the individual life which stretches +so far beyond the environs of the body.</p> + +<p>In the world of this light—not the light which science has deduced indirectly +by the aid of mental concepts, themselves derived from visions (“theory” +in the Greek sense)—it comes to pass that seeing, human herds wander upon +the face of this little earth-star, and that circumstances of light—the full +southern flood over Egypt and Mexico, the greyness of the north—contribute +to the determination of their entire life. It is for his <em>eye</em> that man develops the +magic of his architecture, wherein the constructional elements given by touch +are restated in relations generated by light. Religion, art, thought, have all +arisen for light’s sake, and all differentiations reduce to the one point of whether +it is the bodily eye or the mind’s eye that is addressed.</p> + +<p>And with this there emerges in all clarity yet another distinction, which is +normally obscured by the use of the ambiguous word “consciousness (<i lang="de">Bewusstsein</i>).” +I distinguish <em>being</em> or “being there” (<i lang="de">Dasein</i>) from <em>waking-being</em> +or waking-consciousness (<i lang="de">Wachsein</i>).⁠<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Being possesses beat and direction, +while waking-consciousness is tension and extension. In being a destiny rules, +while waking-consciousness distinguishes causes and effects. The prime question +is for the one “when and wherefore?” for the other “where and how?”</p> + +<p>A plant leads an existence that is without waking-consciousness. In sleep +all creatures become plants, the tension of polarity to the world-around is +extinguished, and the beat of life goes on. A plant knows only a relation to the +when and the wherefore. The upthrust of the first green shoots out of the +wintry earth, the swelling of the buds, the whole mighty process of blooming, +scent, colour glory, and ripening—all this is desire to fulfil a destiny, constant +yearning towards a “when?”</p> + +<p>“Where?” on the other hand can have no meaning for a plant existence. It +is the question with which awakening man daily orients himself afresh with +respect to the world. For it is only the pulse-beat of Being that endures throughout +the generations, whereas waking-consciousness begins anew for each microcosm. +And herein lies the distinction between procreation and birth, the first +being a pledge of duration, the second a beginning. A plant, therefore, is bred, +but it is not born. It “is there,” but no awakening, no birthday, expands a +sense-world around it.</p> + + +<h3 id="II"> + II +</h3> + +<p>With this we are brought face to face with man. In man’s waking-consciousness +nothing disturbs the now pure lordship of the eye. The sounds of the night, +the wind, the panting of beasts, the odour of flowers, all stimulate in him <em>a +“whither” and a “whence” in the world of light</em>. Of the world of scent, in which +even our closest comrade the dog still co-ordinates his visual impressions, we +<span class="pagenum" id="p8">[8]</span>have no conception whatever. We know nothing of the world of the butterfly, +whose crystalline eye projects no synthetic picture, or of those animals which, +while certainly not destitute of senses, are blind. <em>The only space that remains to +us is visual space</em>, and in it places have been found for the relics of other sense-worlds +(such as sounds, scents, heat and cold) as <em>properties and effects of light-things</em>—it +is a seen fire that warmth comes from, it is a seen rose in illumined +space that gives off the scent and we speak of a certain tone as violin-tone. As to +the stars, our conscious relations with them are limited to seeing them—over +our heads they shine, describing their visible path.⁠<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> But of these sense-worlds +there is no doubt that animals and even primitive men still have sensations that +are wholly different from ours; some of these sensations we are able to figure +to ourselves indirectly by the aid of scientific hypotheses, but the rest now escape +us altogether.</p> + +<p>This impoverishment of the sensual implies, however, an immeasurable +deepening. Human waking-consciousness is no longer a mere tension between +body and environment. It is now life <em>in</em> a self-contained light-world. The body +moves <em>in</em> the space that is seen. The depth-experience⁠<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> is a mighty out-thrust +<em>into the visible distance</em> from a light-centre⁠<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>—the point which we call “I.” +“I” is a light-concept. From this point onward the life of an “I” becomes +essentially a life in the sun, and night is akin to death. And out of it, too, +there arises a new feeling of fear which absorbs all others within itself—<em>fear +before the invisible</em>, fear of that which one hears or feels, suspects, or observes +in its effects without seeing. Animals indeed experience fear in other forms, +but man finds these forms puzzling, and even uneasiness in the presence of stillness +to which primitive men and children are subject (and which they seek +to dispel by noise and loud talking) is disappearing in the higher types of mankind. +It is fear of the invisible that is the essence and hall-mark of human +religiousness. Gods are surmised, imagined, envisaged light-actualities, and +the idea of an “invisible” god is the highest expression of human transcendence. +Where the bounds of the light-world are, there lies the beyond, and salvation +is emancipation from the spell of the light-world and its facts.</p> + +<p>In precisely this resides the ineffable charm and the very real power of emancipation +that music possesses for us men. For music is the only art whose means +lie outside the light-world that has so long become coextensive with our total +world, and music alone, therefore, can take us right out of this world, break +up the steely tyranny of light, and let us fondly imagine that we are on the verge +of reaching the soul’s final secret—an illusion due to the fact that our waking +consciousness is now so dominated by one sense only, so thoroughly adapted +<span class="pagenum" id="p9">[9]</span>to the eye-world, that it is incapable of forming, out of the impressions it receives, +a world of the ear.⁠<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<p>Man’s thought, then, is visual thought, our concepts are derived from vision, +and the whole fabric of our logic is a light-world in the imagination.</p> + +<p>This narrowing and consequent deepening, which has led to all our sense-impressions +being adapted to and ordered with those of sight, has led also to +the replacement of the innumerable methods of thought-communication known +to animals by the one single medium of language, which is a bridge <em>in the light-world</em> +between two persons present to one another’s bodily or imaginative eyes. +The other modes of speaking of which vestiges remain at all have long been +absorbed into language in the form of mimicry, gesture, or emphasis. The +difference between purely human speech and general animal utterance is that +words and word-linkages constitute a domain of inward light-ideas, which +has been built up under the sovereignty of the eyes. Every word-meaning has +a light-value, even in the case of words like “melody,” “taste,” “cold,” or of +perfectly abstract designations.</p> + +<p>Even among the higher animals, the habit of reciprocal understanding by +means of a sense-link has brought about a marked difference between <em>mere</em> +sensation and <em>understanding</em> sensation. If we distinguish in this wise <em>sense-impressions</em> +and <em>sense-judgments</em> (e.g., scent-judgment, taste-judgment, or aural-judgment), +we find that very often, even in ants and bees, let alone birds of +prey, horses, and dogs, the centre of gravity has palpably shifted towards the +judgment side of waking-being. But it is only under the influence of language +that there is set up within the waking-consciousness a definite <em>opposition</em> between +sensation and understanding, a tension that in animals is quite unthinkable +and even in man can hardly have been at first anything more than a rarely +actualized possibility. The development of language, then, brought along +with it a determination of fundamental significance—<em>the emancipation of understanding +from sensation</em>.</p> + +<p>More and more often there appears, in lieu of the simple comprehension of +the gross intake, a comprehension of the significances of the component sense-impressions, +which have hardly been noticed as such before.⁠<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> Finally these +impressions themselves are discarded and replaced by the felt connotations of +familiar word-sounds. The word, originally the name of a visual thing, changes +imperceptibly into the label of a mental thing, the “concept.” We are far from +being able to fix exact meanings to such names—that we can do only with +wholly new names. We never use a word twice with identical connotation, +and no one ever understands exactly as another does. But mutual comprehension +<span class="pagenum" id="p10">[10]</span>is possible, in spite of this, because of the common world-outlook that has +been induced in both, with and by the use of a common language; in an ambiance +common to the lives and activities of both, mere word-sounds suffice to evoke +cognate ideas. It is this mode of comprehending by means of sounds at once +derived and detached (abstract) from actual seeing which, however rarely we +can find it definitely evidenced at the primitive level, does in fact sharply separate +the generic-animal kind of waking-consciousness from the purely human +kind which supervenes. Just so, at an earlier stage, the appearance of waking-consciousness +as such fixed a frontier between the general plantlike and the +specifically animal existence.</p> + +<p><em>Understanding detached from sensation is called thought.</em> Thought has introduced +a permanent disunity into the human waking-consciousness. From early times +it has rated understanding and sensibility as “higher” and “lower” soul-power. +It has created the fateful opposition between the light-world of the eye, described +as a figment and an illusion, and the world-imagined (“<i lang="de">vorgestellte</i>,” “set +before” oneself), in which the concepts, with their faint but ineffaceable tinge +of light-coloration, live and do business. And henceforth for man, so long as +he “thinks,” this is the true world, the world-in-itself. At the outset the ego +was waking-being as such (in so far, that is, as, having sight, it felt itself as +the centre of a light-world); now it becomes “spirit”—namely, pure understanding, +which “cognizes” itself as such and very soon comes to regard not +only the world <em>around</em> itself, but even the remaining component of life, its own +body, as qualitatively <em>below itself</em>. This is evidenced not only in the upright +carriage of man, but in the thoroughly intellectualized formation of his head, +in which the eyes, the brow, and the temples become more and more the vehicles +of expression.⁠<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p>Clearly, then, thought, when it became independent, discovered a new mode +of activity for itself. To the practical thought which is directed upon the constitution +of the light-things in the world-around, with reference to this or +that practical end, there is added the theoretical, penetrating, subtilizing +thought which sets itself to establish the constitution of these things “in +themselves,” the <i lang="la">natura rerum</i>. From that which is seen, the light is abstracted, +the depth-experience of the eye intensifies itself in a grand and unmistakable +course of development into a depth-experience within the tinted realm of word-connotations. +Man begins to believe that it is not impossible for his inner eye +to see right through into the things that actually are. Concept follows upon concept, +and at last there is a mighty thought-architecture made up of buildings +that stand out with full clarity under the inner light.</p> + +<p>The development of theoretical thought within the human waking-consciousness +gives rise to a kind of activity that makes inevitable a fresh conflict—that +<span class="pagenum" id="p11">[11]</span>between Being (existence) and Waking-Being (waking-consciousness). +The animal microcosm, in which existence and consciousness are joined in a +self-evident unity of living, knows of consciousness <em>only as the servant</em> of existence. +The animal “lives” simply and does not reflect upon life. Owing, however, +to the unconditional monarchy of the eye, life is presented as the life of a +visible entity in the light; understanding, then, when it becomes interlocked +with speech, promptly forms a <em>concept</em> of thought and with it a <em>counter-concept</em>⁠<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> +of life, and in the end it distinguishes life as it is from that which might be. +Instead of straight, uncomplicated living, we have the antithesis represented +in the phrase “thought and action.” That which is not possible at all in the +beasts becomes in every man not merely a possibility, but a fact and in the end +an alternative. The entire history of mature humanity with all its phenomena +has been formed by it, and the higher the form that a Culture takes, the more +fully this opposition dominates the significant moments of its conscious being.</p> + +<p>The plantlike-cosmic, Being heavy with Destiny, blood, sex, possess an +immemorial mastery and keep it. They <em>are</em> life. The other only serves life. +But this other wills, not to serve, but to rule; moreover, it believes that it does +rule, for one of the most determined claims put forward by the human spirit +is its claim to possess power over the body, over “nature.” But the question +is: Is not this very belief a service to life? Why does our thought think just +so? Perhaps because the cosmic, the “it,” wills that it shall? Thought shows +off its power when it calls the body a notion, when it establishes the pitifulness +of the body and commands the voices of the blood to be silent. But in truth +the blood rules, in that silently it commands the activity of thought to begin +and to cease. There, too, is a distinction between speech and life—Being can +do without consciousness and the life of understanding, but not vice versa. +Thought rules, after all, in spite of all, only in the “realm of thought.”</p> + + +<h3 id="III"> + III +</h3> + +<p>It only amounts to a verbal difference whether we say that thought is a +creation of man, or higher mankind a creation of thought. But thought itself +persistently credits itself with much too high a rank in the ensemble of life, +and through its ignorance of, or indifference to, the fact that there are other +modes of ascertainment besides itself, forfeits its opportunity of surveying the +whole without prejudice. In truth, all professors of thought—and in every +Culture they have been almost the only authorized spokesmen—have taken +it as self-evident that cold abstract thought is <em>the</em> way of approach to “last +things.” Moreover, they have assumed, also as self-evident, that the “truth” +which they reach on this line of advance is the same as the truth which they +have set before themselves as an aim, and not, as it really is, a sort of imaginary +picture which takes the place of the unknowable secrets.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p12">[12]</span></p> + +<p>For, although man is a thinking being, it is very far from the fact that his +being consists in thinking. This is a difference that the born subtilizer fails to +grasp. The aim of thought is called “truth,” and truths are “established”—i.e., +brought out of the living impalpability of the light-world into the form +of concepts and assigned permanently to places in a system, which means a +kind of intellectual space. Truths are absolute and eternal—i.e., they have +nothing more to do with life.</p> + +<p>But for an animal, not truths, but only facts exist. Here is the difference +between practical and theoretical understanding. Facts and truths⁠<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> differ as +time and space, destiny and causality. A fact addresses itself to the whole +waking-consciousness, for the service of being, and not to that side of the waking-consciousness +which imagines it can detach itself from being. Actual life, +history, knows only facts; life experience and knowledge of men deal only +in facts. The active man who does and wills and fights, daily measuring himself +against the power of facts, looks down upon mere truths as unimportant. +The real statesman knows only political facts, not political truths. Pilate’s +famous question is that of every man of fact.</p> + +<p>It is one of the greatest achievements of Nietzsche that he confronted science +with the problem of the <em>value</em> of truth and knowledge—cheap and even blasphemous +though this seems to the born thinker and savant, who regards his +whole <i lang="fr">raison d’être</i> as impugned by it. Descartes meant to doubt everything, +but certainly not the value of his doubting.</p> + +<p>It is one thing, however, to pose problems and quite another to believe in +solutions of them. The plant lives and knows not that it lives. The animal +lives and knows that it lives. Man is astounded by his life and asks questions +about it. But even man cannot give an answer to his own questions, he can +only <em>believe</em> in the correctness of his answer, and in that respect there is no +difference between Aristotle and the meanest savage.</p> + +<p>Whence comes it, then, that secrets must be unravelled and questions answered? +Is it not from that fear which looks out of even a child’s eyes, that +terrible dowry of human waking-consciousness which compels the understanding, +free now from sensation and brooding on images, to probe into every deep +for solutions that mean release? Can a desperate faith in knowledge free us +from the nightmare of the grand questions?</p> + +<p>“Shuddering awe is mankind’s noblest part.” He to whom that gift has +been denied by fate must seek to discover secrets, to attack, dissect, and destroy +the awe-inspiring, and to extract a booty of knowledge therefrom. The will-to-system +is a will to kill something living, to “establish,” stabilize, stiffen it, +to bind it in the train of logic. The intellect has <em>conquered</em> when it has completed +the business of making rigid.</p> + +<p>This distinction that is usually drawn between “reason” (<i lang="de">Vernunft</i>) and +<span class="pagenum" id="p13">[13]</span>“understanding” (<i lang="de">Verstand</i>) is really that between the divination and flair +belonging to our plant side, which merely <em>makes use</em> of the language of eye +and word, and the understanding proper, belonging to our animal side, which +is <em>deduced from</em> language. “Reason” in this sense is that which calls ideas +into life, “understanding” that which finds truths. Truths are lifeless and can +be imparted (<i lang="de">mitgeteilt</i>); ideas belong to the living self of the author and can +only be sympathetically evoked (<i lang="de">mitgefühlt</i>). Understanding is essentially +critical, reason essentially creative.⁠<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> The latter begets the object of its +activity, the former starts from it. In fact, understanding criticism is first +practised and developed in association with ordinary sensations—it is in +sensation-judgments that the child learns to comprehend and to differentiate. +Then, abstracted from this connexion and henceforward busied with itself, +criticism needs a substitute for the sensation-activity that had previously +served as its object. And this cannot be given it but by an <em>already existing</em> mode +of thought, and it is upon this that criticism now works. This, only this, +and not something building freely on nothingness, is Thought.</p> + +<p>For quite early, before he has begun to think abstractly, primitive man +forms for himself a religious world-picture, and this is the object upon which +the understanding begins to operate critically. Always science has grown +up on a religion and under all the spiritual prepossessions of that religion, and +always it signifies nothing more or less than an abstract melioration of these +doctrines, considered as false because less abstract. Always it carries along +the kernel of a religion in its ensemble of principles, problem-enunciations, +and methods. Every new truth that the understanding finds is nothing but a +critical judgment upon some other that was already there. The polarity between +old and new knowledge involves the consequence that in the world of +the understanding there is only the relatively correct—namely, judgments of +greater convincingness than other judgments. Critical knowledge rests upon +the belief that the understanding of to-day is better than that of yesterday. +And that which forces us to this belief, is again, life.</p> + +<p>Can criticism then, as criticism, solve the great questions, or can it merely +pose them? At the beginning of knowledge we believe the former. But the +more we know, the more certain we become of the latter. So long as we hope, +we call the secret a problem.</p> + +<p>Thus, for mankind aware, there is a double problem, that of Waking-Being +and that of Being; or of Space and of Time; or of the world-as-nature⁠<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> +and the world as history; or of pulse and tension. The waking consciousness +seeks to understand not only itself, but in addition something that is akin to +itself. Though an inner voice may tell one that here all possibilities of knowledge +<span class="pagenum" id="p14">[14]</span>are left behind, yet, in spite of it, fear overpersuades—everyone—and +one goes on with the search, preferring even the pretence of a solution to the +alternative of looking into nothingness.</p> + + +<h3 id="IV"> + IV +</h3> + +<p>Waking-consciousness consists of sensation and understanding, and their +common essence is a continuous self-adjustment in relation to the macrocosm. +To that extent waking-consciousness is identical with ascertainment (<i lang="de">Feststellen</i>), +whether we consider the touch of an infusorian, or human thinking +of the highest order. Feeling, now, for touch with itself in this wise, the +waking-consciousness first encounters the epistemological problem. What do +we mean by cognition, or by the knowledge of cognition? And what is the +relation between the original meanings of these terms and their later formulations +in words? Waking and sleep alternate, like day and night, according to +the course of the stars, and so, too, cognition alternates with dreams. How do +these two differ?</p> + +<p>Waking-consciousness, however—whether it be that of sensation or that +of understanding—is synonymous with the existence of oppositions, such as +that between cognition and the object cognized, or thing and property, or +object and event. Wherein consists the essence of these oppositions? And so +arises the second problem, that of <em>causality</em>. When we give the names “cause” +and “effect” to a pair of sensuous elements, or “premiss” and “consequence” +to a pair of intellectual elements, we are fixing between them a relation of +power and rank—when one is there, the other must be there also. In these +relations, observe, time does not figure at all. We are concerned not with +facts of destiny, but with causal truths, not with a “When?” but with a law-fixed +dependence. Beyond doubt this is the understanding’s most promising +line of activity. Mankind perhaps owes to discoveries of this order his happiest +moments; and thus he proceeds, from these oppositions in the near and +present things of everyday life that strike him immediately, forward in an +endless series of conclusions to the first and final causes in the structure of nature +that he calls God and the meaning of the world. He assembles, orders, and +reviews his system, his dogma of law-governed connexions, and he finds in it +a refuge from the unforeseen. He who can demonstrate, fears no longer. But +wherein consists the essence of causality? Does it lie in knowing, in the +known, or in a unity of both?</p> + +<p>The world of tensions is necessarily in itself stiff and dead—namely, +“eternal truth,” something beyond all time, something that is a state. The +actual world of waking-consciousness, however, is full of changes. This +does not astonish an animal in the least, but it leaves the thought of the thinker +powerless, for rest and movement, duration and change, become and becoming,⁠<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> +<span class="pagenum" id="p15">[15]</span>are oppositions denoting something that in its very nature “passeth all understanding” +and <em>must</em> therefore (from the point of view of the understanding) +contain an absurdity. For is that a fact at all which proves to be incapable of +distillation from the sense-world in the form of a truth? On the other hand, +though the world is cognized as timeless, a time element nevertheless adheres +to it—tensions appear as beat, and direction associates itself with extension. +And so all that is problematical for the understanding consciousness somehow +gathers itself together in one last and gravest problem, <em>the problem of motion</em>. +And on that problem free and abstract thought breaks down, and we begin +to discern that the microcosmic is after all as dependent as ever upon the +cosmic, just as the individualness of a being from its first moment is constituted +not by a body, but by the sheath of a body. Life can exist without +thought, but thought is only one mode of life. High as may be the objectives +that thought sets before itself, in actuality life makes use of thought for <em>its</em> +ends and gives it a living objective quite apart from the solution of abstract +problems. For thought the solutions of problems are correct or erroneous—for +life they are valuable or valueless, and if the will-to-know breaks down +on the motion problem, it may well be because life’s purpose has at that point +been achieved. In spite of this, and indeed because of this, the motion problem +remains the centre of gravity of all higher thought. All mythology and all +natural science has arisen out of man’s wonder in the presence of the mystery +of motion.</p> + +<p>The problem of motion touches, at once and immediately, the secrets of +existence, which are alien to the waking-consciousness and yet inexorably +press upon it. In posing motion as a problem we affirm our will to comprehend +the incomprehensible, the when and wherefore, Destiny, blood, all that +our intuitive processes touch in our depths. Born to see, we strive to set it +before our eyes in the light, so that we may in the literal sense grasp it, assure +ourselves of it as of something tangible.</p> + +<p>For this is the decisive fact, of which the observer is unconscious—his +whole effort of seeking is aimed not at life, but at the seeing of life, and not at +death, but at the seeing of death. We try to grasp the cosmic as it appears +in the macrocosm to the microcosm, <em>as the life of a body in the light-world</em> between +birth and death, generation and dissolution, and with that differentiation +of body and soul that follows of deepest necessity from our ability to +experience⁠<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> the inward-proper as a sensuous alien.</p> + +<p>That we do not merely live but <em>know</em> about “living” is a consequence of +our bodily existence in the light. But the beast knows only life, not death. +Were we pure plantlike beings, we should die unconscious of dying, for to +feel death and to die would be identical. But animals, even though they hear +the death-cry, see the dead body, and scent putrefaction, behold death without +<span class="pagenum" id="p16">[16]</span>comprehending it. Only when understanding has become, through language, +detached from visual awareness and pure, does death appear to man as +the great enigma of the light-world about him.</p> + +<p>Then, and only then, life becomes the short span of time between birth +and death, and it is in relation to death that that other great mystery of generation +arises also. Only then does the diffuse animal fear of everything become +the definite human fear of death. It is <em>this</em> that makes the love of man and +woman, the love of mother and child, the tree of the generations, the family, +the people, and so at last world-history itself the infinitely deep facts and +problems of destiny that they are. To death, as the common lot of every human +being born into the light, adhere the ideas of guilt and punishment, of existence +as a penance, of a new life beyond the world of this light, and of a salvation +that makes an end of the death-fear. In the knowledge of death is originated +that world-outlook which we possess as being men and not beasts.</p> + + +<h3 id="V"> + V +</h3> + +<p>There are born destiny-men and causality-men. A whole world separates +the purely living man—peasant and warrior, statesman and general, man +of the world and man of business, everyone who wills to prosper, to rule, to +fight, and to dare, the organizer or entrepreneur, the adventurer or bravo or +gambler—from the man who is destined either by the power of his mind or +the defect of his blood to be an “intellectual”—the saint, priest, savant, +idealist, or ideologue. Being and waking-being, pulse and tension, motives +and ideas, cyclic organs and touch-organs—there has rarely been a man of +any significance in whom the one side or the other has not markedly predominated. +All that motives and urges, the eye for men and situations, the +belief in his star which every born man of action possesses and which is something +wholly different from belief in the correctness of a standpoint, the voices +of the blood that speak in moments of decision, and the immovably quiet +conviction that justifies any aim and any means—all these are denied to the +critical, meditative man. Even the footfall of the fact-man sounds different from, +sounds more planted than, that of the thinker, in whom the pure microcosmic +can acquire no firm relation with earth.</p> + +<p>Destiny has made the man so or so—subtle and fact-shy, or active and +contemptuous of thought. But the man of the active category is a whole man, +whereas in the contemplative a single organ can operate without (and even +against) the body. All the worse, then, when this organ tries to master +actuality as well as its own world, for then we get all those ethico-politico-social +reform-projects which demonstrate, unanswerably, how things +ought to be and how to set about making them so—theories that without +exception rest upon the hypothesis that all men are as rich in ideas and as +poor in motives as the author is (or thinks he is). Such theories, even when +<span class="pagenum" id="p17">[17]</span>they have taken the field armed with the full authority of a religion or the +prestige of a famous name, have not in one single instance effected the slightest +alteration in life. They have merely caused us to <em>think</em> otherwise than before +about life. And this, precisely, is the doom of the “late” ages of a Culture, +the ages of much writing and much reading—that they should perpetually +confuse the opposition of life and thought with the opposition between thought-about-life +and thought-about-thought. All world-improvers, priests, and +philosophers are unanimous in holding that life is a fit object for the nicest +meditation, but the life of the world goes its own way and cares not in the +least what is said about it. And even when a community succeeds in living +“according to rule,” all that it achieves is, at best, a note on itself in some +future history of the world—if there is space left after the proper and only +important subject-matter has been dealt with.</p> + +<p>For, in the last resort, only the active man, the man of destiny, lives in +the <em>actual</em> world, the world of political, military, and economic decisions, in +which concepts and systems do not figure or count. Here a shrewd blow is +more than a shrewd conclusion, and there is sense in the contempt with which +statesmen and soldiers of all times have regarded the “ink-slinger” and the +“bookworm” who think that world-history exists for the sake of the intellect +or science or even art. Let us say it frankly and without ambiguity: the +understanding divorced from sensation is only one, and not the decisive, side +of life. A history of Western thought may not contain the name of Napoleon, +but in the history of actuality Archimedes, for all his scientific discoveries, +was possibly less effective than that soldier who killed him at the storming of +Syracuse.</p> + +<p>Men of theory commit a huge mistake in believing that their place is at +the head and not in the train of great events. They misunderstand completely +the rôle played, for example, by the political Sophists in Athens or by Voltaire +and Rousseau in France. Often enough a statesman does not “know” what he +is doing, but that does not prevent him from following with confidence just +the one path that leads to success; the political doctrinaire, on the contrary, +always knows what should be done, and yet his activity, once it ceases to be +limited to paper, is the least successful and therefore the least valuable in +history. These intrusions happen only too frequently in times of uncertainty, +like that of the Attic enlightenment, or the French or the German revolutions, +when the ideologue of word or pen is eager to be busy with the actual history +of the people instead of with systems. He mistakes his place. He belongs +with his principles and programs to no history but the history of a literature. +Real history passes judgment on him not by controverting the theorist, but by +leaving him and all his thoughts to himself. A Plato or a Rousseau—not to +mention the smaller intellects—could build up abstract political structures, +but for Alexander, Scipio, Cæsar, and Napoleon, with their schemes and +<span class="pagenum" id="p18">[18]</span>battles and settlements, they were entirely without importance. The thinker +could discuss destiny if he liked; it was enough for these men to be destiny.</p> + +<p>Under all the plurality of microcosmic beings, we are perpetually meeting +with the formation of <em>inspired mass-units</em>, beings of a higher order, which, +whether they develop slowly or come into existence in a moment, contain +all the feelings and passions of the individual, enigmatic in their inward character +and inaccessible to reasoning—though the connoisseur can see into and +reckon upon their reactions well enough. Here too we distinguish the generic +animal unities which are sensed, the unities profoundly dependent upon Being +and Destiny—like the way of an eagle in the air or the way of the stormers +on the breach—from the purely human associations which depend upon the +understanding and cohere on the basis of like opinions, like purposes, or like +knowledge. Unity of cosmic pulse one has without willing to have it; unity +of common ground is acquired at will. One can join or resign from an intellectual +association as one pleases, for only one’s waking-consciousness is +involved. But to a cosmic unity one is <em>committed</em>, and committed with one’s +entire being. Crowds of this order of unity are seized by storms of enthusiasm +or, as readily, of panic. They are noisy and ecstatic at Eleusis or Lourdes, or +heroically firm like the Spartans of Thermopylæ and the last Goths in the +battle of Vesuvius.⁠<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> They form themselves to the music of chorales, marches, +and dances, and are sensitive like human and animal thoroughbreds to the effects +of bright colours, decoration, costume, and uniform.</p> + +<p>These inspired aggregates are born and die. Intellectual associations are +mere sums in the mathematical sense, varying by addition and subtraction, +unless and until (as sometimes happens) a mere coincidence of opinion strikes so +impressively as to reach the blood and so, suddenly, to create out of the sum +a Being. In any political turning-point words may become fates and opinions +passions. A chance crowd is herded together in the street and has <em>one</em> consciousness, +<em>one</em> sensation, <em>one</em> language—until the short-lived soul flickers out +and everyone goes his way again. This happened every day in the Paris of +1789, whenever the cry of “<i lang="fr">A la lanterne!</i>” fell upon the ear.</p> + +<p>These souls have their special psychology,⁠<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> and the knowledge of this +psychology is for the public man an essential. A single soul is the mark of +every genuine order or class, be it the chivalry and military orders of the +Crusades, the Roman Senate or the Jacobin club, polite society under Louis XIV +or the Prussian country “<i>Adel</i>,” peasantry or guilds, the masses of the big +city or the folk of the secluded valley, the peoples and tribes of the migrations +or the adherents of Mohammed and generally, of any new-founded religion +or sect, the French of the Revolution or the Germans of the Wars of Liberation. +<span class="pagenum" id="p19">[19]</span>The mightiest beings of this kind that we know are the higher Cultures, +which are born in great spiritual upheavals, and in a thousand years of existence +weld all aggregates of lower degree—nations, classes, towns, generations—into +one unit.</p> + +<p>All grand events of history are carried by beings of the cosmic order, by +peoples, parties, armies, and classes, while the history of the intellect runs its +course in loose associations and circles, schools, levels of education, “tendencies” +and “isms.” And here again it is a question of destiny whether such +aggregates at the decisive moments of highest effectiveness find a leader or are +driven blindly on, whether the chance headmen are men of the first order or +men of no real significance tossed up, like Robespierre or Pompey, by the surge +of events. It is the hall-mark of the statesman that he has a sure and penetrating +eye for these mass-souls that form and dissolve on the tide of the times, +their strength and their duration, their direction and purpose. And even so, +it is a question of Incident⁠<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> whether he is one who <em>can</em> master them or one who +is swept away by them.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p20"></a><a id="p21"></a><a id="p22"></a><a id="p23"></a>[23]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II"> + CHAPTER II + <br> + <span class="subtitle">ORIGIN AND LANDSCAPE + <br> + (B) + <br> + THE GROUP OF THE HIGHER CULTURES</span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Now, man—no matter whether it is for life or for thought that he is born +into the world—so long as he is acting or is thinking, is awake and therefore +<em>in focus</em>—i.e., adjusted to the one significance that for the moment his light-world +holds for him. Everyone knows that it is almost sharply painful to +switch off suddenly in the middle of, say, an experiment in physics, in order +to think about some event of the day. I have said earlier that the innumerable +settings that take turns in man’s waking consciousness fall into two distinct +groups—the worlds of destiny and pulsation, and the worlds of causes and tensions. +The two pictures I have called <em>world-as-history</em> and <em>world-as-nature</em>. In +the first, life makes use of critical understanding. It has the eye under command, +the felt pulsation becomes the inwardly imagined wave-train, and the +shattering spiritual experience becomes pictured as the epochal peak. In the second, +thought itself rules, and its causal criticism turns life into a rigorous process, +the living content of a fact into an abstract truth, and tension into formula.</p> + +<p>How is this possible? Each is an eye-picture, but in the one the seer is giving +himself up to the never-to-be-repeated facts, and in the other he is striving +to catch truths for an ever-valid system. In the history-picture, that in which +knowledge is simply an <em>auxiliary</em>, the cosmic makes use of the microcosmic. +In the picture which we call memory and recollection, things are present to us +as bathed in an inner light and swept by the pulsation of our existence. But +the chronological element⁠<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> tells us that history, as soon as it becomes <em>thought</em> +history, is no longer immune from the basic conditions of all waking-consciousness. +In the nature- (or science-) picture it is the ever-present subjective +that is alien and illusive, but in the history-picture it is the equally ineliminable +objective, Number, that leads into error.</p> + +<p>When we are working in the domain of Nature (science), our settings and +self-adjustments should be and can be up to a certain point impersonal—one +“forgets oneself”—but every man, class, nation, or family sees the +picture of history <em>in relation to itself</em>. The mark of Nature is an extension that +is inclusive of everything, but History is that which comes up out of the darkness +<span class="pagenum" id="p24">[24]</span>of the past, presents itself to the <em>seer</em>, and from him sweeps onward into the +future. He, as the present, is always its middle point, and it is quite impossible +for him to order the facts with any meaning if he ignores their direction—which +is an element proper to life and not to thought. Every time, every +land, every living aggregate has its own historical horizon, and it is the mark +of the genuine historical thinker that he actualizes the picture of history that +his time demands.</p> + +<p>Thus Nature and History are distinguishable like pure and impure criticism—meaning +by “criticism” the opposite of lived experience. Natural science +<em>is</em> criticism and nothing else. But in History, criticism can do no more than +scientifically prepare the field over which the historian’s eye is to sweep. +<em>History is that ranging glance itself</em>, whatever the direction in which it ranges. +He who possesses such an eye can understand every fact and every situation +“historically.” Nature is a system, and systems can be learnt.</p> + +<p>The process of <em>historical</em> self-adjustment begins for everyone with the earliest +impressions of childhood. Children’s eyes are keen, and the facts of the nearest +environment, the life of the family and the house and the street, are sensed +and felt right down to the core, long before the city and its population come +into their visual field, and while the words “people,” “country,” “state,” +are still quite destitute of tangible meaning to them. Just so, and so thoroughly, +primitive man knows all that is presented to his narrow field of view +as history, as living—and above all Life itself, the drama of birth and death, +sickness and eld; the history of passionate war and passionate love, as experienced +in himself or observed in others; the fate of relatives, of the clan, +of the village, their actions and their motives; tales of long enmity, of fights, +victory, and revenge. The life-horizon widens, and shows not lives, but Life +coming and going. The pageant is not now of villages and clans, but of remote +races and countries; not of years, but of centuries. The history that is actually +lived with and participated in never reaches over more than a grandfather’s +span—neither for ancient Germans and present-day Negroes, nor for +Pericles and Wallenstein. Here the horizon of living ends, and a new plane +begins wherein the picture is based upon hearsay and historical tradition, a +plane in which direct sympathies are adapted to a mind-picture that is both +distinct and, from long use, stable. The picture so developed shows very +different amplitudes for the men of the different Cultures. For us Westerners +it is with this secondary picture that genuine history begins, for we live under +the aspect of eternity, whereas for the Greeks and Romans it is just then that +history ceases. For Thucydides⁠<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> the events of the Persian Wars, for Cæsar +those of the Punic Wars, were already devoid of living import.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p25">[25]</span></p> + +<p>And beyond this plane again, other historic unit-pictures rise to the view—pictures +of the destinies of the plant world and the animal world, the landscape, +the stars—which at the last fuse with the last pictures of natural science +into mythic images of the creation and the end of the world.</p> + +<p>The nature- (science-) picture of the child and the primitive develops out +of the petty technique of every day, which perpetually forces both of them to +turn away from the fearful contemplation of wide nature to the critique of the +facts and situations of their near environment. Like the young animal, the +child discovers its first truths through play. Examining the toy, cutting +open the doll, turning the mirror round to see what is behind it, the feeling of +triumph in having established something as correct for good and all—no +nature-research whatsoever has got beyond this. Primitive man applies this +critical experience, as he acquires it, to his arms and tools, to the materials +for his clothing, food, and housing—i.e., to things <em>in so far as they are dead</em>. +He applies it to animals as well when suddenly they cease to have meaning +for him as living beings whose movements he watches and divines as pursuer +or pursued, and are apprehended mechanically instead of vitally, as aggregates +of flesh and bone for which he has a definite use—exactly as he is conscious +of an event, now as the act of a dæmon and a moment afterwards as a +sequence of cause and effect. The mature man of the Culture transposes in +exactly the same way, every day and every hour. Here, too, is a “nature”-horizon, +and beyond it lies the secondary plane formed of our impressions of +rain, lightning, and tempest, summer and winter, moon-phases and star-courses. +But at that plane religiousness, trembling with fear and awe, forces upon man +criteria of a far higher kind. Just as in the history-picture he sounds the ultimate +facts of life, so here he seeks to establish the ultimate truths of nature. +What lies beyond any attainable frontier of knowledge he calls God, and +all that lies within that frontier he strives to comprehend—as action, creation, +and manifestation of God—causally.</p> + +<p>Every group of scientifically established elements, therefore, has a dual +tendency, inherent and unchanged since primitive ages. The one tendency +urges forwards the completest possible system of <em>technical</em> knowledge, for the +service of practical, economical, and warlike ends, which many kinds of animals +have developed to a high degree of perfection, and which from them leads, +through primitive man and his acquaintance with fire and metals, directly to +the machine-technics of our Faustian Culture. The other tendency took shape +only with the separation of strictly human thought from physical vision by +means of language, and the aim of its effort has been an equally complete +<em>theoretical</em> knowledge, which we call in the earlier phases of the Culture <em>religious</em>, +and in the later <em>scientific</em>. Fire is for the warrior a weapon, for the craftsman +part of his equipment, for the priest a sign from God, and for the scientist +a problem. But in all these aspects alike it is proper to the “natural,” the +<span class="pagenum" id="p26">[26]</span>scientific, mode of waking-consciousness. In the world-as-history we do not +find fire as such, but the conflagration of Carthage and the flames of the faggots +heaped around John Hus and Giordano Bruno.</p> + + +<h3 id="II_1"> + II +</h3> + +<p>I repeat, every being livingly experiences every other being and its destiny +<em>only in relation to itself</em>. A flock of pigeons is regarded by the farmer on whose +fields it settles quite otherwise than by the nature-lover in the street or the +hawk in the air. The peasant sees in his son the future and the heritage, but +what the neighbour sees in him is a peasant, what the officer sees is a soldier, +what the visitor sees is a native. Napoleon experienced men and things very +differently as Emperor and as lieutenant. Put a man in a new situation, make +the revolutionary a minister, the soldier a general, and at once history and the +key men of history become for him something other than what they were. +Talleyrand saw through the men of his time because he belonged with them, +but had he been suddenly plumped down in the company of Crassus, Cæsar, +Catiline, and Cicero, his understanding of their measures and views would +have been either null or erroneous. There is no history-in-itself. The history +of a family is taken differently by each member of it, that of a country differently +by each party, that of the age by each nation. The German looks upon the +World War otherwise than the Englishman, the workman upon economic +history otherwise than the employer, and the historian of the West has a quite +other world-history before his eyes than that of the great Arabian and Chinese +historians. The history of an era could be handled objectively only if it were +very distant in time, and the historian were radically disinterested; and we +find that our best historians cannot judge of or describe even the Peloponnesian +Wars and Actium without being in some measure influenced by present interests.</p> + +<p>It is not incompatible with, rather it is essential to, a profound knowledge +of men that the appraiser should see through glasses of his own colour. This +knowledge, indeed, is exactly the component that we discern to be wanting in +those generalizations that distort or altogether ignore that all-important fact, +the uniqueness of the constituent event in history⁠<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>—the worst example of +this being the “materialistic” conception of history, about which we have +said almost all there is to say when we have described it as physiognomic +barrenness. But both in spite of this and on account of this⁠<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> there is for every +man, <em>because</em> he belongs to a class and a time and a nation and a Culture, a +typical picture of history as it ought to appear in relation to himself, and +equally there are typical pictures specific to the time or class or Culture, <i>qua</i> +<span class="pagenum" id="p27">[27]</span>time or class or Culture. The supreme generalization possible to each Culture +as a major being is a primary and, for it, symbolical image of its own world-as-history, +and all self-attunements of the individual—or of the group livingly +effective as individual—are with reference to that image. Whenever we +describe another person’s ideas as profound or superficial, original or trivial, +mistaken or obsolete, we are unwittingly judging them with reference to a +picture which springs up to answer for the value at the moment of a continuous +function of our time and our personality.⁠<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> + +<p>Obviously, then, every man of the Faustian Culture possesses his own +picture of history and, besides, innumerable other pictures from his youth +upwards, which fluctuate and alter ceaselessly in response to the experiences +of the day and the year. And how different, again, are the typical history-images +of men and different eras and classes, the world of Otto the Great and +that of Gregory VII, that of a Doge of Venice and that of a poor pilgrim! +In what different worlds lived Lorenzo de’ Medici, Wallenstein, Cromwell, +Marat, and Bismarck, a serf of the Gothic age, a savant of the Baroque, the +army officer of the Thirty Years’ War, the Seven Years’ War, and the Wars of +Liberation respectively! Or, to consider our own times alone, a Frisian peasant +whose life of actuality is limited to his own countryside and its folk, a +high merchant of Hamburg, and a professor of physics! And yet to all of +these, irrespective of individual age, status, and period, there is a common +basis that differentiates the ensemble of these figures, their prime-image, +from that of every other Culture.</p> + +<p>But, over and above this, there is a distinction of another kind which +separates the Classical and the Indian history-pictures from those of the Chinese, +the Arabian, and, most of all, the Western Cultures—the <em>narrow horizon</em> +of the two first-named. Whatever the Greeks may (and indeed must) have +known of ancient Egyptian history, they never allowed it to penetrate into +their peculiar history-picture, which for the majority was limited to the field +of events that could be related by the oldest surviving participant, and which +even for the finer minds stopped at the Trojan War, a frontier beyond which +they would not concede that there had been historical life at all.⁠<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> + +<p>The Arabian Culture,⁠<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> on the other hand, very early dared the astounding +gesture—we see it in the historical thought alike of the Jews and of the +Persians from Cyrus’s time—of connecting the legend of creation to the present +by means of a genuine chronology; the Persians indeed comprised the future +as well in the sweep of the gesture, and predated the last judgment and the +<span class="pagenum" id="p28">[28]</span>coming of the Messiah. This exact and very narrow definition of human +history—the Persian reckoning allows twelve millennia from first to last, +the Jewish counts less than six up to the present—is a necessary expression of +the Magian world-feeling and fundamentally distinguishes the Judæo-Persian +creation-sagas from those of the Babylonian Culture, from which so many of +their external traits are derived.</p> + +<p>Different, again, are the primary feelings which give historical thought +in the Chinese and the Egyptian Cultures its characteristically wide and +unbounded horizons, represented by chronologically stated sequences of +dynasties which stretch over millennia and finally dissolve into a grey +remoteness.</p> + +<p>The Faustian picture of world-history, again, prepared in advance by the +existence of a Christian chronology,⁠<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> came into being suddenly, with an immense +extension and deepening of the Magian picture which the Western +Church had taken over, an extension and deepening that was to give Joachim +of Floris⁠<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> in the high Gothic the basis of his wonderful interpretation of all +world-destinies as a sequence of three æons under the aspects of the Father, +the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Parallel with this there was an immense widening +of the geographical horizon, which even in Gothic times (thanks to Vikings +and Crusaders) came to extend from Iceland to the remotest ends of Asia;⁠<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> and +from 1500 onwards, the developed man of the Baroque is able to do what none +of his peers in the other Cultures could do and—for the first time in human +history—to regard the whole surface of the planet as its field. Thanks to compass +and telescope, the savant of that mature age could for the first time not +merely posit the sphericity of the earth as a matter of theory, but actually feel +that he was living upon a sphere in space. The land-horizon is no more. So, +too, time-horizons melt in the double endlessness of the calendar before and after +Christ. And to-day, under the influence of this picture, which comprises the +whole planet and will eventually embrace all the high Cultures, the old Gothic +division of history into “ancient,” “mediæval,” and modern, long become +trite and empty, is visibly dissolving.⁠<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> + +<p>In all other Cultures the aspects of world-history and of man-history coincide. +The beginning of the world is the beginning of man, and the end of +man is the end of the world. But the Faustian infinity-craving for the first +time separated the two notions during the Baroque, and now it has made +human history, for all its immense and still unknown span, <em>a mere episode in +world-history</em>, while the Earth—of which other Cultures had seen not even +<span class="pagenum" id="p29">[29]</span>the whole, but only superficial fractions as “the world”—has become a +little star amongst millions of solar systems.</p> + +<p>The extension of the historical world-picture makes it even more necessary +in this Culture than in any other to distinguish between the everyday self-attunements +of ordinary people and that extreme self-attunement of which +only the highest minds are capable, and which even in them holds only for +moments. The difference between the historical view-field of Themistocles +and that of an Attic husbandman is probably very small, but this difference +is already immense as between Henry VI and a hind of his day,⁠<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> and as the +Faustian Culture mounts up and up, the power of self-focusing attains to such +heights and depths that the circle of adepts grows ever smaller and smaller. +In fact, there is formed a sort of pyramid of possibilities, in which individuals +are graded according to their endowments; every individual, according +to his constitution, stands at the level which he is capable at his best focus +of holding. But it follows from this that between Western men there are +limitations to the possibilities of reciprocal understanding of historical life-problems, +limitations that do not apply to other Cultures, at any rate in such +fateful rigour as they do to ours. Can a workman to-day really understand +a peasant? Or a diplomat a craftsman? The historico-geographical horizon +that determines for each of them the questions worth asking and the form in +which these are asked is so different from the horizons of the others that what +they can exchange is not a communication, but passing remarks. It is, of +course, the mark of the real appraiser of man that he understands how “the +other man” is adjusted and regulates his intercourse with him accordingly +(as we all do in talking to children), but the art of appraising in this sense +some man of the past (say Henry the Lion or Dante), of living oneself into his +history-picture so thoroughly that his thoughts, feelings, and decisions take on +a character of self-evidence, is, owing to the vast difference between the one’s +and the other’s waking consciousness, so rare that up to the eighteenth century +it was not even seen that the historian ought to attempt it. Only since 1800 +has it become a desideratum for the writing of history, and it is one very seldom +satisfied at that.</p> + +<p>The typically Faustian separation of human history, as such, from the far +wider history of the world has had the result that since the end of the Baroque +our world-picture has contained several horizons disposed one behind the other +in as many planes. For the exploration of these, individual sciences, more +or less overtly historical in character, have taken shape. Astronomy, geology, +biology, anthropology, one after the other follow up the destinies of the star-world, +the earth’s crust, life, and man, and only then do we come to the +“world”-history—as it is still called even to-day—of the higher Cultures, to +which, again, are attached the histories of the several cultural elements, family +<span class="pagenum" id="p30">[30]</span>history, and lastly (that highly developed speciality of the West) biography.</p> + +<p>Each of these planes demands a particular self-focusing, and the moment +the special focus becomes sharp the narrower and the broader planes cease to +be live Being and become mere given facts. If we are investigating the battle +of the Teutoburger Wald, the growing up of this forest in the plant-world of +the North German plain is presupposed. If, on the other hand, we are examining +into the history of the German tree-world, the geological stratification +of the earth is the presupposition, though it is just a fact whose particular +destiny need not be further followed out in this connexion. If, again, our +question is the origin of the Cretaceous, the existence of the Earth itself as a +planet in the solar system is a datum, not a problem. Or, to express it otherwise, +that there is an Earth in the star-world, that the phenomenon “life” +occurs in the Earth, that within this “life” there is the form “man,” that +within the history of man there exists the organic form of the Culture, is in +each case an incident in the picture of the next higher plane.</p> + +<p>In Goethe, from his Strassburg period to his first Weimar residence, the +inclination to attune himself to “world”-history was very strong—as evidenced +in his Cæsar, Mohammed, Socrates, Wandering Jew, and Egmont +sketches. And after that painful renunciation of the prospect of high political +achievement⁠<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>—the pain which calls to us in <i>Tasso</i> even through the sober +resignedness of its final form—this precisely was the attunement that he chose +to cut out of his life; and thereafter he limits himself, almost fiercely, to +the picture-planes of plant-history, animal-history, and earth-history (his +“living nature”) on the one hand and to biography on the other.</p> + +<p>All these “pictures,” developed in the same man, have the same structure. +Even the history of plants and animals, even that of the earth’s crust or that of +the stars, is a <i lang="fr">fable convenue</i> and mirrors in outward actuality the inward tendency +of the ego’s being. The student of the animal world or of stratification +is a man, living in a period and having a nationality and a social status, and +it is no more possible to eliminate his subjective standpoint from his treatment +of these things than it would be to obtain a perfectly abstract account of the +French Revolution or the World War. The celebrated theories of Kant, +Laplace, Cuvier, Lyell, Darwin, have also a politico-economic tinting, and +their very power and impressiveness for the lay public show that the mode of +outlook upon all these historical planes proceeds from a single source. And +what is accomplishing itself to-day is the final achievement of which Faustian +history-thinking is capable—the organic linking and disposition of these +historical planes in a single vast world-history of uniform physiognomic that +<span class="pagenum" id="p31">[31]</span>shall enable our glance to range from the life of the individual man without a +break to the first and last destinies of the universe. The nineteenth century—in +mechanistic (i.e., unhistorical) form—enunciated the problem. It is +one of the preordained tasks of the twentieth to solve it.</p> + + +<h3 id="III_1"> + III +</h3> + +<p>The picture that we possess of the history of the Earth’s crust and of life +is at present still dominated by the ideas which civilized⁠<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> English thought +has developed, since the Age of Enlightenment, out of the English habit of +life—Lyell’s “phlegmatic” theory of the formation of the geological strata, +and Darwin’s of the origin of species, are actually but derivatives of the development +of England herself. In place of the incalculable catastrophes and +metamorphoses such as von Buch and Cuvier⁠<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> admitted, they put a methodical +evolution over very long periods of time and recognize as causes only <em>scientifically +calculable</em> and indeed <em>mechanical utility-causes</em>.</p> + +<p>This “English” type of causality is not only shallow, but also far too +narrow. It limits possible causal connexions, in the first place, to those which +work out their <em>entire</em> course on the earth’s surface; but this immediately excludes +all great cosmic relations between earthly life-phenomena and the +events of the solar system and the stellar universe, and assumes the impossible +postulate that the exterior face of the earth-ball is a completely insulated region +of natural phenomena. And, secondly, it assumes that connexions which +are not comprehensible by the means at present available to the human consciousness—namely, +sensation refined by instruments and thought precised +by theory—do not even exist.</p> + +<p>It will be the characteristic task of the twentieth century, as compared with +the nineteenth, to get rid of this system of superficial causality, whose roots +reach back into the rationalism of the Baroque period, and to put in its place +a pure physiognomic. We are sceptics in regard to any and every mode of +thought which “explains” causally. We let things speak for themselves, and +confine ourselves to sensing the Destiny immanent in them and contemplating +the form-manifestations that we shall never penetrate. The extreme to which +we can attain is the discovery of causeless, purposeless, purely existent forms +underlying the changeful picture of nature. For the nineteenth century the +word “evolution” meant progress in the sense of increasing fitness of life to +purposes. For Leibniz—whose <i>Protogæa</i> (1691), a work full of significant +thought, outlines, on the basis of studies made in the Harz silver-mines, a +picture of the world’s infancy that is Goethian through and through—and for +Goethe himself it meant fulfilment in the sense of increasing connotation of +<span class="pagenum" id="p32">[32]</span>the form. The two concepts, Goethe’s form-fulfilment and Darwin’s evolution, +are in as complete opposition as destiny to causality, and (be it added) +as German to English thought, and German to English history.</p> + +<p>There is no more conclusive refutation of Darwinism than that furnished by +palæontology. Simple probability indicates that fossil hoards can only be +test samples. Each sample, then, should represent a different stage of evolution, +and there ought to be merely “transitional” types, no definition and no +species. Instead of this we find perfectly stable and unaltered forms persevering +through long ages, forms that have not developed themselves on the fitness +principle, but <em>appear suddenly and at once in their definitive shape</em>; that do not +thereafter evolve towards better adaptation, but become rarer and finally +disappear, while quite different forms crop up again. What unfolds itself, in +ever-increasing richness of form, is the great classes and kinds of living beings +which <em>exist aboriginally and exist still, without transition types</em>, in the grouping +of to-day. We see how, amongst fish, the Selachians, with their simple form, +appear first in the foreground of history and then slowly fade out again, while +the Teleostians slowly bring a more perfected fish-type to predominance. The +same applies to the plant-world of the ferns and horsetails, of which only the +last species now linger in the fully developed kingdom of the flowering plants. +But the assumption of utility-causes or other visible causes for these phenomena +has no support of actuality.⁠<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> It is a Destiny that evoked into the world +life as life, the ever-sharper opposition between plant and animal, each single +type, each genus, and each species. And along with this existence there is +given also a definite <em>energy</em> of the form—by virtue of which in the course of +its self-fulfilment it keeps itself pure or, on the contrary, becomes dull and +unclear or evasively splits into numerous varieties—and finally a <em>life-duration +of this form</em>, which (unless, again, incident intervenes to shorten it) leads naturally +to a senility of the species and finally to its disappearance.</p> + +<p>As for mankind, discoveries of the Diluvial age indicate more and more +pointedly that the man-forms existing then correspond to those living now; +there is not the slightest trace of evolution towards a race of greater utilitarian +“fitness.” And the continued failure to find man in the Tertiary discoveries indicates +more and more clearly that the human life-form, like every other, originates +in a sudden mutation (<i lang="de">Wandlung</i>) of which the “whence,” “how,” and “why” +remain an impenetrable secret. If, indeed, there were evolution in the English +sense of the word, there could be neither defined earth-strata nor specific animal-classes, +but only a single geological mass and a chaos of living singular +forms which we may suppose to have been left over from the struggle for existence. +But all that we see about us impels us to the conviction that again and +<span class="pagenum" id="p33">[33]</span>again profound and very sudden changes take place in the being of plants and +animals, changes which are of a cosmic kind and nowise restricted to the earth’s +surface, which are beyond the ken of human sense and understanding in respect +of causes, if not indeed in all respects.⁠<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> So, too, we observe that swift and deep +changes assert themselves in the history of the great Cultures, without assignable +causes, influences, or purposes of any kind. The Gothic and the +Pyramid styles come into full being as suddenly as do the Chinese imperialism +of Shi-hwang-ti and the Roman of Augustus, as Hellenism and Buddhism and +Islam. It is exactly the same with the events in the individual life of every +person who counts at all, and he who is ignorant of this knows nothing of men +and still less of children. Every being, active or contemplative, strides on to its +fulfilment by <em>epochs</em> and we have to assume just such epochs in the history of +solar systems and the world of the fixed stars. The origins of the earth, of life, +of the free-moving animal <em>are</em> such epochs, and, therefore, mysteries that we +can do no more than accept.⁠<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> + + +<h3 id="IV_1"> + IV +</h3> + +<p>That which we know of man divides clearly into two great ages of his being. +The first is, as far as our view is concerned, limited on the one side by that +profound fugue of planetary Destiny which we call the beginning of the Ice +Age—and about which we can (within the picture of world-history) say no +more than <em>that</em> a cosmic change took place—and on the other by the beginnings +of high cultures on Nile and Euphrates, with which the whole meaning of +human existence became suddenly different. We discover everywhere the sharp +frontier of Tertiary and Diluvial, and on the hither side of it we see man as a +completely formed type, familiar with custom, myth, wit, ornament, and +technique and endowed with a bodily structure that has not materially altered +up to the present day.</p> + +<p>We will consider the first age as that of the primitive Culture. The only +field in which this Culture endured throughout the second age (though certainly +in a very “late” form) and is found alive and fairly intact to-day is +north-west Africa. It is the great merit of Leo Frobenius⁠<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> that he recognized +this quite clearly, beginning with the assumption that in this field a <em>whole +world</em> of primitive life (and not merely a greater or less number of primitive +tribes) remained remote from the influences of the high Cultures. The ethnologist-psychologist, +<span class="pagenum" id="p34">[34]</span>on the contrary, delights in collecting, from all over the +five continents, fragments of peoples who really have nothing in common but +the negative fact of living a subordinate existence in the middle of one or +another of the high Cultures, without participation in its inner life. The +result is a congeries of tribes, some stationary, some inferior, and some decadent, +whose respective modes of expression, moreover, are indiscriminately +lumped together.</p> + +<p>But the primitive Culture is not fragmentary, but something <em>strong and +integral</em>, something highly vital and effectual. Only, this Culture is so different +from everything that we men of a higher Culture possess in the way of spiritual +potentialities that we may question whether even those people which have +carried the first age very deep into the second are good evidence, in their present +modes of being and waking-being, for the condition of the old time.</p> + +<p>For some thousands of years now the waking-consciousness of man has +had the impression of constant mutual touch between the tribes and peoples +as an obvious everyday fact. But in dealing with the first age we must not +forget that in it man, cohering in a very few small groups, is completely lost +in the immensity of the landscape, the ruling element therein being the mighty +masses of the great animal-herds. The rarity of our finds sufficiently proves +this. At the time of Aurignacian Man there were perhaps a dozen hordes, +each a few hundred strong, wandering in the whole area of France, and such +hordes must have regarded it as a deeply impressive and puzzling event when +(if ever) they became aware that fellow men existed. Can we imagine even +in the least degree what it was to live in a world almost empty of men—we +for whom all nature has long since become a background for the human multitude? +How man’s world-consciousness must have changed when, besides the +forests and the herds of beasts, other men “just like himself” began to be met +with, more and more frequently, in the country-side. The increase of man’s +numbers—this, too, doubtless took place very suddenly—made experience +of “fellow men” habitual, and replaced the impression of astonishment by the +feelings of pleasure or hostility, and these again evoked a whole new world of +experiences and of involuntary and inevitable relations. It was for the history +of the human soul perhaps the deepest and most pregnant of all events. It +was in relation to alien life-forms that man first became conscious of his own, +and now the interior organization of the clan was enriched by a wealth of +intertribal forms of relation, which thereafter completely dominated primitive +life and thought. For it was then that, out of very simple modes of sensuous +understanding, the rudiments of verbal language (and, therefore, of abstract +thought) came into being, amongst them the particularly fortunate few, which—though +we can form no idea of their structure—we may assume as the +origins of the later Indogermanic and Semitic language-groups.</p> + +<p>Then, out of this general primitive Culture of a humanity linked by intertribal +<span class="pagenum" id="p35">[35]</span>relations, + there shot up suddenly (about 3000 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>⁠<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>) the Culture of Egypt +and Babylonia. Probably for a millennium before that date both these fields +had been nursing something that differed radically from every primitive Culture +in kind and in intent, something having an inward unity common to all its +forms of expression and directional in all its life. To me it seems highly probable +that, if not indeed all over the earth’s surface, at any rate in man’s essence +a change was accomplished at that time; and if so, then any primitive Culture +worthy of the name that is still found living later, ever dwindling, in the midst +of higher Cultures, should itself be something different from the Culture of +the first Age. But, with reference to primitive Culture of any sort, that which +I call the pre-Culture (and which can be shown to occur as a uniform process +in the beginning of every high Culture) is something different in kind, something +entirely new.</p> + +<p>In all primitive existence the “it,” the Cosmic, is at work with such immediacy +of force that all microcosmic utterances, whether in myth, custom, +technique, or ornament, obey only the pressures of the very instant. For us, +there are no ascertainable rules for the duration, tempo, and course of development +of these utterances. We observe, say, an ornamental form-language—not +to be called a style⁠<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>—ruling over the population of a wide area, spreading, +changing, and at last dying out. Alongside this, and perhaps with quite +different fields of extension, we may find modes of fashioning and using weapons, +tribal organizations, religious practices, each developing in a special way +of its own, with epochal points of its own, beginnings and ends of its own, +completely influenced by other form-domains. When in some prehistoric +stratum we have identified an accurately known type of pottery, we cannot +safely argue from it to the customs and religion of the population to which it +belonged. And if by chance the same area does hold for a particular form of +marriage and, say, a certain type of tattooing, this never signifies a common +basic idea such as is indicated, for example, by the discovery of gunpowder +and that of perspective in painting. No necessary connexions come to light +between ornament and organization by age-classes, or between the cult of a god +and the kind of agriculture practised. Development in these cases means +always some development of one or another individual aspect or trait of the +primitive Culture, never of that Culture itself. This, as I have said before, is +essentially chaotic; the primitive Culture is neither an organism nor a sum of +organisms.</p> + +<p>But with the type of the higher Culture this “it” gives way to a strong and +undiffused <em>tendency</em>. Within the primitive Culture tribes and clans are the only +quickened beings—other than the individual men of course. <em>Here, however, the +Culture itself is such a being.</em> Everything primitive is a sum—a sum of the +<span class="pagenum" id="p36">[36]</span>expression-forms of primitive groupings. The high Culture, on the contrary, +is the waking-being of a single huge organism which makes not only custom, +myths, technique, and art, but the very peoples and classes incorporated in +itself the vessels of one single form-language and one single history. The +oldest speech that we know of belongs to the primitive Culture, and has lawless +destinies of its own which cannot be deduced from those of, say, Ornament or +Marriage. But the history of script belongs integrally with the expression-history +of the several higher Cultures. That the Egyptian, Chinese, Babylonian, +and Mexican each formed a special script in its pre-Cultural age—that +the Indian and the Classical on the other hand did not do so, but took over +(and very late) the highly developed writing of a neighbouring Civilization—that +in the Arabian, again, every new religion and sect immediately formed +its particular script—all these are facts that stand in a deeply intimate relation +to the generic form-history of these Cultures and its inner significance.</p> + +<p>To these two ages our knowledge of man is restricted, and they certainly do +not suffice to justify conclusions of any sort about possible or certain new eras +or about their “when” and “how”—quite apart from the fact that in any +case the cosmic connexions that govern the history of man as a genus are entirely +inaccessible to our measures.</p> + +<p>My kind of thought and observation is limited to the physiognomy of the +actual. At the point when the experience of the “judge of men” <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> his +environment, and that of the “man of action” <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> his facts, become ineffective, +there also this insight finds its limit. The existence of these two +ages is a <em>fact of historical experience</em>; more, our experiencing of the primitive +Culture consists not only in surveying, in its relics, a self-contained and closed-off +thing, but also in reacting to its deeper meaning by virtue of an inward +relation to it which persists in us. But the second age opens to us another and +quite different kind of experience. It was an incident, the sense of which +cannot now be scrutinized, that the type of the higher Culture appeared suddenly +in the field of human history. Quite possibly, indeed, it was some +sudden event in the domain of earth-history that brought forth a new and +different form into phenomenal existence. But the fact that we have before us +eight such Cultures, all of the same build, the same development, and the +same duration, justifies us in <em>looking at them comparatively</em>, and therefore justifies +our treating them as comparable, studying them comparatively, and obtaining +from our study a knowledge which we can extend backwards over lost periods +and forwards over the future—provided always that a Destiny of a different +order does not replace this form-world, suddenly and basically, by another. +Our licence to proceed thus comes from general experience of organic being. +As in the history of the Raptores or the Coniferæ we cannot prophesy whether +and when a new species will arise, so in that of Cultural history we cannot say +whether and when a new Culture shall be. But from the moment when a +<span class="pagenum" id="p37">[37]</span>new being is conceived in the womb, or a seed sinks into the earth, we do know +<em>the inner form of this new life-course</em>; and we know that the quiet course of its +development and fulfilment may be disturbed by the pressure of external powers, +but never altered.</p> + +<p>This experience teaches, further, that the Civilization which at this present +time has gripped the earth’s whole surface is not a third age, but a stage—a +necessary stage—of the Western Culture, distinguished from its analogues +only by the forcefulness of its extension-tendency. Here experience ends, +and all speculation on what new forms will govern the life of future mankind +(or, for that matter, whether there will be any such new forms) all building of +majestic card-houses on the foundation of “it should be, it shall be” is mere +trifling—far too futile, it seems to me, to justify one single life of any value +being expended on it.</p> + +<p>The group of the high Cultures is not, as a group, an organic unit. That +they have happened in just this number, at just these places and times, is, for +the human eye, an incident without deeper intelligibility. The ordering of +the individual Cultures, on the contrary, has stood out so distinctly that the +historical technique of the Chinese, the Magian, and the Western worlds—often, +indeed, the mere common consent of the educated in these Cultures—has +been able to fashion a set of names upon which it would be impossible to +improve.⁠<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> + +<p>Historical thought, therefore, has the double task of dealing comparatively +with <em>the individual life-courses of the Cultures</em>, and of examining the incidental +and irregular relations of the Cultures amongst themselves in respect of their +meaning. The necessity of the first of these tasks, obvious enough, has yet +been overlooked hitherto. The second has been handled, but only by the lazy +and shallow method of imposing causality over the whole tangle and laying +it out tidily along the “course” of a hypothetical “world”-history, thereby +making it impossible to discover either the psychology of these difficult, but +richly suggestive, relations or to discover that of the inner life of any particular +Culture. In truth, the condition for solving the first problem is that the second +has been solved already. The relations are very different, even under the simple +aspect of time and space. The Crusades brought a Springtime face to face with +an old and ripe Civilization; in the Cretan-Mycenæan world seed-time and +golden autumn are seen together. A Civilization may stream over from immense +remoteness, as the Indian streamed into the Arabian from the East, or +lie senile and stifling over an infancy, as the Classical lay upon its other side. +But there are differences, too, of kind and strength; the Western Culture seeks +out relations, the Egyptian tries to avoid them; the former is beaten by them +<span class="pagenum" id="p38">[38]</span>again and again in tragic crises, while the Classical gets all it can out of them, +without suffering. But all these tendencies have their roots in the spirituality +of the Culture itself—and sometimes they tell us more of this Culture than does +its own language, which often hides more than it communicates.</p> + + +<h3 id="V_1"> + V +</h3> + +<p>A glance over the group of the Cultures discloses task after task. The +nineteenth century, in which historical research was guided by natural science, +and historical thought by the ideas of the Baroque, has simply brought us +to a pinnacle whence we see the new world at our feet. Shall we ever take +possession of that new world?</p> + +<p>Even to-day uniform treatment of these grand life-courses is immensely +difficult, because the more remote fields have not been seriously worked up at +all. Once more, it is the lordly outlook of the West European—he will only +notice that which approaches him from one or another antiquity by the proper +and respectful route of a Middle Age, and that which goes its own ways will +get but little of his attention. Thus, of the things of the Chinese and the +Indian worlds, certain kinds are now beginning to be tackled—art, religion, +philosophy—but the political history is dealt with, if at all, “chattily.” +It does not occur to anyone to treat the great constitutional problems of Chinese +history—the Hohenstaufen-destiny of the Li-Wang (842), the first +Congress of Princes (659), the struggle of principle between the imperialism +(Lien-heng) of the “Roman” state of Tsin and the League-of-Nations idea +(Ho-tsung) between 500 and 300, the rise of the Chinese Augustus, Hwang-ti +(221)—with anything of the thoroughness that Mommsen devoted to the +principate of Augustus. India, again; however completely the Indians themselves +have forgotten their state-history, we have after all more available material +for Buddha’s time than we have for history of the Classical ninth and +eighth centuries, and yet even to-day we act as though “the” Indian had lived +entirely in his philosophy, just as the Athenians (so our classicists would +have us believe) spent their lives in beauty-philosophizing on the banks of the +Ilissus. But even Egyptian politics receive little reflective attention. The +later Egyptian historian concealed under the name “Hyksos period” the same +crisis which the Chinese treat of under the name “Period of the Contending +States”—here, too, is something never yet investigated. And interest in the +Arabian world has reached to the frontier of the Classical tongues and no +further. With what endless assiduity we have described the constitution of +Diocletian, and assembled material for the entirely unimportant administrative +history of the provinces of Asia Minor—because it is written in Greek. But +the Sassanid state, the precedent and in every respect the model of Diocletian’s, +comes into the picture only occasionally, and then as Rome’s <em>opponent</em> in war. +What about <em>its own</em> administrative and juristic history? What is the poor +<span class="pagenum" id="p39">[39]</span>sum-total of material that we have assembled for the law and economics of +Egypt, India, and China⁠<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> in comparison with the work that has been done on +Greek and Roman law.</p> + +<p>About 3000⁠<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> after a long “Merovingian” period, which is still distinctly +perceptible in Egypt, the two oldest Cultures began, in exceedingly limited +areas on the lower Nile and the lower Euphrates. In these cases the distinctions +between early and late periods have long ago been labelled as Old and +Middle Kingdom, Sumer and Akkad. The outcome of the Egyptian feudal +period marked by the establishment of a hereditary nobility and the decline +(from Dynasty VI) of the older Kingship, presents so astounding a similarity +with the course of events in the Chinese springtime from I-Wang (934–909) +and that in the Western from the Emperor Henry IV (1056–1106) that a unified +comparative study of all three might well be risked. At the beginning of the +Babylonian “Baroque” we see the figure of the great Sargon (2500), who +pushed out to the Mediterranean coast, conquered Cyprus, and styled himself, +like Justinian I and Charles V, “lord of the four parts of the earth.” And in +due course, about 1800 on the Nile and rather earlier in Sumer-Akkad, we perceive +the beginnings of the first Civilizations. Of these the Asiatic displayed +immense expansive power. The “achievements of the Babylonian Civilization” +(as the books say), many things and notions connected with measuring, +numbering, and accounting, travelled probably as far as the North and the +Yellow Seas. Many a Babylonian trademark upon a tool may have come to be +<span class="pagenum" id="p40">[40]</span>honoured, out there in the Germanic wild, as a magic symbol, and so may have +originated some “Early-German” ornament. But meantime the Babylonian +realm itself passed from hand to hand. Kassites, Assyrians, Chaldeans, Medes, +Persians, Macedonians—all of these small⁠<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> warrior-hosts under energetic +leaders—successively replaced one another in the capital city without any +serious resistance on the part of its people.</p> + +<p>It is a first example—soon paralleled in Egypt—of the Roman Empire +style. Under the Kassites rulers were set up and displaced by prætorians; +the Assyrians, like the later soldier-emperors of Rome (after Commodus), +maintained the old constitutional forms; the Persian Cyrus and the Ostrogoth +Theodoric regarded themselves as managers of the Empire, and the warrior +bands, Mede and Lombard, as master-peoples in alien surroundings. But +these are constitutional rather than factual distinctions; in intent and purpose +the legions of Septimius Severus, the African, did not differ from the Visigoths +of Alaric, and by the battle of Adrianople⁠<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> “Romans” and “barbarians” +have become almost indistinguishable.</p> + +<p>After 1500 three new Cultures begin—first, the Indian, in the upper +Punjab; then, a hundred years later, the Chinese on the middle Hwang-Ho; +and then, about 1100, the Classical, on the Ægean Sea. The Chinese historians +speak of the three great dynasties of Hsia, Shang, and Chóu in much the same +way as Napoleon regarded himself as a fourth dynasty following the Merovingians, +the Carolingians, and the Capetians—in reality, the third coexisted +with the Culture right through its course in each case. When in 441 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> the +titular Emperor of the Chóu dynasty became a state pensioner of the “Eastern +Duke” and when in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1793 “Louis Capet” was executed, the Culture in +each case passed into the Civilization. There are some bronzes of very great +antiquity preserved from late Chang times, which stand towards the later art +in exactly the same relation as Mycenæan to Early Classical pottery and Carolingian +to Romanesque art. In the Vedic, Homeric, and Chinese springtimes, +with their “<i lang="de">Pfalzen</i>” and “<i lang="de">Burgen</i>,” their knighthood and feudal rulership, +can be seen the whole image of our Gothic, and the “period of the Great +Protectors” (Ming-Chu, 685–691) corresponds precisely to the time of Cromwell, +Wallenstein, and Richelieu and to the First Tyrannis of the Greek world.</p> + +<p>The period 480–230 is called by the Chinese historians the “Period of the +Contending States”; it culminated in a century of unbroken warfare between +<span class="pagenum" id="p41">[41]</span>mass-armies with frightful social upheavals, and out of it came the “Roman” +state of Tsin as founder of a Chinese Imperium. This phase Egypt experienced +between 1780 and 1580, of which the last century was the “Hyksos” time. +The Classical experienced it from Chæronea (338), and, at the high pitch of +horror, from the Gracchi (133) to Actium (31 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>). And it is the destiny of +the West-European-American world for the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.</p> + +<p>During this period the centre of gravity changes—as from Attica to +Latium, so from the Hwang-ho (at Ho-nan-fu) to the Yang-tse (modern province +of Hu-pei). The Si-Kiang was as vague for the Chinese savants of those +days as the Elbe for the Alexandrian geographer, and of the existence of India +they had as yet no notion.</p> + +<p>As on the other side of the globe there arose the principes of the Julian-Claudian +house, so here in China there arose the mighty figure of Wang-Cheng, +who led Tsin through the decisive struggle to sole supremacy and in 221 assumed +the title of Shi (literally equivalent to “Augustus”) and the Cæsar-name +Hwang-ti. He founded the “<i lang="la">Pax Serica</i>,” as we may call it, carried out a +grand social reform in the exhausted Empire, and—as promptly as Rome⁠<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>—began +to build his “<i lang="de">Limes</i>,” the famous Great Wall, for which in 214 he annexed +a part of Mongolia. He was the first, too, to subdue the barbarians +south of the Yang-tse, in a series of large-scale campaigns followed and confirmed +by military roads, castles, and colonies. But “Roman,” too, was his +family history—a Tacitean drama with Lui-Shi (Chancellor and stepfather +of the Emperor) and Li-Szu, the great statesman (the Agrippa of his day, and +unifier of the Chinese script), playing parts, and one that quickly closed in +Neronic horrors. Followed then the two Han dynasties (Western, 206 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>-<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> +23; Eastern, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 25–220), under which the frontiers extended more and +more, while in the capital eunuch-ministers, generals, and soldiery made and +unmade the rulers at their pleasure. At certain rare moments, as under Wu-ti +(140–86) and Ming-ti (58–76), the Chinese-Confucian, the Indian-Buddhist, +and the Classical-Stoic world-forces approached one another so closely in the +region of the Caspian that they might easily have come into actual touch.⁠<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> + +<p>Chance decreed that the heavy attacks of the Huns should break themselves +in vain upon the Chinese “Limes,” which at each crisis found a strong emperor +to defend it. The decisive repulse of the Huns took place in 124–119 under the +Chinese Trajan, Wu-ti; and it was he, too, who finally incorporated Southern +China in the Empire, with the object of obtaining a route into India, and built +a grand embattled road to the Tarim. And so the Huns turned westward, and +<span class="pagenum" id="p42">[42]</span>in due course they appear, impelling a swarm of Germanic tribes, in face of the +Limes of the Roman world. This time they succeeded. The Roman Imperium +collapsed, and thus two only of the three empires continued, and still continue, +as desirable spoil for a succession of different powers. To-day it is the “red-haired +barbarian” of the West who is playing before the highly civilized eyes +of Brahman and Mandarin the rôle once played by Mogul and Manchu, playing +it neither better nor worse than they, and certain like them to be superseded in +due course by other actors. But in the colonization-field of foundering Rome, +on the other hand, the future Western Culture was ripening underground +in the north-west, while in the east the Arabian Culture had flowered already.</p> + +<p>The Arabian Culture⁠<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> is a discovery. Its unity was suspected by late +Arabians, but it has so entirely escaped Western historical research that not +even a satisfactory name can be found for it. Conformably to the dominant +languages, the seed-time and the spring might be called the Aramaic and the +later time the Arabian, but there is no really effectual name. In this field the +Cultures were close to one another, and the extension of the corresponding +Civilizations led to much overlaying. The pre-Cultural period of the Arabian, +which we can follow out in Persian and Jewish history, lay completely within +the area of the old Babylonian world, but the springtime was under the mighty +spell of the Classical Civilization, which invaded from the West with all the +power of a just-attained maturity, and the Egyptian and Indian Civilizations +also made themselves distinctly felt. And then in turn the Arabian spirit—under +Late Classical disguises for the most part—cast its spell over the nascent +Culture of the West. The Arabian Civilization stratified over a still surviving +Classical in the popular soul of south Spain, Provence, and Sicily, and became +the model upon which the Gothic soul educated itself. The proper landscape +of this Culture is remarkably extended and singularly fragmented. Let one +put oneself at Palmyra or Ctesiphon, and, musing, look outwards all round. +In the north is Osrhoene; Edessa became the Florence of the Arabian spring. +To the west are Syria and Palestine—the home of the New Testament and of +the Jewish Mishna, with Alexandria as a standing outpost. To the east Mazdaism +experienced a mighty regeneration, which corresponded to the birth of +Jesus in Jewry and about which the fragmentary state of Avesta literature +enables us to say only <em>that</em> it happened.⁠<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> Here, too, were born the Talmud and +the religion of Mani. Deep in the south, the future home of Islam, an age of +chivalry was able to develop as fully as in the realm of the Sassanids; even +to-day there survive, unexplored, the ruins of castles and strongholds whence +the decisive wars were waged between the Christian state of Axum and the +Jewish state of the Himyarites on the two shores of the Red Sea, with Roman +<span class="pagenum" id="p43">[43]</span>and Persian diplomacy poking the fire. In the extreme north was Byzantium, +that strange mixture of sere, civilized, Classical, with vernal and chevaleresque +which is manifested above all in the bewildering history of the Byzantine army +system. Into this world Islam at last—and far too late—brought a consciousness +of unity, and this accounts for the self-evident character of its victorious +progress and the almost unresisting adhesion of Christians, Jews, and +Persians alike. Out of Islam in due course arose the Arabian Civilization +which was at the peak of its intellectual completeness when the barbarians +from the West broke in for a moment, marching on Jerusalem. How, we may +ask ourselves, did this inroad appear in the eyes of cultivated Arabians of the +time? Somewhat like Bolshevism, perhaps? For the statecraft of the Arabian +World the political relations of “Frankistan” were something on a lower plane. +Even in our Thirty Years’ War—from that point of view a drama of the “Far +West”—when an English envoy⁠<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> strove to stir up the Porte against the house +of Habsburg, the statesman who handled policy over a field stretching from +Morocco to India, evidently judged that the little predatory states on the +horizon were of no real interest. And even when Napoleon landed in Egypt, +there were still many without an inkling of the future.</p> + +<p>Meantime yet another new Culture developed in Mexico. This lay so remote +from the rest that no word even passed between them. All the more astonishing, +therefore, is the similarity of its development to that of the Classical. No +doubt the archæologist standing before a teocalli would be horrified to think of +his Doric temple in such a connexion; yet it was a thoroughly Classical trait—feebleness +of the will-to-power in the matter of technics—that kept the +Aztecs ill armed and so made possible their catastrophe.</p> + +<p>For, as it happens, this is the one example of a Culture ended by violent +death. It was not starved, suppressed, or thwarted, but murdered in the full +glory of its unfolding, destroyed like a sunflower whose head is struck off by +one passing. All these states—including a world-power and more than one +federation—with an extent and resources far superior to those of the Greek +and Roman states of Hannibal’s day; with a comprehensive policy, a carefully +ordered financial system, and a highly developed legislation; with administrative +ideas and economic tradition such as the ministers of Charles V could +never have imagined; with a wealth of literature in several languages, an +intellectually brilliant and polite society in great cities to which the West +could not show one single parallel—all this was not broken down in some +desperate war, but washed out by a handful of bandits in a few years, and so +<span class="pagenum" id="p44">[44]</span>entirely that the relics of the population retained not even a memory of it all. +Of the giant city Tenochtitlan⁠<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> not a stone remains above ground. The cluster +of great Mayan cities in the virgin forests of Yucatan succumbed swiftly to the +attack of vegetation, and we do not know the old name of any one of them. +Of the literature three books survive, but no one can read them.</p> + +<p>The most appalling feature of the tragedy was that it was not in the least a +necessity of the Western Culture that it should happen. It was a private affair +of adventurers, and at the time no one in Germany, France, or England had any +idea of what was taking place. This instance shows, as no other shows, that +<em>the history of humanity has no meaning whatever</em> and that deep significances reside +only in the life-courses of the separate Cultures. Their inter-relations are unimportant +and accidental. In this case the accident was so cruelly banal, so +supremely absurd, that it would not be tolerated in the wildest farce. A few +cannon and handguns began and ended the drama.⁠<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p> + +<p>A sure knowledge of even the most general history of this world is now for +ever impossible. Events as important as our Crusades and Reformation have +vanished without leaving a trace. Only in recent years has research managed +to settle the outline, at any rate, of the later course of development, and with +the help of these data comparative morphology may attempt to widen and +deepen the picture by means of those of other Cultures.⁠<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> On this basis the +epochal points of this Culture lie about two hundred years later than those of +the Arabian and seven hundred years before those of our own. There was a +pre-Cultural period which, as in China and Egypt, developed script and calendar, +but of this we now know nothing. The time-reckoning began with an +initial date which lies far behind the birth of Christ, but it is impossible now to +fix it with certainty relative to that event.⁠<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> In any case, it shows an extraordinarily +strongly developed history-sense in Mexican mankind.</p> + +<p>The springtime of the “Hellenic” Maya states is evidenced by the dated +relief-pillars of the old cities of Copan (in the south), Tikal, and somewhat +later Chichen Itza (in the north), Naranjo, and Seibal⁠<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>—about 160–450. +<span class="pagenum" id="p45">[45]</span>At the end of this period Chichen Itza was a model of architecture that was +followed for centuries. The full glory of Palenque and Piedras Negras (in the +west) may correspond to our Late Gothic and Renaissance (450–600 = European +1250–1400?). In the Baroque or Late period Champutun appears as the +centre of style-formation, and now the “Italic” Nahua peoples of the high +plateau of Anahuac began to come under the cultural influence. Artistically +and spiritually these peoples were mere recipients, but in their political instincts +they were far superior to the Maya (about 600–960, = Classical 750–400 += Western 1400–1750?). And now Maya entered on the “Hellenistic” +phase. About 960 Uxmal was founded, soon to be a cosmopolis of the first +rank, an Alexandria or Baghdad, founded like these on the threshold of the +Civilization. With it we find a series of brilliant cities like Labna, Mayapan, +Chacmultun, and a revived Chichen Itza. These places mark the culminating +point of a grandiose architecture, which thereafter produced no new style, +but applies the old motives with taste and discrimination to mighty masses. +Politically this is the age of the celebrated League of Mayapan, an alliance of +three leading states, which appears to have maintained the position successfully—if +somewhat artificially and arbitrarily—in spite of great wars and repeated +revolutions (960–1165 = Classical 350–150 = Western 1800–2000).</p> + +<p>The end of this period was marked by a great revolution, and with it the +definitive intervention of the (“Roman”) Nahua powers in the Maya affair. +With their aid Hunac Ceel brought about a general overthrow and destroyed +Mayapan (about 1190 = Classical 150). The sequel was typical of the history +of the over-ripened Civilization in which different peoples contend for military +lordship. The great Maya cities sink into the same bland contentment as +Roman Athens and Alexandria, but out on the horizon of the Nahua lands was +developing the last of these peoples, the Aztecs—young, vigorous, barbaric, +and filled with an insatiable will-to-power. In 1325 (= the Age of Augustus) +they founded Tenochtitlan, which soon became the paramount and capital +city of the whole Mexican world. About 1400 military expansion began on +the grand scale. Conquered regions were secured by military colonies and a +network of military roads, and a superior diplomacy kept the dependent states +in check and separated. Imperial Tenochtitlan grew enormous and housed a +cosmopolitan population speaking every tongue of this world-empire.⁠<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> The +Nahua provinces were politically and militarily secure, the southward thrust +was developing rapidly, and a hand was about to be laid on the Maya states; +there is no telling what the course of the next centuries would have been. And +suddenly—the end.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p46">[46]</span></p> + +<p>At that date the West was at a level which the Maya had already overpassed +by 700; nothing short of the age of Frederick the Great would have been ripe +enough to comprehend the politics of the Mayapan League, and what the +Aztecs of <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1500 were organizing lies for us well in the future. But that +which distinguished Faustian man, even then, from the man of any other +Culture was his irrepressible urge into distance. It was this, in the last resort, +that killed and even annihilated the Mexican and Peruvian Culture—the +unparalleled drive that was ready for service in any and every domain. Certainly +the Ionic style was imitated in Carthage and in Persepolis, and Hellenistic +taste in the Gandara art of India found admirers. Future investigation +will probably find some Chinese in the primitive German wood-architecture. +The Mosque style ruled from Farther India to North Russia, to West Africa, +and to Spain. But all that amounts to nothing as compared with the expansion-power +of the Western Soul. The true style-history of that soul, it need +hardly be said, accomplished itself only on the mother soil, but its resultant +effects knew no bounds. On the spot where Tenochtitlan had stood, the Spaniards +erected a Baroque cathedral adorned with masterpieces of Spanish painting +and plastic. Already at that date the Portuguese had got to work in Hither +India and Late-Baroque architects from Spain and Italy in the heart of Poland +and Russia. The English Rococo, and especially Empire, made for themselves +a broad province in the Plantation States of North America, whose wonderful +rooms and furniture are far less well known in Germany than they +ought to be. Classicism was at work already in Canada and at the Cape, and +presently there were no limits at all. It was just the same in every other domain +of form; the relation between this forceful young Civilization and the still +remaining old ones—is that it covers them, all alike, with ever-thickening +layers of West-European-American life-forms under which, slowly, the ancient +native form disappears.</p> + + +<h3 id="VI"> + VI +</h3> + +<p>In the presence of this picture of the world of man—which is destined to +displace the older one of “Ancient-Mediæval-Modern” that is still firmly +established even in the best minds—it will become possible, too, to give a +new answer (and for our Civilization, I think, a final answer) to the old question: +What is History?</p> + +<p>Ranke, in the preface of his <cite>World History</cite> says: “History only begins when +the monuments become intelligible, and trustworthy written evidences are +available.” This is the answer of a collector and arranger of data; obviously, +it confuses that which has happened with that which happened within the +field of view open at the particular time to the particular student. Mardonius +was defeated at Platæa—has this ceased to be history if two thousand years +later it has somehow dropped out of the ken of the historians? For a fact to +be a fact, must it be mentioned in books?</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p47">[47]</span></p> + +<p>The weightiest historian since Ranke, Eduard Meyer,⁠<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> says: “Historic +is that which is, or has been, effective.... Only through historical treatment +does the individual process, lifted by history from among the infinite mass +of contemporary processes, become the historical event.” The remark is +thoroughly in the manner and spirit of Hegel. Firstly, its starting-point is +the fact and not any accidental knowledge or ignorance of the fact, and if there +is any mode of picturing history which necessarily imposes such a starting-point, +it is that presented in these pages, since it compels us to assume the +existence of facts of the first order in majestic sequences, even when we do not +(and never will) know them in the scientific sense. We have to learn to handle +the unknown in the most comprehensive way. Secondly, truths exist for the +mind, facts only in relation to life. Historical treatment—in my terminology, +<em>physiognomic fact</em>—is decided by the <em>blood</em>, the gift of judging men broadened +out into past and future, the innate flair for persons and situations, for the +event, for that which had to be, must have been. It does <em>not</em> consist in bare +scientific criticism and knowing of data. The scientific mode of experience is, +for every true historian, something additional or subordinate. It addresses to +the waking-consciousness, by the way of understanding and imparting, laborious +and repetitive proof of that which <em>one moment</em> of illumination has already, +and instantly, demonstrated to Being.</p> + +<p>Just because the force of our Faustian being has by now worked up about us +a circumcircle of inner experiences such as no other men and no other time could +acquire—just because for us the remotest events become increasingly significant +and disclose relationships that no one else, not even the closest contemporaries +of these events, could perceive—much has now become history +(i.e., life in tune with our life) that centuries ago was not history. Tacitus +probably “knew” the data concerning Tiberius Gracchus’s revolution, but +for him it no longer meant anything effectively, whereas for us it is full of +meaning. The history of the Monophysites and their relation to Mohammed’s +<i lang="fr">milieu</i> signify nothing whatever to the Islamic believer, but for <em>us</em> it is recognizably +the story of English Puritanism in another setting. For the world-view +of a Civilization which has made the whole earth its stage, nothing is in +the last resort quite unhistorical. The scheme of ancient-mediæval-modern +history, as understood by the nineteenth century, contained only a selection of +the more obvious relations. But the influence that old Chinese and Mexican +history are beginning to exercise on us to-day is of a subtler and more intellectual +kind. There we are sounding the last necessities of life itself. We are learning +out of another life-course to know ourselves what we are, what we must be, +what we shall be. It is the great school of our future. We who have history +still, are making history still, find here on the extreme frontiers of historical +humanity what history <em>is</em>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p48">[48]</span></p> + +<p>A battle between two Negro tribes in the Sudan, or between the Cherusci +and Chatti of Cæsar’s time, or—what is substantially the same—between +ant-communities, is merely a drama of “living Nature.” But when the Cherusci +beat the Romans, as in the year 9,⁠<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> or the Aztecs the Tlascalans, it is +<em>history</em>. Here the “when” is of importance and each decade, or even year, +matters, for here one is dealing with the march of a grand life-course, in which +every decision takes rank as an epoch. Here there is an object towards which +every happening impels, a being that strives to fulfil its predestination, a tempo, +an organic duration—and not the disorderly ups and downs of Scythians, +Gauls, or Caribs, of which the particular detail is as unimportant as that of +doings in a colony of beavers or a steppe-herd of gazelles. These are <em>zoölogical +happenings</em> and have their place in an altogether different orientation of our +outlook, that in which we are concerned not with the destiny of individual +peoples or herds, but with that of “man,” or “the” gazelle, or “the” ants, <em>as +species</em>. Primitive man has history only in the biological sense, and all prehistoric +study boils down to the investigation of this sense. The increasing familiarity +of men with fire, stone tools, and the mechanical laws which make weapons +effective, characterizes only the development of the type and of its latent possibilities. +The objects for which one tribe employed these weapons against +another tribe are of no importance in this plane of history. Stone Age and +Baroque are age-grades in the existence of respectively a genus and a Culture—i.e., +two organisms belonging to two fundamentally different settings. +And here I would protest against two assumptions that have so far vitiated +all historical thought: the assertion of an ultimate aim of mankind as a whole +and the denial of there being ultimate aims at all. The life <em>has</em> an aim. It is the +fulfilment of that which was ordained at its conception. But the individual +belongs by birth to the particular high Culture on the one hand and to the type +Man on the other—there is no third unit of being for him. His destiny must +lie either in the zoölogical or in the world-historical field. “Historical” man, +as I understand the word and as all great historians have meant it to be taken, is +the man of a Culture that is in full march towards self-fulfilment. Before this, +after this, outside this, man is <em>historyless</em>; and the destinies of the people to +which he belongs matter as little as the Earth’s destiny matters when the plane +of attention is the astronomical and not the geological.</p> + +<p>From this there follows a fact of the most decisive importance, and one that +has never before been established: that man is not only historyless before the +birth of the Culture, but again becomes so as soon as a Civilization has worked +itself out fully to the definitive form which betokens the end of the living +development of the Culture and the exhaustion of the last potentialities of its +significant existence. That which we see in the Egyptian Civilization after +Seti I (1300) and in the Chinese, the Indian, the Arabian to this day is—notwithstanding +<span class="pagenum" id="p49">[49]</span>all the cleverness of the religious, philosophical and, especially, +political forms in which it is wrapped—just the old zoölogical up-and-down +of the primitive age again. Whether the lords sitting in Babylon +were wild war-hordes like the Kassites or refined inheritors like the Persians, +when, for how long, and with what success they kept their seats, signified +nothing from the standpoint of Babylon. The comfort of the population was +affected by such things, naturally, but they made no difference either way to +the fact that the soul of this world was extinct and its events, therefore, void +of any deep meaning. A new dynasty, native or foreign, in Egypt, a revolution +or a conquest in China, a new Germanic people in the Roman Empire, were +elements in the history of the landscape like a change in the fauna or the migration +of a flock of birds.</p> + +<p>In the history, the genuine history, of higher men the stake fought for and +the basis of the animal struggle to prevail is ever—even when driver and +driven are completely unconscious of the symbolic force of their doings, purposes, +and fortunes—the actualization of something that is essentially spiritual, +the translation of an idea into a living historical form. This applies +equally to the struggle of big style-tendencies in art (Gothic and Renaissance), +of philosophy (Stoics and Epicureans), of political ideals (Oligarchy and +Tyrannis), and of economic forms (Capitalism and Socialism). But the post-history +is void of all this. All that remains is the struggle for mere power, +for animal advantage <i>per se</i>. Whereas previously power, even when to all +appearance destitute of any inspiration, was always serving the Idea somehow +or other, in the late Civilization even the most convincing illusion of an idea +is only the mask for purely zoölogical strivings.</p> + +<p>The distinction between Indian philosophy before and after Buddha is that +the former is a grand movement towards attaining the aim of Indian thought +by and in the Indian soul, and the latter the perpetual turning-up of new facets +of a now crystallized and undevelopable thought-stock. The solutions are +there, for good, though the fashions of expressing them change. The same is +true of Chinese painting before and after the Han dynasties—whether we +know it or not—and of Egyptian architecture before and after the beginning +of the New Empire. So also with technics. The West’s discoveries of the +steam-engine and of electricity are accepted by the Chinese to-day in just the +same way—and with just the same religious awe—as bronze and the plough +were accepted four thousand years ago, and fire in a still remoter age. Both, +spiritually, differ <i>in toto</i> from the discoveries which the Chinese made for +themselves in the Chóu period and which in each instance signified an epoch in +their inner history.⁠<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> Before and after that time, centuries play a vastly less +<span class="pagenum" id="p50">[50]</span>important rôle than decades and even years within the Culture, <em>for the spans of +time are gradually returning to the biological order</em>. This it is that confers upon +these very Late conditions—which to the people living in them seem almost +self-evident—that character of changeless pageantry which the genuine +Culture-man—e.g., Herodotus in Egypt and the Western successors of Marco +Polo in China—has found so astonishing in comparison with his own vigorous +pulse of development. It is the changelessness of non-history.</p> + +<p>Is not Classical history at an end with Actium and the <i lang="la">Pax Romana?</i> There +are no more of those great decisions which concentrate the inner meaning of a +whole Culture. Unreason, biology, is beginning to dominate, and it is becoming +a matter of indifference for the world—though not for the actions of the +private individual—whether an event turns out thus or thus. All great +political questions are solved, as they are solved sooner or later in every Civilization, +inasmuch as questions are no longer felt as questions and are not asked. +Yet a little while, and man will cease to understand what problems were really +involved in the earlier catastrophes; what is not livingly experienced of oneself +cannot be livingly experienced of another. When the later Egyptians +speak of the Hyksos time, or the later Chinese of the corresponding period of +the “Contending States,” they are judging the outward picture according to +the criteria of their own ways of life, in which there are no riddles more. They +see in these things merely struggles for power, and they do not see that those +desperate wars, external and internal, wars in which men stirred up the alien +against their own kin, were fought for an idea. To-day we understand what +was taking place, in fearful alternations of tension and discharge, round the +murder of Tiberius Gracchus and that of Clodius. In 1700 we could not have +done so, and in 2200 we shall again be unable to do so. It is just the same with +that of Chian, a Napoleonic figure, in whom later Egyptian historians could +discover nothing more characterized than a “Hyksos king.” Had it not been +for the coming of the Germans, Roman historians a thousand years later might +have put the Gracchi, Marius, Sulla, and Cicero together as a dynasty which +was overthrown by Cæsar.</p> + +<p>Compare the death of Tiberius Gracchus with the death of Nero, when +Rome received the news of Galba’s rising, or the victory of Sulla over the +Marian party with that of Septimius Severus over Pescennius Niger. If in these +later cases the event had gone otherwise, would the course of the Imperial +Age have been altered in any way? The distinction so carefully drawn by +Mommsen and Eduard Meyer⁠<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> between the “principate” of Pompey and +Augustus and the “monarchy” of Cæsar misses the mark completely. At that +stage, the point is merely a constitutional one, though fifty years before it +would still have signified an opposition between ideas. When Vindex and +Galba in 68 set out to restore “the Republic,” they were gambling on a notion in +<span class="pagenum" id="p51">[51]</span>days when notions having genuine symbolic force had ceased to be, and the only +question was who should have the plain material power. The struggle for the +Cæsar-title became steadily more and more negroid, and might have gone on +century after century in increasingly primitive and, therefore, “eternal” forms.</p> + +<p>These populations no longer possessed a soul. Consequently they could +no longer have a history proper to themselves. At best they might acquire +some significance as an object in the history of an alien Culture, and whatever +deeper meaning this relation possessed would be derived entirely from the will +of the alien Life. Any effective historical happening that does take place on +the soil of an old Civilization acquires its consistency as a course of events from +elsewhere and never from any part played in it by the man of that soil. And +so once again we find ourselves regarding the phenomenon of “world-history” +under the two aspects—life-courses of the great Cultures and relations between +them.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p52"></a><a id="p53"></a><a id="p54"></a><a id="p55"></a>[55]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III"> + CHAPTER III + <br> + <span class="subtitle">ORIGIN AND LANDSCAPE + <br> + (C) + <br> + THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE CULTURES</span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Although consideration of the Cultures themselves should logically precede +that of the relations between them, modern historical thought generally +reverses the order. The less it really knows of the life-courses which together +make up a seeming unity of world-happenings, the more zealously it searches +for life in the web of relations, and the less it understands even of these. What +a wealth of psychology there is in the probings, rejections, choices, transvaluations, +errors, penetrations, and welcomings!—and not only between +Cultures which immediately touch one another, wonder at one another, fight +one another, but also as between a living Culture and the form-world of a dead +one whose remains still stand visible in the landscape. And how narrow and +poor, on the other hand, are the conceptions which the historians label “influence,” +“continuity,” and “permanent effects”!</p> + +<p>This is pure nineteenth century. What is sought is just a chain of causes +and effects. Everything follows and nothing is prime. Since every young +Culture superficially shows form-elements of older Cultures, these elements +are supposed to have had continuing effect (<i lang="de">fortgewirkt</i>), and when a set of such +effects has been strung together, the historian regards it with satisfaction as +a sound piece of work.</p> + +<p>At bottom, this mode of treatment rests upon that idea which inspired the +great Gothics long ago, the idea of a significant singleness in the history of all +mankind. They saw how, on earth, men and peoples changed, but ideas +stayed, and the powerful impressiveness of the picture has not worn itself out +even to-day. Originally it was seen as a plan that God was working out by +means of the human instrument. And it could still be regarded as such at a +far later stage, in fact so long as the spell of the “ancient-mediæval-modern” +scheme lasted and its parade of permanence prevented us from noting that +actuality was ever changing. But meantime our outlook also has altered +and become cooler and wider. Our knowledge has long overpassed the limits +of this chart, and those who are still trying to sail by it are beating about in +vain. It is not products that “influence,” but creators that absorb. Being +has been confused with waking-being, life with the means by which it expresses +itself. The critical thought, or even simple waking-consciousness, sees everywhere +<span class="pagenum" id="p56">[56]</span>theoretical units subjected to motion. That is truly dynamic and Faustian, +for in no other Culture have men imagined history thus. The Greek, with +his thoroughly corporeal understanding of the world, would never have traced +“effects” of pure expression-units like “Attic drama” or “Egyptian art.”</p> + +<p>Originally what happens is that a name is given to a <em>system of expression-forms</em> +conjuring up in our minds a particular complex of relations. But this +does not last long, and soon one is suppositing {sic} under the name a being, and under +the relation an effect. When we speak to-day of Greek philosophy, or +Buddhism, or Scholasticism, we mean something that is somehow living, a +power-unit that has grown and grown until it is mighty enough to take +possession of men, to subject their waking-consciousness and even their being, +and in the end to force them into an active conformity, which prolongs the +direction followed by its own “life.” It is a whole mythology, and, significantly, +it is only men of the Western Culture—the only mankind that lives +with and in this picture is the Western—whose myth contains plenty of +dæmons of this sort—“electricity” and “positional energy,” for example.</p> + +<p>In reality these systems only exist in the human waking-consciousness, and +they exist as modes of activity. Religion, science, art, are <em>activities of waking-consciousness</em> +that are based on a being. Faith, meditation, creation, and whatever +of visible activity is required as outcome of these invisibles—as sacrifice, +prayer, the physical experiment, the carving of a statue, the statement of +an experience in communicable words—are activities of the waking-consciousness +and nothing else. Other men see only the visible and hear only +words. In so doing they experience something in themselves, but they cannot +give any account of the relation between this experience and that which +the creator lived in himself. We see a form, but we do not know what in the +other’s soul begat that form; we can only have some belief about the matter, +and we believe by putting in our own soul. However definitely and distinctly +a religion may express itself in words, they are words, and the hearer puts his +own sense into them. However impressive the artist’s notes or colours, the +beholder sees and hears in them only himself, and if he cannot do so, the work +is for him meaningless. (The extremely rare and highly modern gift, possessed +by a few intensely historical men, of “putting oneself in the other’s place” +need not be considered in this connexion.) The German whom Boniface converted +did not transfer himself into the missionary’s soul. It was a springtide +quiver that passed in those days through the whole young world of the +North, and what it meant was that each man found suddenly in conversion +a language wherein to express his own religiousness. Just so the eyes of a +child light up when we tell it the name of the object in its hand.</p> + +<p>It is not, then, microcosmic units that move, but cosmic entities that pick +amongst them and appropriate them. Were it otherwise—were these systems +very beings that could exercise an activity (for “influence” is an organic +<span class="pagenum" id="p57">[57]</span>activity)—the picture of history would be quite other than what it is. Consider +how every maturing man and every living Culture is continuously bathed +in innumerable potential influences. Out of all these, only some few are <em>admitted</em> +as such—the great majority are not. Is choice concerned with the +works, or with the men?</p> + +<p>The historian who is intent upon establishing causal series counts only the +influences that are present, and the other side of the reckoning—those that +are not—does not appear. With the psychology of the “positive” influences +is associated that of the “negative.” This is a domain into which no one has +yet ventured, but here, if anywhere, there are fruits to be reaped, and it must +be tackled unless the answer to the whole question is to be left indeterminate; +for if we try to evade it, we are driven into illusory visions of world-historical +happening as a continuous process in which everything is properly accounted +for. Two Cultures may touch between man and man, or the man of one Culture +may be confronted by the dead form-world of another as presented in its communicable +relics. In both cases the agent is the man himself. The closed-off +act of A can be vivified by B only out of his own being, and <i lang="la">eo ipso</i> it becomes +B’s, his inward property, his work, and part of himself. There was no movement +of “Buddhism” from India to China, but an acceptance of part of the +Indian Buddhists’ store of images by Chinese of a certain spiritual tendency, +who fashioned out a <em>new</em> mode of religious expression having meaning for +Chinese, and only Chinese, Buddhists. What matters in all such cases is not the +original meanings of the forms, but the forms themselves, as disclosing to the +active sensibility and understanding of the observer potential modes of his own +creativeness. Connotations are not transferable. Men of two different kinds +are parted, each in his own spiritual loneliness, by an impassable gulf. Even +though Indians and Chinese in those days both felt as Buddhists, they were +spiritually as far apart as ever. The same words, the same rites, the same +symbol—but two different souls, each going its own way.</p> + +<p>Searching through all Cultures, then, one will always find that the continuation +of earlier creations into a later Culture is only apparent, and that in +fact the younger <em>being</em> has set up a few (very few) relations to the older <em>being</em>, +always without regard to the original meanings of that which it makes its own. +What becomes, then, of the “permanent conquests” of philosophy and science? +We are told again and again how much of Greek philosophy still lives on to-day, +but this is only a figure of speech without real content, for first Magian and then +Faustian humanity, each with the deep wisdom of its unimpaired instincts, +rejected that philosophy, or passed unregarding by it, or retained its formulæ +under radically new interpretations. The naïve credulity of erudite enthusiasm +deceives itself here—Greek philosophic notions would make a long catalogue, +and the further it is taken, the more vanishingly small becomes the proportion +of the alleged survivals. Our custom is simply to overlook as incidental +<span class="pagenum" id="p58">[58]</span>“errors” such conceptions as Democritus’s theory of atomic images,⁠<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> + the very +corporeal world of Plato’s “ideas,” and the fifty-two hollow spheres of Aristotle’s +universe, as though we could presume to know what the dead meant +better than they knew themselves! These things are truths and essential—only, +not for us. The sum total of the Greek philosophy that we possess, +actually and not merely superficially, is practically nil. Let us be honest +and take the old philosophers at their word; not one proposition of Heraclitus +or Democritus or Plato is true for us unless and until we have accommodated +it to ourselves. And how much, after all, have we taken over of the methods, +the concepts, the intentions, and the means of Greek science, let alone its +basically incomprehensible terms? The Renaissance, men say, was completely +under the “influence” of Classical art. But what about the form of the Doric +temple, the Ionic column, the relation of column to architrave, the choice of +colour, the treatment of background and perspective in painting, the principles +of figure-grouping, vase-painting, mosaic, encaustic, the structural element in +statuary, the proportions of Lysippus? Why did all this exercise no “influence?”</p> + +<p><em>Because that which one</em> (here, the Renaissance artist) <em>wills to express is in him +a priori</em>. Of the stock of dead forms that he had in front of him, he really saw +only the few that he wanted to see, and saw them as he wanted them—namely, +in line with his own intention and not with the intention of the original +creator, for no living art ever seriously considers that. Try to follow, element +by element, the “influence” of Egyptian plastic upon early Greek, and you will +find in the end that there is none at all, but that the Greek will-to-form took +out of the older art-stock some few characteristics that it would in any case have +discovered in some shape for itself. All round the Classical landscape there +were working, or had worked, Egyptians, Cretans, Babylonians, Assyrians, +Hittites, Persians, and Phœnicians, and the works of these peoples—their +buildings, ornaments, art-works, cults, state-forms, scripts, and sciences—were +known to the Greeks in profusion. But how much out of all this mass did +the Classical soul extract as its own means of expression? I repeat, it is only the +relations that are <em>accepted</em> that we observe. But what of those that were <em>not</em> accepted? +Why, for example, do we fail to find in the former category the pyramid, +pylon, and obelisk of Egypt, or hieroglyphic, or cuneiform? What of the +stock of Byzantium and of the Moorish East was <em>not</em> accepted by Gothic art and +thought in Spain and Sicily? It is impossible to overpraise the wisdom (quite +unconscious) that governed the choice and the unhesitating transvaluation of +what was chosen. Every relation that was accepted was not only an exception, +but also a misunderstanding, and the inner force of a Being is never so clearly +evidenced as it is in this <em>art of deliberate misunderstanding</em>. The more enthusiastically +we laud the principles of an alien thought, the more fundamentally in +<span class="pagenum" id="p59">[59]</span>truth we have denatured it. Only consider the praises addressed by the West +to Plato! From Bernard of Chartres and Marsilius Ficinus to Goethe and +Schelling! And the more humble our acceptance of an alien religion, the more +certain it is that that religion has already assumed the form of the new soul. +Truly, someone ought to have written the history of the “three Aristotles”—Greek, +Arabian, and Gothic—who had not one concept or thought in +common. Or the history of the transformation of Magian Christianity into +Faustian! We are told in sermon and book that this religion extended from the +old Church into and over the Western field without change of essence. Actually, +Magian man evolved out of the deepest depths of his dualistic world-consciousness +a language of his own religious awareness that we call “the” +Christian religion. So much of this experience as was communicable—words, +formulæ, rites—was accepted by the man of the Late-Classical Civilization +as a means of expression for his religious need; then it passed from man to +man, even to the Germans of the Western pre-Culture, in words always the same +and in sense always altering. Men would never have dared to <em>improve upon</em> the +original meanings of the holy words—it was simply that they did not know +these meanings. If this be doubted, let the doubter study “the” idea of Grace, +as it appears under the dualistic interpretation of Augustine affecting a substance +in man, and under the dynamic interpretation of Calvin, affecting a +will in man. Or that Magian idea, which we can hardly grasp at all, of the +consensus (Arabic <i>ijma</i>)⁠<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> wherein, as a consequence of the presence in each man +of a <i>pneuma</i> emanating from the divine <i>pneuma</i>, the unanimous opinion of the +elect is held to be immediate divine Truth. It was this that gave the decisions +of the early Church Councils their authoritative character, and it underlies +the scientific methods that rule in the world of Islam to this day. And it was +because Western men did not understand this that the Church Councils of later +Gothic times amounted, for him, to nothing more than a kind of parliament for +limiting the spiritual mobility of the Papacy. This idea of what a Council +meant prevailed even in the fifteenth century—think of Constance and Basel, +Savonarola and Luther—and in the end it disappeared, as futile and meaningless, +before the conception of Papal Infallibility. Or, again, the idea, universal +in the Early Arabian world, of the resurrection of the flesh, which again presupposed +that of divine and human <i>pneuma</i>. Classical man assumed that the +soul, as the form and meaning of the body, was somehow co-created herewith, +and Greek thought scarcely mentions it. Silence on a matter of such gravity +may be due to one or the other of two reasons—the idea’s not being there +at all, or being so self-evident as not to emerge into consciousness as a problem. +With Arabian man it was the latter. But just as self-evident for him was the +notion that his <i>pneuma</i> was an emanation from God that had taken up residence +in his body. Necessarily, therefore, there had to be something from which the +<span class="pagenum" id="p60">[60]</span>human soul should rise again on the Day of Judgment, and hence resurrection +was thought of as ἔκ νεκρῶν, “out of the corpses.” This, in its deeper meaning, +is utterly incomprehensible for the West. The words of Holy Scripture +were not indeed doubted, but unconsciously another meaning was substituted +by the finer minds amongst Catholics; this other meaning, unmistakable already +in Luther and to-day quite general, is the conception of immortality as the +continued existence to all eternity of the soul as a centre of force. Were +Paul or Augustine to become acquainted with our ideas of Christianity, they +would reject all our dogmas, all our books, and all our concepts as utterly +erroneous and heretical.</p> + +<p>As the strongest example of a system that to all appearance has travelled +unaltered through two millennia, and yet actually has passed through +three whole courses of evolution in three Cultures, with completely different +meanings in each, we may take <em>Roman law</em>.</p> + + +<h3 id="II_2"> + II +</h3> + +<p><em>Law</em>, in the Classical world, <em>is law made by citizens for citizens</em> and presupposes +that the state-form is that of the Polis. It was this basic form of public life +that led—and self-evidently—to the notion of the person as identical with +the man who, added to others like him, made up the body (σῶμα)⁠<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> of the +State. From this formal fact of Classical world-feeling grew up the whole +structure of Classical law.</p> + +<p><em>“Persona” then is a specifically Classical notion, possessing meaning and valency +only in the Classical Culture.</em> The individual person is a body which belongs to +the stock of the Polis. It is with reference to him that the law of the Polis +is ordered, downwards into the law of Things—with, as a marginal case, the +slave who was body, but not person—and upward into the law of Gods—with, +as a marginal case, the hero who from being person had attained godhead +and the legal right to a cult, like Lysander and Alexander in the Greek +cities and <i lang="la">Divus Julius</i> and his successors in Rome. This tendency, becoming +more and more definite in the development of Classical jurisprudence, explains +also the notion of <i lang="la">capitis deminutio media</i>, which is so alien to our Western ideas; +for we can imagine a person (in our sense of the word) as deprived of certain +rights and even of all rights, but the Classical man under this punishment +<em>ceased to be a person</em> although living on as a body. And the specifically Classical +idea of the thing, <i lang="la">res</i>, is only intelligible in contrast to and as the object of +<i lang="la">persona</i>.</p> + +<p>As Classical religion was State religion through and through, there is no +distinction made as to the fount of law; real law and divine law were made, +like personal law, by the citizen, and the relations of things and of gods to +persons were precise and definite. Now, it was a fact of decisive significance +<span class="pagenum" id="p61">[61]</span>for the Classical jurisprudence that it was always the product of immediate +public experience—and, moreover, not the professional experience of the +jurists, but the practical everyday experience of men who counted in political +and economic life generally. The man who followed the public career in Rome +had necessarily to be jurist, general, administrator, and financial manager. +When he gave judgment as prætor, he had behind him a wide experience of +many fields other than law. A judicial <em>class</em>, professionally (let alone theoretically) +specialized in law as its sole activity, was entirely unknown to the +Classical. The whole outlook of the later jurisprudence was determined by +this fact. The Romans were here neither systematists nor historians nor +theorists, but just splendidly practical. Their jurisprudence is an <em>empirical +science of individual cases</em>, a refined technique, and not in the least a structure of +abstractions.⁠<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></p> + +<p>It would give an incorrect idea to oppose Greek and Roman law to one +another as quantities of the same order. Roman law in its whole development +is an individual city law, one amongst hundreds of such, and Greek law as a unity +never existed at all. Although Greek-speaking cities very often had similar +laws, this did not alter the fact that the law of each was its own and no other’s. +Never did the idea of a general Doric, still less a general Hellenic, legislation +arise. Such notions were wholly alien to Classical thought. The <i lang="la">jus civile</i> +applied only to Quirites—foreigners, slaves and the whole world outside the +city⁠<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> + simply did not count in the eyes of the law, whereas even the <i lang="de">Sachsenspiegel</i>⁠<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> +evidences already our own deep-felt idea that there can only really be one +law. Until far into Imperial times the strict distinction was maintained between +the <i lang="la">jus civile</i> of citizens and the <i lang="la">jus gentium</i> for “other people” who came +within the cognizance of Rome’s jurisdiction as sojourners.⁠<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> (It need hardly +be added that this “law of nations” has no sort of resemblance to that which we +call by the same name.) It was only because Rome as a unit-city attained—as +under other conditions Alexandria might have attained—to “Imperium” +over the Classical world that Roman law became pre-eminent, not because of its +intrinsic superiority, but firstly through Rome’s political success and afterwards +because of Rome’s monopoly of practical experience on the large scale. The +formation of a general Classical jurisprudence of Hellenistic cast—if we are +entitled to call by that name an affinity of spirit in a large number of separate +legal systems—falls in a period when Rome was still politically a third-rate +power. And when Roman law began to assume bigger forms, this was only one +<span class="pagenum" id="p62">[62]</span>aspect of the fact that Roman intellect had subjugated Hellenism. The work of +forming later Classical law passed from Hellenism to Rome—i.e., from a sum +of city-states, which one and all had been impressively made aware of their individual +impotence, to one single city whose whole activity was in the end +devoted to the upholding and exploitation of an effective primacy. Thus it +came about that Hellenism never formed a jurisprudence in the Greek tongue. +When the Classical world entered upon a stage in which it was ripe for this +science (the latest of all), there was but <em>one</em> lawgiving city that counted in the +matter.</p> + +<p>In reality, insufficient regard has been paid to the fact that Greek and +Roman law are not parallel in time but successive. Roman law is the younger +and presupposes the long experience of the elder;⁠<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> it was built up, in fact, +late and, with this exemplar before it, very swiftly. It is not without significance +that the flowering-time of the Stoic philosophy, which deeply affected +juridical ideas, followed that of Greek, but preceded that of Roman, law.</p> + + +<h3 id="III_2"> + III +</h3> + +<p>This jurisprudence, however, was built up by the mind of an intensely +ahistorical species of man. Classical law, consequently, is law <em>of the day +and even the moment</em>; it was in its very idea occasional legislation for particular +cases, and when the case was settled, it ceased to be law. To extend its validity +over subsequent cases would have been in contradiction to the Classical sense +of the present.</p> + +<p>The Roman prætor, at the beginning of his year of office, issued an edict in +which he set forth the rules that he intended to follow, but his successor next +year was in nowise bound to them. And even this limitation of a year on the +validity of the rules did not mean that this was actually the duration of the +rules. On the contrary (particularly after the <i lang="la">Lex Æbutia</i>) the prætor formulated +in each individual case the concrete rule of law for the judges⁠<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> to whom +he remitted the matter for judgment, which had to be according to this rule +and no other. That is, the prætor produced, and indeed generated, a <em>present</em> +law without duration.⁠<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p> + +<p>Similar in appearance, but so profoundly different in meaning as to leave no +doubt as to the great gap which is set between Classical and Western Law, is +that inspired and truly Germanic notion of English jurisprudence, the creative +power of the judge who “declares” the law. His business is to apply a law +<span class="pagenum" id="p63">[63]</span>which in principle possesses eternal validity. Even the application of the +existing body of laws he can regulate, according to the situations disclosed in +the course of the case, by means of his “rules” (which have nothing in common +with the prætor’s). And if he should conclude in the presence of a particular +set of facts that current law is defective in respect of these, he can <em>fill the gap +at once</em>, and thus in the very middle of a trial create new law, which (if concurred +in by the judicial body in the due forms) <em>becomes thereafter part and parcel +of the permanent stock of law</em>. This is what makes it so completely un-Classical. +In the old jurisprudence, the gradual formation of a stock of rules was due purely +to the fact that public life followed a substantially homogeneous course +throughout a particular period, and produced again and again the same situations +to be dealt with—rules <em>not</em> deliberately invested with validity for the future, +but more or less recreated again and again as empirical rulings <i>ad hoc</i>. The +sum of these rulings—not a system, but a collection—came to constitute +“the law” as we find it in the later legislation by prætor’s edict, each successive +prætor having found it practically convenient to take over substantial portions +of his predecessor’s work.</p> + +<p>Experience, then, means for the ancient lawgiver something different from +what it means to us. It means, not the comprehensive outlook over a consistent +mass of law that contains implicitly every possible case, associated with practical +skill in applying it, but the experimental knowledge that certain jural +situations are for ever recurring, so that one can save oneself the trouble of +forming new law on every occasion.</p> + +<p>The genuine Classical form for the slow accretion of legal material is an +almost automatic summation of individual νομοί <i lang="la">leges, edicta</i>, as we find it in +the heyday of the Roman prætor. All the so-called legislations of Solon, +Charondas, and the Twelve Tables are nothing but occasional collections of +such edicts as had been found to be useful. The Law of Gortyn,⁠<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> which is more +or less contemporary with the Twelve, is a supplement to some older collection. +A newly-founded city would promptly provide itself with such a collection, +and in the process a certain amount of dilettantism would slip in (cf. the lawmakers +satirized by Aristophanes in <cite>The Birds</cite>). But there is never system in +them, still less any intention of establishing enduring law thereby.</p> + +<p>In the West it is conspicuously the other way about. The tendency is from +the first to bring the entire living body of law into a general code, ordered +for ever and exhaustively complete, containing in advance the decision of +every conceivable future problem.⁠<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> All Western law bears the stamp of the +future, all Classical the stamp of the moment.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p64">[64]</span></p> + + +<h3 id="IV_2"> + IV +</h3> + +<p>But this, it may be said, is contradicted by the fact that there actually were +Classical law-works compiled by professional jurists for permanent use. Undoubtedly +so. But we must remember that we are completely ignorant of +Early Classical law (1100–700) and it is pretty certain that the customary law +of the country-side and the nascent town was never noted down as that of the +Gothic age was set forth in the <i lang="de">Sachsenspiegel</i> or that of the Early Arabian in +the <cite>Syrian Law-book</cite>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> The earliest stratification that we can now detect consists +of the collections (from 700 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>) ascribed to mythical or semi-mythical +personages like Lycurgus, Zaleucus, Charondas, and Dracon,⁠<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> and certain +Roman kings.⁠<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> That these existed the form of the saga shows, but of their +real authors, the actual process of their codification, and their original contents +even the Greeks of the Persian War period were ignorant.</p> + +<p>A second stratification, corresponding to Justinian’s code and to the “Reception” +of Roman Law in Germany, is connected with the names of Solon +(600), Pittacus (550), and others. Here the laws have already attained to a +structure and are inspired by the city; they are described as “politeiai,” +“nomoi,” in contrast to old “thesmai” and “rhetrai.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> In reality, therefore, +we only know the history of <em>late</em> Classical law. Now, why these sudden codifications? +A mere look at these names shows that at bottom they were not +processes of putting down the results of pure experience, but <em>decisions of political +power problems</em>.</p> + +<p>It is a grave error to suppose that a law that surveys all things evenly and +without being influenced by political and economic interests can exist at all. +Such a state of things can be pictured, and is always being pictured, by those +who suppose that the imagining of political possibilities is a political activity. +But nothing alters the fact that such a law, born of abstractions, does not +exist in real history. Always the law contains in abstract form the world-picture +of its author, and every historical world-picture contains a political-economic +<em>tendency</em> dependent, not upon what this man or that thinks, but upon +what is practically intended by the class which in fact commands the power +and, with it, the legislation. Every law is established by a class in the name of +the generality. Anatole France once said that “our law in majestic equality +forbids the rich no less than the poor to steal bread and to beg in the street.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> +<span class="pagenum" id="p65">[65]</span>A one-sided justice no doubt. But equally the other side will always try to +win sole authority for laws derived from <em>its</em> outlook upon life. These legislative +codes are one and all political acts, and party-political acts at that—in +the case of Solon a democratic constitution (πολιτεία) combined with private +laws (νομοί) of the same stamp, in that of Dracon and the Decemvirs⁠<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> an oligarchic +constitution fortified by private law. It was left to Western historians, +accustomed to their own durable law, to undervalue the importance of this +connexion; Classical man was under no misapprehension as to what really +happened in these cases. The product of the Decemvirs was in Rome the last +code of purely patrician character. Tacitus calls it the end of right law (“<i lang="la">finis +æqui juris</i>,” <cite>Annals</cite>, III, 27). For, just as the fall of the Decemvirs was followed +very significantly by the rise of another Ten, the Tribunes, so immediately the +<i lang="la">jus</i> of the Twelve Tables and the constitution on which it was founded began +to be attacked by the undermining process of the <i lang="la">lex rogata</i> (people’s law), +which set itself with Roman constancy to do what Solon had achieved in one +act in the case of Dracon’s work, the πατρίος πολιτεία which was the law-ideal +of the Attic oligarchy. Thenceforward Dracon and Solon were the “slogans” +in the long battle between Oligarchy and Demos, which in Rome meant Senate +and Tribunate. The Spartan constitution associated with the name “Lycurgus” +not only stood for the ideal of Dracon and the Twelve Tables, but concreted +it. We can see, parallel with the closely related course of events in Rome, the +tendency of the two Spartan kings to evolve from the condition of Tarquinian +tyrants to that of tribunes of the Gracchan kind; the fall of the last Tarquins +or the institution of the Decemvirs—a <i lang="fr">coup d’état</i> of one kind or another +against the tribunician tendency⁠<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>—corresponds more or less to the fall +of Cleomenes (488) and of Pausanias (470); and the revolution of Agis III and +Cleomenes III (about 240) aligns itself with the political activity of C. Flaminius, +which began only a few years later. But never in Sparta were the kings +able to achieve any thorough-going success over the senatorial element represented +by the Ephors.</p> + +<p>In the period of these struggles, Rome had become a megalopolis of the late-Classical +<span class="pagenum" id="p66">[66]</span>type. The rustic instincts were more and more pushed back by the +intelligence of the city.⁠<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> Consequently from about 350 we find side by side +with the <i lang="la">lex rogata</i> of the people the <i lang="la">lex data</i>, the administrative law, of the +prætor. With this the Twelve Tables idea drops out of the contest and it is +the prætor’s edict that becomes the football of the party battle.</p> + +<p>It did not take long for the prætor to become the centre of both legislation +and judicial practice. And presently, corresponding to the political extension +of the city’s power, the jurisdiction of the prætor and the field of his <i lang="la">jus civile</i>—the +law of the citizens—begin to diminish in significance and the peregrin +prætor with his <i lang="la">jus gentium</i>—the law of the alien—steps into the foreground. +And when finally the whole population of the Classical world, save the small +part possessing Roman citizenship, was comprised in the field of this alien law, +the <i lang="la">jus peregrinum</i> of the city of Rome became practically an imperial law. All +other cities—and even Alpine tribes and migrant Bedouin clans were <i lang="la">civitates</i> +from the administrative point of view—retained their local laws only as +supplements, not alternatives, to the peregrin law of Rome.</p> + +<p>It marked the close of Classical law-making, therefore, when Hadrian +(about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 130) introduced the <i lang="la">Edictum perpetuum</i>, which gave final form to the +well-established corpus of the annual pronouncements of the prætors and forbade +further modifications thereof. It was still, as before, the prætor’s duty +to publish the “law of his year,” but, even though this law had no greater degree +of validity than corresponded to his administrative powers and was not the +law of the Empire, he was obliged thenceforth to stick to the established text.⁠<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> +It is the very symbol of the petrified “Late” Civilization.⁠<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p> + +<p>With the Hellenistic age began jurisprudence, the <em>science</em> of law, the systematic +comprehension of the law which men actually apply. Since legal thought +presupposes a substance of political and economic relations, in the same way as +mathematical thought presupposes physical and technical elements of knowledge,⁠<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> +Rome very soon became <em>the home of Classical jurisprudence</em>. Similarly in the +Mexican world it was the conquering Aztecs whose academies (e.g., Tezcuco) +made law the chief subject of study. Classical jurisprudence was the Roman’s +science, and his only one. At the very moment when the creative mathematic +closes off with Archimedes, juristic literature begins with Ælius’s <cite lang="la">Tripertita</cite>, a +commentary on the Twelve (198 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>).⁠<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> The first systematic private law was +written by M. Scævola about 100. The genuine maturity of Classical law is in +the two centuries 200–0—although we to-day, with quaint perversity, apply +<span class="pagenum" id="p67">[67]</span>the time to a period which was really that of Early Arabian law. And from the +relics of these two literatures we can measure the greatness of the gap that +separates the thought of two Cultures. The Romans treat only of cases and +their classification; they never analyse a basic idea such as, for instance, +judicial error. They distinguish carefully the sorts of contracts, but they have +no conception of Contract as an idea, or of any theories as to invalidity or +unsoundness. “Taking everything into account,” says Lenel,⁠<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> “it is clear that +the Romans cannot possibly be regarded as exemplars of scientific method.”</p> + +<p>The last phase is that of the schools of the Sabiniani and Proculiani (Augustus +to about 160 <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span>). They are scientific schools like the philosophical +schools in Athens, and in them, possibly, the expiring stages of the conflict +between the senatorial and the tribunician (Cæsarian) conceptions of law were +fought, for amongst the best of the Sabiniani were two descendants of Cæsar’s +slayers and one of the Proculiani was picked upon by Trajan as his potential +successor. While the method was to all intents and purposes settled and concluded, +the practical fusion of the citizen’s statute-law (<i lang="la">jus civile</i>) and the +prætor’s edict (<i lang="la">jus honorarium</i>) was carried out here.</p> + +<p>The last landmark of Classical jurisprudence, so far as we know, was the +<cite>Institutes</cite> of Gaius (about 161).</p> + +<p><em>Classical law is a law of bodies.</em> In the general stock composing the world it +distinguishes bodily Persons and bodily Things and, like a sort of Euclidean +mathematic of public life, establishes ratios between them. The affinity between +mathematical and legal thought is very close. The intention, in both, +is to take the prima facie data, to separate out the sensuous-incidental, and to +find the intellectually basic principle—the <em>pure</em> form of the object, the <em>pure</em> +type of the situation, the <em>pure</em> connexity of cause and effect. Life, in the +Classical, presents itself to the critical waking-consciousness of the Classical +man in a form penetrated with Euclidean character, and the image that is generated +in the legal mind is one of bodies, of positional relations between bodies, +and of reciprocal effects of bodies by contact and reaction—just as with +Democritus’s atoms. It is juristic statics.⁠<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p> + + +<h3 id="V_2"> + V +</h3> + +<p>The first creation of “Arabian” law was <em>the concept of the incorporeal person</em>.</p> + +<p>Here is an element entirely absent in Classical law,⁠<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> and appearing quite +suddenly in the “Classical” jurists (who were all Aramæans), which cannot be +estimated at its full value, or in its symbolic importance as an index of the new +<span class="pagenum" id="p68">[68]</span>world-feeling, unless we realize the full extent of the field that this Arabian +law covered.</p> + +<p>The new landscape embraces Syria and northern Mesopotamia, southern +Arabia and Byzantium. In all these regions a new law was coming into being, +an oral or written customary law of the same “early” type as that met with in +the <i lang="de">Sachsenspiegel</i>. Wonderfully, the <em>law of individual cities</em> which is so self-evident +on Classical ground is here silently transmuted into a <em>law of creed-communities</em>. +It is Magian, magic, through and through. Always <em>one</em> Pneuma, <em>one</em> like spirit, +<em>one</em> identical knowledge and comprehension of whole and sole truth, welds the +believers of the same religion into a unit of will and action, <em>into one juristic +person</em>. A juristic person is thus a collective entity which has intentions, +resolutions, and responsibilities as an entity. In Christianity we see the idea +already actual and effective in the primitive community at Jerusalem,⁠<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> and +presently it soars to the conception of a triune Godhead of three Persons.⁠<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> + +<p>Before Constantine, even, the Late Classical law of imperial decrees (<i lang="la">constitutiones, +placita</i>) though the Roman form of city law was strictly kept, was +genuinely a law for the <em>believers of the “Syncretic Church,”</em>⁠<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> that mass of cults +perfused by one single religiousness. In Rome itself, it is true, law was conceived +of by a large part of the population as city-state law, but this feeling became +weaker and weaker with every step towards the East. The fusion of the faithful +into a single <em>jural community</em> was effected in express form by the Emperor-cult, +which was religious law through and through. In relation to this law +Jews and Christians⁠<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> were infidels who ensconced themselves with their own +laws in another field of law. When in 212 the Aramæan Caracalla, by the +<i lang="la">Constitutio Antoniana</i>, gave Roman citizenship to all inhabitants except <i lang="la">dediticii</i> +peregrins,⁠<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> the form of his act was purely Classical, and no doubt there were +plenty of people who understood it in the Classical spirit—i.e., as literally an +incorporation of the citizens of every other city in the city of Rome. But the +Emperor himself conceived it quite otherwise. It made everyone subject to the +“Ruler of the Faithful,” the head of the cult-religion venerated as <i>Divus</i>. With +<span class="pagenum" id="p69">[69]</span>Constantine came the great change; he turned Imperial Caliph law on to the +creed-community of Christianity in lieu of that of Syncretism, and thereby <em>constituted +the Christian Nation</em>. The labels “devout” and “unbeliever” changed places. +From Constantine onwards the quiet transformation of “Roman” law into +<em>orthodox Christian law</em> proceeded more and more decisively, and it was as such +that converted Asiatics and Germans received and adopted it. Thus a perfectly +new law came into being in old forms. According to the old marriage-law it was +impossible for a Roman burgher to marry the daughter of, say, a Capuan burgher +if legal community, <i lang="la">connubium</i>, was not in force between the two cities.⁠<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> But +now the question was whether a Christian or a Jew—irrespective of whether +he was Roman, Syrian, or Moor—could legally marry an infidel. For +in the Magian law-world there was no <i lang="la">connubium</i> between those of different +faiths. There was not the slightest difficulty about an Irishman in Constantinople +marrying a Negress if both were Christians, but how could a +Monophysite Christian marry a Nestorian maiden who was his neighbour in +their Syrian village? Racially they were probably indistinguishable, but they +belonged to legally different nations.</p> + +<p>This Arabian concept of nationality is a new and wholly decisive fact. +The frontiers between “home” and “abroad” lay in the Apollinian world +between every two towns, and in the Magian between every two creed-communities. +What the “enemy,” the peregrin, was to the Roman, the Pagan +was to the Christian, the Amhaarez to the Jew. What the acquisition of Roman +citizenship meant for the Gaul or the Greek in Cæsar’s time, Christian baptism +meant for him now—entry into the leading nation of the leading Culture.⁠<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> +The Persians of the Sassanid period no longer conceived of themselves, as their +predecessors of Achæmenid times had done, as a unit by virtue of origin and +speech, but as a unit of Mazdaist believers, <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> unbelievers, irrespective of +the fact that the latter might be of pure Persian origin (as indeed the bulk of +the Nestorians were). So also with the Jews, and later the Mandæans and +Manichæans, and later again the Monophysite and the Nestorian Christians—each +body felt itself a nation, a legal community, a juristic person in a new +sense.</p> + +<p>Thus there arises a group of Early Arabian laws, differentiated according to +religions as decisively as Classical laws are differentiated according to cities. +In the realm of the Sassanids schools arose for the teaching the Zoroastrian +law proper to them; the Jews, who formed an exceedingly large portion of the +population from Armenia to Sabæa, created their proper law in the Talmud, +which was completed and closed some few years before the <cite lang="la">Corpus Juris</cite>. Each +one of these Churches had its peculiar jurisdiction, independent of the geographical +<span class="pagenum" id="p70">[70]</span>frontiers of the moment—as in the East to-day—and the judge +representing the ground-lord judged only cases between parties of different +faiths. The self-jurisdiction of the Jews within the Empire had never been +contested by anyone, but the Nestorians and the Monophysites also began, +very soon after their separation, to create and to apply laws of their own, +and thus by a negative process—i.e., by the gradual withdrawal of all heterodox +communities—Roman imperial law came to be the law of the Christians +who confessed the same creed as the Emperor. Hence the importance of the +Roman-Syrian law-book, which has been preserved in several languages. It +was probably⁠<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> pre-Constantinian and written in the chancery of the Patriarch +of Antioch; it is quite unmistakably Early Arabian law in Late Classical form, +and, as its many translations indicate, it owed its currency to the opposition +to the orthodox Imperial Church. It was without doubt the basis of Monophysite +law, and it reigned till the coming of Islam over a field far larger than +that of the <cite lang="la">Corpus Juris</cite>.</p> + +<p>The question arises, what in such a tapestry of laws could have been the real +practical value of the part of them which was written in Latin? The law +historians, with all the one-sidedness of the expert, have hitherto looked at +this part alone and therefore have not yet realized that there is a problem here +at all. Their texts were “Law” unqualified, the law that descended from +Rome to us, and they were concerned only to investigate the history of these +texts and not their real significance in the lives of the Eastern peoples. What +in reality we have here is the highly civilized law of an aged Culture forced +upon the springtime of a young one.⁠<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> It came over as learned literature, and in +the train of political developments which were quite other than they would +have been had Alexander or Cæsar lived longer or had Antony won at Actium. +We must look at Early Arabian law from the standpoint of Ctesiphon and not +from that of Rome. The law of the distant West had long before reached inward +fulfilment—could it be here more than a mere literature? What part +did it play, if any, in the active law-study, law-making, and law-practice +of this landscape? And, indeed we must further ask how much of Roman—or +for that matter of Classical generally—is contained in this literature +itself.⁠<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p71">[71]</span></p> + +<p>The history of this Latin-written law belongs after 160 to the Arabian +East, and it says a great deal that it can be traced in exactly parallel courses +into the history of Jewish, Christian, and Persian literature.⁠<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> The “Classical” +jurists (160–220), Papinian, Ulpian, and Paul, were Aramæans, and Ulpian +described himself with pride as a Phœnician from Tyre. They came, therefore, +from the same population as the Tannaim who perfected the Mishnah shortly +after 200, and most of the Christian Apologists (Tertullian 160–223). Contemporary +with them is the fixation of canon and text for the New Testament by +Christian, for the Hebrew Old Testament by Jewish,⁠<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> and for the Avesta by +Persian, scholars. It is the high Scholasticism of the Arabian Springtime. +The digests and commentaries of these jurists stand towards the petrified legal +store of the Classical in exactly the same relation as the Mishnah to the Torah +of Moses (and as, much later, the Hadith to the Koran)—they are “Halakhoth”⁠<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>—a +new customary law grasped in the forms of an authoritative and +traditional law-material. The casuistic method is everywhere the same. The +Babylonian Jews possessed a well-developed civil law which was taught in the +academies of Sura and Pumbeditha. Everywhere a class of law-men formed +itself—the <i lang="la">prudentes</i> of the Christians, the rabbis of the Jews, later the ulemas +(in Persian, mollahs) of the Islamic nation—who enunciated opinions, <i lang="la">responsa</i> +(Arabic, <i>Fetwa</i>). If the Ulema was acknowledged by the State, he was called +“Mufti” (Byzantine, <i lang="la">ex auctoritate principis</i>). Everywhere the forms are exactly +the same.</p> + +<p>About 200 the Apologists pass into the Fathers proper, the Tannaim into +the Amoraim, the great casuists of juridical law (<i lang="la">jus</i>) into the exegetes and +codifiers of constitutional law (<i lang="la">lex</i>). The constitutions of the Emperors, from +200 the sole source of new “Roman” law, are again a new “Halakhah” laid +down over that in the jurists’ writings, and therefore correspond exactly to the +Gemara, which rapidly evolved as an outlier of the Mishnah. The new +tendencies reached fulfilment simultaneously in the <i lang="la">Corpus Juris</i> and the +Talmud.</p> + +<p>The opposition between <i lang="la">jus</i> and <i lang="la">lex</i> in Arabian-Latin usage comes to expression +very clearly in the work of Justinian. Institutes and Digests are +<i lang="la">jus</i>; they have essentially the significance of canonical texts. Constitutions +and Novels are <i lang="la">leges</i>, new law in the form of elucidations. The canonical books +of the New Testament and the traditions of the Fathers are related to one +another in the same way.</p> + +<p>As to the Oriental character of the thousands of constitutions, no one now +has any doubts. It is pure customary law of the Arabian world that the living +<span class="pagenum" id="p72">[72]</span>pressure of evolution forced under the texts of the learned.⁠<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> + The innumerable +decrees of the Christian rulers of Byzantium, of the Persian of Ctesiphon, of the +Jewish (the Resh-Galuta⁠<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>) in Babylonia, and finally of the Caliphs of Islam +have all exactly the same significance.</p> + +<p>But what significance had the <em>other</em> part of pseudo-Classical, the old jurists’, +law? Here it is not enough to explain texts, and we must know what was the +relation between texts, jurisprudence, and court decisions. It can happen +that one and the same law-book is, in the waking-consciousness of two groups +of peoples, equivalent to two fundamentally different works.</p> + +<p>It was not long before it became the habit, not to apply the old laws of the +city of Rome to the fact-material of the given case, but to quote the jurists’ +texts like the Bible.⁠<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> What does this signify? For our Romanists it is a sign +of decadence, but looked at from the view-point of the Arabian world, it is just +the reverse—a proof that Arabian man did eventually succeed in making an +alien and imposed literature inwardly his own, in the form admissible for his +own world-feeling. With this the completeness of the opposition between +the Classical and the Arabian world-feeling becomes manifest.</p> + + +<h3 id="VI_1"> + VI +</h3> + +<p>Whereas the Classical law was made by burghers on the basis of practical +experience, the Arabian came from God, who manifested it through the intellect +of chosen and enlightened men. The Roman distinction between <i lang="la">jus</i> +and <i lang="la">fas</i> (such as it was, for the content even of <i lang="la">fas</i> had proceeded from human +reflection) became meaningless. The law, of whatever kind, spiritual or secular, +came into being, as stated in the first words of Justinian’s Digests, <cite lang="la">Deo +auctore</cite>. The authoritativeness of Classical laws rests upon their success, that +of the Arabian on the majesty of the name that they bear.⁠<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> But it matters very +considerably indeed in a man’s feelings whether he regards law as an expression +of some fellow man’s will or as an element of the divine dispensation. In the +one case he either sees for himself that the law is right or else yields to force, +but in the other he devoutly acknowledges (“<i>Islam</i>” = to commit, devote). +The Oriental does not ask to see either the practical object of the law that is applied +to him or the logical grounds of its judgments. The relation of the cadi to +the people, therefore, has nothing in common with that of the prætor to the +citizens. The latter bases his decisions upon an insight trained and tested in +high positions, the former upon a spirit that is effective and immanent in him +<span class="pagenum" id="p73">[73]</span>and speaks through his mouth. But it follows from this that their respective relations +to written law—the prætor’s to his edict, the cadi’s to the jurists’ texts—must +be entirely different. It is a quintessence of concentrated experience that +the prætor makes his own, but the texts are a sort of oracle that the cadi esoterically +questions. It does not matter in the least to the cadi what a passage originally +meant or why it was framed. He consults the words—<em>even the letters</em>—and +he does so not at all for their everyday meanings, but for the <em>magic</em> relations +in which they must stand towards the case before him. We know this +relation of the “spirit” to the “letter” from the Gnosis, from the early-Christian, +Jewish, and Persian apocalyptic and mystical literature, from the +Neopythagorean philosophy, from the Kabbalah; and there is not the slightest +doubt that the Latin codices were used in exactly the same way in the minor +judicial practice of the Aramæan world. The conviction that the letters contain +secret meanings, penetrated with the Spirit of God, finds imaginative expression +in the fact (mentioned above) that all religions of the Arabian world +formed scripts of their own, in which the holy books had to be written and +which maintained themselves with astounding tenacity as badges of the respective +“nations” even after changes of language.⁠<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p> + +<p>But even in law the basis of determining the truth by a majority of texts is the +fact of the consensus of the spiritual elect, the <i>ijma</i>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> This theory Islamic science +worked out to its logical conclusions. We seek to find the truth, each for +himself, by personal pondering, but the Arabian savant feels for and ascertains +the general conviction of his associates, which cannot err because the mind of +God and the mind of the community are the same. If <em>consensus</em> is found, truth is +established. “<i>Ijma</i>” is the key of all Early Christian, Jewish, and Persian +Councils, but it is the key, too, of the famous Law of Citations of Valentinian +III (426), which the law-men have universally ridiculed without in the +least understanding its spiritual foundations. The law limits the number of +great jurists whose texts were allowed to be cited to five, and thus set up a +canon—in the same sense as the Old and New Testaments, both of which also +were summations of texts which might be cited as canonical. If opinions +differed, the law of Valentinian laid it down that a majority should prevail, +or if the texts were equally divided, the authority of Papinian.⁠<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> The interpolation +method, used on a large scale by Tribonian for the Digest of Justinian, +<span class="pagenum" id="p74">[74]</span>is a product of this same outlook. A canonical text is in its very idea true and +incapable of improvement. But the actual needs of the spirit alter, and so +there grew up a technique of secret modifications which outwardly kept up the +fiction of inalterability and which is employed very freely indeed in all religious +writings of the Arabian world, the Bible included.</p> + +<p>After Mark Antony, Justinian is the most fateful personality of the Arabian +world. Like his “contemporary” Charles V he ruined everything for which +he was invoked. Just as in the West the Faustian dream of a resurrection of +the Holy Roman Empire runs through all the political romanticism that +darkened the sense of fact during and beyond the age of Napoleon—and even +that of the princely fools of 1848—so also Justinian was possessed with a +Quixotic urgency to recover the entire Imperium. It was always upon distant +Rome instead of upon his proper world, the Eastern, that his eyes were +fixed. Even before he ascended the throne, he was already in negotiation with +the Pope of Rome, who was still subordinate to the great Patriarch of Christendom +and not yet generally recognized even as <i lang="la">primus inter pares</i>. It was at the +Pope’s instance that the dual-nature symbol was introduced at Chalcedon,⁠<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> a +step which lost the Monophysite countries wholly and for ever. The consequence +of Actium was that Christianity in its first two decisive and formative +centuries was pulled over into the West, into Classical territories, where the +higher intellectual stratum held aloof. Then the Early Christian spirit rose +afresh with the Monophysites and Nestorians. But Justinian thrust this revival +back upon itself, and the result was that in the realms of Eastern Christianity +the reformist movement, when in due course it appeared, was not a +Puritanism but the <em>new religion</em> of Islam. And in the same way, at the very +moment when the Eastern customary law had become ripe for codification, he +framed a Latin codex which, for language reasons in the East and for political +reasons in the West, was condemned from the first to remain a literary product.</p> + +<p>The work itself, like the corresponding codes of Dracon and Solon, came +into being at the threshold of a “Late” period, and with political intentions. +In the West, where the fiction of a continuing <i lang="la">Imperium Romanum</i> produced the +utterly meaningless campaigns of Belisarius and Narses, Latin codes had been +put together (about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 500) by Visigoths, Burgundians and Ostrogoths for +subjugated Romans, and so Byzantium must needs get out a genuine Roman +code in opposition. In the East the Jewish nation has already settled its code, +the Talmud, while, for the immense numbers of people who were subject to +the Emperor’s law, a code proper for the Emperor’s own nation, the Christian, +had become a necessity.</p> + +<p>For the <i lang="la">Corpus Juris</i> with its topsy-turviness and its technical faults is, in spite +of everything, an Arabic—in other words, a <em>religious</em>—creation, as evidenced +<span class="pagenum" id="p75">[75]</span>in the Christian tendency of many interpolations;⁠<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> + in the fact that the constitutions +relative to ecclesiastical law, which had been put at the end even in the +Theodosian codex, were now placed at the beginning; and very markedly in +the preambles of many of the Novels. Yet the book is not a beginning, but an +end. Latin, which had long become valueless, now disappears completely from +legal life (even the Novels are mostly in Greek), and with it the work so misguidedly +written in that language. But the history of the law pursues the way +that the Syrian-Roman law-book had indicated to it, and in the eighth century +arrives at works in the mode of our eighteenth, such as the Ecloga of the +Emperor Leo⁠<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> + and the Corpus of the great Persian jurist Archbishop Jesubocht.⁠<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> +In that time, too, came the greatest figure of Islamic jurisprudence, Abu Hanifah.</p> + + +<h3 id="VII"> + VII +</h3> + +<p>The law-history of the West begins in total independence of Justinian’s +creation. At that time it was in complete oblivion, so thoroughly unimportant, +in fact, that of its main element, the Pandects (Digest), there was but one +manuscript, which by accident (an unfortunate one) was discovered about +1050.</p> + +<p>The pre-Cultural phase, from about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 500, had thrown up a series of +Germanic tribal codes—the Visigothic, Ostrogothic, Burgundian, Frankish, +and Lombard—which correspond to those of the Arabian pre-Culture that +survives for us only in the Jewish⁠<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> Deuteronomy (<i>c.</i> 621, more or less our +Deuteronomy xii-xxvi) and Priestly History (<i>c.</i> 450, now represented +by the second, third, and fourth books of the Pentateuch). Both are concerned +with the values of basic significance for a primitive existence—family +and chattels—and both make use, crudely, yet shrewdly, of an old +and civilized law—the Jews (and no doubt the Persians and others) working +upon the late Babylonian,⁠<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> and the Germans upon some few relics of Urbs Roma.</p> + +<p>The political life of the Gothic springtime, with its peasant, feudal, and +simple burgher laws, leads very soon to particular development in three great +branches of law which have remained distinct to this day—and there has been +no unifying comparative history of law in the West to probe the deep meaning +of this development.</p> + +<p>The most important by far, owing to the political destinies in which it was +involved, was the Norman law, which was borrowed from the Frankish. After +the Conquest of England in 1066, this drove out the native Saxon, and since +<span class="pagenum" id="p76">[76]</span>that day in England “the law of the great men has become the law of the +whole people.” Its purely German spirit has developed it, without a catastrophe, +from a feudal régime of unparalleled stringency into the institutions +of the present day which have become law in Canada, India, Australia, +South Africa, and the United States. Even apart from the extent of its power, +it is the most instructive in West Europe. Its development, unlike that of the +rest, did <em>not</em> lie in the hands of theoretical jurists. The study of Roman law at +Oxford was not allowed to touch practice; and at Merton in 1236 the higher +nobility expressly rejected it. The Bench itself continued to develop the old +law-material by means of creative precedents, and it was these practical decisions +(“Reports”) that formed the basis of law-books such as that of Bracton.⁠<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> +Since then, and to this day, a statute law, kept living and progressive +by the court decisions, and a common law, which always vividly underlies the +legislation, exist side by side, without its ever becoming necessary for the +representatives of the people to make single large efforts at codification.</p> + +<p>In the South, the law of the German-Roman codices above mentioned prevailed—in +southern France the Visigothic (called the <i lang="fr">droit écrit</i> in contrast +to the Frankish <i lang="fr">droit coutumier</i> of the north), and in Italy the Lombard +(which was the most important of them, was almost purely Germanic, +and held its own till well into the Renaissance). Pavia became a study-centre +for German law and produced about 1070 the “<i lang="la">Expositio</i>,” by far the greatest +achievement of juridical science in the age, and immediately after it a code, the +“<i>Lombarda</i>.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> The legal evolution of the entire South was broken off by +Napoleon’s <i lang="fr">Code Civil</i>, which took its place. But this in turn has become in all +Latin lands and far beyond them the basis for further creative work—and +hence, after the English, it is the most important.</p> + +<p>In Germany, the movement that set in so powerfully with the Gothic +tribal laws (<i lang="de">Sachsenspiegel</i>, 1230; <i lang="de">Schwabenspiegel</i>, 1274) frittered itself away to +nullity. A host of petty civic and territorial rights went on springing up +until indignation with the facts induced an unreal political romanticism in +dreamers and enthusiasts, the Emperor Maximilian among them, and law came +under attack with the rest. The Diet of Worms in 1495 framed its “<i lang="de">Kammergerichtsordnung</i>”⁠<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> +after an Italian model. Now there was not only the “Holy +Roman Empire” on German ground, but “Roman law” as German common-law. +The old German procedures were exchanged for Italian. The judges +had to study their law beyond the Alps, and obtained their experience not from +the ambient life, but from a logic-chopping philology. In this country alone +are to be found, later, the ideologues for whom the <i lang="la">Corpus Juris</i> is an ark to be +defended against the profanation of realities.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p77">[77]</span></p> + +<p>What, in fact, was it that under the high-sounding name passed into the +intellectual keeping of a handful of Gothic men? About 1100, at the University +of Bologna, a German, Irnerius, had made that unique manuscript of the +Pandects the object of a veritable Scholasticism. He transferred the Lombard +method to the new text, “the truth of which, as a <i lang="la">ratio scripta</i>, was believed in +as implicitly as the Bible and Aristotle.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> Truth!—but the Gothic understanding, +tied to the Gothic life-content, was incapable even of distantly +guessing at the spirit of these texts, for the principles fixed in them were the +principles of a civilized and megalopolitan life. This school of the glossators, +like Scholasticism in general, stood under the spell of concept-realism; as +they held the genuine real, the substance of the world, to be not in things, but +in universal concepts, so they maintained that the law was to be found not in +custom and usage as displayed in the despised⁠<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> <i>Lombarda</i>, but in the manipulation +of abstract notions. Their interest in the book was purely dialectical⁠<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>—never +was it in their minds to apply their work to life. It was only after +1300, and then slowly, that their anti-Lombard glosses and summæ made their +way into the cities of the Renaissance. The jurists of the Late Gothic, above +all Bartolus, had fused canon and Germanic law into one whole with a definitely +practical intention, and into it they brought ideas of actuality—here, as in +Dracon’s code and the Imperial Edicts from Theodosius to Justinian, the actuality +of a Culture that is on the threshold of its “Late” stage. It was <em>the +creation of Bartolus that became effective</em> in Spain and Germany as “Roman law”; +only in France did the jurists of the Baroque, after Cujacius and Donellus, get +back from the Scholastic to the Byzantine text.</p> + +<p>But Bologna witnessed, besides Irnerius’s achievement in abstraction, an +event of quite other and decisive import—the famous Decretum of Gratian, +written about 1140.⁠<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> This created the Western <em>science of spiritual law</em>. For by +bringing the old-Catholic, Magian, church-law,⁠<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> founded in the Early-Arabian +sacrament of baptism,⁠<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> into a system, it provided the very form that the new-Catholic, +Faustian Christianity needed for the jural expression of its own being, +which reached back to the prime sacrament of an altar and a consecrated priesthood. +With the <i lang="la">Liber extra</i> of 1234 the main body of the <i lang="la">Corpus Juris Canonici</i> is +complete. What the Empire had failed to accomplish—the creation, out of +the immense undeveloped profusion of tribal laws, of a general Western “<i lang="la">Corpus +Juris Germanici</i>”—the Papacy achieved. There came into existence a complete +private law, with sanctions and processes, produced with German method +out of the ecclesiastical and secular law-material of the Gothic. This is the +<span class="pagenum" id="p78">[78]</span>law called “Roman” which presently, after Bartolus, was infused into all +study of the texts of Justinian themselves. And it shows us, in the domain of +jurisprudence as elsewhere, that great dissidence, inherent in the Faustian, +which produced the gigantic conflict between the Papacy and the Empire. +The destruction between <i lang="la">fas</i> and <i lang="la">jus</i>, impossible in the Arabian world, was +inevitable in the Western. They are two expressions of a will-to-power over +the infinite, but the will behind “temporal” legislation is rooted in custom +and lays hands on the generations of the future, while that of “spiritual” +originates in mystical certainty and pronounces a timeless and eternal law.⁠<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> +This battle between equally matched opponents has never yet been ended, and +it is visible even to-day in our law of marriage, with its opposition of the +ecclesiastical and the civil wedding.</p> + +<p>With the dawn of the Baroque, life, having by that time assumed urban +and money-economic forms, begins to demand a law like that of the Classical +city-states after Solon. The purpose of the prevailing law was now perfectly +clear. But it was a fateful legacy from the Gothic that the creation of “the +law inborn in us” was looked upon as the privilege of a learned class, and this +privilege no one succeeded in shaking.</p> + +<p>Urban rationalism turned, as in the case of the Sophists and the Stoics, to +busy itself with the “law of nature,” from its foundation by Oldendorp and +Bodinus to its destruction by Hegel. In England the great Coke successfully +defended Germanic self-developing practical law against the last attempts of +the Tudors to introduce Pandect law. But on the Continent the systems of the +learned evolved in <em>Roman</em> forms right down to the state codes of Germany and +the schemes of the <i lang="fr">Ancien Régime</i> in France on which the Code Napoléon was +based. And therefore Blackstone’s <cite>Commentaries on the Laws of England</cite> (1765) is +the one purely Germanic Code, and it appeared when the Faustian Culture had +already reached the threshold of its Civilization.</p> + + +<h3 id="VIII"> + VIII +</h3> + +<p>With this I reach the objective and look around me. I see three law-histories, +connected merely by the elements of verbal and syntactical form, taken +over by one from another, voluntarily or perforce, but never revealing to the +new user the nature of the alien being which underlay them. Two of these +histories are complete. The third is that in which we ourselves are standing—standing, +too, at a decisive point where we embark in our turn upon the big +constructive task that Rome and Islam, each for itself and in its season, have +accomplished before us.</p> + +<p>What has “Roman” law been for us hitherto? What has it spoilt? What +can it be for us in the future?</p> + +<p>All through our legal history runs, as basic motive, the conflict between +<span class="pagenum" id="p79">[79]</span>book and life. The Western book is not an oracle or magician’s text with +Magian under-sense, but <em>a piece of preserved history</em>. It is compressed Past that +wants to become Future, through us who read it and in whom its content lives +anew. Faustian man does not aim, like Classical man, at bringing his life to a +self-contained perfection, but at carrying on a life that emerged long before +him and will draw to its end long after him. For Gothic man—so far as he reflected +about himself at all—the question was not whether he should look for +linkages of his being and history, but in what direction to look for them. +He required a past in order to find meaning and depth in the present. On the +spiritual side the past which presented itself to him was ancient Israel; on the +mundane it was ancient Rome, whose relics he saw all about him. What was +revered was revered not because it was great, but because it was old and distant. +If these men had known Egypt, they would hardly have noticed Rome, and the +language of our Culture would have developed differently.</p> + +<p>As it was a Culture of books and readers, Classical texts were “received” +in any and every field as Roman law was “received” in Germany, and their +further development assumed the form of a slow and unwilling self-emancipation. +“Reception” of Aristotle, of Euclid, of the <i lang="la">Corpus Juris</i>, means in this +Culture (in the Magian East it was different) discovering a ready-made vessel +for our own thought a great deal too soon, with the result of making a historically +built kind of man into a slave of concepts. The alien life-feeling, of course, +did not and could not enter into his thought, but it was a hindrance to his own +life-feeling’s development of an unconstrained speech of its own.</p> + +<p>Now, legal thought is forced to attach itself to something tangible—there +must be something before it can abstract its concepts; it must have +something from which to abstract. And it was the misfortune of Western +jurisprudence that, instead of quarrying in strong, firm custom of social and +economic life, it abstracted prematurely and in a hurry from Latin writings. +The Western jurist became a philologist, and practical experience of life was +replaced by scholarly experience in the purely logical separation and disposition +of legal concepts on self-contained foundations.</p> + +<p>Owing to this, we have been completely cut off from touch with the fact +that <em>private law is meant to represent the social and economic existence of its period</em>. +Neither the Code Napoléon nor the Prussian Landrecht, neither Grotius nor +Mommsen, was definitely conscious of this fact. Neither in the training of the +legal profession nor in its literature do we detect the slightest inkling of this—the +genuine—“source” of valid law.</p> + +<p>And consequently we possess a private law that rests on the shadowy +foundations of <em>the Late Classical economy</em>. The intense embitterment which, in +these beginnings of our Civilization’s economy, opposes the name of Capitalism +to the name of Socialism comes very largely from the fact that scholarly +jurisprudence, and under its influence educated thought generally, have tied +<span class="pagenum" id="p80">[80]</span>up such all-important notions as person, thing, and property to the conditions +and the dispositions of Classical life. The book puts itself between the facts +and the perception of them. The learned—meaning thereby the book-learned—weigh +up everything to this day in scales that are essentially Classical. The +man who is merely active and not trained to judgment feels himself misunderstood. +He sees the contradiction between the life of the times and the law’s +outlook upon it, and calls for the heads of those who—to gain their private +ends, as he thinks—have promoted this opposition.</p> + +<p>Again the question is: By whom and for whom is Western law made? +The Roman prætor was a landowner, a military officer, a man experienced in +administrative and financial questions; and it was just this experience that +was held to qualify him for the inseparable functions of expounder and maker +of the law. The peregrin prætor developed his aliens’ law as a law of commercial +intercourse adapted to the Late Classical megalopolis—without plan, +without tendency, out of the cases that came before him and nothing else.</p> + +<p>But the Faustian will-to-duration demands a book, something valid “for +evermore,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> a system that is intended to provide in advance for every possible +case, and this book, a work of learning, necessarily called for a scholarly class +of jurists and judges—the doctors of the faculties, the old German legal families, +and the French “<i lang="fr">noblesse de robe</i>.” The English judges, who number +hardly over a hundred,⁠<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> are drawn indeed from an upper class of advocates (the +“barristers”), but they actually rank above many members of the Government.</p> + +<p>A scholar-class is alien to the world, and despises experience that does not +originate in thought. Inevitably conflict arises between the “state of knowledge” +as the scholar will accept it and the flowing custom of practical life. +That manuscript of the Pandect of Irnerius became, and for centuries remained, +the “world” in which learned jurists lived. Even in England, where there are +no law faculties (in the European sense), it was exclusively the legal profession +that controlled further growth, so that even here the development of legal +ideas diverged from the development of general life.</p> + +<p>Thus what we have hitherto called juristic science is in fact either the +philology of law-language, or the scholarship of law-ideas. It is now the only +science that still continues to deduce the meaning of life from “eternally valid” +principles. “The German jurisprudence of to-day,” says Sohm,⁠<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> “represents +very largely indeed an inheritance from mediæval Scholasticism. We have +not yet begun to consider in deep earnest the bearing of the basic values of the +<em>actual</em> life about us upon legal theory. We do not even yet know what these +values are.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p81">[81]</span></p> + +<p>Here, then, is the task that German thought of the future has to perform. +From the practical life of the present it has to develop the deepest principles of +that life and elevate them into basic law-ideas. If our great arts lie behind us, +our great jurisprudence is yet to come.</p> + +<p>For the work of the nineteenth century—however creative that century +believed itself to be—was merely preparatory. <em>It freed us from the book of +Justinian, but not from the concepts.</em> The ideologues of Roman law among scholars +no longer count, but scholarship of the old cast remains. It is another kind of +jurisprudence that is needed now to free us from the schematism of these concepts. +Philological expertness must give place to social and economic.</p> + +<p>A glance at German civil and penal law will make the position clear. They +are systems ringed with a chaplet of minor laws—it was impossible to embody +the material of these in the main law. Conceptually, and therefore +syntactically, that which could not be understood in terms of the Classical +scheme separates itself from that which can be so understood.</p> + +<p>How was it that in 1900 the theft of electric power—after grotesque +discussions as to whether the matter in dispute was a corporeal thing⁠<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>—had +to be dealt with under an <i lang="la">ad hoc</i> statute? Why was it impossible to work the +substance of patent law into the ensemble of the law about things? Why was +copyright law unable conceptually to differentiate the intellectual creation, +its communicable form the manuscript, and the objective product in print? +Why, in contradiction with the law of things, had the artistic and the material +property in a picture to be distinguished by separating acquisition of the +original from acquisition of the right to reproduce it? Why is the misappropriation +of a business idea or a scheme of organization unpunishable, and theft +of the piece of paper on which it is set forth punishable? Because even to-day +we are dominated by the Classical idea of the material thing.⁠<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> We <em>live</em> otherwise. +Our instinctive experience is subject to <em>functional</em> concepts, such as working +power, inventiveness, enterprise, such as intellectual and bodily, artistic and +organizing, energies and capacities and talents. In our physics (of which the +theory, advanced though it is, is but a copy of our present mode of life) the +old idea of a body has in principle ceased to exist—as in this very instance of +electrical power. Why is our law conceptually helpless in the presence of the +great facts of modern economics? Because <em>persons, too</em>, are known to it <em>only as +bodies</em>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a></p> + +<p>If the Western jurisprudence took over ancient words, yet only the most superficial +elements of the ancient meanings still adhered to them. The consistency +of the text disclosed only the <em>logical</em> use of the words, not the life that +underlay them. No practice can reawaken the silent metaphysic of old jural +<span class="pagenum" id="p82">[82]</span>ideas. No laws in the world make this last and deepest element explicit, because—just +because—it is self-evident. In all of them the essential is tacitly +presupposed; in application it is not only the formula but also, and primarily, +the inexpressible element beneath it that the people inwardly understands and +can practise. Every law is, to the extent that it would be impossible to exaggerate, +customary law. Let the statute define the words; it is life that +explains them.</p> + +<p>If, however, a scholars’ law-language of alien origin and alien scheme tries +to bind the native and proper law, the ideas remain void and the life remains +dumb. Law becomes, not a tool, but a burden, and actuality marches on, not +with, but apart from legal history.</p> + +<p>And thus it is that the law-material that our Civilization needs fits only +in externals, or even not at all, with the Classical scheme of the law-books, +and for the purposes of our proper jurisprudence and our educated thought +generally is still formless and therefore unavailable.</p> + +<p>Are persons and things, in the sense of present-day legislation, law-<em>concepts</em> +at all? No! They merely serve to draw the ordinary distinction, the zoölogical +distinction, so to say, between man and the rest. But of old the whole +metaphysic of Classical being adhered to the notion of “<i lang="la">persona</i>.” The distinction +between man and deity, the essence of the Polis, of the hero, of the +slave, the Cosmos of stuff and form, the life-ideal of Ataraxia, were the self-evident +premisses, and these premisses have for us completely perished. In +our thought the word “property” is tied up with the Classical <em>static</em> definition, +and consequently, in every application to the dynamism of our way of living +it falsifies. We leave such definitions to the world-shy abstract professors +of ethics, jurists, and philosophers and to the unintelligent debate of political +doctrinaires—and this although the <em>whole</em> understanding of the economic history +of this day <em>rests upon the metaphysic of this one notion</em>.</p> + +<p>It must be emphasized then—and with all rigour—that Classical law +was a law of <em>bodies</em>, while ours is a law of <em>functions</em>. The Romans created a +juristic statics; our task is juristic dynamics. For us persons are not bodies, +but units of force and will; and things are not bodies, but aims, means, and +creations of these units. The Classical relation between bodies was positional, +but the relation between forces is called action. For a Roman the slave was a +thing which produced new things. A writer like Cicero could never have +conceived of “intellectual property,” let alone property in a practical notion +or in the potentialities of talent; for us, on the contrary, the organizer or inventor +or promoter is <em>a generative force which works upon other, executive, forces</em>, by +giving direction, aim, and means to their action.⁠<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> Both belong to economic life, +not as possessors of things, but as carriers of energies.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p83">[83]</span></p> + +<p>The future will be called upon to transpose our entire legal thought into +alignment with our higher physics and mathematics. Our whole social, economic, +and technical life is waiting to be understood, at long last, in this wise. +We shall need a century and more of keenest and deepest thought to arrive at +the goal. And the prerequisite is a wholly new kind of preparatory training +in the jurist. It demands:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>1. An immediate, extended, and practical experience in the economic +life of the present.</p> + +<p>2. An exact knowledge of the legal history of the West, with constant +comparison of German, English, and “Roman” development.</p> + +<p>3. Knowledge of Classical jurisprudence, not as a model for principles +of present-day validity, but as a brilliant example of how a law can develop +strong and pure out of the <em>practical life</em> of its time.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Roman law has ceased to be our source for principles of eternal validity. +But the relation between Roman existence and Roman law-ideas gives it a +renewed value for us. We can learn from it how we have to build up <em>our</em> law +out of <em>our</em> experiences.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p84"></a><a id="p85"></a><a id="p86"></a><a id="p87"></a>[87]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV"> + CHAPTER IV + <br> + <span class="subtitle">CITIES AND PEOPLES + <br> + (A) + <br> + THE SOUL OF THE CITY</span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>About the middle of the second millennium before Christ, two worlds lay +over against one another on the Ægean Sea. The one, darkly groping, big with +hopes, drowsy with the intoxication of deeds and sufferings, ripening quietly +towards its future, was the Mycenæan. The other, gay and satisfied, snugly +ensconced in the treasures of an ancient Culture, elegant, light, with all its +great problems far behind it, was the Minoan of Crete.</p> + +<p>We shall never really comprehend this phenomenon, which in these days is +becoming the centre of research-interest, unless we appreciate the abyss of +opposition that separates the two souls. The man of those days must have +felt it deeply, but hardly “cognised” it. I see it before me: the humility of +the inhabitant of Tiryns and Mycenæ before the unattainable <i lang="fr">esprit</i> of life in +Cnossus, the contempt of the well-bred of Cnossus for the petty chiefs and their +followers, and withal a secret feeling of superiority in the healthy barbarians, +like that of the German soldier in the presence of the elderly Roman dignitary.</p> + +<p>How are we in a position to know this? There are several such moments in +which the men of two Cultures have looked into one another’s eyes. We know +more than one “Inter-Culture” in which some of the most significant tendencies +of the human soul have disclosed themselves.</p> + +<p>As it was (we may confidently say) between Cnossus and Mycenæ, so it was +between the Byzantine court and the German chieftains who, like Otto II, +married into it—undisguised wonder on the part of the knights and counts, +answered by the contemptuous astonishment of a refined, somewhat pale and +tired Civilization at that bearish morning vigour of the German lands which +Scheffel has described in <i lang="de">Ekkehard</i>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p> + +<p>In Charlemagne the mixture of a primitive human spirituality, on the +threshold of its awakening, with a superposed Late intellectuality, becomes +manifest. Certain characteristics of his rulership would lead us to name him +the Caliph of Frankistan, but on his other side he is but the chief of a Germanic +tribe; and it is the mingling of the two that makes him symbolic, in the same +way as the form of the Aachen palace-chapel—no longer mosque, not +yet cathedral. The Germanic-Western pre-Culture meanwhile is moving on, +but slowly and underground, for that sudden illumination which we most +ineptly call the Carolingian Renaissance is a ray from Baghdad. It must not be +<span class="pagenum" id="p88">[88]</span>overlooked that the period of Charles the Great is an episode of the surface, +ending, as accidentals do end, without issue. After 900, after a new deep depression, +there begins something really new, something having the telling +force of a Destiny and the depth that promises duration. But in 800 it was the +sun of the Arabian Civilization passing on from the world-cities of the East +to the countryside of the West. Even so the sunshine of Hellenism had spread +to the distant Indus.⁠<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a></p> + +<p>That which stands on the hills of Tiryns and Mycenæ is <i lang="de">Pfalz</i> and <i lang="de">Burg</i> of +root-Germanic type. The palaces of Crete—which are not kings’ castles, +but huge cult-buildings for a crowd of priests and priestesses—are equipped +with megalopolitan—nay, Late-Roman—luxury. At the foot of those hills +were crowded the huts of yeoman and vassals, but in Crete (Gournia, Hagia +Triada) the excavation of towns and villas has shown that the requirements +were those of high civilization, and the building-technique that of a long +experience, accustomed to catering for the most pampered taste in furniture +and wall-decoration, and familiar with lighting, water-circulation, staircases, +and suchlike problems.⁠<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> In the one, the plan of the house is a strict life-symbol; +in the other, the expression of a refined utilitarianism. Compare +the Kamares vases and the frescoes of smooth stucco with everything that is +genuinely Mycenæan—they are, through and through, the product of an +industrial art, clever and empty, and not of any grand and deep art of heavy, +clumsy, but forceful symbolism like that which in Mycenæ was ripening towards +the geometric style. It is, in a word, not a style but a taste.⁠<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> In Mycenæ +was housed a primitive race which chose its sites according to soil-value +and facilities for defence, whereas the Minoan population settled in business +foci, as may be observed very clearly in the case of Philakopi on Melos which +was established for the export trade in obsidian. A Mycenæan palace is a +promise, a Minoan something that is ending. But it was just the same in the +West about 800—the Frankish and Visigothic farms and manor-houses +stretched from the Loire to the Ebro, while south of them lay the Moorish +castles, villas, and mosques of Cordova and Granada.</p> + +<p>It is surely no accident that the peak of this Minoan luxury coincides with +the period of the great Egyptian revolution, and particularly the Hyksos time +(1780–1580 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>).⁠<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> The Egyptian craftsmen may well have fled in those days +to the peaceful islands and even as far as the strongholds of the mainland, as in +a later instance the Byzantine scholars fled to Italy. For it is axiomatic that +the Minoan Culture is a part of the Egyptian, and we should be able to realize +<span class="pagenum" id="p89">[89]</span>this more fully were it not that the part of Egypt’s art-store which would have +been decisive in this connexion—viz.: what was produced in the Western Delta—has +perished from damp. We only know the Egyptian Culture in so far as it +flourished on the dry soil of the south, but it has long been admitted as certain +that the centre of gravity of its evolution lay elsewhere.</p> + +<p>It is not possible to draw a strict frontier between the late Minoan and the +young Mycenæan art. Throughout the Egyptian-Cretan world we can observe +a highly modern fad for these alien and primitive things, and vice versa the +war-band kings of the mainland strongholds stole or bought Cretan <i lang="fr">objets +d’art</i> wherever and however they could come by them, admiring and imitating—even +as the style of the Migrations, once supposed to be, and prized as, proto-German, +borrows the whole of its form-language from the East.⁠<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> They had +their palaces and tombs built and decorated by captive or invited craftsmen. +The “Treasure-house” (Tomb) of Atreus in Mycenæ, therefore, is exactly +analogous to the tomb of Theoderich at Ravenna.</p> + +<p>In this regard Byzantium itself is a marvel. Here layer after layer has to be +carefully separated. In 326 Constantine, rebuilding on the ruins of the great +city destroyed by Septimus Severus, created a <em>Late Classical cosmopolis</em> of the +first rank, into which presently streamed hoary Apollinism from the West and +youthful Magism from the East. And long afterwards again, in 1096, it is +a <em>Late Magian</em> cosmopolis, confronted in its last autumn days with spring in the +shape of Godfrey of Bouillon’s crusaders, whom that clever royal lady Anna +Comnena⁠<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> portrays with contempt. As the easternmost of the Classical West, +this city bewitched the Goths; then, a millennium later, as the northernmost +of the Arabian world, it enchanted the Russians. And the amazing Vasili +Blazheny in Moscow (1554), the herald of the Russian pre-Culture, stands +“between styles,” just as, two thousand years before, Solomon’s Temple had +stood between Babylon the Cosmopolis and early Christianity.</p> + + +<h3 id="II_3"> + II +</h3> + +<p>Primeval man is a <em>ranging</em> animal, a being whose waking-consciousness +restlessly feels its way through life, all microcosm, under no servitude of place +or home, keen and anxious in its senses, ever alert to drive off some element of +hostile Nature. A deep transformation sets in first with agriculture—for that +is something <em>artificial</em>, with which hunter and shepherd have no touch. He +who digs and ploughs is seeking not to plunder, but to <em>alter</em> Nature. To plant +implies, not to take something, but to produce something. <em>But with this, man +himself becomes plant</em>—namely, as peasant. He roots in the earth that he +tends, the soul of man discovers a soul in the countryside, and a new earth-boundness +of being, a new feeling, pronounces itself. Hostile Nature becomes +<span class="pagenum" id="p90">[90]</span>the friend; earth becomes <em>Mother</em> Earth. Between sowing and begetting, +harvest and death, the child and the grain, a profound affinity is set up. A new +devoutness addresses itself in chthonian cults to the fruitful earth that grows up +along with man. And as completed expression of this life-feeling, we find +everywhere the <em>symbolic shape of the farmhouse</em>, which in the disposition of the +rooms and in every line of external form tells us about the blood of its inhabitants. +The peasant’s dwelling is the great symbol of settledness. It is itself +plant, thrusts its roots deep into its “own” soil.⁠<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> It is <em>property</em> in the most +sacred sense of the word. The kindly spirits of hearth and door, floor and chamber—Vesta, +Janus, Lares and Penates—are as firmly fixed in it as the man himself.</p> + +<p>This is the condition precedent of every Culture, which itself in turn grows +up out of a mother-landscape and renews and intensifies the intimacy of man +and soil. What his cottage is to the peasant, that the town is to the Culture-man. +As each individual house has its kindly spirits, so each town has its +tutelary god or saint. The town, too, is a plantlike being, as far removed as a +peasantry is from nomadism and the purely microcosmic. Hence the development +of a high form-language is linked always to a landscape. Neither an art +nor a religion can alter the site of its growth; only in the Civilization with its +giant cities do we come again to despise and disengage ourselves from these +roots. Man as civilized, as <em>intellectual nomad</em>, is again wholly microcosmic, +wholly homeless, as free <em>intellectually</em> as hunter and herdsman were free sensually. +“<i lang="la">Ubi bene, ibi patria</i>” is valid <em>before</em> as well as <em>after</em> a Culture. In the +not-yet-spring of the Migrations it was a Germanic yearning—virginal, yet +already maternal—that searched the South for a home in which to nest its +future Culture. To-day, at the end of this Culture, the rootless intellect ranges +over all landscapes and all possibilities of thought. But between these limits +lies the time in which a man held a bit of soil to be something <em>worth dying for</em>.</p> + +<p>It is a conclusive fact—yet one hitherto never appreciated—that all +great Cultures are town-Cultures. Higher man of the Second Age is a town-tied +animal. Here is the real criterion of “world-history” that differentiates +it with utter sharpness from man’s history—<em>world-history is the history of civic +man</em>. Peoples, states, politics, religion, all arts, and all sciences rest upon <em>one</em> +prime phenomenon of human being, the town. As all thinkers of all Cultures +themselves live in the town (even though they may reside bodily in the country), +they are perfectly unaware of what a bizarre thing a town is. To feel +this we have to put ourselves unreservedly in the place of the wonder-struck +primitive who for the first time sees this mass of stone and wood set in the +landscape, with its stone-enclosed streets and its stone-paved squares—a +domicile, truly, of strange form and strangely teeming with men!</p> + +<p>But the real miracle is the birth of the <em>soul</em> of a town. A mass-soul of a +wholly new kind—whose last foundations will remain hidden from us for +<span class="pagenum" id="p91">[91]</span>ever—suddenly buds off from the general spirituality of its Culture. As soon +as it is awake, it forms for itself a visible body. Out of the rustic group of +farms and cottages, each of which has its own history, arises a <em>totality</em>. And +the whole lives, breathes, grows, and acquires a face and an inner form and +history. Thenceforward, in addition to the individual house, the temple, +the cathedral, and the palace, the town-figure itself becomes a unit objectively +expressing the form-language and style-history that accompanies the Culture +throughout its life-course.</p> + +<p>It goes without saying that what distinguishes a town from a village is not +size, but the presence of a soul. Not only in primitive conditions, such as +those of central Africa, but in Late conditions too—China, India, and industrialized +Europe and America—we find very large settlements that are +nevertheless not to be called cities. They are centres of landscape; they do not +inwardly form worlds in themselves. They have no soul. Every primitive +population lives wholly as peasant and son of the soil—the being “City” +does not exist for it. That which in externals develops from the village is not +the city, but the market, a mere meeting-point of rural life-interests. Here +there can be no question of a separate existence. The inhabitant of a market +may be a craftsman or a tradesman, but he lives and thinks as a peasant. We +have to go back and sense accurately what it means when out of a primitive +Egyptian or Chinese or Germanic village—a little spot in a wide land—a +city comes into being. It is quite possibly not differentiated in any outward +feature, but spiritually it is <em>a place from which the countryside is henceforth regarded, +felt, and experienced as “environs,”</em> as something different and subordinate. +From now on there are two lives, that of the inside and that of the outside, +and the peasant understands this just as clearly as the townsman. The village +smith and the smith in the city, the village headman and the burgomaster, live +in two different worlds. The man of the land and the man of the city are different +essences. First of all they feel the difference, then they are dominated by +it, and at last they cease to understand each other at all. To-day a Brandenburg +peasant is closer to a Sicilian peasant than he is to a Berliner. From the +moment of this specific attunement, the City comes into being, and it is this +attunement which underlies, as something that goes without saying, the entire +waking-consciousness of every Culture.</p> + +<p>Every springtime of a Culture is <i lang="la">ipso facto</i> the springtime of a new city-type +and civism. The men of the pre-Culture are filled with a deep uneasiness in the +presence of these types, with which they cannot get into any inward relation. +On the Rhine and the Danube the Germans frequently, as at Strassburg, settled +down at the gates of Roman cities that remained uninhabited.⁠<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> In Crete the +conquerors built, on the ruins of the burnt-out cities like Gournia and Cnossus—villages. +The Orders of the Western pre-Culture, the Benedictines, and +<span class="pagenum" id="p92">[92]</span>particularly the Cluniacs and Premonstratensians, settled like the knights on +free land; it was the Franciscans and Dominicans who began to build in the +Early Gothic city. There the new soul had just awakened. But even there a +tender melancholy still adheres to the architecture, as to Franciscan art as a +whole—an almost mystical fear of the individual in presence of the new and +bright and conscious, which as yet was only dully accepted by the generality. +Man hardly yet dared to cease to be peasant; the first to live with the ripe and +considered alertness of genuine megalopolitans are the Jesuits. It is a sign that +the countryside is still unconditionally supreme, and does not yet recognize +the city, when the ruler shifts his court every spring from palace to palace. +In the Egyptian Old Kingdom the thickly-populated centre of the administration +was at the “White Wall” (Memphis), but the residences of the Pharaohs +changed incessantly as in Sumerian Babylon and the Carolingian Empire.⁠<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> +The Early Chinese rulers of the Chóu dynasty had their court as a rule at Lo-Yang +(the present Ho-nan-fu) from about 1160, but it was not until 770—corresponding +to our sixteenth century—that the locality was promoted to +be the permanent royal residence.⁠<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p> + +<p>Never has the feeling of earth-boundness, of the plantwise-cosmic, expressed +itself so powerfully as it did in the architecture of the petty early towns, +which consisted of hardly more than a few streets about a market-place or a +castle or a place of worship. Here, if anywhere, it is manifest that every grand +style is itself plantlike. The Doric column, the Egyptian pyramid, the Gothic +cathedral, <em>grow out of</em> the ground, earnest, big with destiny, Being without +waking-consciousness. The Ionic column, the buildings of the Middle Kingdom +and those of the Baroque, calmly aware and conscious of themselves, free +and sure, <em>stand on</em> the ground. There, separated from the power of the land—cut +off from it, even, by the pavement underfoot—Being becomes more and +more languid, sensation and reason more and more powerful. Man becomes +intellect, “free” like the nomads, whom he comes to resemble, but narrower +and colder than they. “Intellect,” “<i lang="de">Geist</i>,” “<i lang="fr">esprit</i>,” is the specific urban form +of the understanding waking-consciousness. All art, all religion and science, +become slowly intellectualized, alien to the land, incomprehensible to the +peasant of the soil. With the Civilization sets in the climacteric. The immemorially +old roots of Being are dried up in the stone-masses of its cities. +And the free intellect—fateful word!—appears like a flame, mounts splendid +into the air, and pitiably dies.</p> + + +<h3 id="III_3"> + III +</h3> + +<p>The new Soul of the City speaks a new language, which soon comes to be +tantamount to the language of the Culture itself. The open land with its +<span class="pagenum" id="p93">[93]</span>village-mankind is wounded; it no longer understands that language, it is +nonplussed and dumb. All genuine style-history is played out in the cities. +It is exclusively the city’s destiny and the life-experience of urban men that +speaks to the eye in the logic of visible forms. The very earliest Gothic was +still a growth of the soil and laid hold of the farmhouse with its inhabitants +and its contents. But the Renaissance style flourished only in the Renaissance +<em>city</em>, the Baroque only in the Baroque <em>city</em>—not to mention the wholly megalopolitan +Corinthian column or Rococo. There was perhaps some quiet +infiltration from these into the landscape; but the land itself was no longer +capable of the smallest creative effort—only of dumb aversion. The peasant +and his dwelling remained in all essentials Gothic, and Gothic it is to this day. +The Hellenic <em>countryside</em> preserved the geometric style, the Egyptian village +the cast of the Old Kingdom.</p> + +<p>It is, above all, the expression of the city’s “visage” that has a history. +The play of this facial expression, indeed, is almost the spiritual history of the +Culture itself. First we have the little proto-cities of the Gothic and other +Early Cultures, which almost efface themselves in the landscape, which are +still genuine peasant-houses crowded under the shadow of a stronghold or a +sanctuary, and without inward change become town-houses merely in the sense +that they have neighbour-houses instead of fields and meadows around them. +The peoples of the Early Culture gradually became town-peoples, and accordingly +there are not only specifically Chinese, Indian, Apollinian, and Faustian +town-forms, but, moreover, Armenian and Syrian, Ionian and Etruscan, German +and French and English town-physiognomies. There is a city of Phidias, +a city of Rembrandt, a city of Luther. These designations, and the mere names +of Granada, Venice, and Nürnberg conjure up at once quite definite images, +for all that the Culture produces in religion, art, and knowledge has been +produced in such cities. While it was still the spirit of knights’ castles and +rural monasteries that evoked the Crusades, the Reformation is urban and belongs +to narrow streets and steep-gabled houses. The great Epic, which speaks +and sings of the blood, belongs to <i lang="de">Pfalz</i> and <i lang="de">Burg</i>, but the Drama, in which +<em>awakened</em> life tests itself, is city-poetry, and the great Novel, the survey of all +things human by the <em>emancipated</em> intellect, presupposes the world-city. Apart +from really genuine folk-song, the only lyrism is of the city. Apart from the +“eternal” peasant-art, there is only urban painting and architecture, with a +swift and soon-ended history.</p> + +<p>And these stone visages that have incorporated in their light-world the +humanness of the citizen himself and, like him, are all eye and intellect—how +distinct the language of form that they talk, how different from the rustic +drawl of the landscape! The silhouette of the great city, its roofs and chimneys, +the towers and domes on the horizon! What a language is imparted +to us through <em>one</em> look at Nürnberg or Florence, Damascus or Moscow, Peking +<span class="pagenum" id="p94">[94]</span>or Benares. What do we know of the Classical cities, seeing that we do not +know the lines that they presented under the Southern noon, under clouds in +the morning, in the starry night? The courses of the streets, straight or crooked, +broad or narrow; the houses, low or tall, bright or dark, that in all Western +cities turn their façades, <em>their faces</em>, and in all Eastern cities turn their backs, +blank wall and railing, towards the street; the spirit of squares and corners, +impasses and prospects, fountains and monuments, churches or temples or +mosques, amphitheatres and railway stations, bazaars and town-halls! The +suburbs, too, of neat garden-villas or of jumbled blocks of flats, rubbish-heaps +and allotments; the fashionable quarter and the slum area, the Subura of +Classical Rome and the Faubourg Saint-Germain of Paris, ancient Baiæ and +modern Nice, the little town-picture like Bruges and Rothenburg and the sea +of houses like Babylon, Tenochtitlan, Rome, and London! All this has history +and <em>is</em> history. One major political event—and the visage of the town +falls into different folds. Napoleon gave to Bourbon Paris, Bismarck gave to +worthy little Berlin, a new mien. But the Country stands by, uninfluenced, +suspicious and irritated.</p> + +<p>In the earliest time the <em>landscape-figure alone</em> dominates man’s eyes. It gives +form to his soul and vibrates in tune therewith. Feelings and woodland rustlings +beat together; the meadows and the copses adapt themselves to its shape, +to its course, even to its dress. The village, with its quiet hillocky roofs, its +evening smoke, its wells, its hedges, and its beasts, lies completely fused and +embedded in the landscape. The country town <em>confirms</em> the country, is an intensification +of the picture of the country. It is the Late city that first defies +the land, contradicts Nature in the lines of its silhouette, <em>denies</em> all Nature. +It wants to be something different from and higher than Nature. These high-pitched +gables, these Baroque cupolas, spires, and pinnacles, neither are, nor +desire to be, related with anything in Nature. And then begins the gigantic +megalopolis, the <em>city-as-world</em>, which suffers nothing beside itself and sets +about <em>annihilating</em> the country picture. The town that once upon a time humbly +accommodated itself to that picture now insists that it shall be the same as +itself. <i lang="la">Extra muros</i>, chaussées and woods and pastures become a park, mountains +become tourists’ view-points; and <i lang="la">intra muros</i> arises an imitation Nature, +fountains in lieu of springs, flower-beds, formal pools, and clipped hedges in +lieu of meadows and ponds and bushes. In a village the thatched roof is still +hill-like and the street is of the same nature as the baulk of earth between fields. +But here the picture is of deep, long gorges between high, stony houses filled +with coloured dust and strange uproar, and men dwell in these houses, the like +of which no nature-being has ever conceived. Costumes, even faces, are adjusted +to a background of stone. By day there is a street traffic of strange colours +and tones, and by night a new light that outshines the moon. And the +yokel stands helpless on the pavement, understanding nothing and understood +<span class="pagenum" id="p95">[95]</span>by nobody, tolerated as a useful type in farce and provider of this world’s +daily bread.</p> + +<p>It follows, however—and this is the most essential point of any—that +we cannot comprehend political and economic history at all unless we realize +that the city, with its gradual detachment from and final bankrupting of the +country, is the determinative form to which the course and sense of higher +history generally conforms. <em>World history is city history.</em></p> + +<p>An obvious case in point is, of course, the Classical world, in which the +Euclidean feeling of existence connected the city-idea with its need of minimizing +extension and thus, with ever-increasing emphasis, identified the State +with the stone body of the individual Polis. But, quite apart from this instance, +we find in every Culture (and very soon) the type of the <em>capital city</em>. This, as its +name pointedly indicates, is that city whose spirit, with its methods, aims, and +decisions of policy and economics, dominates the land. The land with its +people is for this controlling spirit a tool and an object. The land does not +understand what is going on, and is not even asked. In all countries of all Late +Cultures, the great parties, the revolutions, the Cæsarisms, the democracies, +the parliaments, are the form in which the spirit of the capital tells the country +what it is expected to desire and, if called upon, to die for. The Classical forum, +the Western press, are, essentially, intellectual engines of the ruling City. +Any country-dweller who really understands the meaning of politics in such +periods, and feels himself on their level, moves into the City, not perhaps in +the body, but certainly in the spirit.⁠<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> The sentiment and public opinion of the +peasant’s country-side—so far as it can be said to exist—is prescribed and +guided by the print and speech of the city. Egypt is Thebes, the <i lang="la">orbis terrarum</i> +is Rome, Islam is Baghdad, France is Paris. The history of every springtime +phase is played out in the many small centres of many separate districts. The +Egyptian nomes, the Greek peoples of Homer, the Gothic counties and +free cities, were the makers of history of old. But gradually Policy gathers +itself up into a very few capitals, and everything else retains but a shadow of +political existence. Even in the Classical world, the atomizing tendency +towards city-states did not hold out against the major movement. As early +as the Peloponnesian War it was only Athens and Sparta that were really +handling policy, the remaining cities of the Ægean being merely elements +within the hegemony of the one or the other; of policies of <em>their own</em> there is no +<span class="pagenum" id="p96">[96]</span>longer any question. Finally it is the Forum of the City of Rome alone that is +the scene of Classical history. Cæsar might campaign in Gaul, his slayers in +Macedonia, Antony in Egypt, but, whatever happened in these fields, <em>it was +from their relation to Rome that events acquired meaning</em>.</p> + + +<h3 id="IV_3"> + IV +</h3> + +<p>All effectual history begins with the primary classes, nobility and priesthood, +forming themselves and elevating themselves above the peasantry as +such. The opposition of greater and lesser nobility, between king and vassal, +between worldly and spiritual power, is the basic form of all primitive politics, +Homeric, Chinese, or Gothic, until with the coming of the City, the burgher, the +<i lang="fr">Tiers État</i>, history changes its style. But it is exclusively in these classes as +such, in their class-consciousness, that the whole meaning of history inheres. +<em>The peasant is historyless.</em> The village stands outside world-history, and all +evolution from the “Trojan” to the Mithridatic War, from the Saxon emperors +to the World War of 1914, passes by these little points on the landscape, occasionally +destroying them and wasting their blood, but never in the least touching +their inwardness.</p> + +<p>The peasant is the eternal man, independent of every Culture that ensconces +itself in the cities. He precedes it, he outlives it, a dumb creature propagating +himself from generation to generation, limited to soil-bound callings and +aptitudes, a mystical soul, a dry, shrewd understanding that sticks to practical +matters, the origin and the ever-flowing source of the blood that makes world-history +in the cities.</p> + +<p>Whatever the Culture up there in the city conceives in the way of state-forms, +economic customs, articles of faith, implements, knowledge, art, he +receives mistrustfully and hesitatingly; though in the end he may accept these +things, never is he altered in kind thereby. Thus the West-European peasant +outwardly took in all the dogmas of the Councils from the great Lateran to +that of Trent, just as he took in the products of mechanical engineering and +those of the French Revolution—but he remains what he was, what he already +was in Charlemagne’s day. The present-day piety of the peasant is older than +Christianity; his gods are more ancient than those of any higher religion. +Remove from him the pressure of the great cities and he will revert to the state +of nature without feeling that he is losing anything. His real ethic, his real +metaphysic, which no scholar of the city has yet thought it worth while to +discover, lie outside all religious and spiritual history, have in fact no history +at all.</p> + +<p>The city is intellect. The Megalopolis is “free” intellect. It is in resistance +to the “feudal” powers of blood and tradition that the burgherdom or bourgeoisie, +the intellectual class, begins to be conscious of its own separate existence. +It upsets thrones and limits old rights in the name of reason and above all +<span class="pagenum" id="p97">[97]</span>in the name of “the People,” which henceforward means exclusively the people +of the city. Democracy is the political form in which the townsman’s outlook +upon the world is demanded of the peasantry also. The urban intellect reforms +the great religion of the springtime and sets up by the side of the old religion +of noble and priest, the new religion of the Tiers État, <em>liberal science</em>. The city +assumes the lead and control of economic history in replacing the primitive +values of the land, which are for ever inseparable from the life and thought of +the rustic, by the <em>absolute idea of money</em> as distinct from goods. The immemorial +country word for exchange of goods is “barter”; even when one of the things +exchanged is precious metal, the underlying idea of the process is not yet +<em>monetary</em>—i.e., it does not involve the abstraction of value from things and its +fixation in metallic or fictitious quantities intended to <em>measure</em> things qua +“commodities.” Caravan expeditions and Viking voyages in the springtime are +made between land-settlements and imply barter or booty, whereas in the Late +period they are made between cities and mean “money.” This is the distinction +between the Normans before and the Hansa and Venetians after the Crusades,⁠<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> +and between the seafarers of Mycenæan times and those of the later colonization +period in Greece. The City means not only intellect, but also money.⁠<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p> + +<p>Presently there arrived an epoch when the development of the city had +reached such a point of power that it had no longer to defend itself against +country and chivalry, but on the contrary had become a despotism against which +the land and its basic orders of society were fighting a hopeless defensive battle—in +the spiritual domain against nationalism, in the political against +democracy, in the economic against money. At this period the number of cities +that really counted as historically dominant had already become very small. +And with this there arose the profound distinction—which was above all a +spiritual distinction—between the great city and the little city or town. +The latter, very significantly called the country-town, was a part of the no +longer co-efficient countryside. It was not that the difference between townsman +and rustic had become lessened in such towns, but that this difference +had become negligible as compared with the new difference between them and +the great city. The sly-shrewdness of the country and the intelligence of the +megalopolis are two forms of waking-consciousness between which reciprocal +understanding is scarcely possible. Here again it is evident that what counts +is not the number of inhabitants, but the spirit. It is evident, moreover, that +in all great cities nooks remained in which relics of an almost rural mankind +lived in their byeways much as if they were on the land, and the people on the +two sides of the street were almost in the relation of two villages. In fact, a +<span class="pagenum" id="p98">[98]</span>pyramid of mounting civism, of decreasing number and increasing field of +view, leads up from such quasi-rural elements, in ever-narrowing layers, to the +small number of genuine megalopolitans at the top, who are at home wherever +their spiritual postulates are satisfied.</p> + +<p>With this the notion of money attains to full abstractness. It no longer +merely <em>serves</em> for the understanding of economic intercourse, but <em>subjects</em> the +exchange of goods to <em>its own</em> evolution. It values things, no longer as between +each other, but <em>with reference to itself</em>. Its relation to the soil and to the man of +the soil has so completely vanished, that in the economic thought of the leading +cities—the “money-markets”—it is ignored. Money has now become +a power, and, moreover, a power that is wholly intellectual and merely figured +in the metal it uses, a power the reality of which resides in the waking-consciousness +of the upper stratum of an economically active population, a power +that makes those concerned with it just as dependent upon itself as the peasant +was dependent upon the soil. There is monetary thought, just as there is +mathematical or juristic.</p> + +<p>But the earth is actual and natural, and money is abstract and artificial, a +mere “category”—like “virtue” in the imagination of the Age of Enlightenment. +And therefore every primary, pre-civic economy is dependent upon and +held in bondage by the cosmic powers, the soil, the climate, the type of man, +whereas money, as the pure form of economic intercourse within the waking-consciousness, +is no more limited in potential scope by actuality than are the +quantities of the mathematical and the logical world. Just as no view of facts +hinders us from constructing as many non-Euclidean geometries as we please, so +in the developed megalopolitan economics there is no longer any inherent +objection to increasing “money” or to thinking, so to say, in other money-dimensions. +This has nothing to do with the availability of gold or with any +values in actuality at all. There is no standard and no sort of goods in which +the value of the talent in the Persian Wars can be compared with its value in +the Egyptian booty of Pompey. Money has become, for man as an economic +animal, a form of the activity of waking-consciousness, having no longer any +roots in Being. This is the basis of its monstrous power over every beginning +Civilization, which is always an unconditional <em>dictatorship of money</em>, though +taking different forms in different Cultures. But this is the reason, too, for the +want of solidity, which eventually leads to its losing its power and its meaning, +so that at the last, as in Diocletian’s time, it disappears from the thought of the +closing Civilization, and the primary values of the soil return anew to take its +place.</p> + +<p>Finally, there arises the monstrous symbol and vessel of the completely +emancipated intellect, the world-city, the centre in which the course of a world-history +ends by winding itself up. A handful of gigantic places in each Civilization +disfranchises and disvalues the entire motherland of its own Culture +<span class="pagenum" id="p99">[99]</span>under the contemptuous name of “the provinces.” The “provinces” are now +everything whatsoever—land, town, <em>and</em> city—except these two or three +points. There are no longer noblesse and bourgeoisie, freemen and slaves, Hellenes +and Barbarians, believers and unbelievers, <em>but only cosmopolitans and provincials</em>. +All other contrasts pale before this one, which dominates all events, +all habits of life, all views of the world.</p> + +<p>The earliest of all world-cities were Babylon and the Thebes of the New +Empire—the Minoan world of Crete, for all its splendour, belonged to the +Egyptian “provinces.” In the Classical the first example is Alexandria, which +reduced old Greece at one stroke to the provincial level, and which even Rome, +even the resettled Carthage, even Byzantium, could not suppress. In India the +giant cities of Ujjaina, Kanauj, and above all Pataliputra were renowned even +in China and Java, and everyone knows the fairy-tale reputation of Baghdad and +Granada in the West. In the Mexican world, it seems, Uxmal (founded in 950) +was the first world-city of the Maya realms, which, however, with the rise +of the Toltec world-cities Tezcuco and Tenochtitlan sank to the level of the +provinces.</p> + +<p>It should not be forgotten that the word “province” first appears as a +constitutional designation given by the Romans to Sicily; the subjugation of +Sicily, in fact, is the first example of a once pre-eminent Culture-landscape +sinking so far as to be purely and simply an object. Syracuse, the first real +great-city of the Classical world, had flourished when Rome was still an unimportant +country town, but thenceforward, <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> Rome, it becomes a +provincial city. In just the same way Habsburg Madrid and Papal Rome, +leading cities in the Europe of the seventeenth century, were from the outset +of the eighteenth depressed to the provincial level by the world-cities of Paris +and London. And the rise of New York to the position of world-city during +the Civil War of 1861–5 may perhaps prove to have been the most pregnant +event of the nineteenth century.</p> + + +<h3 id="V_3"> + V +</h3> + +<p>The stone Colossus “Cosmopolis” stands at the end of the life’s course of +every great Culture. The Culture-man whom the land has spiritually formed +is seized and possessed by his own creation, the City, and is made into its creature, +its executive organ, and finally its victim. This stony mass is the <em>absolute</em> +city. Its image, as it appears with all its grandiose beauty in the light-world +of the human eye, contains the whole noble death-symbolism of the definitive +thing-become. The spirit-pervaded stone of Gothic buildings, after a millennium +of style-evolution, has become the soulless material of this dæmonic +stone-desert.</p> + +<p>These final cities are <em>wholly</em> intellect. Their houses are no longer, as those +of the Ionic and the Baroque were, derivatives of the old peasant’s house, +<span class="pagenum" id="p100">[100]</span>whence the Culture took its spring into history. They are, generally speaking, +no longer houses in which Vesta and Janus, Lares and Penates, have any sort of +footing, but mere premises which have been fashioned, not by blood but by +requirements, not by feeling but by the spirit of commercial enterprise. So +long as the hearth has a pious meaning as the actual and genuine centre of a +family, the old relation to the land is not wholly extinct. But when <em>that</em>, too, +follows the rest into oblivion, and the mass of tenants and bed-occupiers in the +sea of houses leads a vagrant existence from shelter to shelter like the hunters +and pastors of the “pre-” time, then the intellectual nomad is completely +developed. This city is a world, is <em>the</em> world. Only as a whole, as a human +dwelling-place, has it meaning, the houses being merely the stones of which +it is assembled.</p> + +<p>Now the old mature cities with their Gothic nucleus of cathedral, town-halls, +and high-gabled streets, with their old walls, towers, and gates, ringed +about by the Baroque growth of brighter and more elegant patricians’ houses, +palaces, and hall-churches, begin to overflow in all directions in formless +masses, to eat into the decaying country-side with their multiplied barrack-tenements +and utility buildings, and to destroy the noble aspect of the old +time by clearances and rebuildings. Looking down from one of the old towers +upon the sea of houses, we perceive in this petrification of a historic being +the exact epoch that marks the end of organic growth and the beginning of an +inorganic and therefore unrestrained process of massing without limit. And +now, too, appears that artificial, mathematical, utterly land-alien product of a +pure intellectual satisfaction in the appropriate, the city of the city-architect. +In all Civilizations alike, these cities aim at the chessboard form, which is the +symbol of soullessness. Regular rectangle-blocks astounded Herodotus in +Babylon and Cortez in Tenochtitlan. In the Classical world the series of +“abstract” cities begins with Thurii, which was “planned” by Hippodamus +of Miletus in 441. Priene, whose chessboard scheme entirely ignores the ups +and downs of the site, Rhodes, and Alexandria follow, and become in turn +models for innumerable provincial cities of the Imperial Age. The Islamic +architects laid out Baghdad from 762, and the giant city of Samarra a century +later, according to plan.⁠<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> In the West-European and American world the +lay-out of Washington in 1791 is the first big example.⁠<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> There can be no doubt +<span class="pagenum" id="p101">[101]</span>that the world-cities of the Han period in China and the Maurya dynasty in +India possessed this same geometrical pattern. Even now the world-cities of the +Western Civilization are far from having reached the peak of their development. +I see, long after <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 2000, cities laid out for ten to twenty million inhabitants, +spread over enormous areas of country-side, with buildings that will dwarf the +biggest of to-day’s and notions of traffic and communication that we should +regard as fantastic to the point of madness.⁠<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a></p> + +<p>Even in this final shape of his being, the Classical man’s form-ideal remains +the corporeal point. Whereas the giant cities of our present confess our irresistible +tendency towards the infinite—our suburbs and garden cities, +invading the wide country-side, our vast and comprehensive network of +roads, and within the thickly built areas a controlled fast traffic on, below, +and above straight, broad streets—the genuine Classical world-city ever +strove, not to expand, but to thicken—the streets narrow and cramped, +impossible for fast traffic (although this was fully developed on the great +Roman roads), entire unwillingness to live in suburbs or even to make suburbs +possible.⁠<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> Even at that stage the city must needs be a body, thick and round, +σῶμα in the strictest sense. The synœcism that in the early Classical had +gradually drawn the land-folk into the cities, and so created the type of the +Polis, repeated itself at the last in absurd form; everyone wanted to live in +the middle of the city, in its densest nucleus, for otherwise he could not feel +himself to be the urban man that he was. All these cities are only <i lang="fr">cités</i>, inner +towns. The new synœcism formed, instead of suburban zones, <em>the world of the +upper floors</em>. In the year 74 Rome, in spite of its immense population, had the +ridiculously small perimeter of nineteen and a half kilometres [twelve miles].⁠<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> +Consequently these city-bodies extended in general not in breadth, but more +and more upward. The block-tenements of Rome such as the famous Insula +Feliculæ, rose, with a street breadth of only three to five metres [ten to seventeen +feet]⁠<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> to heights that have never been seen in Western Europe and are +<span class="pagenum" id="p102">[102]</span>seen in only a few cities in America. Near the Capitol, the roofs already +reached to the level of the hill-saddle.⁠<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> But always the splendid mass-cities +harbour lamentable poverty and degraded habits, and the attics and mansards, +the cellars and back courts are breeding a new type of raw man—in +Baghdad and in Babylon, just as in Tenochtitlan and to-day in London and +Berlin. Diodorus tells of a deposed Egyptian king who was reduced to living +in one of these wretched upper-floor tenements of Rome.</p> + +<p>But no wretchedness, no compulsion, not even a clear vision of the madness +of this development, avails to neutralize the attractive force of these +dæmonic creations. The wheel of Destiny rolls on to its end; the birth of the +City entails its death. Beginning and end, a peasant cottage and a tenement-block +are related to one another as soul and intellect, as blood and stone. +But “Time” is no abstract phrase, but a name for the actuality of Irreversibility. +Here there is only forward, never back. Long, long ago the country +bore the country-town and nourished it with her best blood. Now the giant +city sucks the country dry, insatiably and incessantly demanding and devouring +fresh streams of men, till it wearies and dies in the midst of an almost uninhabited +waste of country. Once the full sinful beauty of this last marvel of all +history has captured a victim, it never lets him go. Primitive folk can loose +themselves from the soil and wander, but the intellectual nomad never. Homesickness +for the great city is keener than any other nostalgia. Home is for +him any one of these giant cities, but even the nearest village is alien territory. +He would sooner die upon the pavement than go “back” to the land. Even +disgust at this pretentiousness, weariness of the thousand-hued glitter, the +<i lang="la">tædium vitæ</i> that in the end overcomes many, does not set them free. They take +the City with them into the mountains or on the sea. They have lost the +country within themselves and will never regain it outside.</p> + +<p>What makes the man of the world-cities incapable of living on any but +this artificial footing is that the cosmic beat in his being is ever decreasing, while +the tensions of his waking-consciousness become more and more dangerous. +It must be remembered that in a microcosm the animal, waking side supervenes +upon the vegetable side, that of being, and not vice versa. Beat and +tension, blood and intellect, Destiny and Causality are to one another as the +country-side in bloom is to the city of stone, as something existing <i lang="la">per se</i> to +something existing dependently. Tension without cosmic pulsation to animate +it is the transition to nothingness. But Civilization is nothing but +tension. The head, in all the outstanding men of the Civilizations, is dominated +exclusively by an expression of extreme tension. Intelligence is only the +capacity for understanding at high tension, and in every Culture these heads +are the types of its final men—one has only to compare them with the peasant +heads, when such happen to emerge in the swirl of the great city’s street-life. +<span class="pagenum" id="p103">[103]</span>The advance, too, from peasant wisdom—“slimness,” mother wit, +instinct, based as in other animals upon the sensed beat of life—through +the city-spirit to the cosmopolitan intelligence—the very word with its +sharp ring betraying the disappearance of the old cosmic foundation—can +be described as a steady diminution of the Destiny-feeling and an unrestrained +augmentation of needs according to the operation of a Causality. Intelligence +is the replacement of unconscious living by exercise in thought, masterly, but +bloodless and jejune. The intelligent visage is similar in all races—what is +recessive in them is, precisely, race. The weaker the feeling for the necessity +and self-evidence of Being, the more the habit of “elucidation” grows, the +more the fear in the waking-consciousness comes to be stilled by causal methods. +Hence the assimilation of knowledge with demonstrability, and the substitution +of scientific theory, the causal myth, for the religious. Hence, too, money-in-the-abstract +as the pure causality of economic life, in contrast to rustic +barter, which is pulsation and not a system of tensions.</p> + +<p>Tension, when it has become intellectual, knows no form of recreation but +that which is specific to the world-city—namely, <i lang="fr">détente</i>, relaxation, distraction. +Genuine play, <i lang="fr">joie de vivre</i>, pleasure, inebriation, are products of the +cosmic beat and as such no longer comprehensible in their essence. But the +relief of hard, intensive brain-work by its opposite—conscious and practised +fooling—of intellectual tension by the bodily tension of sport, of bodily +tension by the sensual straining after “pleasure” and the spiritual straining +after the “excitements” of betting and competitions, of the pure logic of the +day’s work by a consciously enjoyed mysticism—all this is common to the +world-cities of all the Civilizations. Cinema, Expressionism, Theosophy, +boxing contests, nigger dances, poker, and racing—one can find it all in +Rome. Indeed, the connoisseur might extend his researches to the Indian, +Chinese, and Arabian world-cities as well. To name but one example, if one +reads the Kama-sutram one understands how it was that Buddhism <em>also</em> appealed +to men’s tastes, and then the bullfighting scenes in the Palace of Cnossus +will be looked at with quite different eyes. A cult, no doubt, underlay them, +but there was a savour over it all, as over Rome’s fashionable Isis-cult in the +neighbourhood of the Circus Maximus.</p> + +<p>And then, when Being is sufficiently uprooted and Waking-Being sufficiently +strained, there suddenly emerges into the bright light of history a +phenomenon that has long been preparing itself underground and now steps +forward to make an end of the drama—the <em>sterility of civilized man</em>. This is +not something that can be grasped as a plain matter of Causality (as modern +science naturally enough has tried to grasp it); it is to be understood as an +essentially <em>metaphysical</em> turn towards death. The last man of the world-city +no longer <em>wants</em> to live—he may cling to life as an individual, but as a type, +as an aggregate, no, for it is a characteristic of this collective existence that it +<span class="pagenum" id="p104">[104]</span>eliminates the terror of death. That which strikes the true peasant with a +deep and inexplicable fear, the notion that the family and the name may be +extinguished, has now lost its meaning. The continuance of the blood-relation +in the visible world is no longer a duty of the blood, and the destiny of +being the last of the line is no longer felt as a doom. Children do not happen, +not because children have become impossible, but principally because intelligence +at the peak of intensity can no longer find any reason for their existence. +Let the reader try to merge himself in the soul of the peasant. He has sat on +his glebe from primeval times,⁠<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> or has fastened his clutch in it, to adhere to it +with his blood. He is rooted in it as the descendant of his forbears and as +the forbear of future descendants. <em>His</em> house, <em>his</em> property, means, here, not +the temporary connexion of person and thing for a brief span of years, but an +enduring and inward union of <em>eternal</em> land and <em>eternal</em> blood. It is only from this +mystical conviction of settlement that the great epochs of the cycle—procreation, +birth, and death—derive that metaphysical element of wonder +which condenses in the symbolism of custom and religion that all land-bound +people possess. For the “last men” all this is past and gone. Intelligence and +sterility are allied in old families, old peoples, and old Cultures, not merely +because in each microcosm the overstrained and fettered animal-element is +eating up the plant element, but also because the waking-consciousness assumes +that being is normally regulated by causality. That which the man +of intelligence, most significantly and characteristically, labels as “natural +impulse” or “life-force,” he not only knows, but also values, causally, giving +it the place amongst his other needs that his judgment assigns to it. When +the ordinary thought of a highly cultivated people begins to regard “having +children” as a question of <i>pro’s</i> and <i>con’s</i>, the great turning-point has come. +For Nature knows nothing of <i>pro</i> and <i>con</i>. Everywhere, wherever life is +actual, reigns an inward organic logic, an “it,” a drive, that is utterly independent +of waking-being, with its causal linkages, and indeed not even +observed by it. The abundant proliferation of primitive peoples is a <em>natural +phenomenon</em>, which is not even thought about, still less judged as to its utility or +the reverse. When reasons have to be put forward at all in a question of life, +life itself has become questionable. At that point begins prudent limitation +of the number of births. In the Classical world the practice was deplored by +Polybius as the ruin of Greece, and yet even at his date it had long been established +in the great cities; in subsequent Roman times it became appallingly +general. At first explained by the economic misery of the times, very soon +it ceased to explain itself at all. And at that point, too, in Buddhist India +as in Babylon, in Rome as in our own cities, a man’s choice of the woman who +is to be, not mother of his children as amongst peasants and primitives, but +<span class="pagenum" id="p105">[105]</span>his own “companion for life,” becomes a problem of mentalities. The Ibsen +marriage appears, the “higher spiritual affinity” in which both parties are +“free”—free, that is, as intelligences, free from the plantlike urge of the blood +to continue itself, and it becomes possible for a Shaw to say “that unless +Woman repudiates her womanliness, her duty to her husband, to her children, +to society, to the law, and to everyone but herself, she cannot emancipate +herself.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> The primary woman, the peasant woman, is <em>mother</em>. The whole +vocation towards which she has yearned from childhood is included in that +one word. But now emerges the Ibsen woman, the comrade, the heroine of a +whole megalopolitan literature from Northern drama to Parisian novel. Instead +of children, she has soul-conflicts; marriage is a craft-art for the achievement +of “mutual understanding.” It is all the same whether the case against +children is the American lady’s who would not miss a season for anything, +or the Parisienne’s who fears that her lover would leave her, or an Ibsen heroine’s +who “belongs to herself”—they all belong to themselves and they are +all unfruitful. The same fact, in conjunction with the same arguments, is to be +found in the Alexandrian, in the Roman, and, as a matter of course, in every +other civilized society—and conspicuously in that in which Buddha grew +up. And in Hellenism and in the nineteenth century, as in the times of Lao-Tzu +and the Charvaka doctrine,⁠<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> there is an ethic for childless intelligences, and +a literature about the inner conflicts of Nora and Nana. The “quiverful,” +which was still an honourable enough spectacle in the days of Werther, becomes +something rather provincial. The father of many children is for the +great city a subject for caricature; Ibsen did not fail to note it, and presented +it in his <cite>Love’s Comedy</cite>.</p> + +<p>At this level all Civilizations enter upon a stage, which lasts for centuries, +of appalling depopulation. The whole pyramid of cultural man vanishes. +It crumbles from the summit, first the world-cities, then the provincial forms, +and finally the land itself, whose best blood has incontinently poured into the +towns, merely to bolster them up awhile. At the last, only the primitive +blood remains, alive, but robbed of its strongest and most promising elements. +This residue is the <em>Fellah type</em>.</p> + +<p>If anything has demonstrated the fact that Causality has nothing to do with +history, it is the familiar “decline” of the Classical, which accomplished +itself long before the irruption of Germanic migrants.⁠<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> The Imperium enjoyed +the completest peace; it was rich and highly developed; it was well organized; +and it possessed in its emperors from Nerva to Marcus Aurelius a series of rulers +such as the Cæsarism of no other Civilization can show. And yet the population +dwindled, quickly and wholesale. The desperate marriage-and-children +<span class="pagenum" id="p106">[106]</span>laws of Augustus—amongst them the <i lang="la">Lex de maritandis ordinibus</i>, which dismayed +Roman society more than the destruction of Varus’s legions—the +wholesale adoptions, the incessant plantation of soldiers of barbarian origin +to fill the depleted country-side, the immense food-charities of Nerva and +Trajan for the children of poor parents—nothing availed to check the process. +Italy, then North Africa and Gaul, and finally Spain, which under the early +Cæsars had been one of the most densely populated parts of the Empire, become +empty and desolate. The famous saying of Pliny—so often and so +significantly quoted to-day in connexion with national economics—“<i lang="la">Latifundia +perdidere Italiam, jam, vero et provincias</i>,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> inverts the order of the process; +the large estates would never have got to this point if the peasantry had not +already been sucked into the towns and, if not openly, at any rate inwardly, +surrendered their soil. The terrible truth came out at last in the edict of Pertinax, +<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 193, by which anyone in Italy or the provinces was permitted to +take possession of untended land, and if he brought it under cultivation, to +hold it as his legal property. The historical student has only to turn his +attention seriously to other Civilizations to find the same phenomenon everywhere. +Depopulation can be distinctly traced in the background of the Egyptian +New Empire, especially from the XIX dynasty onwards. Street widths +like those to Amenophis IV at Tell-el-Amarna—of fifty yards—would have +been unthinkable with the denser population of the old days. The onset of +the “Sea-peoples,” too, was only barely repulsed—their chances of obtaining +possession of the realm were certainly not less promising than those of the +Germans of the fourth century <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the Roman world. And finally the +incessant infiltration of Libyans into the Delta culminated when one of their +leaders seized the power, in 945 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>—precisely as Odoacer seized it in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 476. +But the same tendency can be felt in the history of political Buddhism after +the Cæsar Asoka.⁠<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> If the Maya population literally vanished within a very +short time after the Spanish conquest, and their great empty cities were +reabsorbed by the jungle, this does not prove merely the brutality of the conqueror—which +in this regard would have been helpless before the self-renewing +power of a young and fruitful Culture-mankind—but an extinction from +within that no doubt had long been in progress. And if we turn to our own +civilization, we find that the old families of the French noblesse were not, in +the great majority of cases, eradicated in the Revolution, but have died out +since 1815, and their sterility has spread to the bourgeoisie and, since 1870, to the +peasantry which that very Revolution almost re-created. In England, and still +more in the United States—particularly in the east, the very states where the +stock is best and oldest—the process of “race suicide” denounced by Roosevelt +set in long ago on the largest scale.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p107">[107]</span></p> + +<p>Consequently we find everywhere in these Civilizations that the provincial +cities at an early stage, and the giant cities in turn at the end of the evolution, +stand empty, harbouring in their stone masses a small population of fellaheen +who shelter in them as the men of the Stone Age sheltered in caves and pile-dwellings.⁠<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> +Samarra was abandoned by the tenth century; Pataliputra, Asoka’s +capital, was an immense and completely uninhabited waste of houses when +the Chinese traveller Hsinan-tang visited it about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 635, and many of the +great Maya cities must have been in that condition even in Cortez’s time. +In a long series of Classical writers from Polybius onward⁠<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> we read of old, +renowned cities in which the streets have become lines of empty, crumbling +shells, where the cattle browse in forum and gymnasium, and the amphitheatre +is a sown field,⁠<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> dotted with emergent statues and herms. Rome had in the +fifth century of our era the population of a village, but its Imperial palaces +were still habitable.</p> + +<p>This, then, is the conclusion of the city’s history; growing from primitive +barter-centre to Culture-city and at last to world-city, it sacrifices first the +blood and soul of its creators to the needs of its majestic evolution, and then +the last flower of that growth to the spirit of Civilization—and so, doomed, +moves on to final self-destruction.</p> + + +<h3 id="VI_2"> + VI +</h3> + +<p>If the Early period is characterized by the birth of the City out of the +country, and the Late by the battle between city and country, the period of +Civilization is that of the victory of city over country, whereby it frees itself +from the grip of the ground, but to its own ultimate ruin. Rootless, dead +to the cosmic, irrevocably committed to stone and to intellectualism, it develops +a form-language that reproduces every trait of its essence—not the +language of a becoming and growth, but that of a becomeness and completion, +capable of alteration certainly, but not of evolution. Not now Destiny, but +Causality, not now living Direction, but Extension, rules. It follows from +this that whereas every form-language of a Culture, together with the history +of its evolution, adheres to the original spot, civilized forms are at home +anywhere and capable, therefore, of unlimited extension as soon as they appear. +It is quite true that the Hanse Towns in their north-Russian staples built Gothically, +and the Spaniards in South America in the Baroque style, but that even +the smallest chapter of Gothic style-<em>history</em> should <em>evolve</em> outside the limits of +<span class="pagenum" id="p108">[108]</span>West Europe was impossible, as impossible as that Attic or English drama, +or the art of fugue, or the Lutheran or the Orphic religion should be propagated, +or even inwardly assimilated, by men of alien Cultures. But the essence +of Alexandrinism and of our Romanticism is something which belongs to all urban +men without distinction. Romanticism marks the beginning of that which +Goethe, with his wide vision, called world-literature—the literature of the +leading world-<em>city</em>, against which a provincial literature, native to the soil +but negligible, struggles everywhere with difficulty to maintain itself. The +state of Venice, or that of Frederick the Great, or the English Parliament (as +an effective reality), cannot be reproduced, but “modern constitutions” can be +“introduced” into any African or Asiatic state as Classical Poleis could be set up +amongst Numidians and ancient Britons. In Egypt the writing that came into +common use was not the hieroglyphic, but the letter-script, which was without +doubt a technical discovery of the Civilization Age.⁠<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> And so in general—it +is not true Culture-languages like the Greek of Sophocles or the German +of Luther, but world-languages like the Greek Koine and Arabic and +Babylonian and English, the outcome of daily practical usage in a world-city, +which are capable of being acquired by anybody and everybody. Consequently, +in all Civilizations the “modern” cities assume a more and more +uniform type. Go where we may, there are Berlin, London, and New York +for us, just as the Roman traveller would find his columnar architecture, +his fora with their statuary, and his temples in Palmyra or Trier or Timgad +or the Hellenistic cities that extended out to the Indus and the Aral. But that +which was thus disseminated was no longer a style, but a taste, not genuine +custom but mannerism, not national costume but the fashion. This, of +course, makes it possible for remote peoples not only to accept the “permanent” +gains of a Civilization, but even to re-radiate them in an independent form. +Such regions of “moonlight” civilization are south China and especially +Japan (which were first Sinized at the close of the Han period, about +<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 220); Java as a relay of the Brahman Civilization; and Carthage, which +obtained its forms from Babylon.</p> + +<p>All these are forms of a waking-consciousness now acute to excess, mitigated +or limited by no cosmic force, purely intellectual and extensive, but on that +very account capable of so powerful an output that their last flickering rays +reach out and superpose effects over almost the whole earth. Fragments of +the forms of Chinese Civilization are probably to be found in Scandinavian wood-architecture, +Babylonian measures probably in the South Seas, Classical coins +in South Africa, Egyptian and Indian influences probably in the land of the +Incas.</p> + +<p>But while this process of extension was overpassing all frontiers, the +<span class="pagenum" id="p109">[109]</span>development of inner form of the Civilization was fulfilling itself with impressive +consistency. Three stages are clearly to be distinguished—the release +from the Culture, the production of the thoroughbred Civilization-form, +and the final hardening. For us this development has now set in, and, as I +see it, it is Germany that is destined, as the last nation of the West, to crown +the mighty edifice. In this stage all questions of the life—the Apollinian, +Magian, or Faustian life—have been thought upon to the limit, and brought +to a final clear condition of knowledge and not-knowledge. For or about +ideas men fight no more. The last idea—that of the Civilization itself—is +formulated in outline, and technics and economics are, as <em>problems</em>, enunciated +and prepared for handling. But this is only the beginning of a vast task; +the postulates have to be unfolded and these forms applied to the whole existence +of the earth. Only when this has been accomplished and the Civilization +has become definitely established not only in shape, but in mass, +does the hardening of the form set in. Style, in the Cultures, has been the +<em>rhythm of the process of self-implementing</em>. But the Civilized style (if we may +use the word at all) arises as the <em>expression of the state of completeness</em>. It attains—in +Egypt and China especially—to a splendid perfection, and imparts +this perfection to all the utterances of a life that is now inwardly unalterable, +to its ceremonial and mien as to the superfine and studied forms of its +art-practice. Of history, in the sense of an urge towards a form-ideal, there +can now be no question, but there is an unfailing and easy superficial adaptiveness +which again and again manages to coax fresh little art-problems +and solutions out of the now basically stable language. Of this kind is the +whole “history” of Chinese-Japanese painting (as we know it) and of Indian +architecture. And just as the real history of the Gothic style differs from this +pseudo-history, so the Knight of the Crusades differs from the Chinese Mandarin—<em>the +becoming state from the finished</em>. The one <em>is</em> history; the other has +long ago overcome history. “Long ago,” I say; for the history of these +Civilizations is merely apparent, like their great cities, which constantly +change in face, but never become other than what they are. In these cities +there is no Soul. They are land in petrified form.</p> + +<p>What is it that perishes here? And what that survives? It is a mere incident +that German peoples, under pressure from the Huns, take possession of +the Roman landscape and so prevent the Classical from prolonging itself in a +“Chinese” end-state. The movement of the “Sea-peoples” (similar to the +Germanic, even down to the details) which set in against the Egyptian Civilization +from 1400 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> succeeded only as regards the Cretan island-realm—their +mighty expeditions against the Libyan and Phœnician coasts, with the +accompaniment of Viking fleets, failed, as those of the Huns failed against +China. And thus the Classical is our one example of a Civilization broken off +in the moment of full splendour. Yet the Germans only destroyed the upper +<span class="pagenum" id="p110">[110]</span>layer of the forms and replaced it by the life of their own pre-Culture. The +“eternal” layer was never reached. It remains, hidden and completely shrouded +by a new form-language, in the underground of the whole following history, +and to this day in southern France, southern Italy, and northern Spain tangible +relics of it endure. In these countries the popular Catholicism is tinged from +beneath with a Late Classical colouring, that sets it off quite distinctly from +the Church Catholicism of the West-European layer above it. South Italian +Church-festivals disclose Classical (and even pre-Classical) cults, and generally +in this field there are to be found deities (saints) in whose worship the Classical +constitution is visible behind the Catholic names.</p> + +<p>Here, however, another element comes into the picture, an element with +a significance of its own. We stand before the problem of Race.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p111"></a><a id="p112"></a><a id="p113"></a>[113]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V"> + CHAPTER V + <br> + <span class="subtitle">CITIES AND PEOPLES + <br> + (B) + <br> + PEOPLES, RACES, TONGUES</span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Throughout the nineteenth century the scientific picture of history was +vitiated by a notion that was either derived from, or at any rate brought to a +point by, Romanticism—the idea of the “People” in the moral-enthusiastic +sense of the word. If, here and there, in earlier time a new religion, a new +ornamentation, a new architecture, or a new script appeared, the question +that it raised presented itself to the investigator thus—What was the name +of the <em>people</em> who produced the phenomenon? This enunciation of the problem +is peculiar to the Western spirit and the present-day cast of that spirit; but +it is so false at every point that the picture that it evokes of the course of +events must necessarily be erroneous. “The people” as the absolute basic form +in which men are historically effective, the original home, the original settlement, +the migrations of “the” peoples—all this is a reflection of the vibrant +idea expressed in the “<cite>Nation</cite>” of 1789, of the “<i lang="de">Volk</i>” of 1813, both of which, +in last analysis, are derived from the self-assuredness of England and Puritanism. +But the very intensity of passion that the idea contains has protected it only +too well from criticism. Even acute investigators have unwittingly made it +cover a multitude of utterly dissimilar things, with the result that “peoples” +have developed into definite and supposedly well-understood unit-quantities +by which all history is <em>made</em>. For us, to-day, world-history means—what it +cannot be asserted to mean self-evidently, or to mean for, e.g., the Greeks +and the Chinese—the history of Peoples. Everything else, Culture, speech, +wit, religion, is created by the peoples. The State is the form of a people.</p> + +<p>The purpose of this chapter is to demolish this romantic conception. What +has inhabited the earth since the Ice Age is man, not “peoples.” In the first +instance, their Destiny is determined by the fact that the bodily succession of +parents and children, the bond of the blood, forms natural groups, which disclose +a definite tendency to take root in a landscape. Even nomadic tribes +confine their movements within a limited field. Thereby the cosmic-plantlike +side of life, of Being, is invested with a character of duration. This I call <em>race</em>. +Tribes, septs, clans, families—all these are designations for the fact of a blood +which circles, carried on by procreation, in a narrow or a wide landscape.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p114">[114]</span></p> + +<p>But these human beings possess also the microcosmic-animal side of life, +in waking-consciousness and receptivity and reason. And the form in which +the waking-consciousness of one man gets into relation with that of another +I call <em>language</em>, which begins by being a mere unconscious living expression +that is received as a sensation, but gradually develops into a conscious <em>technique +of communication</em> that depends upon a common sense of the meanings attaching +to signs.</p> + +<p>In the limit, every race is a single great body, and every language⁠<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> the +efficient form of <em>one</em> great waking-consciousness that connects many individual +beings. And we shall never reach the ultimate discoveries about either unless +they are treated together and constantly brought into comparison with one +another.</p> + +<p>But, further, we shall never understand man’s higher history if we ignore +the fact that man, as constituent of a race and as possessor of a language, as +derivative of a blood-unit and as member of an understanding-unit, has different +Destinies, that of his being and that of his waking-being. That is, the origin, +development, and duration of his race side and the origin, development, and +duration of his language side are <em>completely independent of one another</em>. Race is +<em>something cosmic and psychic</em> (<i lang="de">Seelenhaft</i>), periodic in some obscure way, and in its +inner nature partly conditioned by major astronomical relations.</p> + +<p>Languages, on the other hand, are causal forms, and operate through the +polarity of their means. We speak of race-instincts and of the spirit of a language. +But they are two distinct <em>worlds</em>. To Race belong the deepest meanings +of the words “time” and “yearning”; to language those of the words “space” +and “fear.” But all this has been hidden from us, hitherto, by the overlying +idea of “peoples.”</p> + +<p>There are, then, <em>currents of being</em> and <em>linkages of waking-being</em>. The former +have physiognomy, the latter are based on system. Race, as seen in the picture +of the world-around, is the aggregate of all bodily characters so far as these +exist for the sense-perceptions of conscious creatures. Here we have to remember +that a body develops and fulfils from childhood to old age the specific +inner form that was assigned to it at the moment of its conception, while at +the same time that which the body is (considered apart from its form) is perpetually +being renewed. Consequently nothing of the body actually remains +in the man except the living meaning of his existence, and of this all that we +know is so much as presents itself in the world of waking-consciousness. +Man of the higher sort is limited, as to the impression of race that he can receive, +almost wholly to what appears in the light-world of his eye, so that for +him race is essentially a sum of <em>visible</em> characters. But even for him there are not +<span class="pagenum" id="p115">[115]</span>inconsiderable relics of the power to observe non-optical characters such as +smell, the cries of animals, and, above all, the modalities of human speech. In +the other higher animals, on the contrary, the capacity to receive the impression +of race is decidedly <em>not</em> dominated by sight. Scent is stronger, and, besides, the +animals have modes of sensation that entirely elude human understanding. It is, +however, only men and animals that can <em>receive the impression of race</em>, and not the +plants, and yet these too <em>have</em> race, as every nurseryman knows. It is, to me, a +sight of deep pathos to see how the spring flowers, craving to fertilize and be +fertilized, cannot for all their bright splendour attract one another, or even see +one another, but must have recourse to animals, for whom alone these colours +and these scents exist.</p> + +<p>“Language” I call the entire free activity of the waking microcosm in so far +as it brings something to expression <em>for others</em>. Plants have no waking-being, +no capacity of being moved, and therefore no language. The waking-consciousness +of animal existences, on the contrary, is through and through a speaking, +whether individual acts are intended to tell or not, and even if the conscious +or the unconscious purpose of the doing lies in a quite other direction. A +peacock is indubitably speaking when he spreads his tail, but a kitten playing +with a cotton-reel also speaks to us, unconsciously, through the quaint charm +of its movements. Everyone knows the difference there is in one’s movements +according as one is conscious or unconscious of being observed; one suddenly +begins to speak, consciously, in all one’s actions.</p> + +<p>This, however, leads at once to the very significant distinction between +two genera of language—the language which is only an <em>expression for the +world</em>, an inward necessity springing from the longing inherent in all life to +actualize itself before witnesses, to display its own presence to itself, and the +language that is meant to be <em>understood by definite beings</em>. There are, therefore, +<em>expression-languages</em> and <em>communication-languages</em>. The former assume only a +state of waking-being, the latter a connexion of waking-beings. To understand +means to respond to the stimulus of a signal with one’s own feeling of its +significance. To understand one another, to hold “conversation,” to speak to +a “thou,” supposes, therefore, a sense of meanings in the other that corresponds +to that in oneself. Expression-language before witnesses merely proves the +presence of an “I,” but communication-language postulates a “thou.” The +“I” is that which speaks, and the “thou” that which is meant to understand +the speech of the “I.” For primitives a tree, a stone, or a cloud can be a “thou.” +Every deity is a “thou.” In fairy-tales there is nothing that cannot hold +converse with men, and we need only look at our own selves in moments of +furious irritation or of poetic excitement to realize that anything can become +a “thou” for us even to-day. And it is by some “thou” that we first came to +the knowledge of an “I.” “I,” therefore, is a designation for the fact that a +bridge exists to some other being.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p116">[116]</span></p> + +<p>It is impossible, however, to delimit an exact frontier between religious +and artistic expression-languages and pure communication-languages. This is +true also (and indeed specially) of the higher Cultures with the separate development +of their form-domains. For, on the one hand, no one can speak without +putting into his mode of speech some significant trait of emphasis that has +nothing to do with the needs of communication as such; and, on the other +hand, we all know the drama in which the poet wants to “say” something +that he could have said equally well or better in an exhortation, and the painting +whose contents are meant to instruct, warn, or improve—the picture-series +in any Greek Orthodox church, which conforms to a strict canon and has +the avowed purpose of making the truths of religion clear to a beholder to whom +the book says nothing; or Hogarth’s substitute for sermons; or, for that matter, +even prayer, the direct address to God, which also can be replaced by the +performance before one’s eyes of cult-ritual that speaks to one intelligibly. +The theoretical controversy concerning the purpose of art rests upon the postulate +that an artistic expression-language should in no wise be a communication-language, +and the phenomenon of priesthood is based upon the persuasion +that the priest alone knows the language in which man can communicate with +God.</p> + +<p>All currents of Being bear a historical, and all linkages of Waking-Being a +religious, stamp. What we know to be inherent in every genuine religious or +artistic form-language, and particularly in the history of every script (for writing +is verbal language for the eye), holds good without doubt for the origin of +human articulate speech in general—indeed the prime words (of the structure +of which we now know nothing whatever) must also certainly have had a +cult-colouring. But there is a corresponding linkage on the other side between +Race and everything that we call life (as struggle for power), History (as +Destiny), or, to-day, politics. It is perhaps too fantastic to argue something +of political instinct in the search of a climbing plant for points of attachment +that shall enable it to encircle, overpower, and choke the tree in order finally to +rear itself high in the air above the tree-top—or something of religious world-feeling +in the song of the mounting lark. But it is certain that from such +things as these the utterances of being and of waking-being, of pulse and tension, +form an uninterrupted series up to the perfected political and religious +forms of every modern Civilization.</p> + +<p>And here at last is the key to those two strange words which were discovered +by the ethnologists in two entirely different parts of the world in rather limited +applications, but have since been quietly moving up into the foreground of +research—“<em>totem</em>” and “<em>taboo</em>.” The more enigmatic and indefinable these +words became, the more it was felt that in them we were touching upon an +ultimate life-basis which was not that of merely primitive man. And now, as +the result of the above inquiry, we have clear meanings for both before us. +<span class="pagenum" id="p117">[117]</span>Totem and Taboo describe the ultimate meanings of Being and Waking-Being, +Destiny and Causality, Race and Language, Time and Space, yearning and +fear, pulse and tension, politics and religion. The Totem side of life is plantlike +and inheres in all being, while the Taboo side is animal and presupposes +the free movement of a being in a world. Our Totem organs are those of the +blood-circulation and of reproduction, our Taboo organs those of the senses +and the nerves. All that is of Totem has physiognomy, all that is of Taboo +has system. In the Totemistic resides the common feeling of beings that +belong to the same stream of existence. It cannot be acquired and cannot be +got rid of; it is a fact, <em>the</em> fact of all facts. That which is of Taboo, on the +other hand, is the characteristic of linkages of waking-consciousness, it is +learnable and acquirable, and on that very account guarded as a secret by +cult-communities, philosophers’ schools, and artists’ guilds—each of which +possesses a sort of cryptic language of its own.⁠<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a></p> + +<p>But Being can be thought of without waking-consciousness, whereas the +reverse is not the case—i.e., there are race-beings without language, but no +languages without race. All that is of race, therefore, possesses its proper +expression, independent of any kind of waking-consciousness and common to +plant and animal. This expression—not to be confounded with the expression-<em>language</em> +which consists in an <em>active alteration</em> of the expression—is not +meant for witnesses, but is simply there; it is physiognomy. Not that it stops +at the plant; in every living language, too (and how significant the word +“living”!) we can detect, besides the Taboo side that is learnable, an entirely +untransferable quality of race that the old vessels of the language cannot pass +on to alien successors; it lies in melody, rhythm, stress; in colour, ring, and +tempo of the expression; in idiom, in accompanying gesture. On this account +it is necessary to distinguish between language and speaking, the first being in +itself a dead stock of signs, and the second the activity that operates with the +signs.⁠<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> When we cease to be able to hear and see directly how a language is +spoken, thenceforward it is only its ossature and not its flesh that we can know. +This is so with Sumerian, Gothic, Sanskrit, and all other languages that we +have merely deciphered from texts and inscriptions, and we are right in calling +these languages dead, for the human communities that were formed by them +have vanished. We know the Egyptian tongue, but not the tongues of the +Egyptians. Of Augustan Latin we know approximately the sound-values of +the letters and the meaning of the words, but we do not know how the oration +<span class="pagenum" id="p118">[118]</span>of Cicero sounded from the rostra and still less how Hesiod and Sappho spoke +their verses, or what a conversation in the Athenian market-place was really +like. If in the Gothic age Latin came into actual speech again, it was as a +new language; this Gothic Latin did not take long to pass from the formation +of rhythms and sounds characteristic of itself (but which our imagination +to-day cannot recapture, any more than those of old Latin) to encroachments +upon the word-meanings and the syntax as well. But the anti-Gothic Latin +of the Humanists, too, which was meant to be Ciceronian, was anything but +a revival. The whole significance of the race-element in language can be +measured by comparing the German of Nietzsche and of Mommsen, the French +of Diderot and of Napoleon, and observing that in idiom Voltaire and Lessing +are much closer together than Lessing and Hölderlin.</p> + +<p>It is the same with the most telling of all the expression-languages, art. +The Taboo side—namely, the stock of forms, the rules of convention, and +style in so far as it means an armoury of established expedients (like vocabulary +and syntax in verbal language)—stands for the language itself, which can +be learned. And it is learned and transmitted in the tradition of the great +schools of painting, the cottage-building tradition, and generally in the +strict craft-discipline which every genuine art possesses as a matter of course +and which in all ages has been meant to give the sure command of the idiom +that at a particular time is quite definitely living idiom of that time. For +in this domain, too, there are living and dead languages. The form-language +of an art can only be called living, when the artist corps as a whole employs it +like a mother tongue, which one uses without even thinking about its structure. +In this sense Gothic in the sixteenth century and Rococo in 1800 were both +dead languages. Contrast the unqualified sureness with which architects +and musicians of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries expressed themselves +with the hesitations of Beethoven, the painfully acquired, almost self-taught, +<em>philological</em> art of Schinkel and Schadow,⁠<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> the manglings of the Pre-Raphaelites +and the Neo-Gothics, and the baffled experimentalism of present-day artists.</p> + +<p>In an artistic form-language, as presented to us by its products, the voice of +the Totem side, the race, makes itself heard, and not less so in individual +artists than in whole generations of artists. The creators of the Doric temples +of South Italy and Sicily, and those of the brick Gothic of North Germany were +emphatically race-men, and so too the German musicians from Heinrich +Schütz to Johann Sebastian Bach. To the Totem side belong the influences of +the cosmic cycles—the importance of which in the structure of art-history +has hardly been suspected, let alone established—and the creative times of +spring and love-stirrings which (apart altogether from the executive sureness in +<span class="pagenum" id="p119">[119]</span>imparting form) determine the force of the forms and the depth of the conceptions. +The formalists are explained by depth of world-fear or by defect of +“race,” and the great formless ones by plethora of blood or defect of discipline. +We comprehend that there is a difference between the history of artists and that +of styles, and that the language of an art may be carried from country to country, +but mastery in speaking it, never.</p> + +<p>A race has roots. Race and landscape belong together. Where a plant takes +root, there it dies also. There is certainly a sense in which we can, without +absurdity, work backwards from a race to its “home,” but it is much more +important to realize that the race adheres permanently to this home with some +of its most essential characters of body and soul. If in that home the race +cannot now be found, this means that the race has ceased to exist. A race does +not migrate. Men migrate, and their successive generations are born in ever-changing +landscapes; but the landscape exercises a secret force upon the plant-nature +in them, and eventually the race-expression is completely transformed by +the extinction of the old and the appearance of a new one. Englishmen and +Germans did not migrate to America, but human beings migrated thither <em>as</em> +Englishmen and Germans, and their descendants are there <em>as</em> Americans. It +has long been obvious that the soil of the Indians has made its mark upon them—generation +by generation they become more and more like the people they +eradicated. Gould and Baxter have shown that Whites of all races, Indians, +and Negroes have come to the same average in size of body and time of maturity—and +that so rapidly that Irish immigrants, arriving young and developing +very slowly, come under this power of the landscape within the same generation. +Boas has shown that the American-born children of long-headed Sicilian and +short-headed German Jews at once conform to the same head-type. This is not a +special case, but a general phenomenon, and it should serve to make us very +cautious in dealing with those migrations of history about which we know +nothing more than some names of vagrant tribes and relics of languages (e.g., +Danai, Etruscans, Pelasgi, Achæans, and Dorians). As to the race of these +“peoples” we can conclude nothing whatever. That which flowed into the +lands of southern Europe under the diverse names of Goths, Lombards, and +Vandals was without doubt a race in itself. But already by Renaissance times +it had completely grown itself into the root characters of the Provençal, Castilian, +and Tuscan soil.</p> + +<p>Not so with language. The home of a language means merely the accidental +place of its formation, and this has no relation to its inner form. Languages +migrate in that they spread by carriage from tribe to tribe. Above all, they +are capable of being, and are, exchanged—indeed, in studying the early history +of races we need not, and should not, feel the slightest hesitation about postulating +such speech-changes. It is, I repeat, the form-content and not the +speaking of a language that is taken over, and it is taken over (as primitives +<span class="pagenum" id="p120">[120]</span>are for ever taking over ornament-motives) in order to be used with perfect +sureness as elements of their own form-language. In early times the fact that a +people has shown itself the stronger, or the feeling that its language possesses +superior efficacy, is enough to induce others to give up their own language and—with +genuinely religious awe—to take its language to themselves. Follow +out the speech-changes of the Normans, whom we find in Normandy, England, +Sicily, and Constantinople with different languages in each place, and ever +ready to exchange one for another. Piety towards the mother tongue—the +very term testifies to deep ethical forces, and accounts for the bitterness of +our ever-recurring language-battles—is a trait of the <em>Late</em> Western soul, almost +unknowable for the men of other Cultures and entirely so for the primitive. +Unfortunately, our historians not only are sensible of this, but tacitly extend +it as a postulate over their entire field, which leads to a multitude of fallacious +conclusions as to the bearing of linguistic discoveries upon the fortunes of +“peoples”—think of the reconstruction of the “Dorian migration,” argued +from the distribution of later Greek dialects. It is impossible, therefore, to +draw conclusions as to the fortunes of the race side of peoples from mere place-names, +personal names, inscriptions, and dialects. Never do we know <i lang="la">a priori</i>, +whether a folkname stands for a language-body, or a race-part, or both, or +neither—besides which, folk-names themselves, and even land-names, have, +as such, Destinies of their own.</p> + + +<h3 id="II_4"> + II +</h3> + +<p>Of all expressions of race, the purest is the House. From the moment when +man, becoming sedentary, ceases to be content with mere shelter and builds +himself a dwelling, this expression makes its appearance and marks off, within +the race “man” (which is the element of the <em>biological</em> world-picture⁠<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a>) the +human races of world-history proper, which are streams of being of far greater +spiritual significance. The prime form of the house is everywhere a product of +feeling and of growth, never at all of knowledge. Like the shell of the nautilus, +the hive of the bee, the nest of the bird, it has an innate self-evidentness, and +every trait of original custom and form of being, of marriage, of family life, and +of tribal order is reflected in the place and in the room-organization of parterre, +hall, wigwam, atrium, court, chamber, and gynæceum. One need only compare +the lay-out of the old Saxon and that of the Roman house to feel that the soul +of the men and the soul of the house were in each case identical.</p> + +<p>This domain art-history ought never to have laid its hands on. It was an +error to treat the building of the dwelling-house as a branch of the art of architecture. +It is a form that arises in the obscure courses of being and not for the +eye that looks for forms in the light; no room-scheme of the boor’s hovel was +ever thought out by an architect as the scheme of a cathedral was thought out. +<span class="pagenum" id="p121">[121]</span>This significant frontier line has escaped the observation of art-research—although +Dehio⁠<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> in one place remarks that the old German wooden house +has nothing to do with the later great architecture, which arose quite independently—and +the result has been a perpetual perplexity in method, of which +the art-savant is sensible enough, but which he cannot understand. His science +gathers, indiscriminately in all the “pre-” and “primitive” periods, all sorts of +gear, arms, pottery, fabrics, funerary monuments, and houses, and considers +them from the point of view of form as well as that of decoration; and, proceeding +thus, it is not until he comes to the <em>organic</em> history of painting, sculpture, +and architecture (i.e., the self-contained and differentiated arts) that he finds +himself on firm ground. But, unknowing, he has stepped over a frontier between +two worlds, that of soul-<em>expression</em> and that of visual expression-<em>language</em>. +The house, and like it the completely unstudied basic (i.e., customary) forms +of pots, weapons, clothing, and gear, belong to the Totem side. They characterize, +not a taste, but a way of fighting, of dwelling, of working. Every +primitive seat is the offset of a racial mode of body-posing, every jar-handle an +extension of the supple arm. Domestic painting and dressmaking, the garment +as ornament, the decoration of weapons and implements, belong, on the contrary, +to the Taboo side of life, and indeed for primitive man the patterns and +motives on these things possess even magical properties.⁠<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> We all know the +Germanic sword-blades of the Migrations with their Oriental ornamentation, +and the Mycenæan strongholds with their Minoan artistry. It is the distinction +between blood and sense, race and speech, <em>politics and religion</em>.</p> + +<p>There is, in fact, as yet no world-history of the House and its Races, and +to give us such a history should be one of the most urgent tasks of the researcher. +But we must work with means quite other than those of art-history. The +peasant dwelling is, as compared with the tempo of all <em>art</em>-history, something +constant and “eternal” like the peasant himself. It stands outside the Culture +and therefore outside the higher history of man; it recognizes neither the +temporal nor the spacial limits of this history and it maintains itself, unaltered +ideally, throughout all the changes of architecture, which it witnesses, +but in which it does not participate. The round hut of ancient Italy is still +found in Imperial times.⁠<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> The form of the Roman rectangular house, the +existence-mark of a second race, is found in Pompeii and even in the Imperial +palaces. Every sort of ornament and style was borrowed from the Orient, but +no Roman would ever think of imitating the Syrian house,⁠<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> any more than the +<span class="pagenum" id="p122">[122]</span>Hellenistic city-architect tampered with the megaron form of Mycenæ and +Tiryns and the old Greek peasant-house described by Galen. The Saxon and +Franconian peasant-house kept its essential nucleus unimpaired right from the +country farm, through the burgher-house of the old Free Cities, up to the patrician +buildings of the eighteenth century, while Gothic, Renaissance, Baroque, +and Empire styles glided over it one after the other, clothing it from cellar to +garret with <em>their</em> essences, but never perverting the Soul of the House. And +the same is true of the furniture-forms, in which we have to distinguish carefully +the psychological from the artistic treatment. In particular, the evolution +of the Northern seat-furniture is, right up to the club arm-chair, a piece of race-history +and not of what is called style-history. Every other character can +deceive us as to the fortunes of race—the Etruscan names amongst the “Sea-folk” +defeated by Rameses III, the enigmatic inscription of Lemnos, the wall-paintings +in the tombs of Etruria, afford no sure evidences of the bodily +connexion of these men. Although towards the end of the Stone Age a telling +ornamentation arose and continued in the vast region east of the Carpathians, +it is perfectly possible that race superseded race there. If we possessed in +western Europe only pottery remains for the centuries between Trojan +and Chlodwig, we should not have the least inkling of the event that we know +as the “great Migrations.” But the presence of an oval house in the Ægean +region⁠<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> + and of another and very striking example of it in Rhodesia,⁠<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> and the +much-discussed concordance of the Saxon peasant-house with that of the Libyan +Kabyle disclose a piece of race-history. Ornaments spread when a people +incorporates them in its form-language, but a house-type is only transplanted +along with its race. The disappearance of an ornament means no more than a +change of language, <em>but when a house-type vanishes it means that race is extinguished</em>.</p> + +<p>It follows that art-history, besides taking care to begin properly with the +Culture, must not neglect even in its course to separate the race side carefully +from the language proper. At the outset of a Culture two well-defined forms of +a higher order rise up over the peasant village, as expressions of being and +language of waking-being. They are the <em>castle</em> and the <em>cathedral</em>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> In them the +distinction between Totem and Taboo, longing and fear, blood and intellect, +rises to a grand symbolism. The ancient Egyptian, the ancient Chinese, the +Classical, the South-Arabian, and the Western castle stands, as the home of +continuing generations, very near to the peasant cottage, and both, as copies +of the realities of living, breeding, and dying, lie outside all art-history. The +history of the German <i lang="de">Burgen</i> is a piece of race-history throughout. On them +both, early ornament does indeed venture to spread itself, beautifying here +<span class="pagenum" id="p123">[123]</span>the beams, there the door, and there again the staircase, but it can be so, or so, +at choice, or omitted altogether, for there is no inward bond between the +structure and the ornament. The cathedral, on the other hand, is not ornamented, +but <em>is itself ornament</em>. Its history is coincident with that of the Gothic +style, and the same is true of the Doric temple and all other Early Culture +buildings. So complete is the congruence, in the Western and every other +Culture whose art we know at all, that it has never occurred to anyone to be +astonished at the fact that strict architecture (which is simply the highest +form of pure ornament) is entirely confined to religious building. All the +beauty of architecture that there is in Gelnhausen, Goslar, and the Wartburg +has been <em>taken over</em> from cathedral art; it is decoration and not essence. A +castle or a sword or a pitcher can do without this decoration altogether without +losing its meaning or even its form.⁠<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> But in a Cathedral, or an Egyptian +pyramid-temple, such a distinction between essence and art is simply inconceivable.</p> + +<p>We distinguish, then, the building that <em>has a style</em> and the building <em>in which</em> +men have a style. Whereas in monastery and cathedral it is the stone that possesses +form and communicates it to the men who are in its service, in farmhouse +and feudal stronghold it is the full strength of the countryman’s and the knight’s +life that forms the building forth from itself. Here the man and not the stone +comes first, and here, too, there is an ornamentation; it is an ornament which +is proper to man and consists in the strict nature and stable form <em>of manners and +customs</em>. We might call this living, as distinct from rigid, style. But, just as +the power of this living form lays hands on the priesthood also, creating in +Gothic and in Vedic times the type of the knightly priest, so the Romanesque-Gothic +<em>sacred</em> form-language seizes upon everything pertaining to this secular +life—costume, arms, rooms, implements, and so forth—and stylizes their +surface. But art-history must not let itself lose its bearings in this alien world—it +is only the surface.</p> + +<p>In the early cities it is the same; nothing new supervenes. Amongst the +race-made houses, which now form streets, there are scattered the handful of +cult-buildings that <em>have</em> style. And, as having it, they are the seats of art-history +and the sources whence its forms radiate out on to squares, façades, +and house-rooms. Even though the castle develops into the urban palace and +patrician residence, and the <i lang="la">palatium</i> and the men’s hall, into guild-house +and town-hall, one and all they receive and carry a style, they do not <em>have</em> it. +True, at the stage of real burgherdom the metaphysical creativeness of the +early religion has been lost. It develops the ornament further, <em>but not the building +as ornament</em>, and from this point art-history splits up into the histories of +the separate arts. The picture, the statue, the house, become particular objects +<span class="pagenum" id="p124">[124]</span>to which the style is to be applied. Even the church itself is now such a house. +A Gothic cathedral <em>is</em> ornament, but a Baroque hall-church is a building clothed +with ornament. The process begun in the Ionic style and the sixteenth century is +completed in the Corinthian and Rococo, wherein the house and its ornament +are separated for good and all, so completely that even the master-works +amongst eighteenth-century churches and monasteries cannot mislead us—we +know that all this art of theirs is secular, is adornment. With Empire +the style transforms itself into a “taste,” and with the end of this mode architecture +turns into a craft-art. And that is the end of the ornamental expression-language, +and of art-history with it. But the peasant-house, with its unaltered +race-form, lives on.</p> + + +<h3 id="III_4"> + III +</h3> + +<p>The practical importance of the house as race-expression begins to be appreciated +as and when one realizes the immense difficulty of approaching the +kernel of race. I do not refer to its inner essence, its soul—as to that, feeling +speaks to us clearly enough and we all know a man of race, a “thoroughbred,” +when we see one. But what are the hall-marks for our sense, and above all +for our eye, by which we recognize and distinguish races? This is a matter +that belongs to the domain of Physiognomic just as surely as the classification +of tongues belongs to that of Systematic. But how immense and how varied +the material that would be required! How much of it is irretrievably lost by +destruction, and how much more by corruption! In the most favourable cases, +what we have of prehistoric men is their skeletons, and how much does a +skeleton <em>not</em> tell us! Very nearly everything. Prehistoric research in its naïve +zeal is ready to deduce the incredible from a jaw-bone or an arm-bone. But +think of one of those mass-graves of the War in northern France, in which we +<em>know</em> that men of all races, white and coloured, peasants and townsmen, youths +and men lie together. If the future had no collateral evidence as to their nature, +it would certainly not be enlightened by anthropological research. In +other words, immense dramas of race can pass over a land without the investigator +of its grave-skeletons obtaining the least hint of the fact. It is the <em>living</em> +body that carries nine-tenths of the expression—not the articulation of the +parts, but their articulate motions; not the bone of the face, but its mien. +And, for that matter, how much potentially interpretable race-expression is +actually observed even by the keenest-sensed contemporary? How much we +<em>fail</em> to see and to hear! What is it for which—unlike many species of beasts—we +lack a sense-organ?</p> + +<p>The science of the Darwinian age met this question with an easy assurance. +How superficial, how glib, how mechanistic the conception with which it +worked! In the first place, this conception groups an aggregate of such grossly +palpable characters as are observable in the anatomy of the discoveries—that +<span class="pagenum" id="p125">[125]</span>is, characters that even a corpse displays. As to observing the body qua +living thing, there is no question of it. Secondly, it investigates only those +signs which very little perspicacity is needed to detect, and investigates them +only in so far as they are measurable and countable. The microscope and not +the pulse-sense determines. When language is used as a differentia, it is to +classify races, not according to their <em>way of speaking</em>, but according to the grammatical +<em>structure of the speech</em>, which is just anatomy and system of another +sort. No one as yet has perceived that the investigation of these <em>speech-races</em> +is one of the most important tasks that research can possibly set itself. In the +actuality of daily experience we all know perfectly well that the way of +speaking is one of the most distinctive traits in present-day man—examples +are legion; each of us knows any number of them. In Alexandria the same +Greek was spoken in the most dissimilar race-modes, as we can see even to-day +from the script of the texts. In North America the native-born speak exactly +alike, whether in English, in German, or for that matter in Indian. What in +the speech of East-European Jews is a race-trait of the land, and present therefore +in Russian also, and what is a race-trait of the blood common to all Jews, +independent of their habitat and their hosts, in their speaking of any of the +European “mother”-tongues? What in detail are the relations of the sound-formations, +the accentuations, the placing of words?</p> + +<p>But science has completely failed to note that race is not the same for rooted +plants as it is for mobile animals, that with the microcosmic side of life a +fresh group of characters appears, and that for the animal world it is decisive. +Nor again has it perceived that a completely different significance must be attached +to “races” when the word denotes subdivisions <em>within the integral race +“Man.”</em> With its talk of adaptation and of inheritance it sets up a soulless +causal concatenation of superficial characters, and blots out the fact that here +the blood and there the power of the land over the blood are expressing themselves—secrets +that cannot be inspected and measured, but only livingly experienced +and felt from eye to eye.</p> + +<p>Nor are the scientists at one as to the relative rank of these superficial +characters amongst themselves. Blumenbach classified the races of man according +to skull-forms, Friedrich Müller (as a true German) by hair and language-structure, +Topinard (as a true Frenchman) by skin-colour and shape of +nose, and Huxley (as a true Englishman) by, so to say, sport characteristics. +This last is undoubtedly in itself a very suitable criterion, but any judge of +horses would tell him that breed-characteristics cannot be hit off by scientific +terminology. These “descriptions” of races are without exception as worthless +as the descriptions of “wanted” men on which policemen exercise their theoretical +knowledge of men.</p> + +<p>Obviously, the <em>chaotic</em> in the total expression of the human body is not in +the least realized. Quite apart from smell (which for the Chinese, for example, +<span class="pagenum" id="p126">[126]</span>is a most characteristic mark of race) and sound (the sound of speech, song, +and, above all, laughter, which enables us accurately to sense deep differences +inaccessible to scientific method) the profusion of images before the eye is so +embarrassingly rich in details, either actually visible or sensible to the inner +vision, that the possibility of marshalling them under a few aspects is simply +unthinkable. And all these sides to the picture, all these traits composing it, +are independent of one another and have each their individual history. There +are cases in which the bony structure (and particularly the skull-form) completely +alter without the expression of the fleshy parts—i.e., the face—becoming +different. The brothers and sisters of the same family may all present +almost every differentia posited by Blumenbach, Müller, and Huxley, and yet +the identity of their living race-expression may be patent to anyone who looks +at them. Still more frequent is similarity of bodily build accompanied by +thorough diversity of living expression—I need only mention the immeasurable +difference between genuine peasant-stock, like the Frisians or the Bretons, +and genuine city-stock.⁠<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> But besides the energy of the blood—which coins +the same living features (“family” traits) over and over again for centuries—and +the power of the soil—evidenced in its stamp of man—there is that +mysterious cosmic force of the syntony of close human connexions. What is +called the “<i lang="de">Versehen</i>” of a pregnant woman⁠<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> is only a particular and not very +important instance of the workings of a very deep and powerful formative +principle inherent in all that is of the race side. It is a matter of common +observation that elderly married people become strangely like one another, +although probably Science with its measuring instruments would “prove” +the exact opposite. It is impossible to exaggerate the formative power of this +living pulse, this strong inward feeling for the perfection of one’s own type. +The feeling for race-beauty—so opposite to the conscious taste of ripe urbans +for intellectual-individual traits of beauty—is immensely strong in primitive +men, and for that very reason never emerges into their consciousness. But +such a feeling is race-forming. It undoubtedly moulded the warrior- and hero-type +of a nomad tribe more and more definitely on <em>one bodily ideal</em>, so that it +would have been quite unambiguous to speak of the race-figure of Romans or +Ostrogoths. The same is true of any ancient nobility—filled with a strong +and deep sense of its own unity, it achieves the formation of a bodily ideal. +Comradeship breeds races. French <i lang="fr">noblesse</i> and Prussian <i lang="nl">Landadel</i> are genuine +race-denotations. But it is just this, too, that has bred the types of the European +<span class="pagenum" id="p127">[127]</span>Jew, with his immense race-energy and his thousand years of ghetto life; +and it always will forge a population into a race whenever it has stood for long +together spiritually firm and united in the presence of its Destiny. Where a +race-ideal exists, as it does, supremely, in the Early period of the Culture—the +Vedic, the Homeric, the knightly times of the Hohenstaufen—the yearning +of a ruling class towards this ideal, its will to be just <em>so</em> and not otherwise, +operates (quite independently of the choosing of wives) towards actualizing +this ideal and eventually achieves it. Further, there is a statistical aspect of the +matter which has received far less attention than it should. For every human +being alive to-day there were a million ancestors even in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1300 and ten +million in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1000. This means that every German now living, without +exception, is a blood-relative of every European of the age of the Crusades +and that the relationship becomes a hundred and a thousand times more intensely +close as we narrow the limits of its field, so that within twenty generations +or less the population of a land grows together into <em>one single family</em>; +and this, together with the choice and voice of the blood that courses through +the generations, ever driving congeners into one another’s arms, dissolving and +breaking marriages, evading or forcing all obstacles of custom, leads to innumerable +procreations that in utter unconsciousness fulfil the <em>will of the race</em>.</p> + +<p>Primarily, this applies to the vegetal race-traits, the “physiognomy of +position,” as apart from movement of the mobile—i.e., everything which +does <em>not</em> differ in the living and in the dead animal-body and cannot but express +itself even in stiffened members. There is undoubtedly something cognate +in the growth of an ilex or a Lombardy poplar and that of a man—“thickset,” +“slim,” “drooping,” and so forth. Similarly, the outline of +the back of a dromedary, or the striping of a tiger- or zebra-skin is a vegetal +race-mark. And so, too, are the motion-actions of nature <em>upon and with a creature</em>—a +birch-tree or a delicately built child, which both sway in the wind, an +oak with its splintered crown, the steady circles or frightened flutterings of +birds in the storm, all belong to the plant side of race. But on which side of +the line do such characters stand when <em>blood and soil contend for the inner form of the +“transplanted” species</em>, human or animal? And how much of the constitution of +the soul, the social code, the house, is of this kind?</p> + +<p>It is quite another picture that presents itself when we attune ourselves to +receive the impressions of the purely animal. The difference between plantwise +being and animalwise waking-being (to recall what has been said earlier) +is such that we are here concerned, not simply with waking-being itself and its +language, but with the combination of cosmic and microcosmic to form a freely +moving body, a microcosm <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> a macrocosm, whose independent life-activity +possesses an expression peculiar to itself, which makes use in part of +the organs of waking-consciousness and which—as the corals show—is +mostly lost again with the cessation of mobility.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p128">[128]</span></p> + +<p>If the race-expression of the plant consists predominantly in the physiognomy +of position, the animal-expression resides in <em>a physiognomy of movement</em>—namely, +in the form as having motion, in the motion itself, and in the set of +the limbs as figuring the motion. Of this race-expression not very much is +revealed in the sleeping animal, and far less still in the dead animal, whose parts +the scientist explores; we have practically nothing to learn now about the +skeleton of the vertebrate. Hence it is that in vertebrates the limbs are more +expressive than the bones. Hence it is that the limb-masses are the true seat of +expressiveness in contrast to the ribs and skull-bones—the jaw being an +exception in that its structure discloses the character of the animal’s food, +whereas the plant’s nutrition is a mere <em>process of nature</em>. Hence it is, again, that +the insect’s skeleton, which clothes its body, is fuller of expression than the +bird’s, which is clothed by its body. It is pre-eminently the organs of the outer +sheath that more and more forcefully gather the race-expression to themselves—the +eye, not as a thing of form and colour, but as <em>glance</em> and expressive +<em>visage</em>; the mouth, which becomes through the usage of speech the expression +of understanding; and the head (not the skull), with its lineaments formed by +the flesh, which has become the very throne of the non-vegetable side of life. +Consider how, on the one hand, we breed orchids and roses and, on the other, +we breed horses and dogs—and would like human beings to be bred, too. +But it is not, I repeat, the mathematical form of the visible parts, but exclusively +the expression of the movement, that displays this physiognomy. +When we seize at a glance the race-expression of a motionless man, it is because +our experienced eye sees the appropriate motion already potentially in the +limbs. The real race-appearance of a bison, a trout, a golden eagle, is not to be +reproduced by any reckoning of the creature’s plane or solid dimensions; and +the deep attractiveness that they possess for the creative artist comes precisely +from the fact that the secret of race can reveal itself in the picture <em>by way of the +soul</em> and not by any mere imitation of the visible. One has to see and, seeing, +to feel how the immense energy of this life concentrates upon head and neck, +how it speaks in the bloodshot eye, in the short compact horn, in the “aquiline” +beak and profile of the bird of prey—to mention one or two only of the +innumerable points that cannot be communicated by words and are only expressible, +by me for you, in the language of an art.</p> + +<p>But with such hall-marks as those quoted, characterizing the noblest sorts +of animals, we come very near to the concept of race which enables us to perceive +within the type “mankind” differences of a higher sort than either the +vegetable or the animal—differences that are spiritual rather, and <i lang="la">eo ipso</i> +less accessible to scientific methods. The coarse characters of the skeletal +structure have ceased to possess independent importance. Already Retzius +(d. 1860) had put an end to the belief of Blumenbach that race and skull-formation +are coincident, and J. Ranke summarizes his tenets in these +<span class="pagenum" id="p129">[129]</span>words:⁠<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> + “What in point of variety of skull-formation is displayed by mankind +in general is displayed also on the smaller scale by every tribe (<i lang="de">Volksstamm</i>) +and even by many fair-sized communities—a union of the different skull-forms +with the extremes led up to through finely graduated intermediate forms.” +No one would deny that it is reasonable to seek for ideal basic forms, but the +researcher ought not to lose sight of the fact that these are ideals and that, +for all the objectivity of his measurements, it is his taste that really fixes his +limits and his classification. Much more important than any attempts to +discover an ordering principle is the fact that within the unit “humanity” all +these forms occur and have occurred from the earliest ice-times, that they +have never markedly varied, and that they are found indiscriminately even +within the same families. The one certain result of science is that observed +by Ranke, that when skull-forms are arranged serially with respect to transitions, +certain averages emerge which are characteristic not of “race,” but of +the land.</p> + +<p>In reality, the race-expression of a human head can associate itself with +any conceivable skull-form, the decisive element being not the bone, but the +flesh, the look, the play of feature. Since the days of Romanticism we have +spoken of an “Indogermanic” race. But is there such a thing as an Aryan or +a Semitic skull? Can we distinguish Celtic and Frankish skulls, or even Boer +and Kaffir? And if not, what may not the earth have witnessed in the way of +history unknown to us, for which not the slightest evidences, but only bones, +remain! How unimportant these are for that which we call race in higher +mankind can be shown by a drastic experiment. Take a set of men with every +conceivable race-difference, and, while mentally picturing “race,” observe +them in an X-ray apparatus. The result is simply comic. As soon as light is +let through it, “race” vanishes suddenly and completely.</p> + +<p>It cannot be too often repeated, moreover, that the little that is really +illustrative in skeletal structure is a growth of the landscape and never a function +of the blood. Elliot Smith in Egypt and von Luschen in Crete have examined +an immense material yielded by graves ranging from the Stone Age to +the present day. From the “Sea-peoples” of the middle of the second millennium +<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> to the Arabs and the Turks one human stream after another has passed +over this region, but the average bone-structure has remained unaltered. It +would be true, in a measure, to say that “race” has travelled as flesh over the +fixed skeleton-form of the land.⁠<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> The Alpine region to-day contains “peoples” +<span class="pagenum" id="p130">[130]</span>of the most diverse origins—Teuton, Latin, Slav—and we need only glance +backward to discover Etruscans and Huns there also. Tribe follows tribe. +But the skeletal structure in the mankind of the region in general is ever the +same, and only on the edges, towards the plains, does it gradually disappear +in favour of other forms, which are themselves likewise fixed. As to race, +therefore, and the race-wanderings of primitive men, the famous finds of prehistoric +bones, Neanderthal to Aurignacian, prove nothing. Apart from some +conclusions from the jaw-bone as to the kinds of food eaten, they merely indicate +the basic land-form that is found there to this day.</p> + +<p>Once more, it is the mysterious power of the soil, demonstrable at once in +every living being as soon as we discover a criterion independent of the heavy +hand of the Darwinian age. The Romans brought the vine from the South to +the Rhine, and there it has certainly not visibly—i.e., botanically—changed. +But in this instance “race” can be determined in other ways. There is a soil-born +difference not merely between Southern and Northern, between Rhine +and Moselle wines, but even between the products of every different site on +every different hill-side; and the same holds good for every other high-grade +vegetable “race,” such as tea and tobacco. Aroma, a genuine growth of the +country-side, is one of the hall-marks (all the more significant because they +cannot be measured) of true race. But noble races of men are differentiated in +just the same intellectual way as noble wines. There is a like element, only +sensible to the finest perceptions, a faint aroma in every form, that underneath +all higher Culture connects the Etruscans and the Renaissance in Tuscany,⁠<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> and +the Sumerians, the Persians of 500 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, and the Persians of Islam on the Tigris.</p> + +<p>None of this is accessible to a science that measures and weighs. It exists +for the feelings—with a plain certainty and at the first glance—but not +for the savant’s treatment. And the conclusion to which I come is that Race, +like Time and Destiny, is a decisive element in every question of life, something +which everyone knows clearly and definitely so long as he does not try to set +himself to comprehend it by way of rational—i.e., soulless—dissection +and ordering. Race, Time, and Destiny belong together. But the moment +scientific thought approaches them, the word “Time” acquires the significance +<span class="pagenum" id="p131">[131]</span>of a dimension, the word “Destiny” that of causal connexion, while Race, +for which even at that stage of scientific <i>askesis</i> we still retain a very sure feeling, +becomes an incomprehensible chaos of unconnected and heterogeneous characters +that (under headings of land, period, culture, stock) interpenetrate +without end and without law. Some adhere toughly and permanently to a +stock and are transmissible; others glide over a population like mere cloud-shadows; +and many are, as it were, dæmons of the land, which possess everyone +who inhabits it for as long as he stays in it. Some expel one another, some +seek one another. A strict classification of races—the ambition of all ethnology—is +impossible. The attempt is foredoomed from the start, as it contradicts +this very essence of the racial, and every systematic lay-out always has +been and will be, inevitably, a falsification and misapprehension of the nature of +its subject. Race, in contrast to speech, is unsystematic through and through. +In the last resort every individual man and every individual moment of his +existence have their own race. And therefore the only mode of approach to the +Totem side is, not classification, but physiognomic fact.</p> + + +<h3 id="IV_4"> + IV +</h3> + +<p>He who would penetrate into the essence of language should begin by +putting aside all the philologist’s apparatus and observe how a hunter speaks +to his dog. The dog follows the outstretched finger. He listens, tense, to +the sound of the word, but shakes his head—this kind of man-speech he does +not understand. Then he makes one or two sentences to indicate <em>his</em> idea; +he stands still and barks, which in his language is a sentence containing the +question: “Is that what Master means?” Then, still in dog language, he +expresses his pleasure at finding that he was right. In just the same way two +men who do not really possess a single word in common seek to understand +one another. When a country parson explains something to a peasant-woman, +he looks at her keenly, and, unconsciously, he puts into his look the essence +that she would certainly never be able to understand from a parsonic mode of +expression. The locutions of to-day, without exception, are capable of comprehension +only in association with other modes of speech—adequate by +themselves they are not, and never have been.</p> + +<p>If the dog, now, wants something, he wags his tail; impatient of Master’s +stupidity in not understanding this perfectly distinct and expressive speech, +he adds a vocal expression—he barks—and finally an expression of attitude—he +mimes or makes signs. Here the man is the obtuse one who has not yet +learned to talk.</p> + +<p>Finally something very remarkable happens. When the dog has exhausted +every other device to comprehend the various speeches of his master, he suddenly +plants himself squarely, and his eye bores into the eye of the human. +Something deeply mysterious is happening here—the immediate contact +<span class="pagenum" id="p132">[132]</span>of Ego and Tu. The look emancipates from the limitations of waking-consciousness. +Being understands itself without signs. Here the dog has become +a “judge” of men, looking his opposite straight in the eye and grasping, +behind the speech, the speaker.</p> + +<p>Languages of these kinds we habitually use without being conscious of the +fact. The infant speaks long before it has learned its first word, and the +grown-up talks with it without even thinking of the ordinary meanings of the +words he or she is using—that is, the sound-forms in this case subserve a language +that is quite other than that of words. Such languages also have their +groups and dialects; they, too, can be learned, mastered, and misunderstood, +and they are so indispensable to us that verbal language would mutiny if we +were to attempt to make it do all the work without assistance from tone- and +gesture-language. Even our script, which is verbal language for the eye, would +be almost incomprehensible but for the aid that it gets from gesture-language in +the form of punctuation.</p> + +<p>It is the fundamental mistake of linguistic science that it confuses language +in general with human word-language—and that not merely theoretically, +but habitually in the practical conduct of all its investigations. As a result, +it has remained immensely ignorant of the vast profusion of speech-modes +of different kinds that are in common use amongst beasts and men. The domain +of speech, taken as a whole, is far wider, and verbal speech, with its incapacity +to stand alone (an incapacity not wholly shaken off, even now) has really +a much more modest part in it, than its students have observed. As to the +“origin of human speech,” the very phrase implies a wrong enunciation +of the problem. Verbal speech—for that is what is meant—never had +origins at all in the sense here postulated. It is not primary, and it is not +unitary. The vast importance to which it has attained, since a certain stage in +man’s history, must not deceive us as to its position in the history of free-moving +entity. An investigation into speech certainly ought not to begin +with man.</p> + +<p>But the idea of a beginning for animal language, too, is erroneous. Speaking +is so closely bound up with the living being of the animal (in contradiction +to the mere being of the plant) that not even unicellular creatures devoid of all +sense-organs can be conceived of as speechless. To be a microcosm in the +macrocosm is one and the same thing as having a power to communicate oneself +to another. To speak of a beginning of speech in animal history is meaningless. +For that microcosmic existences are <em>in plurality</em> is a matter of simple self-evidence. +To speculate on other possibilities is mere waste of time. Granted that Darwinian +fancies about an original generation and first pairs of ancestors belong +with the Victorian rearguard and should be left there, still the fact remains +that swarms also are awake and aware, inwardly and livingly sensible, of a +“we,” and reaching out to one another for linkages of waking-consciousness.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p133">[133]</span></p> + +<p>Waking-being is activity in the extended; and, further, is willed activity. +This is the distinction between the movements of a microcosm and the mechanical +mobility of the plant, the animal, or the man in the plant-state—i.e., +asleep. Consider the animal activity of nutrition, procreation, defence, +attack—one side of it regularly consists in getting into touch with the macrocosm +by means of the senses, whether it be the undifferentiated sensitivity of +the unicellular creature or the vision of a highly developed eye that is in question. +Here there is a definite <em>will to receive impression</em>; this we call orientation. +But, besides, there exists from the beginning a <em>will to produce impression in the +other</em>—what we call expression—and with that, at once, we have <em>speaking +as an activity of the animal waking-consciousness</em>. Since then nothing fundamentally +new has supervened. The world-languages of high Civilizations are nothing +but exceedingly refined expositions of potentialities that were all implicitly +contained in the fact of willed impressions of unicellular creatures upon one +another.</p> + +<p>But the foundations of this fact lie in the primary feeling of fear. The waking-consciousness +makes a cleft in the cosmic, projects a space between particulars, +and alienates them. To feel oneself alone is one’s first impression in the +daily awakening, and hence the primitive impulse to crowd together in +the midst of this alien world, to assure oneself sensibly of the proximity of the +other, to seek a conscious connexion with him. The “thou” is deliverance +from the fear of the being-alone. <em>The discovery of the Thou</em>, the sense of another +self resolved organically and spiritually out of the world of the alien, is the +grand moment in the early history of the animal. Thereupon animals <em>are</em>. +One has only to look long and carefully into the tiny world of a water-droplet +under the microscope to be convinced that the discovery of the Thou, and <em>with +it that of the I</em> has been taking place here in its simplest imaginable form. These +tiny creatures know not only the Other, but also the Others; they possess not +merely waking-consciousness but also relations of waking-consciousness, and +therewith not only expression, but the elements of an expression-<em>speech</em>.</p> + +<p>It is well to recall here the distinction between the two great speech-groups. +Expression-speech treats the Other as witness, and aims purely at effects upon +him, while communication-speech regards him as a collocutor and expects +him to answer. To understand means to receive impressions with one’s own +feeling of their significance, and it is on this that the effect of the highest form +of human expression-speech, art, depends.⁠<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> To come to an understanding, +to hold a conversation, postulates that the Other’s feeling of significances is +the same as one’s own. The elementary unit of an expression-speech before +witnesses is called the Motive. Command of the motive is the basis of all +<span class="pagenum" id="p134">[134]</span>expression-technique. On the other hand, the impression produced for the +purpose of an understanding is called the Sign, and is the elementary unit of all +communication-technique—including, therefore, at the highest level, human +speech.</p> + +<p>Of the extensiveness of both these speech-worlds in the waking-consciousness +of man we to-day can scarcely form an idea. Expression-speech, which +appears in the earliest times with all the religious seriousness of the Taboo, +includes not only weighty and strict ornament—which in the beginning +coincides completely with the idea of art and makes every stiff, inert thing into +a vehicle of the expression—but also the solemn ceremonial—whose web +of formulæ spreads over the whole of public life, and even over that of the +family⁠<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a>—and the language of costume, which is contained in clothing, +tattooing, and personal adornment, all of which have a <em>uniform</em> significance. +The investigators of the nineteenth century vainly attempted to trace the origin +of clothing to the feeling of shame or to utilitarian motives. It is in fact intelligible +only as the means of an expression-speech, and as such it is developed +to a grandiose level in all the high Civilizations, including our own of to-day. +We need only think of the dominant part played by the “mode” in our whole +public life and doings, the regulation attire for important occasions, the nuances +of wear for this and that social function, the wedding-dress, mourning; of +the military uniform, the priest’s robes, orders and decorations, mitre and +tonsure, periwig and queue, powder, rings, styles of hairdressing; of all the +significant displays and concealments of person, the costume of the mandarin +and the senator, the odalisque and the nun; of the court-state of Nero, Saladin +and Montezuma—not to mention the details of peasant costumes, the language +of flowers, colours, and precious stones. As for the language of religion, +it is superfluous to mention it, for all this <em>is</em> religion.</p> + +<p>The communication-languages, in which every kind of sense-impression +that it is possible to conceive more or less participates, have gradually evolved +(so far as the peoples of the higher Cultures are concerned) three outstanding +signs—picture, sound, and gesture, which in the script-speech of the Western +Civilization have crystallized into a unit of letter, word, and punctuation mark.</p> + +<p>In the course of this long evolution there comes about at the last the <em>detachment +of speaking from speech</em>. Of all processes in the history of language, +none has a wider bearing than this. Originally all motives and signs are unquestionably +the product of the moment and meant only for a single individual +act of the active waking-consciousness. Their actual and their felt and willed +significances are one and the same. But this is no longer so when a <em>definite stock +of signs offers itself</em> for the living act of giving the sign, for with that not only +<span class="pagenum" id="p135">[135]</span>is the activity differentiated from its means, but the means are differentiated +<em>from their significance</em>. The unity of the two not only ceases to be a matter of +self-evidence, it ceases even to be a possibility. The feeling of significance is a +living feeling and, like everything else belonging with Time and Destiny, +it is uniquely occurring and non-recurring. No sign, however well known +and habitually used, is ever repeated with exactly the same connotation; and +hence it is that originally no sign ever recurred in the same form. The domain +of the rigid sign is unconditionally one of things-become of the pure extended; +it is <em>not an organism, but a system</em>, which possesses its own <em>causal</em> logic and brings +the irreconcilable opposition of space and time, intellect and mood, also into +the waking connexions of two beings.</p> + +<p>This fixed stock of signs and motives, with its ostensibly fixed meanings, +must be acquired by learning and practice if one wishes to belong to the community +of waking-consciousness with which it is associated. <em>The necessary +concomitant of speech divorced from speaking is the notion of the school.</em> This is fully +developed in the higher animals; and in every self-contained religion, every +art, every society, it is presupposed as the background of the believer, the +artist, the “well-brought-up” human being. And from this point each community +has its sharply defined frontier; to be a member one must know its +language—i.e., its articles of faith, its ethics, its rules. In counterpoint and +Catholicism alike, bliss is not to be compassed by mere feeling and goodwill. +Culture means a hitherto unimagined intensification of the depth and strictness +of the form-language in every department; for each individual belonging to it, +it consists—as his <em>personal</em> Culture, religious, ethical, social, artistic—in a +lifelong process of education and training <em>for</em> this life. And consequently in all +great arts, in the great Churches, mysteries and orders, there is reached such +a command of form as astonishes the human being himself, and ends by breaking +itself under the stress of its own exigences—whereupon, in every Culture +alike, there is set up (expressly or tacitly) the slogan of a “return to nature.” +This <i>maestria</i> extends also to verbal language. Side by side with the social +polish of the period of the Tyrannis or of the troubadours, with the fugues of +Bach and the vase-paintings of Exekias,⁠<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> we have the art of Attic oratory and +that of French conversation, both presupposing, like any other art, a strict +and carefully matured convention and a long and exacting training of the +individual.</p> + +<p>Metaphysically the significance of this separating-off of a set language can +hardly be over-estimated. The daily practice of intercourse in settled forms, +and the command of the entire waking-consciousness through such forms—of +which there is no longer a sensed process of formation <i lang="la">ad hoc</i>, but which are +<span class="pagenum" id="p136">[136]</span>just simply there, and require understanding in the strictest sense of the word—lead +to an ever-sharper distinction between understanding and feeling within +the waking-consciousness. An incipient language is felt understandingly; +the practice of speaking requires one, first, to feel the <em>known</em> speech-medium +and, secondly, to understand the intention put into it on <em>this</em> occasion. Consequently +the kernel of all schooling lies in the acquisition of elements of +knowledge. Every Church proclaims unhesitatingly that not feeling but +knowledge leads into its ways of salvation; all true artistry rests on the +sure knowledge of forms that the individual has not to discover, but to learn. +“Understanding” is knowledge conceived of as a being. It is that which is +completely alien to blood, race, time; from the opposition of rigid speech to +coursing blood and developing history come the <em>negative</em> ideals of the absolute, +the eternal, the universally valid—the ideals of Church and School.</p> + +<p>But just this, in the last analysis, makes languages incomplete and leads to +the eternal contradiction between what is in fact spoken and what was willed +or meant by the speaking. We might indeed say that lies came into the world +with the separation of speech from speaking. The signs are fixed, but not so +their meaning—from the outset we feel that this is so, then we know it, +and finally we turn our knowledge to account. It is an old, old, experience +that when one wills to say something, the words “fail” one (<i lang="de">versagen</i>, mis-say); +that one does not “express oneself aright” and in fact says something other +than what was meant; that one may speak accurately and be understood +inaccurately. And so finally we get to the art—which is widespread even +amongst animals (e.g., cats)—of “using words to conceal thoughts.” One +says not everything, one says something quite different, one speaks formally +about nothing, one talks briskly to cover the fact that one has said something. +Or one imitates the speech of another. The red-backed shrike (<i>Lanius collurio</i>) +imitates the strophes of small song-birds in order to lure them. This is a well-known +hunter’s dodge, but here again established motives and signs are precedent +for it, just as much as they are a condition for the faking in antiques or +the forgery of a signature. And all these traits, met with in attitude and mien +as in handwriting and verbal utterance, reappear in the language of every +religion, every art, every society—we need only refer to the ideas expressed +by the words “hypocrite,” “orthodox,” “heretic,” the English “cant,” +the secondary senses of “diplomat,” “Jesuit,” “actor,” the masks and warinesses +of polite society, and the painting of to-day, in which nothing is honest +more and which in every gallery offers the eye untruth in every imaginable +form.</p> + +<p>In a language that one stammers, one cannot be a diplomat. But in the real +command of a language there is the danger that the relation between the +means and the meaning may be made into a new means. There arises an intellectual +art of <em>playing</em> with expression, practised by the Alexandrines and the +<span class="pagenum" id="p137">[137]</span>Romantics—by Theocritus and Brentano in lyric poetry, by Reger in music, +by Kierkegaard in religion.</p> + +<p><em>Finally, speech and truth exclude one another.</em>⁠<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> And in fact this is just what +brings up, in the age of fixed language, the typical “judge of men,” who is +all race and knows how to take the being that is speaking. To look a man +keenly in the eyes, to size up the speaker behind the stump speech or the philosophical +discourse, to know behind the prayer the heart, and behind the common +good-tone the more intimate levels of social importance—and that instantaneously, +immediately, and with the self-evident certainty that characterizes +everything cosmic—that is what is lacking to the real Taboo-man, for whom +<em>one</em> language at any rate carries conviction. A priest who is also a diplomat +cannot be genuinely a priest. An ethical philosopher of the Kant stamp is +never a “judge of men.”</p> + +<p>The man who lies in his verbal utterances betrays himself, without observing +it, in his demeanour. One who uses demeanour to dissimulate with betrays +himself in his tone. It is precisely because rigid speech separates means and +intent that it never carries it off with the keen appraiser. The adept reads +between the lines and understands a man as soon as he sees his walk or his +handwriting. The deeper and more intimate a spiritual communion, the more +readily it dispenses with signs and linkages through waking-consciousness. +A real comradeship makes itself understood with few words, a real faith is +silent altogether. The purest symbol of an understanding that has again got +beyond language is the old peasant couple sitting in the evening in front of +their cottage and entertaining one another without a word’s being passed, +each knowing what the other is thinking and feeling. Words would only +disturb the harmony. From such a state of reciprocal understanding something +or other reaches back, far beyond the collective existence of the higher +animal-world, deep in the primeval history of free-moving life. Here deliverance +from the waking-consciousness is, at moments, very nearly achieved.</p> + + +<h3 id="V_4"> + V +</h3> + +<p>Of all the signs that have come to be fixed, none has led to greater consequences +than that which in its present state we call “word.” It belongs, no +doubt, to the purely human history of speech, but nevertheless the idea, or at +any rate the conventional idea, of an “origin” of verbal language is as meaningless +and barren as that of a zero-point for speech generally. A precise +beginning is inconceivable for the latter because it is compresent with and contained +in the essence of the microcosm, and for the former because it presupposes +<span class="pagenum" id="p138">[138]</span>many fully developed kinds of communication-speech and constitutes +only one element—though in the end the dominant element—of a slow and +quiet evolution. It is a fundamental error in all theories (however diametrically +opposed to each other) like those of Wundt and of Jespersen⁠<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> that they investigate +speaking in words as if it were something new and self-contained, which +inevitably leads them into a radically false psychology. In reality verbal +language is a very late phenomenon, not a young shoot, but the last blossom +borne by one of the ramifications of the parent stem of all vocal speeches.</p> + +<p>In actuality a pure word-speech does not exist. No one speaks without +employing, in addition to the set vocabulary, quite other modes of speech, +such as emphasis, rhythm, and facial play, which are much more primary than +the language of the word, and with which, moreover, it has become completely +intertwined. It is highly necessary, therefore, to avoid regarding the ensemble +of present-day word-languages, with its extreme structural intricacy, as an +inner unity with a homogeneous history. Every word-language known to us +has very different sides, and each of these sides has its own Destiny within the +history of the whole. There is not one sense-perception that would be wholly +irrelevant to an adequate history of the use of words. Further, we must distinguish +very strictly between vocal and verbal languages; the former is +familiar even to the simpler genera of animals, the latter is in certain characters—individual +characters, it is true, but all the more significant for that—a +radically different thing. For every animal voice-language, further, expression-motives +(a roar of anger) and communication-signs (a cry of warning) +can be clearly distinguished, and doubtless the same may be said of the earliest +words. But was it, then, as an expression- or as a communication-language +that verbal language <em>arose</em>? Was it in quite primitive conditions, independent, +more or less, of any and every visual language such as picture and gesture? +To such questions we have no answer, since we have no inkling of what the +pre-forms of the “word,” properly so called, were. Naïve indeed is the philology +which uses what we of to-day call “primitive” languages (in reality, +incomplete pictures of very <em>late</em> language-conditions) as premisses for conclusions +as to the origin of words and the Word. The word is in them an +already established, highly developed, and self-evident means—i.e., precisely +what anything “originally” is <em>not</em>.</p> + +<p>There can be no doubt that the sign which made it possible for the future +word-language to detach itself from the general vocal speech of the animal world +was that which I call “name”—a vocal image serving to denote a Something +in the world-around, which was felt as a being, and by the act of naming +became a numen.⁠<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> It is unnecessary to speculate as to how the first names came +<span class="pagenum" id="p139">[139]</span>to be—no human speech accessible to us at this time of day gives us the least +<i lang="fr">point d’appui</i> here. But, contrary to the view of modern research, I consider +that the decisive turn came not from a change of the throat-formation or from +a peculiarity of sound-formation or from any other physiological factor—if +any such changes ever took place at all, it would be the race side that they +would affect—not even an increased capacity for self-expression by existing +means, like, say, the transition from word to sentence (H. Paul⁠<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a>), but <em>a profound +spiritual change</em>. With the Name comes a new world-outlook. And if speech +in general is the child of fear, of the unfathomable terror that wells up when +the waking-consciousness is presented with the facts, that impels all creatures +together in the longing to prove each other’s reality and proximity—then +the first word, the Name, is a mighty leap upward. The Name grazes the +<em>meaning</em> of consciousness and the <em>source</em> of fear alike. The world is not merely +existent, a secret is felt in it. Above and apart from the more ordinary objects +of expression- and communication-language, man names <em>that which is enigmatic</em>. +It is the beast that knows no enigmas. Man cannot think too solemnly, +reverently, of this first name-giving. It was not well always to speak the name, +it should be kept secret, a dangerous power dwelt in it. <em>With the name the step +is taken from the everyday physical of the beast to the metaphysical of man.</em> It was +the greatest turning-point in the history of the human soul. Our epistemology +is accustomed to set speech and thought side by side, and it is quite right, if we +take into consideration only the languages that are still accessible at the present +day. But I believe that we can go much deeper than this and say that with +the Name religion in the proper sense, <em>definite</em> religion in the midst of formless +quasi-religious awe, came into being. Religion in this sense means religious +<em>thought</em>. It is the new conception of the creative understanding emancipated +from sensation. We say, in a very significant idiom, that we “reflect on,” +“think <em>over</em>,” something. With the understanding of things-named the formation +of a <em>higher</em> world, <em>above</em> all sensational existence, is begun—“higher” +both according to obvious symbolism and in reference to the position of the +head which man guesses (often with painful distinctness) to be the home of +his thoughts. It gives to the primary feeling of fear both an object and a glimpse +of liberation. On this religious first thought all the philosophical, scholarly, +scientific thought of later times has been and remains dependent for its very +deepest foundations.</p> + +<p>These first names we have to think of as quite separate and individual +elements in the stock of signs of a highly developed sound- and gesture-language, +the richness of which we can no longer imagine, since these other means have +come to be subordinate to the word-languages, and their further developments +<span class="pagenum" id="p140">[140]</span>have been in dependent connexion therewith.⁠<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> + One thing, however, was assured +when the name inaugurated the transformation and spiritualization of communication-technique—the +pre-eminence of the eye over the other sense-organs. +Man’s awakeness and awareness was in an illuminated space, his +depth-experience⁠<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> was a radiation outward towards light-sources and light-resistances, +and he conceived of his ego as a middle point in the light. +“Visible” or “invisible” was the alternative which governed the state of +understanding in which the first names arose. Were the first <i>numina</i>, perhaps, +things of the light-world that were felt, heard, observed in their effects, <em>but not +seen</em>? No doubt the group of names, like everything else that marks a turning-point +in the course of world-happenings, must have developed both rapidly and +powerfully. The entire light-world, in which everything possesses the properties +of position and duration in space, was—in the midst of what tensions of +cause and effect, thing and property, object and subject!—very soon listed +with innumerable names, and so anchored in the memory, for what we now +call “memory” is the capacity of storing for the understanding, by means +of the name, <em>the named</em>. Over the realm of understood visuals (<i lang="de">Sehdinge</i>) supervenes +a more intellectual realm of namings, which shares with it the logical +property of being purely extensive, disposed in polarity, and ruled by the causal +principle. All word-types like cases and pronouns and prepositions (which +arise, of course, much later) have a causal or local meaning in respect of named +units; adjectives, and verbs also, have frequently come into existence in pairs +of opposites; often (as in the E’we languages of West Africa investigated by +Westermann) the same word is pronounced low or high to denote for example +great and small, far and near, passive and active.⁠<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> Later these relics of gesture-language +pass completely into the word-form,⁠<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> as we see clearly, for example, +in the Greek μακρός and μικρός and the <i>u</i>-sounds of Egyptian designations of +<span class="pagenum" id="p141">[141]</span>suffering. It is the form of thinking in opposites which, starting from these +antithetical word-pairs, constitutes the foundation of all inorganic logic, and +turns every scientific discovery of truths into a movement of conceptual contraries, +of which the most universal instance is that of an old view and a new +one being contrasted as “error” and “truth.”</p> + +<p>The second great turning-point was the use of <em>grammar</em>. Besides the name +there was now the sentence, besides the verbal designation the verbal relation, +and thereupon reflection—which is a thinking in word-relations that follows +from the perception of things for which word-labels exist—became the +decisive characteristic of man’s waking-consciousness. The question whether +the communication-languages already contained effective “sentences” before +the appearance of the genuine “name” is a difficult one. The sentence, in the +<em>present</em> acceptation of the word, has indeed developed within these languages +according to its own conditions and with its own phases, but nevertheless it +postulates the <em>prior</em> existence of the name. Sentences as conceptual relations +become possible only with the intellectual change that accompanied +their birth. And we must assume further that within the highly developed +wordless languages one character or trait after another, in the course of continuous +practical use, was transformed into verbal form and as such fell into its +place in an increasingly solid structure, the prime form of our present-day +languages. Thus the inner build of all verbal languages rests upon foundations +of far older construction, and for its further development is <em>not</em> dependent upon +the stock of words and its destiny.</p> + +<p>It is in fact just the reverse. For with syntax the original group of individual +<em>names</em> was transformed into a system of words, whose character was given, not +by their proper, but by their grammatical significance. The name made its +appearance as something novel and entirely self-contained. But word-species +arose as elements of the sentence, and thereafter the contents of waking-consciousness +streamed in overflowing profusion into this world of words, demanding +to be labelled and represented in it, until finally even “all” became, in one +shape or another, a word and available for the thought-process.</p> + +<p>Thenceforward the sentence is the decisive element—we speak in sentences +and not words. Attempts to define the two have been frequent, but never +successful. According to F. N. Finck, word-formation is an analytical and +sentence-formation a synthetical activity of the mind, the first preceding the +second. It is demonstrable that the same actuality received as impression is +variously understood, and words, therefore, are definable from very different +points of view.⁠<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> But according to the usual definition, a sentence is the verbal +expression of a <em>thought</em>, a symbol (says H. Paul) for the connexion of several +<em>ideas</em> in the soul of the speaker. It seems to me quite impossible to settle the +nature of the sentence from its contents. The fact is simply that we call the +<span class="pagenum" id="p142">[142]</span>relatively largest mechanical units employed “sentences” and the relatively +smallest “words.” Over this range extends the validity of grammatical <em>laws</em>. +But as soon as we pass from theory to practice, we see that language as currently +used is no longer such a mechanism; it obeys not laws, but <em>pulse</em>. Thus +a race-character is involved, <i lang="la">a priori</i>, in the way in which the matter to be +communicated is set in sentences. Sentences are not the same for Tacitus and +Napoleon as for Cicero and Nietzsche. The Englishman orders his material +syntactically in a different way from the German. Not the ideas and thoughts, +but the thinking, the kind of life, <em>the blood</em>, determine in the primitive, Classical, +Chinese, and Western speech-communities the type of the sentence-unit, +and with it the <em>mechanical</em> relation of the word to the sentence. The boundary +between grammar and syntax should be placed at the point where the mechanical +of speech ceases and the organic of speaking begins—usages, custom, the +<em>physiognomy</em> of the way that a man employs to express himself. The other +boundary lies where the mechanical structure of the word passes into the +organic factors of sound-formation and expression. Even the children of immigrants +can often be recognized by the way in which the English “<i>th</i>” is +pronounced—a race-trait of the land. Only that which lies between these +limits is the “language,” properly so called, which has system, is a technical +instrument, and can be invented, improved, changed, and worn out; enunciation +and expression, on the contrary, adhere to the <em>race</em>. We recognize a person +known to us, without seeing him, by his pronunciation, and not only that, but +we can recognize a member of an alien race even if he speaks perfectly correct +German. The great sound-modifications, like the Old High German in Carolingian +times and the Middle High German in the Late Gothic, have territorial +frontiers and affect only the speaking of the language, not the inner form +of sentence and word.</p> + +<p>Words, I have just said, are the relatively smallest mechanical units in the +sentence. There is probably nothing that is so characteristic of the thinking +of a human species as the way in which these units are acquired by it. For the +Bantu Negro a thing that he sees belongs first of all to a very large number of +categories of comprehension. Correspondingly the word for it consists of a +kernel or root and a number of monosyllabic prefixes. When he speaks of a +woman in a field, his word is something like this: “living, one, big, old, female, +outside, <em>human</em>”; this makes seven syllables, but it denotes a single, +clear-headed, and to us quite alien act of comprehension.⁠<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> There are languages +in which the word is almost coextensive with the sentence.</p> + +<p>The gradual replacement of bodily or sonic by grammatical gestures is +thus the decisive factor in the formation of sentences, but it has never been +completed. There are no purely verbal languages. The activity of speaking, in +words, as it emerges more and more precise, consists in this, that through word-sounds +<span class="pagenum" id="p143">[143]</span>we awaken significance-feelings, which in turn through the sound of +the word-connexions evoke further relation-feelings. Our schooling in speech +trains us to understand in this abbreviated and indicative form not only light-things +and light-relations, but also thought-things and thought-relations. +Words are only named, not used definitively, and the hearer has to feel what +the speaker means. This and this alone amounts to speech, and hence mien +and tone play a much greater part than is generally admitted in the understanding +of modern speech. Substantive signs may conceivably exist for many +of the animals even, but verb-signs never.</p> + +<p>The last grand event in this history, which brings the formation of verbal +speech more or less to a close, is the coming of the verb. This assumes at the +outset a very high order of abstraction. For substantives are words whereby +things sense-defined in illuminated space⁠<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> become evocable also in after-thought, +while verbs describe <em>types</em> of change, which are not seen, but are extracted from +the unendingly protean light-world, by noting the special characters of the +individual cases, and generating concepts from them. “Falling stone” is +originally a unit impression, but we first separate movement and thing moved +and then isolate falling as one <em>kind</em> of movement from innumerable other sorts +and shades thereof—sinking, tottering, stumbling, slipping. We do not +“see” the distinction, we “know” it. The difference between fleeing and +running, or between flying and being wafted, altogether transcends the visual +impression they produce and is only apprehensible by a word-trained consciousness. +But now, with this verb-thinking, even life itself has become accessible +to reflection. Out of the living impress made on the waking-consciousness, +out of the ambiance of the becoming (which gesture-speech, being merely imitative, +leaves unquestioned and unprobed) that which is life itself—namely, +singularity of occurrence—is unconsciously eliminated, and the rest, as effect +of a cause (the wind wafts, lightning flashes, the peasant ploughs), is put, under +purely extensive descriptions, into suitable places in the sign-system. One has +to bury oneself completely in the solid definiteness of subject and predicate, +active and passive, present and perfect, to perceive how entirely the understanding +here masters the senses and unsouls actuality. In substantives one +can still regard the mental thing (the idea) as a copy of the visual thing, but +in the verb <em>something inorganic has been put in place of something organic</em>. The fact +that we live—namely, that we at this instant perceive something—becomes +eventually a <em>property</em> of the something perceived. In terms of word-thought, +the perceived endures—“is.” Thus, finally, are formed the categories of +thought, graded according to what is and what is not natural to it; thus +Time appears as a dimension, Destiny as a cause, the living as chemical or +psychical mechanism. It is in this wise that the style of mathematical, judicial, +and dogmatic thought arises.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p144">[144]</span></p> + +<p>And in this wise, too, arises that disunity which seems to us inseparable +from the essence of man, but is really only the expression of the dominance of +word-language in his waking-consciousness. This instrument of communication +between Ego and Tu has, by reason of its perfection, fashioned out of the +animal understanding of sensation, a thinking-in-words which stands proxy +for sensation. Subtle thinking—“splitting hairs,” as it is called—is conversing +with oneself in word-significances. It is the activity that no kind of +language but the language of words can subserve, and it becomes, with the +perfection of the language, distinctive of the life-habit of whole classes of +human beings. The divorce of speech, rigid and devitalized, from speaking, +which makes it impossible to include the whole truth in a verbal utterance, +has particularly far-reaching consequences in the sign-system of words. +Abstract thinking consists in the use of a finite word-framework into which +it is sought to squeeze the whole infinite content of life. Concepts kill Being +and falsify Waking-Being. Long ago in the springtime of language-history, +while understanding had still to struggle in order to hold its own with sensation, +this mechanization was without importance for life. But now, from +a being who occasionally thought, man has become a thinking being, and +it is the ideal of every thought-system to subject life, once and for all, to the +domination of intellect. This is achieved in theory by according validity only +to the known and branding the actual as a sham and a delusion. It is achieved +in practice by forcing the voices of the blood to be silent in the presence of +universal ethical principles.⁠<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a></p> + +<p>Both, logic and ethics alike, are systems of absolute and eternal truths for +the intellect, and correspondingly untruths for history. However completely +the inner eye may triumph over the outer in the domain of thought, in the realm +of facts the belief in eternal truths is a petty and absurd stage-play that exists +only in the heads of individuals. A true system of thoughts emphatically cannot +exist, for no sign can replace actuality. Profound and honest thinkers are +always brought to the conclusion that all cognition is conditioned <i lang="la">a priori</i> by +its own form and can never reach that which the words mean—apart, again, +from the case of technics, in which the concepts are instruments and not aims +in themselves. And this <i>ignorabimus</i> is in conformity also with the intuition +of every true sage, that abstract principles of life are acceptable only as figures +of speech, trite maxims of daily use underneath which life flows, as it has always +flowed, onward. Race, in the end, is stronger than languages, and thus it is that, +under all the great names, it has been thinkers—who are personalities—and +not systems—which are mutable—that have taken effect upon life.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p145">[145]</span></p> + + +<h3 id="VI_3"> + VI +</h3> + +<p>So far, then, the inner history of word-languages shows three stages. In +the first there appears, within highly developed but wordless communication-languages, +the first names—units in a new sort of understanding. The world +awakens <em>as a secret</em>, and religious thought begins. In the second stage, a complete +communication-speech is gradually transformed into grammatical values. +The gesture becomes the sentence, and the sentence transforms the names into +words. Further, the sentence becomes the great school of understanding <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> +sensation, and an increasingly subtle significance-feeling for abstract +relations within the mechanism of the sentence evokes an immense profusion +of inflexions, which attach themselves especially to the substantive and the +verb, the space-word and the time-word. This is the blossoming time of +grammar, the period of which we may probably (though under all reserves) +take as the two millennia preceding the birth of the Egyptian and Babylonian +Culture. The third stage is marked by a rapid decay of inflexions and a simultaneous +replacement of grammar by syntax. The intellectualization of +man’s waking-consciousness has now proceeded so far that he no longer needs +the sense-props of inflexion and, discarding the old luxuriance of word-forms, +communicates freely and surely by means of the faintest nuances of idiom +(particles, position of words, rhythm). By dint of speaking in words, the +understanding has attained supremacy over the waking-consciousness, and +to-day it is in process of liberating itself from the restrictions of sensible-verbal +machinery and working towards pure mechanics of the intellect. Minds and +not senses are making the contact.</p> + +<p>In this third stage of linguistic history, which as such takes place in the +biological plane⁠<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> and therefore belongs to <em>man as a type</em>, the history of the higher +Cultures now intervenes with an entirely new speech, the speech of the distance—writing—an +invention of such inward forcefulness that again there is a sudden +decisive turn in the destinies of the word-languages.</p> + +<p>The written language of Egypt is already by 3000 in a state of rapid grammatical +decomposition; likewise the Sumerian literary languages called <i>eme-sal</i> +(women’s language). The written language of China—which <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the +vernaculars of the Chinese world has long formed a language apart—is, even +in the oldest known texts, so entirely inflexionless that only recent research has +established that it ever had inflexions at all.⁠<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> The Indogermanic system +is known to us only in a state of complete break-down. Of the Case in Old +Vedic (about 1500 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>) the Classical languages a thousand years later retained +only fragments.⁠<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> From Alexander the Great’s time the dual disappeared from +<span class="pagenum" id="p146">[146]</span>the declension of ordinary Hellenistic Greek, and the passive vanished from the +conjugation entirely. The Western languages, although of the most miscellaneous +provenance imaginable—the Germanic from primitive and the Romanic +from highly civilized stock—modify in the same direction, the Romanic +cases having become reduced to one, and the English, after the Reformation, +to zero. Ordinary German definitely shed the genitive at the beginning of the +nineteenth century and is now in process of abolishing the dative. Only after +trying to translate a piece of difficult and pregnant prose—say of Tacitus or +Mommsen—“back”⁠<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> into some very ancient language rich in inflexions +does one realize how meantime the technique of signs has vaporized into a +technique of thoughts, which now only needs to employ the signs—abbreviated, +but replete with meaning—merely as the counters in a game that only the +initiates of the particular speech-communion understand. This is why to a +west-European, the sacred Chinese texts must always be in the fullest sense a +sealed book; but the same holds good also for the primary words of every +other Culture-language—the Greek λογός and ἀρχή, the Sanskrit <i>Atman</i> and +<i>Braman</i>—indications of the world-outlook of their respective Cultures that +no one not bred in the Culture can comprehend.</p> + +<p>The external history of languages is as good as lost to us in just its most +important parts. Its springtime lies deep in the primitive era, in which (to +repeat what has been said earlier), we have to imagine “humanity” in the +form of scattered and quite small troops, lost in the wide spaces of the earth. +A spiritual change came when reciprocal contacts became habitual (and eventually +natural) to them, but correspondingly there can be no doubt that this +contact was first sought for and then regulated, or fended off, by means of speech, +and that it was the impression of an earth filled with men that first brought the +waking-consciousness to the point of tense intelligent shrewdness, forcing verbal +language under pressure to the surface. So that, perhaps, the birth of grammar +is connected with the race hall-mark of the grand Number.</p> + +<p>Since then, no other grammatical system has ever come into existence, but +only novel derivatives of what was already there. Of these <em>authentic</em> primitive +languages and their structure and sound we know nothing. As far as our backward +look takes us, we see only complete and developed linguistic systems, +used by everyone, learned by every child, as something perfectly natural. And +we find it more than difficult to imagine that once upon a time things may have +been different, that perhaps a shudder of fear accompanied the hearing of such +strange and enigmatic language—an awe like that which in historic times +has been and still is excited by script. And yet we have to reckon with the +possibility that at one time, in a world of wordless communication, verbal +language constituted an aristocratic privilege, a jealously preserved class-secret. +We have a thousand examples—the diplomats with their French, the scholars +<span class="pagenum" id="p147">[147]</span>with their Latin, the priests with their Sanskrit—to suggest that there may +have been such a tendency. It is part of the thoroughbred’s pride to be able to +speak to one another in a way that outsiders cannot understand—a language +for everybody is a vernacular. To be “on conversational terms with” someone +is a privilege or a pretension. So, too, the use of literary language in talking +with educated people, and contempt for dialect, mark the true bourgeois pride. +It is only we who live in a Civilization wherein it is just as normal for children +to learn to write as to learn to walk—in all earlier Cultures it was a rare +accomplishment, to which few could aspire. And I am convinced that it was +just so once with verbal language.</p> + +<p>The tempo of linguistic history is immensely rapid; here a mere century +signifies a great deal. I may refer again to the gesture-language of the North +Indians,⁠<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> which became necessary because the rapidity of changes in the tribal +dialects made intertribal understanding impossible otherwise. Compare, too, +the Latin of the recently discovered Forum inscription⁠<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> (about 500) with the +Latin of Plautus (about 200) and this again with the Latin of Cicero (about 50). +If we assume that the oldest Vedic texts have preserved the linguistic state of +1200 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, then even that of 2000 may have differed from it far more completely +than any Indogermanic philologists working by <i>a posteriori</i> methods can even +surmise.⁠<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> But <i>allegro</i> changes to <i>lento</i> in the moment when script, the language +of duration, intervenes and ties down and immobilizes the systems at entirely +different age-levels. This is what makes this evolution so opaque to research; +all that we possess is remains of written languages. Of the Egyptian and Babylonian +linguistic world we do possess originals from as far back as 3000, but the +oldest Indogermanic relics are <em>copies</em>, of which the linguistic state is much +younger than the contents.</p> + +<p>Very various, under all these determinants, have been the destinies of the +different grammars and vocabularies. The first attaches to the intellect, the +second to things and places. Only grammatical systems are subject to natural +inward change. The use of words, on the contrary, psychologically presupposes +that, although the expression may change, inner mechanical structure +is maintained (and all the more firmly) as being the basis on which denomination +essentially rests. <em>The great linguistic families are purely grammatical families.</em> +The words in them are more or less homeless and wander from one to another. +It is a fundamental error in philological (especially Indogermanic) research +that grammar and vocabulary are treated as a unit. All specialist vocabularies—the +jargon of hunter, soldier, sportsman, seaman, savant—are in reality +<em>only stocks of words</em>, and can be used within any and every grammatical system. +The semi-Classical vocabulary of chemistry, the French of diplomacy, and the +<span class="pagenum" id="p148">[148]</span>English of the racecourse have become naturalized in all modern languages +alike. We may talk of “alien” words, but the same could have been said at +some time or other of most of the “roots,” so-called, in all the old languages. +All names adhere to the things that they denote, and share their history. In +Greek the names for metals are of alien provenance; words like ταῦρος, χιτῶν, +οἶνος are Semitic. Indian numerals are found in the Hittite texts of Boghaz +Keüi,⁠<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> and the contexts in which they occur are technical expressions which +came into the country with horse-breeding. Latin administrative terms invaded +the Greek East,⁠<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> German invaded Petrine Russia in multitudes, Arabic +words permeate the vocabulary of Western mathematics, chemistry, and astronomy. +The Normans, themselves Germanic, inundated English with French +words. Banking, in German-speaking regions, is full of Italian expressions,⁠<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> +and similarly and to a far greater extent masses of designations relating to +agriculture and cattle-breeding, to metals and weapons, and in general to all +transactions of handicraft, barter, and intertribal law, must have migrated +from one language to another, just as geographical nomenclature always passed +into the proper vocabulary of the dominant language, with the result that Greek +contains numerous Carian and German Celtic place-names. It is no exaggeration +to say that the more widely an Indogermanic word is distributed, the +<em>younger</em> it is, the more likely it is to be an “alien” word. It is precisely the +very oldest names that are hoarded as private possessions. Latin and Greek +have only quite young words in common. Or do “telephone,” “gas,” “automobile,” +belong to the word-stock of the “primitive” people? Suppose, for +the sake of argument that three-fourths of the Aryan “primitive” words came +from the Egyptian or the Babylonian vocabularies of the third millennium; we +should not find a trace of the fact in Sanskrit after a thousand years of unwritten +development, for even in German thousands of Latin loan-words have long +ago become completely unrecognizable. The ending “-ette” in “Henriette” +is Etruscan—how many genuine Aryan and genuine Semitic endings, notwithstanding +their thoroughly alien origin, defy us to prove them intruders? +What is the explanation of the astounding similarity of many words in the +Australian and the Indogermanic languages?</p> + +<p>The Indogermanic system is certainly the youngest, and therefore the most +intellectual. The languages derived from it rule the earth to-day, but did it +really exist at all in 2000 as a specific grammatical edifice? As is well known, a +single initial form for Aryan, Semitic, and Hamitic is nowadays assumed as +probable. The oldest Indian texts preserve the linguistic conditions of (probably) +before 1200, the oldest Greek those of (probably) 700. But Indian personal +and divine names occur in Syria and Palestine,⁠<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> simultaneously with the +<span class="pagenum" id="p149">[149]</span>horse, at a much later date, the bearers of these names being apparently first +soldiers of fortune and afterwards potentates.⁠<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> May it be that about 1600 these +land-Vikings, these first <i lang="de">Reiter</i>—men grown up inseparable from their horses, +the terrifying originals of the Centaur-legend—established themselves +more or less everywhere in the Northern plains as adventurer-chiefs, bringing +with them the speech and divinities of the Indian feudal age? And the +same with the Aryan aristocratic ideals of breed and conduct. According +to what has been said above on race, this would explain the race-ideal of Aryan-speaking +regions without any necessity for “migrations” of a “primitive” +folk. After all, it was in this way that the knightly Crusaders founded their +states in the East—and in exactly the same locality as the heroes with Mitanni +names had done so twenty-five hundred years before.</p> + +<p>Or was this system of about 3000 merely an unimportant dialect of a language +that is lost? The Romanic language-family about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1600 dominated +all the seas. About 400 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> the “original” language on the Tiber possessed a +domain of little more than a thousand square miles. It is certain that the +geographical picture of the grammatical families at about 4000 was still very +variegated. The Semitic-Hamitic-Aryan group (<em>if</em> it ever did form a unit) +can hardly have been of much importance at that time. We stumble at every +turn upon the relics of old speech-families—Etruscan, Basque, Sumerian, +Ligurian, the ancient tongues of Asia Minor, and others—that in their day +must have belonged to very extensive systems. In the archives of Boghaz-Keüi +eight new languages have so far been identified, all of them in use about the +year 1000. With the then prevailing tempo of modification, Aryan may in +2000 have formed a unit with languages that we should never dream of associating +with it.</p> + + +<h3 id="VII_1"> + VII +</h3> + +<p>Writing is an entirely new kind of language, and implies a complete change +in the relations of man’s waking-consciousness, in that it <em>liberates it from the +tyranny of the present</em>. Picture-languages which portray objects are far older, +older probably than any words; but here the picture is no longer an immediate +denotation of some sight-object, but primarily the sign of a word—i.e., something +already abstract from sensation. It is the first and only example of a language +that demands, without itself providing, the necessary preparatory training.</p> + +<p>Script, therefore, presupposes a fully developed grammar, since the activity +of writing and reading is infinitely more abstract than that of speaking and +hearing. Reading consists in scanning a script-image <em>with a feeling of the significances +of corresponding word-sounds</em>; what script contains is not signs for things, +but signs for other signs. The grammatical sense must be enlarged by instantaneous +comprehension.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p150">[150]</span></p> + +<p>The word is a possession of man generally, whereas writing belongs exclusively +to Culture-men. In contrast to verbal language it is conditioned, +not merely partially, but entirely, by the political and religious Destinies of +world-history. All scripts come into being in the <em>individual</em> Cultures and are to +be reckoned amongst their profoundest symbols. But hitherto a comprehensive +history of script has never been produced, and a psychology of its forms and +their modifications has never even been attempted. <em>Writing is the grand symbol +of the Far</em>, meaning not only extension-distance, but also, and above all, duration +and future and the will-to-eternity. Speaking and listening take place only +in proximity and the present,⁠<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> but through script one speaks to men whom one +has never seen, who may not even have been born yet; the voice of a man is +heard centuries after he has passed away. It is one of the first distinguishing +marks of the <em>historical</em> endowment. But for that very reason nothing is more +characteristic of a Culture than its inward relation to writing. If we know as +little as we do about Indogermanic, it is because the two earliest Cultures +whose people made use of this system—the Indian and the Classical—were +so <em>a-historic</em> in disposition that they not only formed no script of their own, +but even fought off alien scripts until well into the Late period of their course. +Actually, the whole art of Classical prose is designed immediately for the ear. +One read it as if one were speaking, whereas we, by comparison, speak everything +as though we were reading it—with the result that in the eternal seesaw +between script-image and word-sound we have never attained to a prose style +that is perfect in the Attic sense. In the Arabian Culture, on the other hand, +each religion developed its own script and kept it even through changes of +verbal language; the duration of the sacred books and teachings and the +script as symbol of duration belong together. The oldest evidences of alphabetical +script are found in southern Arabia in the Minæan and Sabæan scripts—differentiated, +without doubt, according to sect—which probably go back to +the tenth century before Christ.⁠<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> The Jews, Mandæans, and Manichæans in +Babylonia spoke Eastern Aramaic, but all of them had scripts of their own. +From the Abbassid period onward Arabic ruled, but Christians and Jews wrote +it in their own characters.⁠<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> Islam spread the Arabic script universally amongst +its adherents, irrespective of whether their spoken language was Semitic, +Mongolian, Aryan, or a Negro tongue.⁠<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> The growth of the writing habit +brings with it, everywhere and inevitably, the distinction between the written +and the colloquial languages. The written language brings the symbolism +<span class="pagenum" id="p151">[151]</span>of duration to bear upon its own grammatical condition, which itself yields +only slowly and reluctantly to the progressive modifications of the colloquial +language—the latter, therefore, always representing at any given moment a +younger condition. There is not one Hellenic κοινή, but two,⁠<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> and the immense +distance between the written and the living Latin of Imperial times is +sufficiently evidenced in the structure of the early Romance languages.⁠<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> The +older a Civilization becomes, the more abrupt is the distinction, until we have +the gap that to-day separates written Chinese from Kuan-Chua, the spoken +language of educated North Chinese—a matter no longer of two dialects but +of two reciprocally alien languages.</p> + +<p>Here, it should be observed, we have direct expression of the fact that +writing is above everything a matter of status, and more particularly an ancient +privilege of priesthood. The peasantry is without history <em>and therefore without +writing</em>. But, even apart from this, there is in Race an unmistakable antipathy +to script. It is, I think, a fact of the highest importance to graphology that +the more the writer has race (breed), the more cavalierly he treats the ornamental +structure of the letters, and the more ready he is to replace this by personal +line-pictures. Only the Taboo-man evidences a certain respect for the +proper forms of the letters and ever, if unconsciously, tries to reproduce them. +It is the distinction between the man of action, who makes history, and the +scholar, who merely puts it down on paper, “eternalizes” it. In all Cultures +the script is in the keeping of the priesthood, in which class we have to count +also the poet and the scholars. The nobility despises writing; it has people +to write for it. From the remotest times this activity has had something +intellectual-sacerdotal about it. Timeless truths came to be such, not at all +through speech, but only when there came to be script for them. It is the opposition +of castle and cathedral over again: which shall endure, deed or truth? The +archivist’s “sources” preserve facts, the holy scripture, truths. What chronicles +and documents mean in the first-named, exegesis and library mean in the second. +And thus there is something besides cult-architecture that is not decorated +with ornament, but <em>is</em> ornament⁠<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a>—the <em>book</em>. The art-history of all Cultural +springtimes ought to begin with the script, and the cursive script even before +the monumental. Here we can observe the essence of the Gothic style, or of the +Magian, at its purest. No other ornament possesses the inwardness of a letter-shape +or a manuscript page; nowhere else is arabesque as perfect as it is in the +Koran texts on the walls of a mosque. And, then, the great art of initials, the +architecture of the marginal picture, the plastic of the covers! In a Koran in +the Kufi script every page has the effect of a piece of tapestry. A Gothic book of +the Gospels is, as it were, a little cathedral. As for Classical art, it is very significant +<span class="pagenum" id="p152">[152]</span>that the one thing that it did not beautify with its touch was the +script and the book-roll—an exception founded in its steady hatred of that +which endures, the contempt for a technique which insists on being more than +a technique. Neither in Hellas nor in India do we find an art of monumental +inscription as in Egypt. It does not seem to have occurred to anybody that a +sheet of handwriting of Plato was a relic, or that a fine edition of the dramas +of Sophocles ought to be treasured up in the Acropolis.</p> + +<p>As the city lifted up its head over the countryside, as the burgher joined +the noble and the priest and the urban spirit aspired to supremacy, writing, +from being a herald of nobles’ fame and of eternal truths, became a means of +commercial and scientific intercourse. The Indian and the Classical Cultures +rejected the pretension and met the working requirement by importation from +abroad; it was as a humble tool of everyday use that alphabetical script slowly +won their acceptance. With this event rank, as contemporaneous and like in +significance, the introduction into China of the phonetic script about 800, +and the discovery of book-printing in the West in the fifteenth century; the +symbol of duration and distance was reinforced in the highest degree by making +it accessible to the large number. Finally the Civilizations took the last step +and brought their scripts into utilitarian form. As we have seen, the discovery +of alphabetical script in the Egyptian Civilization, about 2000, was a purely +technical innovation. In the same way Li Si, Chancellor to the Chinese Augustus, +introduced the Chinese standard script in 227. And lastly, amongst ourselves—though +as yet few of us have appreciated the real significance of the +fact—a new kind of writing has appeared. That Egyptian alphabetic script +is in no wise a final and perfected thing is proved by the discovery of its fellow, +our <em>stenography</em>, which means no mere shortening of writing, but <em>the overcoming +of the alphabetic script by a new and highly abstract mode of communication</em>. It is not +impossible, indeed, that in the course of the next centuries script-forms of the +shorthand kind may displace letters completely.</p> + + +<h3 id="VIII_1"> + VIII +</h3> + +<p>May the attempt be made, thus early, to write a morphology of the Culture-languages? +Certainly, science has not as yet even discovered that there is such +a task. Culture-languages are languages of <em>historical</em> men. Their Destiny +accomplishes itself not in biological spaces of time, but in step with the organic +evolution of strictly limited lifetimes. <em>Culture languages are historical languages</em>, +which means, primarily, that there is no historical event and no political +institution that will not have been determined in part by the spirit of the +language employed in it and, conversely, that will not have its influence upon +the spiritual form of that language. The build of the Latin sentence is yet +another consequence of Rome’s battles, which in giving her conquests compelled +the nation as a whole to think administratively; German prose bears +<span class="pagenum" id="p153">[153]</span>traces even to-day of the Thirty Years’ War in its want of established norms, +and early Christian dogma would have acquired a different shape if the oldest +Scriptures, instead of being one and all written in Greek, and been set down in +Syriac form like those of the Mandæans. But secondarily it means that world-history +is dependent—to a degree that students have hitherto scarcely imagined—<em>upon +the existence of script as the essentially historical means of communication</em>. +The State (in the higher sense of the word) presupposes intercourse by writing; +the style of all politics is determined absolutely by the significance that the +politico-historical thought of the nation attaches in each instance to charters +and archives, to signatures, to the products of the publicist; the battle of +legislation is a fight for or against a written law; constitutions replace material +force by the composition of paragraphs and elevate a piece of writing to +the dignity of a weapon. Speech belongs with the present, and writing with +duration, but equally, oral understanding pairs with practical experience, and +writing with theoretical thought. The bulk of the inner political history of +all Late periods can be traced back to this opposition. The ever-varying facts +resist the “letter,” while <em>truths demand it</em>—that is the world-historical opposition +of two parties that in one form or another is met with in the great crises +of all Cultures. The one lives in actuality, the other flourishes a text in its face; +all great revolutions presuppose a literature.</p> + +<p>The group of Western Culture-languages appeared in the tenth century. +The available bodies of language—namely, the Germanic and Romance dialects +(monkish Latin included)—were developed into script-languages under +a single spiritual influence. It is <em>impossible</em> that there should not be a common +character in the development of German, English, Italian, French, and Spanish +from 900 to 1900, as also in the history of the Hellenic and Italic (Etruscan +included) between 1100 and the Empire. But what is it that, irrespective of the +area of extension of language-families or races, acquires specific unity from the +landscape-limit of the Culture alone? What modifications have Hellenistic +and Latin in common after 300—in pronunciation and idiom, metrically, +grammatically, and stylistically? What is present in German and Italian after +1000, but not in Italian and Rumanian? These and similar questions have +never yet been systematically investigated.</p> + +<p>Every Culture at its awakening finds itself in the presence of <em>peasant-languages</em>, +speeches of the cityless countryside, “everlasting,” and almost unconcerned +with the great events of history, which have gone on through late +Culture and Civilization as unwritten dialects and slowly undergone imperceptible +changes. On the top of this now the language of the two primary +Estates raises itself as the first manifestation of a waking relation that <em>has</em> +Culture, that <em>is</em> Culture. Here, in the ring of nobility and priesthood, languages +become Culture-languages, and, more particularly, <em>talk belongs with the castle, +and speech to the cathedral</em>. And thus on the very threshold of evolution the +<span class="pagenum" id="p154">[154]</span>plantlike separates itself from the animal, the destiny of the living from the +destiny of the dead, that of the organic side from that of the mechanical side of +understanding. For the Totem side affirms and the Taboo side denies, blood and +Time. Everywhere we meet, and very early indeed, rigid cult-languages whose +sanctity is guaranteed by their inalterability, systems long dead, or alien to life +and artificially fettered, which have the strict vocabulary that the formulation +of eternal truths requires. Old Vedic stiffened as a religious language, and +with it Sanskrit as a savant-language. The Egyptian of the Old Kingdom was +perpetuated as priests’ language, so that in the New Empire sacred formulæ +were no more understandable than the <cite>Carmen Saliare</cite> and the hymn of the +Fratres Arvales in Augustan times.⁠<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> In the Arabian pre-Cultural period Babylonian, +Hebrew, and Avestan simultaneously went out of use as workaday +languages—probably in the second century before Christ—indeed on that +very account Jews and Persians used them in their Scriptures as in opposition to +Aramaic and Pehlevi. The same significance attached to Gothic Latin for the +Church, Humanists’ Latin for the learning of the Baroque, Church Slavonic +in Russia, and no doubt Sumerian in Babylonia.</p> + +<p>In contrast with this, the nursery of talk is in the early castles and palaces +of assize. Here the <em>living</em> Culture-languages have been formed. Talk is the +custom of speech, its manners—“good form” in the intonation and idiom, +fine tact in choice of words and mode of expression. All these things are a +mark of <em>race</em>; they are learned not in the monastery cell or the scholar’s study, +but in polite intercourse and from living examples. In noble society, and as a +hall-mark of nobility, the language of Homer,⁠<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> as also the old French of the +Crusades and the Middle High German of the Hohenstaufen, were erected out +of the ordinary talk of the country-side. When we speak of the great epic +poets, the Skalds, the Troubadours, as creators of language, we must not +forget that they began by being trained for their task, <em>in language as in other +things</em>, by moving in noble circles. The great art by which the Culture finds its +tongue is the achievement of a race and not that of a craft.</p> + +<p>The clerical language on the other hand starts from concepts and conclusions. +It labours to improve the dialectical capacities of the words and sentence-forms +to the maximum. There sets in, consequently, an ever-increasing +differentiation of scholastic and courtly, of the idiom of intellectual from that +of social intercourse. Beyond all divisions of language-families there is a +component common to the expression of Plotinus and Thomas Aquinas, of +Veda and Mishna. Here we have the starting-point of all the ripe scholar-languages +of the West—which, German and English and French alike, bear +<span class="pagenum" id="p155">[155]</span>to this day the unmistakable signs of their origin in scholars’ Latin—and, +therefore, the starting point of all the apparatus of technical expression and +logical sentence-form. This opposition between the modes of understanding of +“Society” and of Science renews itself again and again till far into the Late +period. The centre of gravity in the history of French was decisively on the +side of race; i.e., of talk. At the Court of Versailles, in the salons of Paris, +the <i lang="fr">esprit précieux</i> of the Arthurian romances evolves into the “conversation,” +the classical art of talk, whose dictature the whole West acknowledges. The +fact that Ionic-Attic, too, was fashioned entirely in the halls of the tyrants +and in symposia created great difficulties for Greek philosophy: for later on, +it was almost impossible to discuss the syllogism in the language of Alcibiades. +On the other hand, German prose, in the decisive phase of Baroque, had no +central point on which it could rise to excellence, and so even to-day it oscillates +in point of style between French and Latin—courtly and scholarly—according +as the author’s intuition is to express himself well or accurately. Our +Classical writers, thanks to their linguistic origin in office or study and their +stay as tutors in the castles and the little courts, arrived indeed at personal +styles, and others are able to imitate these styles, but a specifically German +prose, standard for all, they were unable to create.</p> + +<p>To these two class-languages the rise of the city added a third, the language +of the bourgeoisie, which is the true script-speech, reasoned and utilitarian, +prose in the strictest sense of the word. It swings gently between the expression-modes +of elegant society and of learning, in the one direction thinking +for ever of new turns and words <i lang="fr">à la mode</i>, in the other keeping sturdy hold on +its existing stock of ideas. But in its inner essence it is of a <em>mercantile</em> nature. +It feels itself frankly as a class badge <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the historyless-changeless phrasing +of the “people” which Luther and others employed, to the great scandal +of their superficial contemporaries. With the final victory of the city the +urban speech absorbs into itself that of elegance and that of learning. There +arises in the upper strata of megalopolitan populations the uniform, keenly +intelligent, practical κοινή, the child and symbol of its Civilization, equally +averse from dialect and poetry—something perfectly mechanical, precise, +cold, leaving as little as possible to gesture. These final homeless and rootless +languages can be learned by every trader and porter—Hellenistic in Carthage +and on the Oxus, Chinese in Java, English in Shanghai—and for their comprehension +talk has no importance or meaning. And if we inquire what really +created these languages, we find not the spirit of a race or of a religion, but the +spirit of economics.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p156"></a><a id="p157"></a><a id="p158"></a><a id="p159"></a>[159]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI"> + CHAPTER VI + <br> + <span class="subtitle">CITIES AND PEOPLES + <br> + (C) + <br> + PRIMITIVES, CULTURE-PEOPLES, FELLAHEEN</span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Now at last it is possible to approach—if with extreme precaution—the +conception “people,” and to bring order into that chaos of people-forms that the +historical research of the present day has only succeeded in making worse +confounded than before. There is no word that has been used more freely and +more utterly uncritically, yet none that calls for a stricter critique, than this. +Very careful historians, even, after going to much trouble to clear their theoretical +basis (up to a point) slide back thereafter into treating peoples, race-parts, +and speech-communities as completely equivalent. If they find the name +of a people, it counts without more ado as the designation of a language as +well. If they discover an inscription of three words, they believe they have +established a racial connexion. If a few “roots” correspond, the curtain +rises at once on a primitive people with a primitive habitat in the background. +And the modern nationalist spirit has only enhanced this “thinking in terms +of peoples.”</p> + +<p>But is it the Hellenes, the Dorians, or the Spartans that are a people? If +the Romans were a people, what are we to say about the Latins? And what +kind of a unit within the population of Italy at <i>c.</i> 400 do we mean by the +name “Etruscan?” Has not their “nationality,” like that of Basques and +Thracians, been made actually to depend upon the build of their language? +What ethnic idea underlies the words “American,” “Swiss,” “Jew,” “Boer”? +Blood, speech, faith, State, landscape—what in all these is determinative +in the formation of a people? In general, relationships of blood and language +are determined only by way of scholarship, and the ordinary individual is +perfectly unconscious of them. “Indogermanic” is purely and simply a +scientific, more particularly a philological, concept. The attempt of Alexander +the Great to fuse Greeks and Persians together was a complete failure, and we +have recently had experience of the real strength of Anglo-German community +of feeling. But “people” is a linkage of which one is <em>conscious</em>. In ordinary +usage, one designates as one’s “people”—and with feeling—that community, +out of the many to which one belongs, which inwardly stands nearest +<span class="pagenum" id="p160">[160]</span>to one.⁠<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> + And then he extends the use of this concept, which is really quite +particular and derived from personal experience, to collectivities of the most +varied kinds. For Cæsar the Arverni were a “<i lang="la">civitas</i>”; for us the Chinese +are a “nation.” On this basis, it was the Athenians and not the Greeks who +constituted a nation, and in fact there were only a few individuals who, like +Isocrates, felt themselves <em>primarily</em> as Hellenes. On this basis, one of two +brothers may call himself a Swiss and the other, with equal right, a German. +These are not philosophical concepts, but historical facts. A people is an +aggregate of men which feels itself a unit. The Spartiates⁠<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> felt themselves a +people in <em>this</em> sense; the “Dorians” of 1100, too, probably, but those of 400 +certainly not. The Crusaders became genuinely a people in taking the oath of +Clermont; the Mormons in their expulsion from Missouri, in 1839;⁠<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> the +Mamertines⁠<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> + by their need of winning for themselves a stronghold of refuge.⁠<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> +Was the formative principle very different with the Jacobins and Hyksos? How +many peoples may have originated in a chief’s following or a band of fugitives? +Such a group can change race, like the Osmanli, who appeared in Asia Minor +as Mongols; or language, like the Sicilian Normans; or name, like Achæans +and Danaoi. So long as the common feeling is there, the people as such is there.</p> + +<p>We have to distinguish the destiny of a people from its name. The latter +is often the only thing about which information remains to us; but can we +fairly conclude from a name anything about the history, the descent, the +language, or even merely the identity of those who bore it? Here again the +historical researcher is to blame, in that, whatever his theory may have been, +he has in practice treated the relation between name and bearer as simply as he +would treat, say, the personal names of to-day. Have we any conception of +the number of unexplored possibilities in this field? To begin with, the very +act of name-giving is of enormous importance in early associations. For with +a name the human group consciously sets itself up with a sort of sacral dignity. +But, here, cult- and war-names may exist side by side; others the land or +the heritage may provide; the tribal name may be exchanged for that of an +eponymous hero, as with the Osmanli;⁠<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> lastly, an unlimited number of alien +names can be applied along the frontiers of a group without more than a part of +the community ever hearing them at all. If only such names as these be handed +<span class="pagenum" id="p161">[161]</span>down, it becomes practically inevitable that conclusions about the bearers of +them will be wrong. The indubitably sacral names of Franks, Alemanni, and +Saxons have superseded a host of names of the period of the Varus battle—but +if we did not happen to know this, we should long ago have been convinced that +an expulsion or annihilation of old tribes by new intruders had taken place +here. The names “Romans” and “Quirites,” “Spartans” and “Lacedæmonians,” +“Carthaginian” and “Punic” have endured side by side—here again +there was a risk of supposing two peoples instead of one. In what relation the +names “Pelasgi,” “Achæans,” “Danai,” stand to one another we shall never +learn, and had we nothing more than these names, the scholar would long ago +have assigned to each a separate people, complete with language and racial +affinities. Has it not been attempted to draw from the regional designation +“Doric” conclusions as to the course of the Dorian migration? How often may +a people have adopted a land-name and taken it along with them? This is the +case with the modern Prussians, but also with the modern Parsees, Jews, and +Turks, while the opposite is the case in Burgundy and Normandy. The name +“Hellenes” arose about 650, and, therefore, cannot be connected with any movement +of population. Lorraine (Lothringen) received the name of a perfectly unimportant +prince, and that, in connexion with the decision of a heritage and +not a folk-migration. Paris called the Germans Allemands in 1814, Prussians +in 1870, Boches in 1914—in other circumstances three distinct peoples might +have been supposed to be covered by these names. The West-European is +called in the East a Frank, the Jew a Spaniole—the fact is readily explained +by historical circumstances, but what would a philologist have produced from +the <em>words alone</em>?</p> + +<p>It is not to be imagined at what results the scholars of <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 3000 might arrive +if they worked by present-day methods on names, linguistic remains, +and the notion of original homes and migration. For example, the Teutonic +Knights about 1300 drove out the heathen “Prussians,” and in 1870 these +people suddenly appear on their wanderings at the gates of Paris! The Romans, +pressed by the Goths, emigrate from the Tiber to the lower Danube! Or a part +of them perhaps settled in Poland, where Latin was spoken? Charlemagne on +the Weser defeated the Saxons, who thereupon emigrated to the neighbourhood +of Dresden, their places being taken by the Hanoverians, whose original settlement, +according to the dynasty-name, was on the Thames! The historian +who writes down the history of names instead of that of peoples, forgets that +names, too, have their destinies. So also languages, which, with their migrations, +modifications, victories, and defeats, are inconclusive even as to the +existence of peoples associated with them. This is the basic error of Indo-Germanic +research in particular. If in historic times the names “Pfalz” and +“Calabria” have moved about, if Hebrew has been driven from Palestine to +Warsaw, and Persian from the Tigris to India, what conclusions can be drawn +<span class="pagenum" id="p162">[162]</span>from the history of the Etruscan name and the alleged “Tyrsenian” inscription +at Lemnos?⁠<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> Or did the French and the Haytian Negroes, as shown by their +common language, once form a single primitive people? In the region between +Budapest and Constantinople to-day two Mongolian, one Semitic, two Classical, +and three Slavonic languages are spoken, and these speech-communities +all feel themselves essentially as peoples.⁠<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> If we were to build up a migration-story +here, the error of the method would be manifested in some singular results. +“Doric” is a dialect designation—that we know, and that is all we know. +No doubt some few dialects of this group spread rapidly, but that is no proof +of the spread or even of the existence of a human stock belonging with it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a></p> + + +<h3 id="II_5"> + II +</h3> + +<p>Thus we come to the pet idea of modern historical thought. If a historian +meets a people that has achieved something, he feels that he owes it to these +people to answer the question: Whence did it come? It is a matter of dignity +for a people to have come from somewhere and to have an original home. +The notion that it is at home in the place where we find it is almost an insulting +assumption. Wandering is a cherished saga-motive of primitive mankind, +but its employment in serious research also has become a sheer mania. +<em>Whether</em> the Chinese invaded China or the Egyptians Egypt no one inquires, the +question being always <em>when</em> and <em>whence</em> they did so. It would be less of an effort +to originate the Semites in Scandinavia or the Aryans in Canaan than to abandon +the notion of an original home.</p> + +<p>Now, the fact that all early populations were highly mobile is unquestionable. +In it, for example, lies the secret of the Libyan problem. The Libyans or +their predecessors spoke Hamitic, but, as shown even by old Egyptian reliefs, +they were all blond and blue-eyed and, therefore, doubtless of North-European +provenance.⁠<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> In Asia Minor at least three migration-strata since 1300 have +been determined, which are related probably to the attacks of the “Sea-peoples” +in Egypt, and something similar has been shown in the Mexican Culture. +But as to the nature of these movements we know nothing at all. In any case, +there can be no question of migrations such as modern historians like to picture—movements +<span class="pagenum" id="p163">[163]</span>of close-pressed peoples traversing the lands in great masses, +pushing and being pushed till finally they come to rest somewhere or other. +It is not the alterations in themselves, but the conceptions we have formed +about them, that have spoilt our outlook upon the nature of the peoples. +Peoples in the modern sense of the word do not wander, and that which of old +<em>did</em> wander needs to be very carefully examined before it is labelled, as the +label will not always stand for the same thing. The motive, too, that is everlastingly +assigned to these migrations is colourless and worthy of the century +that invented it—material necessity. Hunger would normally lead to efforts +of quite a different sort, and it has certainly been only the last of the motives +that drove men of race out of their nests—although it is understandable +that it would very frequently make itself felt when such bands suddenly encountered +a military obstacle. It was doubtless, in this simple and strong +kind of man, the primary microcosmic urgency to move in free space which +sprang up out of the depths of his soul as love of adventure, daring, liking for +power and booty; as a blazing desire, to us almost incomprehensible, for deeds, +for joy of carnage, for the death of the hero. Often, too, no doubt, domestic +strife or fear of the revenge of the stronger, was the motive, but again a strong +and manly one. Motives like these are infectious—the “man who stays +at home” is a coward. Was it common bodily hunger, again, that induced +the Crusades, or the expeditions of Cortez and Pizarro, or in our time the ventures +of “wild west” pioneers? Where, in history, we find the little handful +invading wide lands, it is ever the voices of the blood, the longing for high +destinies, that drive them.</p> + +<p>Further, we have to consider the position in the country traversed by the +invaders. Its characteristics are always modified more or less, but the modifications +are due not merely to the influence of the immigrants, but more and +more to the nature of the settled population, which in the end becomes numerically +overwhelming.</p> + +<p>Obviously, in spaces almost empty of men it is easy for the weaker simply +to evade the onslaught, and as a rule he was able to do so. But in later and +denser conditions, the inroad spelt dispossession for the weaker, who must +either defend himself successfully or else win new lands for old. Already +there is the out-thrust into space. No tribe lives without constant contacts +on all sides and a mistrustful readiness to stand to arms. The hard necessity +of war breeds men. Peoples grow by, and against, other peoples to inward +greatness. Weapons become weapons against men and not beasts. And finally +we have the only migration-form that counts in historic times—warrior +bands sweep through thoroughly populated countries, whose inhabitants +remain, undisturbed and upstanding, as an essential part of the spoils of victory. +And then, the victors being in a minority, completely new situations arise. +Peoples of strong inward form spread themselves on top of much larger but +<span class="pagenum" id="p164">[164]</span>formless populations, and the further transformations of peoples, languages, +and races depend upon very complicated factors of detail. Since the decisive +investigations of Beloch⁠<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> + and Delbrück⁠<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> we know that all migrant peoples—and +the Persians of Cyrus, the Mamertines and the Crusaders, the Ostrogoths +and the “Sea-peoples” of the Egyptian inscriptions were all peoples in this +sense—were, in comparison with the inhabitants of the regions they occupied, +very small in numbers, just a few thousand warriors, superior to the natives +only in respect of their determination to <em>be</em> a Destiny and not to submit to +one. It was not inhabitable, but inhabited, land of which they took possession, +and thus the relation between the two peoples became a question of status, the +migration turned into the campaign, and the process of settling down became +a political process. And here again, in presence of the fact that at a historic +distance of time the successes of a small war-band, with the consequent spread +of the victor’s names and language, may all too easily be taken for a “migration +of peoples,” it is necessary to repeat our question, what, in fact, the +men, things, and factors are that <em>can</em> migrate.</p> + +<p>Here are some of the answers—the name of a district or that of a collectivity +(or of a hero, adopted by his followers), in that it spreads, becomes +extinct here and is taken by or given to a totally different population there: +in that it may pass from land to people and travel with the latter or vice versa—the +language of the conqueror or that of the conquered, or even a third +language, adopted for reciprocal understanding—the war-band of a chief which +subdues whole countries and propagates itself through captive women, or some +accidental group of heterogeneous adventurers, or a tribe with its women and +children, like the Philistines of 1200, who quite in the Germanic fashion +trekked with their ox-wagons along the Phœnician coast to Egypt.⁠<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> In such +conditions, we may again ask, can conclusions be drawn from the destinies of +names and languages as to those of peoples and races? There is only one possible +answer, a decided negative.</p> + +<p>Amongst the “Sea-peoples” that repeatedly attacked Egypt in the thirteenth +century appear the <em>names</em> of Danai and Achæans—but in Homer both +are almost mythical designations—the <em>name</em> of the Lukka—which adhered +later to Lycia, though the inhabitants of that country called themselves +Tramilæ—and the <em>names</em> of the Etruscans, the Sards, the Siculi—but this in +no wise proved that these “Tursha” spoke the later Etruscan, nor that there +was the slightest physical connexion with the like-named inhabitants of +Italy or anything else entitling us to speak of “one and the same people.” +Assuming that the Lemnos inscription is Etruscan, and Etruscan an Indogermanic +language, much could be deduced therefrom in the domain of linguistic +<span class="pagenum" id="p165">[165]</span>history, but in that of racial history nothing whatever. Rome was an +Etruscan city, but is not the fact completely without bearing upon the <em>soul</em> +of the Roman people? Are the Romans Indogermanic because they happen to +speak a Latin dialect? The ethnologists recognize a Mediterranean Race +and an Alpine Race, and north and south of these an astonishing physical +resemblance between North-Germans and Libyans; but the philologists know +that the Basques are in virtue of their speech a “pre-Indogermanic”—Iberian—population. +The two views are mutually exclusive. Were the builders of +Mycenæ and Tiryns “Hellenes”?—it would be as pertinent to ask were the +Ostrogoths Germans. I confess that I do not comprehend why such questions +are formulated at all.</p> + +<p>For me, the “people” is a <em>unit of the soul</em>. The great events of history were +not really achieved by peoples; <em>they themselves created the peoples</em>. Every act +alters the soul of the doer. Even when the event is preceded by some grouping +around or under a famous name, the fact that there is a people and not merely +a band behind the prestige of that name is not a condition, but a result of the +event. It was the fortunes of their migrations that made the Ostrogoths and +the Osmanli what they afterwards were. The “Americans” did <em>not</em> immigrate +from Europe; the name of the Florentine geographer Amerigo Vespucci designates +to-day not only a continent, but also a people in the true sense of the +word, whose specific character was born in the spiritual upheavals of 1775 and, +above all, 1861–5.</p> + +<p>This is the one and only connotation of the word “people.” Neither unity +of speech nor physical descent is decisive. That which distinguishes the +people from the population, raises it up out of the population, and will one +day let it find its level again in the population is always the inwardly lived +experience of the “we.” The deeper this feeling is, the stronger is the <i lang="la">vis viva</i> +of the people. There are energetic and tame, ephemeral and indestructible, forms +of peoples. They can change speech, name, race, and land, but so long as +their soul lasts, they can gather to themselves and transform human material +of any and every provenance. The Roman name in Hannibal’s day meant a +people, in Trajan’s time nothing more than a population.</p> + +<p>Of course, it is often quite justifiable to align peoples with races, but “race” +in this connexion must not be interpreted in the present-day Darwinian sense +of the word. It cannot be accepted, surely, that a people was ever held together +by the mere unity of physical origin, or, if it were, could maintain that +unity even for ten generations. It cannot be too often reiterated that this +physiological provenance has no existence except for science—never for folk-consciousness—and +that no people was ever yet stirred to enthusiasm for +<em>this</em> ideal of blood-purity. In race there is nothing material, but something +cosmic and directional, the felt harmony of a Destiny, the single cadence of the +march of historical Being. It is inco-ordination of this (wholly metaphysical) +<span class="pagenum" id="p166">[166]</span>beat that produces race-hatred, which is just as strong between Germans and +Frenchmen as it is between Germans and Jews, and it is resonance on this beat +that makes the true love—so akin to hate—between man and wife. He who +has not race knows nothing of this perilous love. If a part of the human multitude +that now speaks Indogermanic languages, cherishes a certain race-ideal, +what is evidenced thereby is not the existence of the prototype-people +so dear to the scholar, but the metaphysical force and power of the ideal. It +is highly significant that this ideal is expressed, never in the whole population, +but mainly in its warrior-element and pre-eminently in its genuine nobility—that +is, in men who live entirely in a world of facts, under the spell of historical +becoming, destiny-men who will and dare—and it was precisely in the early +times (another significant point) that a born alien of quality and dignity could +without particular difficulty gain admittance to the ruling class, and wives in +particular were chosen for their “breed” and not their descent. Correspondingly, +the impress of race-traits is weakest (as may be observed even to-day) in +the true priestly and scholarly natures,⁠<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> even though these often do stand in +close blood-relationship to the others. A strong spirit trains up the body into a +product of art. The Romans formed, in the midst of the confused and even +heteroclite tribes of Italy, a race of the firmest and strictest inward unity that +was neither Etruscan nor Latin nor merely “Classical,” but quite specifically +Roman.⁠<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> Nowhere is the force that cements a people set before us more plainly +than in Roman busts of the late Republican period.</p> + +<p>I will cite yet another example, than which none more clearly exhibits the +errors that these scholars’ notions of people, language, and race inevitably +entail, and in which lies the ultimate, perhaps the determining reason why the +Arabian Culture has never yet been recognized as an organism. It is that of +the Persians. Persian is an Aryan language, hence “the Persians” are an +“Indogermanic people,” and hence Persian history and religion are the affair +of “Iranian” philology.</p> + +<p>To begin with, is Persian a language of equal rank with the Indian, derived +from a common ancestor, <em>or is it merely an Indian dialect?</em> Seven centuries of +linguistic development, scriptless and therefore very rapid, lie between the +Old Vedic of the Indian texts and the Behistun Inscription⁠<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> of Darius. It is +almost as great a gap as that between the Latin of Tacitus and the French of +the Strassburg Oath of 842.⁠<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> Now the Tell-el-Amarna letters and the archives +<span class="pagenum" id="p167">[167]</span>of Boghaz Keüi tell us many “Aryan” names of persons and gods of the middle +of the second millennium <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>—that is, the Vedic Age of Chivalry. It is +Palestine and Syria that furnish these names. Nevertheless, Eduard Meyer +observes⁠<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> that they are Indian and not Persian, and the same holds good for +the numerals that have now been discovered.⁠<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> There is not a unit of Persians, +or of any other “people” in the sense of our historical writers. They were +Indian heroes, who rode westward and with their precious weapon the warhorse +and their own ardent energy made themselves felt as a power far and wide +in the ageing Babylonian Empire.</p> + +<p>About 600 there appears in the middle of this world Persis, a little district +with a politically united population of peasant barbarians. Herodotus says +that of its tribes only three were of genuine Persian nationality. Had the +language of these knights of old lived on in the hills, and is “Persians” really +a land-name that passed to a people? The Medes, who were very similar, bear +only the name of a land where an upper warrior-stratum had learned through +great political successes to feel itself as a unit. In the Assyrian archives of +Sargon and his successors (about 700) are found, along with the non-Aryan +place-names, numerous “Aryan” names of persons, all leading figures, but +Tiglath-Pileser IV (745–727) calls the people black-haired.⁠<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> It can only have +been later that the “Persian people” of Cyrus and Darius was formed, out of +men of varied provenance, but forged to a strong inner unity of lived experience. +But when, scarce two centuries later, the Macedonians put an end to their +lordship—was it that the Persians in this form were <em>no longer in existence</em>? +(Was there still a Lombard people at all in Italy in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 900?) It is certain that +the very wide diffusion of the empire-language of Persia, and the distribution +of the few thousands of adult males from Persia over the immense system of military +and administrative business, must long ago have led to the dissolution of +the Persian nation and set up in its place, as carriers of the Persian name +in upper-class conscious of itself as a <em>political</em> unit, of whose members very +few could have claimed descent from the invaders from Persia.⁠<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> There is, +indeed, not even a country that can be considered as the theatre of Persian +history. The events of the period from Darius to Alexander took place partly +in northern Mesopotamia (that is, in the midst of an Aramaic-speaking population), +partly lower down in old Sinear, anywhere but in Persis, where the handsome +buildings begun by Xerxes were never carried out. The Parthians of the +succeeding Achæmenid period were a Mongol tribe which had adopted a Persian +dialect and in the midst of this people sought to embody the Persian national +feeling in themselves.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p168">[168]</span></p> + +<p>Here the Persian religion emerges as a problem no less difficult than those +of race and language.⁠<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> scholarship has associated it with these as though the +association were self-evident, and has, therefore, treated it always with reference +to India. But the religion of these land-Vikings was not related to, it was +identical with the Vedic, as shown by the divine pairs Mitra-Varuna and Indra-Nasatya +of the Boghaz Keüi texts. And within this religion which held up its +head in the middle of the Babylonian world Zarathustra now appeared, from +out of the lower ranks of the people, as reformer. It is known that he was not +a Persian. That which he created (as I hope to show) was a transfer of <em>Vedic</em> +religion into the forms of the <em>Aramæan</em> world-contemplation, in which already +there were the faint beginnings of the Magian religiousness. The <i>dævas</i>, the +gods of the old Indian beliefs, grew to be the demons of the Semitic and the +jinn of the Arabian. Yahweh and Beelzebub are related to one another precisely +as Ahuramazda and Ahriman in this peasant-religion, which was essentially +Aramæan and, therefore, founded in an ethical-dualistic world-feeling. +Eduard Meyer⁠<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> has correctly established the difference between the Indian +and the Iranian view of the world, but, owing to his erroneous premisses, has +not recognized its origin. <em>Zarathustra is a travelling-companion of the prophets of +Israel</em>, who like him, and at the same time, transformed the old (Mosaic-Canaanitish) +beliefs of the people. It is significant that the whole eschatology +is a common possession of the Persian and Jewish religions, and that the Avesta +texts were originally written in Aramaic (in Parthian times) and only afterwards +translated into Pehlevi.⁠<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a></p> + +<p>But already in Parthian times there occurred amongst both Persians and +Jews that profoundly intimate change which makes no longer tribal attachment +but orthodoxy the hall-mark of nationality.⁠<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> A Jew who went over to +the Mazda faith <em>became thereby a Persian</em>; a Persian who became a Christian +belonged to the Nestorian “people.” The very dense population of northern +Mesopotamia—the motherland of the Arabian Culture—is partly of +Jewish and partly of Persian nationality in this sense of the word, which is +not at all concerned with race and very little with language. Even before +the birth of Christ, “Infidel” designates the non-Persian as it designates the +non-Jew.</p> + +<p>This nation is the “Persian people” of the Sassanid empire, and, connected +with the fact, we find that Pehlevi and Hebrew die out simultaneously, Aramaic +becoming the mother tongue of both communities. If we speak in terms +of Aryans and Semites, the Persians in the time of the Tell-el-Amarna Correspondence +<span class="pagenum" id="p169">[169]</span>were Aryans, but no “people”: in that of Darius a people, but without +race: in Sassanid times a community of believers, but of Semitic origin. +There is no proto-Persian “people” branched off from the Aryan, nor a general +history of the Persians, and for the three special histories, which are held together +only by certain linguistic relations, there is not even a common historical +theatre.</p> + + +<h3 id="III_5"> + III +</h3> + +<p>With this are laid, at last, the foundations for a <em>morphology of peoples</em>. Directly +its essence is seen, we see also an inward order in the historical stream of +the peoples. They are neither linguistic nor political nor zoölogical, but +spiritual, units. And this leads at once to the further distinction between +<em>peoples before, within, and after a Culture</em>. It is a fact that has been profoundly +felt in all ages that Culture-peoples are <em>more distinct</em> in character than the rest. +Their predecessors I will call primitive peoples. These are the fugitive and +heterogeneous associations that form and dissolve without ascertainable rule, +till at last, in the presentiment of a still unborn Culture (as, for example, in the +pre-Homeric, the pre-Christian, and the Germanic periods), phase by phase, +becoming ever more definite in type, they assemble the human material of a +population into groups, though all the time little or no alteration has been occurring +in the stamp of man. Such a superposition of phases leads from the +Cimbri and Teutones through the Marcomanni and Goths to the Franks, Lombards, +and Saxons. Instances of primitive peoples are the Jews and Persians of +the Seleucid age, the “Sea-peoples,” the Egyptian Nomes of Menes’s time.⁠<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> +And that which follows a Culture we may call—from its best-known example, +the Egyptians of post-Roman times—fellah-peoples.</p> + +<p>In the tenth century of our era the Faustian soul suddenly awoke and manifested +itself in innumerable shapes. Amongst these, side by side with the +architecture and the ornament, there appears a distinctly characterized form +of “people.” Out of the people-shapes of the Carolingian Empire—the Saxons, +Swabians, Franks, Visigoths, Lombards—arise suddenly the German, the +French, the Spaniards, the Italians. Hitherto (consciously and deliberately or +not) historical research has uniformly regarded these Culture-peoples as something +in being, as primaries, and have treated the Culture itself as secondary, as +their product. The creative units of history, accordingly, were simply the +Indians, the Greeks, the Romans, the Germans, and so on. As the Greek Culture +was the work of the Hellenes, they must have been in existence as such far +earlier; therefore they must have been immigrants. Any other idea of creator +and creation seemed inconceivable.</p> + +<p>I regard it, therefore, as a discovery of decisive importance that the facts +here set forth lead to the reverse conclusion. It will be established in all rigour +<span class="pagenum" id="p170">[170]</span>that the great Cultures are entities, primary or original, that arise out of the +deepest foundations of spirituality, and that the peoples under the spell of a +Culture are, alike in their inward form and in their whole manifestation, its +products and not its authors. These shapes in which humanity is seized and +moulded possess style and style-history no less than kinds of art and modes of +thought. The people of Athens is a symbol not less than the Doric temple, +the Englishman not less than modern physics. There are peoples of Apollinian, +Magian, Faustian cast. The Arabian Culture was <em>not</em> created by “the Arabs”—quite +the contrary; for the Magian Culture begins in the time of Christ, and +the Arabian people represents its last great creation of that kind, a community +bonded by Islam as the Jewish and Persian communities before it had been +bonded by their religions. World-history is the history of the great Cultures, +and peoples are but the symbolic forms and vessels in which the men of these +Cultures fulfil their Destinies.</p> + +<p>In each of these Cultures, Mexican and Chinese, Indian and Egyptian, there +is—whether our science is aware of it or not—<em>a group of great peoples of identical +style</em>, which arises at the beginning of the springtime, forming states and carrying +history, and throughout the course of its evolution bears its fundamental +form onward to the goal. They are in the highest degree unlike amongst +themselves—it is scarcely possible to conceive of a sharper contrast than that +between Athenians and Spartans, Germans and Frenchmen, Tsin and Tsu—and +all military history shows national hatred as the loftiest method of inducting +historic decisions. But the moment that a people alien to the Culture +makes an appearance in the field of history, there awakens everywhere an overpowering +feeling of spiritual relationship, and the notion of the barbarian—meaning +the man who inwardly does <em>not</em> belong to the Culture—is as clear-cut +in the peoples of the Egyptian settlements and the Chinese world of states as it +is in the Classical. The energy of the form is so high that it grasps and recasts +neighbouring peoples, witness the Carthaginians of Roman times with their +half-Classical style, and the Russians who have figured as a people of Western +style from Catherine the Great to the fall of Petrine Tsardom.</p> + +<p>Peoples in the style of their Culture we will call <em>Nations</em>, the word itself +distinguishing them from the forms that precede and that follow them. It is +not merely a strong feeling of “we” that forges the inward unity of its most +significant of all major associations; <em>underlying the nation there is an Idea</em>. This +stream of a collective being possesses a very deep relation to Destiny, to Time, +and to History, a relation that is different in each instance and one, too, that +determines the relation of the human material to race, language, land, state, +and religion. As the styles of the Old Chinese and the Classical peoples differ, +so also the styles of their histories.</p> + +<p>Life as experienced by primitive and by fellaheen peoples is just the zoölogical +up-and-down, a planless happening without goal or cadenced march in +<span class="pagenum" id="p171">[171]</span>time, wherein occurrences are many, but, in the last analysis, devoid of significance. +The only historical peoples, the peoples whose existence <em>is world-history</em>, +are the nations. Let us be perfectly clear as to what is meant by this. The +Ostrogoths suffered a great destiny, and therefore, inwardly, they have no +history. Their battles and settlements were not necessary and therefore were +episodic; their end was insignificant. In 1500 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> that which lived about +Mycenæ and Tiryns was not <em>as yet</em> a nation, and that which lived in Minoan +Crete was <em>no longer</em> a nation. Tiberius was the last ruler who tried to lead a +Roman nation further on the road of history, who sought to <em>retrieve</em> it for history. +By Marcus Aurelius there was only a Romanic population to be defended—a +field for occurrences, but no longer for history. How many free pre-generations +of Mede or Achæan or Hun folk there were, in what sort of social groups +their predecessors and their descendants lived, cannot be determined and depends +upon no rule. But of a nation the life-period <em>is</em> determinate, and so are +the pace and the rhythm in which its history moves to fulfilment. From the +beginning of the Chóu period to the rulership of Shih-Hwang-ti, from the events +on which the Troy legend was founded to Augustus, and from Thinite times to +the XVIII Dynasty, the numbers of generations are more or less the same. The +“Late” period of the Culture, from Solon to Alexander, from Luther to Napoleon, +embraces no more than about ten generations. Within such limits the +destiny of the genuine Culture-people, and with it that of world-history in +general, reach fulfilment. The Romans, the Arabs, the Prussians, are late-born +nations. How many generations of Fabii and Junii had already come and gone +<em>as Romans</em> by the time Cannæ was fought?</p> + +<p>Further, nations are <em>the true city-building peoples</em>. In the strongholds they +arose, with the cities they ripen to the full height of their world-consciousness, +and in the world-cities they dissolve. Every town-formation that has character +has also <em>national</em> character. The village, which is wholly a thing of race, does +not yet possess it; the megalopolis possesses it no longer. Of this essential, +which so characteristically colours the nation’s public life that its slightest +manifestation identifies it, we cannot exaggerate—we can scarcely imagine—the +force, the self-sufficingness, and the <em>loneliness</em>. If between the souls of two +Cultures the screen is impenetrable, if no Western may ever hope completely to +understand the Indian or the Chinese, this is equally so, even more so, as between +well-developed nations. Nations understand one another as little as +individuals do so. Each understands merely a self-created picture of the other, +and individuals with the insight to penetrate deeper are few and far between. +<i lang="fr">Vis-à-vis</i> the Egyptians, all the Classical peoples necessarily felt themselves +as relatives in one whole, but as between themselves they never understood each +other. What sharper contrast is there than that between the Athenian and the +Spartan spirit? German, French, and English modes of philosophical thinking +are distinct, not merely in Bacon, Descartes, and Leibniz, but already in the +<span class="pagenum" id="p172">[172]</span>age of Scholasticism;⁠<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> + and even now, in modern physics and chemistry, the +scientific method, the choice and type of experiments and hypotheses, their inter-relations, +and their relative importance for the course and aim of the investigation +are markedly different in every nation. German and French piety, +English and Spanish social ethics, German and English habits of life, stand so +far apart that for the average man, and, therefore, for the public opinion of his +community, the real inwardness of every foreign nation remains a deep secret and +a source of continual and pregnant error. In the Roman Empire men began +generally to understand one another, but this was precisely because there had +ceased to be anything worth understanding in the Classical city. With the +advent of mutual comprehension this particular humanity ceased to live in +nations, <em>and ipso facto ceased to be historic</em>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p> + +<p>Owing to the very depth of these experiences, it is not possible for a whole +people to be <em>uniformly and throughout</em> a Culture-people, a nation. Amongst +primitives each individual man has the same feeling of group-obligations, but +the awakening of a nation into self-consciousness invariably takes place in +gradations—that is, pre-eminently in the particular class that is strongest of +soul and holds the others spellbound by a power derived from what it has experienced. +<em>Every nation is represented in history by a minority.</em> At the beginning of +the springtime it is the nobility,⁠<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> which in that period of its first appearance +is the fine flowering of the people, the vessel in which the national character—unconscious, +but felt all the more strongly in its cosmic pulse—receives its +destined Style. The “we” is the knightly class, in the Egyptian feudal period +of 2700 not less than in the Indian and the Chinese of 1200. The Homeric +heroes <em>are</em> the Danai; the Norman barons <em>are</em> England. Centuries later, Saint-Simon—the +embodiment, it is true, of an older France—used to say that +“all France” was assembled in the King’s ante-room, and there was a time in +which Rome and the Senate were actually identical. With the advent of the +town the burgher becomes the vessel of nationality, and (as we should expect +from the growth of intellectuality) of a national <em>consciousness</em> that it gets +from the nobility and carries through to its fulfilment. Always it is particular +circles, graduated in fine shades, that <em>in the name of</em> the people live, feel, act, and +know how to die, but these circles become larger and larger. In the eighteenth +century arose the Western <em>concept</em> of the Nation which sets up (and on occasion +energetically insists upon) the claim to be championed by everybody without +exception; but in reality, as we know, the <i lang="fr">émigrés</i> were just as convinced as the +Jacobins that they were <em>the</em> people, <em>the</em> representatives of the French nation. +A Culture-people which is coincident with “all” does not exist—this is +possible only in primitive and fellaheen peoples, only in a mere joint being without +<span class="pagenum" id="p173">[173]</span>depth or historical dignity. So long as a people is a nation and works out +the Destiny of a nation, there is in it a minority which in the name of all represents +and fulfils its history.</p> + + +<h3 id="IV_5"> + IV +</h3> + +<p>The Classical nations, in accordance with the static-Euclidean soul of their +Culture, were corporeal units of the smallest imaginable size. It was not +Hellenes or Ionians that were nations, but in each city the Demos, a union of +adult men, legally and <em>by the same token nationally</em> defined between the type of the +hero as upper limit and the slave as lower.⁠<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> Synœcism, that mysterious process +of early periods in which the inhabitants of a countryside give up their villages +and assemble themselves as a town, marks the moment at which, having arrived +at self-consciousness, the Classical nation constitutes itself as such. We can still +trace the way in which this form of the nation steadily makes good from +Homeric times⁠<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> to the epoch of the great colonizations. It responds exactly to +the Classical prime-symbol: each folk was a body, visible and surveyable, a σῶμα, +the express negation of the idea of geographical space.</p> + +<p>It is of no importance to Classical history whether or not the Etruscans in +Italy were identical physically or linguistically with the bearers of this name +amongst the “Sea-peoples,” or what the relation was between the pre-Homeric +units of the Pelasgi or Danai and the later bearers of the Doric or the Hellenic +name. If, about 1100, there are Doric and Etruscan primitive peoples (as is +probable), nevertheless <em>a Doric or an Etruscan nation never existed</em>. In Tuscany as +in the Peloponnese there were only City-states, <em>national points</em> which in the +period of colonization <em>could only multiply, never expand</em>. The Etruscan wars of +Rome were always waged against one or more cities,⁠<a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> and the nations that the +Persians and the Carthaginians confronted were of this same type. To speak of +“the Greeks and the Romans” as the eighteenth century did (and as we still do) +is completely erroneous. A Greek “nation” in our sense is a misconception—the +Greeks themselves never knew such an idea at all. The name of “Hellenes,” +which arose about 500, did not denote a people, but the aggregate of Classical +Culture-men, the <em>sum</em> of their nations,⁠<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> in contradistinction to the “Barbarian” +world. And the Romans, a true urban people, could not conceive of their +<span class="pagenum" id="p174">[174]</span>Empire otherwise than in the form of innumerable nation-points, the <i lang="la">civitates</i> +into which, juridically as in other respects, they dissolved all the primitive +peoples of their Imperium.⁠<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> When national feeling in <em>this</em> shape is extinguished, +there is an end to Classical history.</p> + +<p>It will be the task—one of the heaviest tasks of historians—to trace, +generation by generation, the quiet fading-out of the Classical nations in the +eastern Mediterranean during the “Late Classical” age, and the ever stronger +inflow of a new nation-spirit, the Magian.</p> + +<p>A nation of the Magian type is the community of co-believers, the group of +all who know the right way to salvation and are inwardly linked to one another +by the <i>ijma</i>⁠<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> of this belief. Men belonged to a Classical nation by virtue of the +possession of citizenship, but to a Magian nation by virtue of a sacramental +act—circumcision for the Jews, specific forms of baptism for the Mandæans +or the Christians. An unbeliever was for a Magian folk what an alien was for +a Classical—no intercourse with him, no <i lang="la">connubium</i>—and this national +separation went so far that in Palestine a Jewish-Aramaic and a Christian-Aramaic +dialect formed themselves side by side.⁠<a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> The Faustian nation, though +necessarily bound up with a particular religiousness, is not so with a particular +confession; the Classical nation is by type non-exclusive in its relations to +different cults; but <em>the Magian nation comprises neither more nor less than is covered +by the idea of one or another of the Magian Churches</em>. Inwardly the Classical nation +is linked with the city, and the Western with a landscape, but the Arabian +knows neither fatherland nor mother tongue. Outwardly its specific world-outlook +is only expressed by the distinctive script which each such nation develops +as soon as it is born. But for that very reason the inwardness and hidden +force—the magic, in fact—of a Magian nation-feeling impresses us Faustians, +who notice the absence of the home-idea, as something entirely enigmatic and +uncanny. This tacit, self-secure cohesion (that of the Jews, for example, in the +homes of the Western peoples) is what entered “Roman Law” (called by a +Classical label <em>but worked out by Aramæans</em>) as the concept of the “juridical person,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> +which is nothing but the Magian notion of a community. Post-exilic +Judaism was a juridical person long before anyone had discovered the concept +itself.</p> + +<p>The primitives who preceded this evolution were predominantly tribal +associations, among them the South-Arabian Minæans,⁠<a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> who appear about the +beginning of the first millennium, and whose name vanishes in the first century +<span class="pagenum" id="p175">[175]</span>before Christ; the Aramaic-speaking Chaldeans, who, likewise about 1000 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, +sprang up as clan-groups and from 659 to 539 ruled the Babylonian world; the +Israelites before the Exile;⁠<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> + and the Persians of Cyrus.⁠<a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> So strongly already the +populations felt this form that the priesthoods which developed here, there, +and everywhere after the time of Alexander received the names of foundered or +fictitious tribes. Amongst the Jews and the South-Arabian Sabæans they were +called Levites; amongst the Medes and Persians, Magi (after an extinct Indian +tribe); and amongst the adherents of the new Babylonian religion Chaldeans +(also after a disintegrated clan-grouping).⁠<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> But here, as in all other Cultures, +the energy of the national <i>consensus</i> completely overrode the old tribal arrangements +of the primitives. Just as the <i lang="la">Populus Romanus</i> unquestionably contained +folk-elements of very varied provenance, and as the nation of the French took +in Salian Franks and Romanic and Old Celtic natives alike, so the Magian nation +also ceased to regard origin as a distinguishing mark. The process, of +course, was an exceedingly long one. The tribe still counts for much with the +Jews of the Maccabæan period and even with the Arabs of the first Caliphs; +but for the inwardly ripened Culture-peoples of this world, such as the Jews +of the Talmudic period, it no longer possessed any meaning. He who belongs +to the Faith belongs to the Nation—it would have been blasphemy even to +admit any other distinction. In early Christian times the Prince of Adiabene⁠<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> +went over to Judaism with his people in a body, and they were all <i lang="la">ipso facto</i> +incorporated in the Jewish nation. The same applies to the nobility of Armenia +and even the Caucasian tribes (which at that period must have Judaized on a +large scale) and, in the opposite direction, to the Beduins of Arabia, right down +to the extreme south, and beyond them again to African tribes as far afield as +Lake Chad.⁠<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> Here evidently is a national common feeling proof even against +such race-distinctions as these. It is stated that even to-day Jews can amongst +themselves distinguish very different races at the first glance, and that in the +ghettos of eastern Europe the “tribes” (in the Old Testament sense) are clearly +recognized. But none of this constitutes a difference of <em>nation</em>. According to +von Erckert⁠<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> the West-European Jew-type is universally distributed within the +non-Jewish Caucasian peoples, whereas according to Weissenberg⁠<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> it does not +occur at all amongst the long-headed Jews of southern Arabia, where the +<span class="pagenum" id="p176">[176]</span>Sabæan tomb-sculptures show a human type that might almost claim to be +Roman or Germanic and is the ancestor of these Jews who were converted by +missionary effort at least by the birth of Christ.</p> + +<p>But this resolution of the tribal primitives into the Magian nations of Persians, +Jews, Mandæans, Christians, and the rest must have occurred quite +generally and on an immense scale. I have already drawn attention to the decisive +fact that long before the beginning of our era the Persians represented simply +a religious community, and it is certain that their numbers were indefinitely increased +by accessions to the Mazdaist faith. The Babylonian religion vanished +at that time—which means that its adherents became in part Jews and in part +Persians—but emerging from it there is a <em>new</em> religion, inwardly alien to both +Jewish and Persian, an astral religion, which bears the name of the Chaldees +and whose adherents constituted a genuine Aramaic-speaking nation. From +this Aramæan population of Chaldean-Jewish-Persian nationality came, firstly +the Babylonian Talmud, the Gnosis, and the religion of Mani, and secondly, +in Islamic times, Sufism and the Shia.</p> + +<p>Moreover, as seen from Edessa, the inhabitants of the Classical world, they +also, appear as nations in the Magian style. “The Greeks” in the Eastern idiom +means the aggregate of all who adhered to the Syncretic cults and were bound +together by the <i>ijma</i> of the Late Classical religiousness. The Hellenistic city-nations +are no longer in the picture, which shows only <em>one</em> community of believers, +the “worshippers of the mysteries,” who under the names of Helios, +Jupiter, Mithras, θεός ὕψιστος, worshipped a kind of Yahweh or Allah. +Throughout the East, Greekness is a definite <em>religious</em> notion, and for that matter +one completely concordant with the facts as they then were. The feeling +of the Polis is almost extinct, and a Magian nation needs neither home nor +community of origin. Even the Hellenism of the Seleucid Empire, which made +converts in Turkestan and on the Indus, was related in inward form to Persian +and post-exilic Judaism. Later, the Aramæan Porphyry, the pupil of Plotinus, +attempted to organize this Greekness as a cult-Church on the model of the +Christian and the Persian, and the Emperor Julian raised it to the dignity of +being the State Church—an act not merely religious, but also and above all +national. When a Jew sacrificed to Sol or to Apollo, he thereby became a Greek. +So, for example Ammonius Saccas (d. 242), the teacher of Plotinus and probably +also of Origen, went over “from the Christians to the Greeks”; so also Porphyry, +born Malchus and (like the “Roman” jurist Ulpian)⁠<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> a Phœnician of +Tyre.⁠<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> In these cases we see jurists and State officials taking Latin, and philosophers +Greek, names—and for the philological spirit of modern and religious +research, this is quite historical enough to justify these men’s being regarded +<span class="pagenum" id="p177">[177]</span>as Roman and Greek in the Classical city-national sense! But how many of +the great Alexandrines may have been Greeks only in the Magian sense of the +term? In point of birth were not Plotinus and Diophantus⁠<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> perhaps Jews or +Chaldeans?</p> + +<p>Now, the Christians also felt themselves from the outset as a nation of the +Magian cast, and, moreover, the others, Greeks (“heathen”) and Jews alike, +regarded them as such. Quite logically the latter considered their secession from +Judaism as high treason, and the former their missionary infiltration into the +Classical cities as an invasion and conquest, while the Christians, on their side, +designated people of other faiths as τὰ ἔθνη.⁠<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> When the Monophysites and +the Nestorians separated themselves from the Orthodox, new nations came into +being as well as new Churches. The Nestorians since 1450 have been governed +by the Mar Shimun,⁠<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> who was at once prince and patriarch of his people and, +<i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the Sultan, occupied exactly the same position as, long before, the +Jewish Resh Galutha had occupied in the Persian Empire.⁠<a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> This nation-consciousness, +derived from particular and defined world-feeling and therefore self-evident +with an <i lang="la">a priori</i> sureness, cannot be ignored if we are to understand the +later persecutions of the Christians. The Magian State is inseparably bound up +with the concept of orthodoxy. Caliphate, nation, and Church form an intimate +unit. It was as <em>states</em> that Adiabene went over to Judaism, Osrhoene about 200 +(so soon!) from Greekdom to Christendom, Armenia in the sixth century from +the Greek to the Monophysite Church. Each of these events expresses the fact +that the State was identical with the orthodox community as a juridical person.⁠<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> +If Christians lived in the Islamic State, Nestorians in the Persian, Jews in the +Byzantine, they did not and could not as unbelievers belong to it, and consequently +were thrown back upon their own jurisdictions.⁠<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> If by reason of their +numbers or their missionary spirit they became a threat to the continuance +<span class="pagenum" id="p178">[178]</span>of the identity of state and creed-community, persecution became a national +duty. It was on this account that first the “orthodox” (or “Greek”) and then +the Nestorian Christians suffered in the Persian Empire. Diocletian also, who +as “Caliph”⁠<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> (<i lang="la">Dominus et Deus</i>) had linked the Imperium with the pagan cult-Churches +and saw himself in all sincerity as Commander of <em>these</em> Faithful, +could not evade the duty of suppressing the second Church. Constantine +changed the “true” Church <em>and in that act changed the nationality</em> of the Byzantine +Empire. From that point on, the Greek name slowly passed over to the Christian +nation, and specifically to that Christian nation which the Emperor as +Head of the Faithful recognized and allowed to sit in the Great Councils. +Hence the uncertain lines of the picture of Byzantine history—in 290 the organization +that of a Classical Imperium, but the substance already a Magian +national state; in 312 a change of nationality without change of name. Under +this name of “Greeks,” first Paganism as a nation fought the Christians, and +then Christianity as a nation fought Islam. And in the latter fight, Islam itself +being a nation also (the Arabian), nationality stamped itself more and more +deeply upon events. Hence the present-day Greeks are a creation of the Magian +Culture, developed first by the Christian Church, then by the sacred language +of this Church, and finally by the name of this Church. Islam brought with it +from the home of Mohammed the Arab name as the badge of its nationality. +It is a mistake to equate these “Arabs” with the Beduin tribes of the desert. +What created the new nation, with its passionate and strongly characteristic +soul, was the <i>consensus</i> of the new faith. Its unity is no more derived from race +and home than that of the Christian, Jewish, or Persian, and therefore it did +not “migrate”; rather it owes its immense expansion to the incorporation +within itself of the greater part of the early Magian nations. With the end of +the first millennium of our era these nations one and all pass over into the form +of fellah-peoples, and it is as fellaheen that the Christian peoples of the +Balkans under Turkish rule, the Parsees in India, and the Jews in Western Europe +have lived ever since.⁠<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a></p> + +<p>In the West, nations of Faustian style emerge, more and more distinctly, from +the time of Otto the Great (936–973), and in them the primitive peoples of the +Carolingian period are swiftly dissolved.⁠<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> Already by <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1000 the men who +<span class="pagenum" id="p179">[179]</span>“mattered most” were everywhere beginning to sense themselves as Germans, +Italians, Spaniards, Frenchmen; whereas hardly six generations earlier their +ancestors had been to the depths of their souls Franks, Lombards, and Visigoths.</p> + +<p>The people-form of this Culture is founded, like its Gothic architecture +and its Infinitesimal Calculus upon a tendency to the Infinite, in the spatial as +well as the temporal sense. The nation-feeling comprises, to begin with, a +geographical horizon that, considering the period and its means of communication, +can only be called vast, and is not paralleled in any other Culture. The +fatherland as <em>extent</em>, as a region whose boundaries the individual has scarcely, +if ever, seen and which nevertheless he will defend and die for, is something that +in its symbolic depth and force men of other Cultures can never comprehend. +The Magian nation does not as such possess an earthly home; the Classical +possesses it only as a point-focus. The actuality that, even in Gothic times, +united men from the banks of the Adige with men in the Order-castles of Lithuania +in an association of feeling would have been inconceivable even in ancient +China and ancient Egypt, and stands in the sharpest opposition to the actuality +of Rome and Athens, where every member of the Demos had the rest constantly +in sight.</p> + +<p>Still stronger is the sensitivity to distance <em>in time</em>. Before the fatherland-idea +(which is a <em>consequence</em> of the existence of the nation) emerged at all, this +passion evolved another idea to which the Faustian nations owe that existence—the +<em>dynastic</em> idea. Faustian peoples are historical peoples, communities that +feel themselves bound together not by place or consensus, but by history; and +the eminent symbol and vessel of the common Destiny is the ruling “house.” +For Egyptian and for Chinese mankind the dynasty is a symbol of quite other +meaning. Here what it signifies, as a will and an activity, <em>is Time</em>. All that +we have been, all that we would be, is manifested in the being of the one generation; +and our sense of this is much too profound to be upset by the worthlessness +of a regent. What matters is not the person, but the idea, and it is for the +sake of the idea that thousands have so often marched to their deaths with +conviction in a genealogical quarrel. Classical history was for Classical eyes +only a chain of incidents leading from moment to moment; Magian history +was for its members the progressive actualization in and through mankind +of a world-plan laid down by God and accomplished between a creation and a +cataclysm; but Faustian history is in our eyes a single grand willing of conscious +logic, in the accomplishment of which nations are led and represented by their +rulers. It is a trait of race. Rational foundations it has not and cannot have—it +has simply been felt so, and because it has been felt so, the companion-trust of +the Germanic migration-time developed on into the feudal troth of the Gothic, +the loyalty of the Baroque, and the merely seemingly undynastic patriotism of +the nineteenth century. We must not misjudge the depth and dignity of this +<span class="pagenum" id="p180">[180]</span>feeling + because there is an endless catalogue of perjured vassals and peoples⁠<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> and +an eternal comedy in the cringing of courtiers and the abjectness of the vulgar. +All great symbols are spiritual and can be comprehended only in their highest +forms. The private life of a pope bears no relation to the idea of the Papacy. +Henry the Lion’s very defection⁠<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> shows how fully in a time of nation-forming +a real ruler feels the destiny of “his” people incorporated in himself. He represents +that destiny in the face of history, and at times it costs him his honour to +do so.</p> + +<p>All nations of the West are of dynastic origins. In the Romanesque and even +in Early Gothic architecture the soul of the Carolingian primitives still quivers +through. There is no French or German Gothic, but Salian, Rhenish, and +Suabian, as there is Visigothic (northern Spain, southern France) and Lombard +and Saxon Romanesque. But over it all there spreads soon the minority, +composed of men of race, that feels membership in a nation as a great historical +vocation. From it proceed the Crusades, and in them there truly were French +and German chivalries. It is the hall-mark of Faustian peoples that they are +conscious of the direction of their history. But this direction attaches to the +sequence of the generations, and so the nature of the race-ideal is <em>genealogical</em> +through and through—Darwinism, even, with its theories of descent and inheritance +is a sort of caricature of Gothic heraldry—and the world-as-history, +when every individual lives in the plane of it, contains not only the tree of the +individual family, ruling or other, but also the tree of the people as the basic +form of all its happenings.⁠<a id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> It needs very exact observation to perceive that this +Faustian-genealogical principle, with its eminently historical notions of +“<i lang="de">Ebenbürtigkeit</i>” (equivalence by virtue of birth) and of purity of blood, is just +as alien to the Egyptians and Chinese, for all their historical disposition, as it +is to the Roman nobility and the Byzantine Empire. On the other hand, neither +our peasantry nor the patriciate of the cities is conceivable without it. The +scientific conception of the people, which I have dissected above, is derived +essentially from the genealogical sense of the Gothic period. The notion that +the peoples have their trees has made the Italians proud to be the heirs of Rome, +and the Germans proud to recall their Teuton forefathers, and that is something +quite different from the Classical belief in timeless descent from heroes and gods. +<span class="pagenum" id="p181">[181]</span>And eventually, when after 1789 the notion of mother tongue came to be fitted +on to the dynastic principle, the once merely scientific fancy of a primitive +Indogermanic people transformed itself into a deeply felt genealogy of “the +Aryan race,” and in the process the word “race” became almost a designation +for Destiny.</p> + +<p>But the “races” of the West are not the creators of the great nations, but +<em>their result</em>. Not one of them had yet come into existence in Carolingian times. +It was the class-ideal of chivalry that worked creatively in different ways upon +Germany, England, France, and Spain and impressed upon an immense area that +which within the individual nations is felt and experienced as race. On this +rest (as I have said before) the nations—so <em>historical</em>, so alien to the Classical—of +equivalence by birth (<em>peer</em>-age, <i lang="de">Ebenbürtigkeit</i>) and blood-purity. It was +because the blood of the ruling family incorporated the destiny, the being, of +the whole nation, that the state-system of the Baroque was of genealogical +structure and that most of the grand crises assumed the form of wars of dynastic +succession. Even the catastrophic ruin of Napoleon, which settled the world’s +political organization for a century, took its shape from the fact than an adventurer +dared to drive out with his blood that of the old dynasties, and that +his attack upon a symbol made it historically a sacred duty to resist him. For +all these peoples were the <em>consequence</em> of dynastic destinies. That there is a +Portuguese people, and a Portuguese Brazil in the midst of Spanish America, +is the result of the marriage of Count Henry of Burgundy in 1095. That there +are Swiss and Hollanders is the result of a reaction against the House of Habsburg. +That Lorraine is the name of a land and not of a people is a consequence +of the childlessness of Lothar II.</p> + +<p>It was the Kaiser-idea that welded the disjunct primitives of Charlemagne’s +time into the German nation. Germany and Empire are inseparable ideas. +The fall of the Hohenstaufens meant the replacement of one great dynasty by +a handful of small and tiny ones; and the German nation of Gothic style was +inwardly shattered even before the beginning of the Baroque—that is, at the +very time when the nation-idea was being raised to higher levels of intellect in +leader-cities like Paris, Madrid, London, and Vienna. The Thirty Years’ War, +so conventional history says, destroyed Germany in its flower. Not so; the +fact that it could occur at all in this wretched form simply confirmed and showed +up a long-completed decadence—it was the final consequence of the fall of +the Hohenstaufens. There could hardly be a more convincing proof that +Faustian nations are dynastic units. But then again, the Salians and the Hohenstaufens +created also—at least in idea—an Italian nation out of Romans, +Lombards, and Normans. Only the Empire made it possible for them to stretch +a hand back to the age of Rome. Even though alien power evoked the hostility +of the townsmen, and split the two primary orders, the nobles to the Emperor, +the priests to the Pope; even though in these conflicts of Guelph and Ghibelline +<span class="pagenum" id="p182">[182]</span>the nobility soon lost its importance and the Papacy rose through the anti-dynastic +cities to political supremacy; even though at the last there was but a +tangle of predatory states whose “Renaissance”-politics opposed the soaring +world-policy of the Gothic Empire, as Milan of old had defied the will of +Frederick Barbarossa—yet the ideal of <i>Una Italia</i>, the ideal for which Dante +sacrificed the peace of his life, was a pure dynastic creation of the great Germany +emperors. The Renaissance, whose historical horizon was that of the urban +patriciate, led the nation as far out of the path of self-fulfilment as it is possible +to imagine. All through the Baroque and Rococo the land was depressed to the +state of being a mere pawn in the power-politics of alien houses. And not until +after 1800 did Romanticism arise and reawaken the Gothic feeling with an intensity +that made of it a political power.</p> + +<p>The French people was forged out of Franks and Visigoths by its kings. It +learned to feel itself as a whole for the first time at Bouvines in 1214.⁠<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> Still +more significant is the creation of the House of Habsburg, which, out of a +population linked neither by speech nor folk-feeling nor tradition caused to +arise the Austrian nation, which proved its nationhood in defending Maria +Theresa and in resisting Napoleon—its first tests, and its last. The political +history of the Baroque age is in essentials the history of the Houses of Bourbon +and Habsburg. The rise of the House of Wettin in place of that of Welf is the +reason why “Saxony” was on the Weser in 800, and is on the Elbe to-day. +Dynastic events, and finally the intervention of Napoleon, brought it about that +half of Bavaria has shared in the history of Austria and that the Bavarian State +consists for the most part of Franconia and Suabia.</p> + +<p>The latest nation of the West is the Prussian, a creation of the Hohenzollerns +as the Roman was the last creation of the Classical Polis-feeling, and the Arabian +the last product of a religious <i>consensus</i>. At Fehbellin⁠<a id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> the young nation gained +its recognition; at Rossbach⁠<a id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> it won for Germany. It was Goethe who with +his infallible eye for historic turning-points described the then new “Minna von +Barnhelm” as the first German poetry of specifically national content. It is one +more example, and a deeply significant one, to show how dynastically the +Western nations defined themselves, that Germany thus at one stroke re-discovered +her poetic language. The collapse of the Hohenstaufen rule had been +accompanied by that of Germany’s Gothic literature also. What did emerge +here and there in the following centuries—the golden age of all the Western +literatures—was undeserving of the name. But with the victories of Frederick +the Great a new poesy began. “From Lessing to Hebbel” means the same as +“from Rossbach to Sedan.” The attempts that were made to restore the lost +connexion by consciously leaning upon, first the French, and then Shakespeare, +<span class="pagenum" id="p183">[183]</span>upon the Volkslied, and finally (in Romanticism) upon the poetry of the age +of chivalry, produced at least the unique phenomenon of an art-history which, +though it never really attained one aim, was constituted, for the greater part, +of flashes of genius.</p> + +<p>The end of the eighteenth century witnessed the accomplishment of that +remarkable turn with which national consciousness sought to emancipate itself +from the dynastic principle. To all appearance this had happened in England +long before. In this connexion Magna Charta (1215) will occur to most readers, +but some will not have failed to observe that on the contrary, the very recognition +of the nation involved in the recognition of its representatives gave the +dynastic feeling a fresh-enforced depth and refinement to which the peoples +of the Continent remained almost utter strangers. If the modern Englishman +is (without appearing so) the most conservative human being in the world, and +if in consequence his political management solves its problems so much by wordless +harmony of national pulse instead of express discussion, and therefore has +been the most successful up to now, the underlying cause is the <em>early emancipation +of the dynastic feeling</em> from its expression in monarchical power.</p> + +<p>The French Revolution, on the contrary, was in this regard only a victory +of Rationalism. It set free not so much the nation as the concept of the nation. +The dynastic has penetrated into the blood of the Western races, and on that +very account it is a vexation to their intellect. For a dynasty represents history, +it is the history-become-flesh of a land, and intellect is timeless and unhistorical. +The ideas of the Revolution were all “eternal” and “true.” Universal human +rights, freedom, and equality are literature and abstraction and not facts. Call +all this republican if you will, in reality it was one more case of a minority +striving in the name of all to introduce the new ideal into the world of fact. +It became a power, but at the cost of the ideal, and all it did was to replace +the old felt adherence by the reasoned patriotism of the nineteenth century; +by a civilized nationalism, only possible in our Culture, which in France itself +and even to-day is unconsciously dynastic; and by the concept of the <em>fatherland +as dynastic unit</em> which emerged first in the Spanish and Prussian uprisings against +Napoleon and then in the German and Italian wars of <em>dynastic</em> unification. Out +of the opposition of race and speech, blood and intellect, a new and specifically +Western ideal arose to confront the genealogical ideal—that of the mother +tongue. Enthusiasts there were in both countries who thought to replace the +unifying force of the Emperor- and King-idea by the linking of republic and +poetry—something of the “return to nature” in this, but a return of history +to nature. In place of the wars of succession came language-struggles, in which +one nation sought to force its language and therewith its nationality upon the +fragments of another. But no one will fail to observe that even the rationalistic +conception of a nation as a linguistic unit can at best ignore, never abolish, +the dynastic feeling, any more than a Hellenistic Greek could inwardly overcome +<span class="pagenum" id="p184">[184]</span>his Polis-consciousness or a modern Jew the national <i>ijma</i>. The mother +tongue does not arise out of nothing, but is itself a product of dynastic history. +Without the Capetian line there would have been no French language, but a +Romance-Frankish in the north and a Provençal in the south. The Italian written-language +is to be credited to the German Emperors and above all to Frederick +II. The modern nations are primarily the populations of an old dynastic history. +Yet in the nineteenth century the second concept of the nation as a unit +of written language has annihilated the Austrian, and probably created the +American. Thenceforward there have been in all countries two parties representing +the nation in two opposed aspects, as dynastic-historical unit and as +intellectual unit—the race party and the language party—but these are reflections +that evoke too soon problems of politics that must await a later chapter.</p> + + +<h3 id="V_5"> + V +</h3> + +<p>At first, when the land was still without cities, it was the nobility that +represented, in the highest sense of the word, the nation. The peasantry, +“everlasting” and historyless, was a people <em>before</em> the dawn of the Culture, and +in very fundamental characters it continued to be the primitive people, surviving +when the form of the nation had passed away again. “The nation,” like every +other grand symbol of the Culture, is intimately the cherished possession of a +few; those who have it are born to it as men are born to art or philosophy, and +the distinctions of creator, critic, and layman, or something like them, hold for +it also—alike in a classical Polis, a Jewish consensus, and a Western people. +When a nation rises up ardent to fight for its freedom and honour, it is always +a minority that really fires the multitude. The people “awakens”—it is more +than a figure of speech, for only thus and then does the waking-consciousness of +the whole become manifested. All these individuals whose “we”-feeling yesterday +went content with a horizon of family and job and perhaps home-town +are suddenly to-day men of nothing less than the People. Their thought and +feeling, their Ego, and therewith the “it” in them have been transformed to the +very depths. It has become <em>historic</em>. And then even the unhistorical peasant +becomes a member of the nation, and a day dawns for him in which he experiences +history and not merely lets it pass him by.</p> + +<p>But in the world-cities, besides a minority which has history and livingly +experiences, feels, and seeks to lead the nation, there arises another minority +of timeless a-historic, literary men, men not of destiny, but of reasons and +causes, men who are inwardly detached from the pulse of blood and being, wide-awake +thinking consciousnesses, that can no longer find any “reasonable” +connotation for the nation-idea. Cosmopolitanism is a mere waking-conscious +association of intelligentsias. In it there is hatred of Destiny, and above all of +history as the expression of Destiny. Everything national belongs to race—so +<span class="pagenum" id="p185">[185]</span>much so that it is incapable of finding language for itself, clumsy in all that +demands thought, and shiftless to the point of fatalism. <em>Cosmopolitanism is +literature</em> and remains literature, very strong in reasons, very weak in defending +them otherwise than with more reasons, in defending them with the blood.</p> + +<p>All the more, then, this minority of far superior intellect chooses the intellectual +weapon, and all the more is it able to do so as the world cities are pure +intellect, rootless, and by very hypothesis the common property of the civilization. +The born world-citizens, world-pacifists, and world-reconcilers—alike +in the China of the “Contending States,” in Buddhist India, in the Hellenistic +age, and in the Western world to-day—are the <em>spiritual leaders of fellaheen</em>. +<em>“Panem et circenses” is only another formula for pacifism.</em> In the history of all +Cultures there is an anti-national element, whether we have evidences of it or +not. Pure self-directed thinking was ever alien to life, and therefore alien to +history, unwarlike, raceless. Consider our Humanism and Classicism, the Sophists +of Athens, Buddha and Lao-tze—not to mention the passionate contempt +of all nationalisms displayed by the great champions of the ecclesiastical +and the philosophical world-view. However the cases differ amongst themselves +otherwise, they are alike in this, that the world-feeling of race; the political +(and therefore national) instinct for fact (“my country, right or +wrong!”); the resolve to be the subject and not the object of evolution (for one +or the other it has to be)—in a word, the <em>will</em>-to-power—has to retreat and +make room for a tendency of which the standard-bearers are most often men +without original impulse, but all the more set upon their logic; men at home in +a world of truths, ideals, and Utopias; bookmen who believe that they can replace +the actual by the logical, the might of facts by an abstract justice, Destiny +by Reason. It begins with the everlastingly fearful who withdraw themselves +out of actuality into cells and study-chambers and spiritual communities, and +proclaim the nullity of the world’s doings, and it ends in every Culture with the +apostles of world-peace. Every people has such (historically speaking) waste-products. +Even their heads constitute physiognomically a group by themselves. +In the “history of intellect” they stand high—and many illustrious names are +numbered amongst them—but regarded from the point of view of actual history, +they are inefficients.</p> + +<p>The Destiny of a nation plunged in the events of its world depends upon how +far its race-quality is successful in making these events historically ineffective +against it. It could perhaps be demonstrated even now that in the Chinese +world of states the realm of Tsin won through (250 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>) because it alone had +kept itself free from Taoist sentiments. Be this as it may, the Roman people +prevailed over the rest of the Classical world because it was able to insulate its +conduct of policy from the fellah-instincts of Hellenism.</p> + +<p>A nation is humanity brought into living form. The practical result of +world-improving theories is consistently a <em>formless and therefore historyless mass</em>. +<span class="pagenum" id="p186">[186]</span>All world-improvers and world-citizens stand for fellaheen ideals, whether they +know it or not. <em>Their success means the historical abdication of the nation in favour, +not of everlasting peace, but of another nation.</em> World-peace is always a one-sided +resolve. The <i lang="la">Pax Romana</i> had for the later soldier-emperors and Germanic +band-kings only the one practical significance that it made a formless population +of a hundred millions a mere object for the will-to-power of small warrior-groups. +This peace cost the peaceful sacrifices beside which the losses of Cannæ +seem vanishingly small. The Babylonian, Chinese, Indian, Egyptian worlds +pass from one conqueror’s hands to another’s, and it is their own blood that pays +for the contest. That is their—peace. When in 1401 the Mongols conquered +Mesopotamia, they built a victory memorial out of the skulls of a hundred +thousand inhabitants of Baghdad, which had not defended itself. From the +intellectual point of view, no doubt, the extinction of the nations puts a fellaheen-world +above history, civilized at last and <em>for ever</em>. But in the realm of +facts it reverts to a state of nature, in which it alternates between long submissiveness +and brief angers that for all the bloodshed—world-peace never +diminishes that—alter nothing. Of old they shed their blood for themselves; +now they must shed it for others, often enough for the mere entertainment of +others—that is the difference. A resolute leader who collects ten thousand +adventurers about him can do as he pleases. Were the whole world a single +Imperium, it would thereby become merely the maximum conceivable field for +the exploits of such conquering heroes.</p> + +<p>“<i lang="fy">Lever doodt als Sklav</i> (better dead than slave)” is an old Frisian peasant-saying. +The reverse has been the choice of every Late Civilization, and every +Late Civilization has had to experience how much that choice costs it.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p187"></a><a id="p188"></a><a id="p189"></a>[189]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII"> + CHAPTER VII + <br> + <span class="subtitle">PROBLEMS OF THE ARABIAN CULTURE + <br> + (A) + <br> + HISTORIC PSEUDOMORPHOSES</span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>In a rock-stratum are embedded crystals of a mineral. Clefts and cracks occur, +water filters in, and the crystals are gradually washed out so that in due course +only their hollow mould remains. Then come volcanic outbursts which explode +the mountain; molten masses pour in, stiffen, and crystallize out in their +turn. But these are not free to do so in their own special forms. They must fill +up the spaces that they find available. Thus there arise distorted forms, crystals +whose inner structure contradicts their external shape, stones of one kind presenting +the appearance of stones of another kind. The mineralogists call this +phenomenon <em>Pseudomorphosis</em>.</p> + +<p>By the term “historical pseudomorphosis” I propose to designate those +cases in which an older alien Culture lies so massively over the land that a +young Culture, born in this land, cannot get its breath and fails not only +to achieve pure and specific expression-forms, but even to develop fully its own +self-consciousness. All that wells up from the depths of the young soul is cast in +the old moulds, young feelings stiffen in senile works, and instead of rearing +itself up in its own creative power, it can only hate the distant power with a +hate that grows to be monstrous.</p> + +<p>This is the case of the Arabian Culture. Its pre-history lies entirely within +the ambit of the ancient Babylonian Civilization,⁠<a id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> which for two thousand years +had been the prey of successive conquerors. Its “Merovingian period” is +marked by the dictatorship of a small⁠<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> Persian clan, primitive as the Ostrogoths, +whose domination of two hundred years, scarcely challenged, was +founded on the infinite weariness of a fellah-world. But from 300 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> onwards +there begins and spreads a great awakening in the young Aramaic-speaking⁠<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> +peoples between Sinai and the Zagros range. As at the epoch of the Trojan +War and at that of the Saxon emperors, a new relation of man to God, a wholly +new world-feeling, penetrated all the current religions, whether these bore the +name of Ahuramazda, Baal, or Yahweh, impelling everywhere to a great effort +of creation. But precisely at this juncture there came the Macedonians—so +<span class="pagenum" id="p190">[190]</span>appositely that some inner connexion is not altogether impossible, for the +Persian power had rested on spiritual postulates, and it was precisely these that +had disappeared. To Babylon these Macedonians appeared as yet another +swarm of adventurers like the rest. They laid down a thin sheet of Classical +Civilization over the lands as far as Turkestan and India. The kingdoms of the +Diadochi might indeed have become, insensibly, states of pre-Arabian spirit—the +Seleucid Empire, which actually coincided geographically with the region of +Aramaic speech, was in fact such a state by 200 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> But from the battle of +Pydna⁠<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> onwards it was, in its western part, more and more embodied in the +Classical Imperium and so subjected to the powerful workings of a spirit which +had its centre of gravity in a distant region. And thus was prepared the Pseudomorphosis.</p> + +<p>The Magian Culture, geographically and historically, is the midmost of +the group of higher Cultures—the only one which, in point both of space +and of time, was in touch with practically all others. The structure of its +history as a whole in our world-picture depends, therefore, entirely on our recognizing +the true inner form which the outer moulds distorted. Unhappily, that is +just what we do not yet know, thanks to theological and philological prepossessions, +and even more to the modern tendency of over-specialization which +has unreasonably subdivided Western research into a number of separate branches—each +distinguished from the others not merely by its materials and its methods, +but by its very way of thinking—and so prevented the big problems from being +even seen. In this instance the consequences of specialization have been graver +perhaps than in any other. The historians proper stayed within the domain of +Classical philology and made the Classical language-frontier their eastern horizon; +hence they entirely failed to perceive the deep unity of development on +both sides of their frontier, which spiritually had no existence. The result is a +perspective of “Ancient,” “Mediæval,” and “Modern” history, ordered and +defined by the use of the Greek and Latin languages. For the experts of the old +languages, with their “texts,” Axum, Saba, and even the realm of the Sassanids +were unattackable, and the consequence is that in “history” these scarcely +exist at all. The literature-researcher (he also a philologist) confuses the spirit of +the language with the spirit of the work. Products of the Aramæan region, if +they happen to be written in Greek or even merely preserved in Greek, he embodies +in his “Late Greek literature” and proceeds to classify as a special period +of that literature. The cognate texts in other languages are outside his department +and have been brought into other groups of literature in the same artificial +way. And yet here was the strongest of all proofs that the history of a literature +never coincides with the history of a language.⁠<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> Here, in reality, was a self-contained +<span class="pagenum" id="p191">[191]</span>ensemble of Magian national literature, single in spirit, but written +in several languages—the Classical amongst others. For a nation of Magian +type has no mother tongue. There are Talmudic, Manichæan, Nestorian, +Jewish, or even Neopythagorean national literatures, but <em>not</em> Hellenistic or +Hebrew.</p> + +<p>Theological research, in its turn, broke up its domain into subdivisions +according to the different West-European confessions, and so the “philological” +frontier between West and East came into force, and still is in force, for Christian +theology also. The Persian world fell to the student of Iranian philology, and +as the Avesta texts were disseminated, though not composed, in an Aryan +dialect, their immense problem⁠<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> came to be regarded as a minor branch of the +Indologist’s work and so disappeared absolutely from the field of vision of +Christian theology. And lastly the history of Talmudic Judaism, since Hebrew +philology became bound up in one specialism with Old Testament research, +not only never obtained separate treatment, but has been <em>completely forgotten</em> +by all the major histories of religions with which I am acquainted, although +these find room for every Indian sect (since folk-lore, too, ranks as a specialism) +and every primitive Negro religion to boot. Such is the preparation of scholarship +for the greatest task that historical research has to face to-day.</p> + + +<h3 id="II_6"> + II +</h3> + +<p>The Roman world of the Imperial period had a good idea of its own state. +The later writers are full of complaints concerning the depopulation and +spiritual emptiness of Africa, Spain, Gaul, and, above all, the mother countries +Italy and Greece. But those provinces which belong to the Magian world are +consistently excepted in these mournful surveys. Syria in particular is densely +peopled and, like Parthian Mesopotamia, flourishes in blood and spirit.</p> + +<p>The preponderance of the young East, palpable to all, had sooner or later +to find political expression also. Viewing the scene from this standpoint, we +see behind the epic and pageant of Marius and Sulla, Cæsar and Pompey, Antony +and Octavian, this East striving ever more intensely to free itself from the +historically dying West, the fellah-world waking up. The transfer of the +capital to Byzantium was a great symbol. Diocletian had selected Nicodemia; +Cesar had had thoughts of Alexandria or Troy. A better choice than any would +have been Antioch. But the act came too late by three centuries, and these had +been the decisive period of the Magian Springtime.</p> + +<p>The Pseudomorphosis began with Actium; there <em>it should have been Antony +who won</em>. It was not the struggle of Rome and Greece that came there to an +issue—that struggle had been fought out at Cannæ and Zama, where it was +the tragic fate of Hannibal to stand as champion not for his own land, but for +Hellenism. At Actium it was the unborn Arabian Culture that was opposed to +<span class="pagenum" id="p192">[192]</span>iron-grey Classical Civilization; the issue lay between Principate and Caliphate. +Antony’s victory would have freed the Magian soul; his defeat drew over its +lands the hard sheet of Roman <i lang="la">Imperium</i>. A comparable event in the history +of the West is the battle between Tours and Poitiers, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 732. Had the Arabs +won it and made “Frankistan” into a caliphate of the North-east, Arabic +speech, religion, and customs would have become familiar to the ruling classes, +giant cities like Granada and Kairawan would have arisen on the Loire and +the Rhine, the Gothic feeling would have been forced to find expression in the +long-stiffened forms of Mosque and Arabesque, and instead of the German +mysticism we should have had a sort of Sufism. That the equivalent of these +things actually happened to the Arabian world was due to the fact that the +Syro-Persian peoples produced no Charles Martel to battle along with Mithradates +or Brutus and Cassius or Antony (or for that matter without them) against +Rome.</p> + +<p>A second pseudomorphosis is presented to our eyes to-day in Russia. The +Russian hero-tales of the Bylini culminated in the epic cycle of Prince Vladimir +of Kiev (<i>c.</i> <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1000), with his Round Table, and in the popular hero Ilya +Muromyets.⁠<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> The whole immense difference between the Russian and the +Faustian soul is already revealed in the contrast of these with the “contemporary” +Arthur, Ermanarich, and Nibelungen sagas of the Migration-period in +the form of the <i lang="de">Hildebrandslied</i> and the <i lang="de">Waltharilied</i>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> The Russian “Merovingian” +period begins with the overthrow of the Tatar domination by Ivan III +(1480) and passes, by the last princes of the House of Rurik and the first of the +Romanovs, to Peter the Great (1689–1725). It corresponds exactly to the +period between Clovis (481–511) and the battle of Testry (687), which +effectively gave the Carolingians their supremacy. I advise all readers to read +the Frankish history of Gregory of Tours (to 591) in parallel with the corresponding +parts of Karamzin’s patriarchal narrative, especially those dealing with +Ivan the Terrible, and with Boris Godunov and Vassili Shuiski.⁠<a id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> There could +hardly be a closer parallel. This Muscovite period of the great Boyar families +and Patriarchs, in which a constant element is the resistance of an Old Russia +party to the friends of Western Culture, is followed, from the founding of +Petersburg in 1703, by the pseudomorphosis which forced the primitive Russian +soul into the alien mould, first of full Baroque, then of the Enlightenment, and +then of the nineteenth century. The fate-figure in Russian history is Peter the +Great, with whom we may compare the Charlemagne who deliberately and +<span class="pagenum" id="p193">[193]</span>with all his might strove to impose the very thing which Charles Martel had +just prevented, the rule of the Moorish-Byzantine spirit. The possibility was +there of treating the Russian world in the manner of a Carolingian or that of +Seleucid—that is, of choosing between Old Russian and “Western” ways, +and the Romanovs chose the latter. The Seleucids liked to see Hellenes and +not Aramæans about them. The primitive tsarism of Moscow is the only form +which is even to-day appropriate to the Russian world, but in Petersburg it was +distorted to the dynastic form of western Europe. The pull of the sacred South—of +Byzantium and Jerusalem—strong in every Orthodox soul, was twisted +by the worldly diplomacy which set its face to the West. The burning of +Moscow, that mighty symbolic act of a primitive people, that expression of +Maccabæan hatred of the foreigner and heretic, was followed by the entry of Alexander +I into Paris, the Holy Alliance, and the concert of the Great Powers +of the West. And thus a nationality whose destiny should have been to live +without a history for some generations still was forced into a false and artificial +history that the soul of Old Russia was simply incapable of understanding. +Late-period arts and sciences, enlightenment, social ethics, the materialism of +world-cities, were introduced, although in this pre-cultural time religion was +the only language in which man understood himself and the world. In the +townless land with its primitive peasantry, cities of alien type fixed themselves +like ulcers—false, unnatural, unconvincing. “Petersburg,” says Dostoyevski, +“is the most abstract and artificial city in the world.” Born in it though +he was, he had the feeling that one day it might vanish with the morning mist. +Just so ghostly, so incredible, were the Hellenistic artifact-cities scattered in the +Aramaic peasant-lands. Jesus in his Galilee knew this. St. Peter must have felt +it when he set eyes on Imperial Rome.</p> + +<p>After this everything that arose around it was felt by the true Russdom as +lies and poison. A truly apocalyptic hatred was directed on Europe, and +“Europe” was all that was not Russia, including Athens and Rome, just as +for the Magian world in its time Old Egypt and Babylon had been antique, +pagan, devilish. “The first condition of emancipation for the Russian soul,” +wrote Aksakov in 1863 to Dostoyevski, “is that it should hate Petersburg +with all its might and all its soul.” Moscow is holy, Petersburg Satanic. A +widespread popular legend presents Peter the Great as Antichrist. Just so the +Aramaic Pseudomorphosis cries out in all the Apocalypses from Daniel and +Enoch in Maccabæan times to John, Baruch, and Ezra IV after the destruction +of Jerusalem, against Antiochus the Antichrist, against Rome the Whore of +Babylon, against the cities of the West with their refinement and their splendour, +against the whole Classical Culture. All its works are untrue and unclean; +the polite society, the clever artistry, the classes, the alien state with its +civilized diplomacy, justice, and administration. The contrast between Russian +and Western, Jew-Christian and Late-Classical nihilisms is extreme—the +<span class="pagenum" id="p194">[194]</span>one kind is hatred of the alien that is poisoning the unborn Culture in the +womb of the land, the other a surfeited disgust of one’s own proper overgrowths. +Depths of religious feeling, flashes of revelation, shuddering fear of +the great awakening, metaphysical dreaming and yearning, belong to the +beginning, as the pain of spiritual clarity belongs to the end of a history. In +these pseudomorphoses they are mingled. Says Dostoyevski: “Everyone in +street and market-place now speculates about the nature of Faith.” So might +it have been said of Edessa or Jerusalem. Those young Russians of the days +before 1914—dirty, pale, exalted, moping in corners, ever absorbed in metaphysics, +seeing all things with an eye of faith even when the ostensible topic is +the franchise, chemistry, or women’s education—are the Jews and early +Christians of the Hellenistic cities, whom the Romans regarded with a mixture +of surly amusement and secret fear. In Tsarist Russia there was no bourgeoisie +and, in general, no true class-system, but merely, as in the Frankish dominions, +lord and peasant. There were no Russian towns. Moscow consisted of a +fortified residency (the Kreml) round which was spread a gigantic market. +The imitation city that grew up and ringed it in, like every other city on the +soil of Mother Russia, is there for the satisfaction and utilities of the Court, +the administration, the traders, but that which lives in it is, on the top, an +embodiment of fiction, an Intelligentsia bent on discovering problems and conflicts, +and below, an uprooted peasantry, with all the metaphysical gloom, anxiety, +and misery of their own Dostoyevski, perpetually homesick for the open +land and bitterly hating the stony grey world into which Antichrist has tempted +them. Moscow had no proper soul. The spirit of the upper classes was Western, +and the lower had brought in with them the soul of the countryside. Between +the two worlds there was no reciprocal comprehension, no communication, +no charity. To understand the two spokesmen and victims of the pseudomorphosis, +it is enough that Dostoyevski is the peasant, and Tolstoi the man of +Western society. The one could never in his soul get away from the land; the +other, in spite of his desperate efforts, could never get near it.</p> + +<p><em>Tolstoi is the former Russia, Dostoyevski the coming Russia.</em> The inner Tolstoi +is tied to the West. He is the great spokesman of Petrinism even when he is +denying it. The West is never without a negative—the guillotine, too, was +a true daughter of Versailles—and rage as he might against Europe, Tolstoi +could never shake it off. Hating it, he hates himself and so becomes the father +of Bolshevism. The utter powerlessness of this spirit, and “its” 1917 revolution, +stands confessed in his posthumously published <cite>A Light Shines in the Darkness</cite>. +This hatred Dostoyevski does not know. His passionate power of +living is comprehensive enough to embrace all things Western as well—“I +have two fatherlands, Russia and Europe.” He has passed beyond both Petrinism +and revolution, and from <em>his</em> future he looks back over them as from afar. +His soul is apocalyptic, yearning, desperate, but of this future <em>certain</em>. “I will +<span class="pagenum" id="p195">[195]</span>go to Europe,” says Ivan Karamazov to his brother, Alyosha; “I know well +enough that I shall be going only to a churchyard, but I know too that that +churchyard is dear, very dear to me. Beloved dead lie buried there, every +stone over them tells of a life so ardently lived, so passionate a belief in its own +achievements, its own truth, its own battle, its own knowledge, that I know—even +now I know—I shall fall down and kiss these stones and weep over +them.” Tolstoi, on the contrary, is essentially a great understanding, “enlightened” +and “socially minded.” All that he sees about him takes the +Late-period, megalopolitan, and Western form of a <em>problem</em>, whereas Dostoyevski +does not even know what a problem is. Tolstoi is an event within and of +Western Civilization. He stands midway between Peter and Bolshevism, and +neither he nor these managed to get within sight of Russian earth. The thing +they are fighting against reappears, recognizable, in the very form in which +they fight. Their kind of opposition is not apocalyptic but intellectual. +Tolstoi’s hatred of property is an economist’s, his hatred of society a social +reformer’s, his hatred of the State a political theorist’s. Hence his immense +effect upon the West—he belongs, in one respect as in another, to the band of +Marx, Ibsen, and Zola.</p> + +<p>Dostoyevski, on the contrary, belongs to no band, unless it be the band of +the Apostles of primitive Christianity. His “Dæmons” were denounced by the +Russian Intelligentsia as reactionaries. But he himself was quite unconscious +of such conflicts—“conservative” and “revolutionary” were terms of the +West that left him indifferent. Such a soul as his can look beyond everything +that we call social, for the things of this world seem to it so unimportant as +not to be worth improving. No genuine religion aims at improving the world +of facts, and Dostoyevski, like every primitive Russian, is fundamentally unaware +of that world and lives in a second, metaphysical world beyond. What +has the agony of a soul to do with Communism? A religion that has got as +far as taking social problems in hand has ceased to be a religion. But the reality +in which Dostoyevski lives, even during this life, is a religious creation directly +present to him. His Alyosha has defied all literary criticism, even +Russian. His life of Christ, had he written it—as he always intended to +do—would have been a genuine gospel like the Gospels of primitive Christianity, +which stand completely outside Classical and Jewish literary forms. +Tolstoi, on the other hand, is a master of the Western novel—<cite>Anna Karenina</cite> +distances every rival—and even in his peasant’s garb remains a man of polite +society.</p> + +<p>Here we have beginning and end clashing together. Dostoyevski is a +saint, Tolstoi only a revolutionary. From Tolstoi, the true successor of Peter, +and from him only, proceeds Bolshevism, which is not the contrary, but the +final issue of Petrinism, the last dishonouring of the metaphysical by the +social, and <i lang="la">ipso facto</i> a new form of the Pseudomorphosis. If the building of +<span class="pagenum" id="p196">[196]</span>Petersburg was the first act of Antichrist, the self-destruction of the society +formed of that Petersburg is the second, and so the peasant soul must feel it. +For the Bolshevists are not the nation, or even a part of it, but the lowest +stratum of this Petrine society, alien and western like the other strata, yet not +recognized by these and consequently filled with the hate of the downtrodden. +It is all megalopolitan and “Civilized”—the social politics, the Intelligentsia, +the literature that first in the romantic and then in the economic jargon champions +freedoms and reforms, before an audience that itself belongs to the society. +The real Russian is a disciple of Dostoyevski. Although he may not +have read Dostoyevski or anyone else, nay, perhaps <em>because</em> he cannot read, he is +himself Dostoyevski in substance; and if the Bolshevists, who see in Christ a +mere social revolutionist like themselves, were not intellectually so narrowed, +it would be in Dostoyevski that they would recognize their prime enemy. +What gave this revolution its momentum was not the intelligentsia’s hatred. +It was the people itself, which, <em>without hatred</em>, urged only by the need of throwing +off a disease, destroyed the old Westernism in one effort of upheaval, and +will send the new after it in another. For what this townless people yearns +for is its own life-form, its own religion, its own history. Tolstoi’s Christianity +was a misunderstanding. He spoke of Christ and he meant Marx. But to +Dostoyevski’s Christianity the next thousand years will belong.</p> + + +<h3 id="III_6"> + III +</h3> + +<p>Outside the Pseudomorphosis, and the more vigorously in proportion as +the Classical influence is weaker over the country, there spring up all the forms +of a genuine feudal age. Scholasticism, mysticism, feudal fealty, minstrelsy, +the crusade spirit, all existed in the first centuries of the Arabian Culture and +will be found in it as soon as we know how to look for them. The legion +existed in name even after Septimius Severus, but in the East, legions look for +all the world like ducal retinues. Officials are nominated, but what nomination +amounts to in reality is the investiture of a count with his fief. While in the +West the Cæsar-title fell into the hands of chieftains, the East transformed +itself into an early Caliphate amazingly like the feudal state of mature Gothic. +In the Sassanid Empire,⁠<a id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> in Hauran,⁠<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> + in southern Arabia, there dawned a pure +feudal period. The exploits of a king of Saba,⁠<a id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> Shamir Juharish, are immortalized +like those of a Roland or an Arthur, in the Arabic saga which tells of his advance +through Persia as far as China.⁠<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> + The Kingdom of Ma’in⁠<a id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> existed side by +<span class="pagenum" id="p197">[197]</span>side with the realm of Israel during the millennium before Christ, and its remains +(which suggest comparisons with Mycenæ and Tiryns) extend deeply +into Africa.⁠<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> But now the feudal age flowered throughout Arabia and even in +the mountains of Abyssinia.⁠<a id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> In Axum there arose during early Christian times +mighty castles and kings’ tombs with the largest monoliths in the world.⁠<a id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> +Behind the kings stands a feudal nobility of counts (<i>kail</i>) and wardens (<i>kabir</i>), +vassals of often questionable loyalty whose great possessions more and more +narrowed the power of the king and his household. The endless Christian-Jewish +wars between south Arabia and the kingdom of Axum⁠<a id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> have essentially +the character of chivalry-warfare, frequently degenerating into baronial feuds +based on the castles. In Saba ruled the Hamdanids—who later became +Christian. Behind them stood the Christian realm of Axum, in alliance with +Rome, which about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 300 stretched from the White Nile to the Somali +coast and the Persian Gulf, and in 525 overthrew the Jewish-Himaryites.⁠<a id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> +In 542 there was a diet of princes at Marib⁠<a id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> to which both the Roman and the +Sassanid Empires sent ambassadors. Even to-day the country is full of innumerable +relics of mighty castles, which in Islamic times were popularly +attributed to supernatural builders. The stronghold of Gomdan is a work of +twenty tiers.⁠<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a></p> + +<p>In the Sassanid Empire ruled the Dikhans, or local lords, while the brilliant +court of these early-Eastern “Hohenstaufen” was in every respect a model for +that of the Byzantines who followed Diocletian. Even much later the Abbassids +in their new capital of Baghdad could think of nothing better than to +imitate, on a grand scale, the Sassanid ideal of court life. In northern Arabia, +<span class="pagenum" id="p198">[198]</span>at the courts of the Ghassanids⁠<a id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> + and at those of the Lakhmids,⁠<a id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> there sprang up +a genuine troubadour and <i>Minne</i> poetry; and knightly poets, in the days of the +Early Fathers, fought out their duels with “word, lance, and sword.” One of +them was the Jew Samuel, lord of the castle of Al Alblaq, who stood a famous +siege by the King of Hira for the sake of five precious suits of armour.⁠<a id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> In +relation to this lyric poetry, the Late-Arabic which flourished, especially in +Spain, from 800 stands as Uhland and Eichendorff stand to Walter von der +Vogelweide.</p> + +<p>For this young world of the first centuries of our era our antiquarians and +theologians have had no eyes. Busied as they are with the state of Late Republican +and Imperial Rome, the conditions of the Middle East seem to them +merely primitive and void of all significance. But the Parthian bands that +again and again rode at the legions of Rome were a chivalry exalted by Mazdaism; +in their armies there was the spirit of crusade. So, too, might it +have been with Christianity if it had not been wholly bound under the power +of the pseudomorphosis. The spirit was there—Tertullian spoke of the +“<i lang="la">militia Christi</i>,” and the sacrament was the soldier’s oath of fidelity.⁠<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> But it +was only later that Christ became the hero for whom his vassals went out +against the heathen; for the time being, the hither side of the Roman frontier +knew not Christian lords and knights, but only Roman legates; not the castle, +but the <i lang="la">castra</i>; not tournaments, but executions. Yet in spite of all this it was +not, strictly speaking, a Parthian war, but a true crusade of Jewry that blazed +out in 115 when Trajan marched into the East, and it was as a reprisal for the +destruction of Jerusalem that the whole infidel (“Greek”) population of +Cyprus—traditionally 240,000 souls—was massacred.⁠<a id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> Nisibis, defended by +Jews, made an illustrious resistance. Warlike Adiabene (the upper Tigris +plain) was a Jewish state. In all the Parthian and Persian wars against Rome +the gentry and peasantry, the feudal levy, of Jewish Mesopotamia fought in the +front line.</p> + +<p>Byzantium, even, was not able entirely to evade the influence of the Arabian +feudal age, and, under a crust of Late Classical administrative forms, the fief +system (especially in the interior of Asia Minor) came into existence. There +there were powerful families whose loyalty was doubtful and whose ambition +was to possess the Imperial throne. “Originally tied to the capital, which they +<span class="pagenum" id="p199">[199]</span>were not allowed to leave without the Emperor’s permission, this nobility +settled down later on its broad estates in the provinces. From the fourth century +onwards this provincial nobility was <i lang="la">de facto</i> an ‘Estate of the realm,’ +and in course of time it claimed a certain independence of Imperial control.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a></p> + +<p>The “Roman Army” in the East, meanwhile, was transformed in less than +two centuries from an army of modern type to one of the feudal order. The +Roman legion disappeared in the reorganization of the age of Severus,⁠<a id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> about +<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 200. While in the West the army degenerated into hordes, in the East there +arose, in the fourth century a genuine, if belated, knighthood—a fact that +Mommsen long ago pointed out, without, however, seeing the significance of +it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> The young noble received a thorough education in single combat, horsemanship, +use of bow and lance. About <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 260 the Emperor Gallienus—the +friend of Plotinus and the builder of the Porta Nigra of Trier, one of the +most striking and most unfortunate figures of the period of the soldier-emperors—formed, +from Germans and Moors, a new type of mounted force, the +personal military suite.⁠<a id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> A significant light is thrown upon the changes by the +fact that the old city-gods give way, in the religion of the army, to the German +gods of personal heroism, under the labels of Mars and Hercules.⁠<a id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> Diocletian’s +<i lang="la">palatini</i> are not a substitute for the prætorians abolished by Septimius Severus, +but a small, well-disciplined knight-army, while the <i lang="la">comitatenses</i>, the general +levy, are organized in “<i lang="la">numeri</i>” or companies. The tactics are those of every +Early period, with its pride of personal courage. The attack takes the Germanic +form of the so-called “boar’s head”—the deep mass technically called the +<i lang="de">Gevierthaufe</i>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> Under Justinian we find, fully developed, a system corresponding +precisely to the <i lang="de">Landsknecht</i> system of Charles V, in which condottieri⁠<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> of the +Frundsberg type⁠<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> raise professional forces on a territorial basis. The expedition +<span class="pagenum" id="p200">[200]</span>of Narses is described by Procopius⁠<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> + just as one might describe the great recruiting-operations +of Wallenstein.</p> + +<p>But there appeared also in these early centuries a brilliant Scholasticism +and Mysticism of Magian type, domesticated in the renowned schools of the +Aramæan region—the Persian schools of Ctesiphon, Resaina, Gundisapora, +the Jewish of Sura, Nehardea, Kinnesrin.⁠<a id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> These are flourishing headquarters +of astronomy, philosophy, chemistry, medicine. But towards the west these +grand manifestations, too, become falsified by the Pseudomorphosis. The +characteristically Magian elements of this knowledge assume at Alexandria the +forms of Greek philosophy and at Beyrout those of Roman jurisprudence; they +are committed to writing in the Classical languages, squeezed into alien and +long-petrified literary forms, and perverted by the hoary logic of a Civilization of +quite other structure. It is in this, and not in the Islamic, time that Arabian +science began. Yet, as our philologists only unearthed what had been put in +Late Classical dress at Alexandria and Antioch, and had not an inkling either of +the immense wealth of the Arabian spring or of the real pivots of its researches +and ideas, there arose the preposterous notion that the Arabs were spiritual +epigoni of the Classical. In reality, practically everything that was produced on +the “other” side—from Edessa’s point of view—of the philologist’s frontier, +though seeming to the Western eye an offspring of a “Late Classical” spirit, is +nothing but a reflection of Early Arabian inwardness. And so we come to consider +what the Pseudomorphosis did for the Arabian religion.</p> + + +<h3 id="IV_6"> + IV +</h3> + +<p>The Classical religion lived in its vast number of <em>separate cults</em>, which in this +form were natural and self-evident to Apollinian man, essentially inaccessible +to any alien. As soon as cults of this kind arise, we have a Classical Culture, +and when their essence changes, in later Roman times, then the soul of this +Culture is at an end. Outside the Classical landscape they have never been +genuine and living. The divinity is always <em>bound to and bounded by one locality</em>, +in conformity with the static and Euclidean world-feeling. Correspondingly +the relation of man to the divinity takes the shape of a local cult, in which +the significances lie in the <em>form</em> of its ritual procedure and not in a dogma underlying +them. Just as the population was scattered geographically in innumerable +<em>points</em>, so spiritually its religion was subdivided into these petty cults, each of +which was entirely independent of the rest. <em>Only their number, and not their +<span class="pagenum" id="p201">[201]</span>scope, was capable of increase.</em> Within the Classical religion multiplication was +the only form of growth, and missionary effort of any sort was excluded, for +men could practise these cults without <em>belonging</em> to them. There were no communities +of fellow believers. Though the later thought of Athens reached +somewhat more general ideas of God and his service, it was philosophy and +not religion that it achieved; it appealed to only a few thinkers and had not +the slightest effect on the feeling of the nation—that is, the Polis.</p> + +<p>In the sharpest contrast to this stands the visible form of the Magian religion—the +Church, the brotherhood of the faithful, which has no home and knows +no earthly frontier, which believes the words of Jesus, “when two or three +are gathered together in My name, there am I in the midst of them.” It is self-evident +that every such believer must believe that only one good and true God +can be, and that the gods of the others are evil and false.⁠<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> The relation between +this God and man rests, not in expression or profession, but in the secret force, +the magic, of certain symbolic performances, which if they are to be effective +must be exactly known in form and significance and practised accordingly. +The knowledge of this significance belongs to the Church—in fact, it is the +Church itself, qua community of the instructed. And, therefore, the centre of +gravity of every Magian religion lies not in a cult, but in a doctrine, in <em>the +creed</em>.</p> + +<p>As long as the Classical remained spiritually strong, pseudomorphosis of all +the Churches of the East into the style of the West continued. This is a most +important aspect of Syncretism. The Persian religion enters in the shape of the +Mithras cult, the Chaldean-Syrian element as the cults of the star-gods and +Baals (Jupiter Dolichenus, Sabazius, Sol Invictus, Atargatis), the Jewish religion +in the form of a Yahweh-cult (for no other name can be applied to the Egyptian +communities of the Ptolemaic period⁠<a id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a>), and primitive Early-Christianity too—as +the Pauline Epistles and the Catacombs of Rome clearly show—took +substance as a Jesus-cult. And however loudly each of these various religions +(which from about Hadrian’s time drove the genuine old Classical deities completely +into the background) might proclaim itself as the revelation of the +one true faith—Isis styled herself <i lang="la">deorum dearumque facies uniformis</i>—in reality +they carry, one and all, marks of the Classical separatism—that is, they +multiply to infinity; every community stands for itself and is local; all the +temples, catacombs, Mithræa, house chapels, are holy places to which (in +<span class="pagenum" id="p202">[202]</span>feeling, even though not in formal expression) the deity is considered to be +attached.⁠<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> Nevertheless, there is Magian feeling even in this piety. Classical +cults are <em>practised</em>, and one may practise as many of them as one pleases, but of +these newer, <em>a man belongs to one and one alone</em>. In the old, propaganda is unthinkable; +in the new it goes without saying, and the purport of religious +exercises tends more and more to the doctrinal side.</p> + +<p>From the second century onwards, with the fading of the Apollinian and the +flowering of the Magian soul, the relations are reversed. The consequences +of the Pseudomorphosis continue, <em>but it is now cults of the West which tend to +become a new Church of the East</em>—that is, from the sum of separate cults there +evolves a community of those who believe in these gods and their rituals—and +so there arises, by processes like those of the Early Persian and the Early +Judaic, a Magian Greek nationality. Out of the rigorously established forms +of detail-procedure in sacrifices and mysteries grows a sort of dogma concerning +the inner significance of these acts. The cults can now represent each other, +and men no longer practise or perform them in the old way, but become “adherents” +of them. And the little god <em>of</em> the place becomes—without the +gravity of the change being noticed by anyone—the great God really present +in the place.</p> + +<p>Carefully as Syncretism has been examined in recent years, the clue to its +development—the transformation of Eastern Churches into Western cults, +and then the reverse process of transformation of Western cults into Eastern +Churches—has been missed.⁠<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> Yet without this key it is quite impossible +to understand the religious history of Early Christianity. The battle that in +Rome was between Christ and Mithras as cult-deities took the form, east of +Antioch, of a contest between the Persian and the Christian Churches. But the +heaviest battle that Christianity had to fight, after it came itself under the influence +of the Pseudomorphosis and began to develop spiritually with its face +to the West, was not that against the true Classical deities. With these it was +never face to face, for the public city-cults had long been inwardly dead and +possessed no hold whatever on men’s souls. The formidable enemy was Paganism, +or Hellenism, emerging as <em>a powerful new Church</em> and born of the selfsame +spirit as Christianity itself. In the end there were in the east of the Roman +Empire not one cult-Church, but two, and if one of these comprised exclusively +the followers of Christ, the other, too, was made up of communities which, +under a thousand different labels, consciously worshipped one and the same +divine principle.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p203">[203]</span></p> + +<p>Much has been written on the Classical toleration. The nature of a religion +may perhaps be most clearly seen in the limits of its tolerance, and there were +such limits in Classical religions as in others. It was, indeed, one essential +character of these religions that they were numerous, and another that they +were religions of pure performance; for them, therefore, the question of toleration, +as the word is usually understood, did not arise. But respect for the +cult-formalities as such was postulated and required, and many a philosopher, +even many an unwitting stranger, who infringed this law by word or deed, +was made to realize the limits of Classical toleration. The reciprocal persecutions +of the Magian Churches are something different from this; there it was +the duty of the henotheist to his own faith that forbade him to recognize false +tenets. Classical <em>cults</em> would have tolerated the Jesus-cult as one of their own +number. But the <em>cult-Church</em> was bound to attack the Jesus-Church. All the +great persecutions of Christians (corresponding therein exactly to the later +persecutions of Paganism) came, not from the “Roman” State, but from this +cult-Church, and they were only political inasmuch as the cult-Church was +both nation and fatherland. It will be observed that the mask of Cæsar-worship +covered <em>two</em> religious usages. In the Classical cities of the West, Rome +above all, the special cult of the <i lang="la">Divus</i> arose as a last expression of that Euclidean +feeling which required that there should be legal and therefore sacral means +of communication between the body-unit man and the body-unit God. In +the East, on the other hand, the product was a creed of Cæsar as Saviour, God-man, +Messiah of all Syncretists, which this Church brought to expression in a +supremely national form. The sacrifice for the Emperor was the most important +<em>sacrament</em> of the Church—exactly corresponding to the baptism of the +Christians—and it is easy, therefore, to understand the symbolic significance +in the days of persecution of the command and the refusal to do these acts. +<em>All</em> these Churches had their sacraments: holy meals like the Haoma-drinking +of the Persians,⁠<a id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> the Passover of the Jews, the Lord’s Supper of the Christians, +similar rites for Attis and Mithras, and baptismal ceremonies amongst the +Mandæans, the Christians, and the worshippers of Isis and Cybele. Indeed, +the individual cults of the Pagan Church might be regarded almost as sects and +orders—a view which would lead to a much better understanding of their +reciprocal propaganda.</p> + +<p>All true Classical mysteries, such as those of Eleusis and those founded by +the Pythagoreans in the South-Italian cities about 500 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, had been place-bound,⁠<a id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> +and had consisted in some symbolical act or process. Within the field +of the Pseudomorphosis these freed themselves from their localities; they could +<span class="pagenum" id="p204">[204]</span>be performed wherever initiates were gathered, and had now as their object the +Magian ecstasy and the ascetic change of life. The visitors to the holy place +had transformed themselves into practising Orders. The community of the +Neopythagoreans, formed about 50 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> and closely related to the Jewish +Essenes, is anything but a Classical “school of philosophy”; it is a pure monastic +order, and it is not the only such order in the Syncretic movement that +anticipated the ideals of the Christian hermits and the Mohammedan dervishes. +These Pagan Churches had their anchorites, saints, prophets, miraculous +conversions, scriptures, and revelations.⁠<a id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> In the significance of images there +came about a very remarkable transformation, which still awaits research. +The greatest of Plotinus’s followers, Iamblichus, finally, about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 300, +evolved a mighty system of orthodox theology, ordered hierarchy, and rigid +ritual for the Pagan Church, and his disciple Julian devoted, and finally sacrificed, +his life to the attempt to establish this Church for all eternity.⁠<a id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> He sought +even to create cloisters for meditating men and women and to introduce ecclesiastical +penance. This great work was supported by a great enthusiasm +which rose to the height of martyrdom and endured long after the Emperor’s +death. Inscriptions exist which can hardly be translated but by the formula: +“There is but one god and Julian is his Prophet.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> Ten years more, and this +Church would have become a historic, permanent fact. In the end not only +its power, but also in important details its very form and content were inherited +by Christianity. It is often stated that the Roman Church adapted +itself to the structure of the Roman State; this is not quite correct. The latter +structure was itself by hypothesis a Church. There was a period when the two +were in touch—Constantine the Great acted simultaneously as convener of +the Council of Nicæa and as Pontifex Maximus, and his sons, zealous Christians +as they were, made him <i lang="la">Divus</i> and paid to him the prescribed rites. St. Augustine +dared to assert that the true religion had existed before the coming of +Christianity in the form of the Classical.⁠<a id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a></p> + + +<h3 id="V_6"> + V +</h3> + +<p>For the understanding of Judaism as a whole between Cyrus and Titus it is +necessary constantly to bear in mind three facts, of which scholarship is quite +aware, but which, owing to philological and theological <i lang="fr">parti pris</i>, it refuses +to admit as factors in its discussions. First, the Jews are a “nation without a +land,” a <i>consensus</i>, and in the midst, moreover, of a world of pure nations of +the same type. Secondly, Jerusalem is indeed a Mecca, a holy centre, but it is +<span class="pagenum" id="p205">[205]</span>neither the home nor the spiritual focus of the people. Lastly, the Jews are a +peculiar phenomenon in world-history only so long as we insist on treating +them as such.</p> + +<p>It is true that the post-exilic Jews, in contradistinction to the pre-exilic +Israelites are—as Hugo Winckler was the first to recognize—a people of +quite new type. But they are not the only representatives of the type. The +Aramæan world began in those days to arrange itself in a great number of +such peoples, including Persians and Chaldeans,⁠<a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> all living in the same district, +yet in stringent aloofness from each other, and even then practising the +truly Arabian way of life that we call the ghetto.</p> + +<p>The first heralds of the new soul were the <em>prophetic religions</em>, with their magnificent +inwardness, which began to arise about 700 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> and challenged the +primeval practices of the people and their rulers. They, too, are an essentially +Aramæan phenomenon. The more I ponder Amos, Isaiah, and Jeremiah on the +one hand, Zarathustra on the other, the more closely related they appear to me +to be. What seems to separate them is not their new beliefs, but the objects +of their attack. The first battled with that savage old-Israel religion, which +in fact is a whole bundle of religious elements⁠<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a>—belief in holy stones and +trees, innumerable place-gods (Dan, Bethel, Hebron, Shechem, Beersheba, +Gilgal), a single Yahweh (or Elohim), whose name covers a multitude of most +heterogeneous numina, ancestor-worship and human sacrifices, dervish-dancing +and sacral prostitution—intermixed with indistinct traditions of Moses and +Abraham and many customs and sagas of the Late Babylonian world, now after +long establishment in Canaan degenerated and hardened into peasant forms. +The second combated the old Vedic beliefs of heroes and Vikings, similarly +coarsened, no doubt, and certainly needing to be recalled to actuality, time and +again, by glorifications of the sacred cattle and of the care thereof. Zarathustra +lived about 600 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, often in want, persecuted and misunderstood, and met his +end as an old man in war against the unbelievers⁠<a id="FNanchor_325" href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a>—a worthy contemporary +of the unfortunate Jeremiah, who for his prophesying was hated by his countrymen, +imprisoned by his king, and after the catastrophe carried off by the fugitives +to Egypt and there put to death. And it is my belief that this great epoch +brought forth yet a third prophet-religion, the Chaldean.</p> + +<p>This, with its penetrating astronomy and its ever-amazing inwardness, was, +I venture to guess, evolved at that time and by creative personalities of the Isaiah +stature from relics of the old Babylonian religion.⁠<a id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> About 1000, the Chaldeans +<span class="pagenum" id="p206">[206]</span>were a group of Aramaic-speaking tribes like the Israelites, and lived in the south +of Sinear—the mother tongue of Jesus is still sometimes called Chaldean. In +Seleucid times the name was applied to a widespread religious community, and +especially to its priests. The Chaldean religion was an astral religion, which +before Hammurabi the Babylonian was <em>not</em>. It is the deepest of all interpretations +of the Magian universe, the World-Cavern⁠<a id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> and Kismet working therein, +and consequently it remained the fundamental of Islamic and Jewish speculation +to their very latest phases. It was by it, and not by the Babylonian Culture, +that after the seventh century there was formed an astronomy worthy to be +called an exact science—that is, a priestly technique of observation of marvellous +acuteness.⁠<a id="FNanchor_328" href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> It replaced the Babylonian moon-week by the planet-week. +Ishtar, the most popular figure of the old religion, the goddess of life and fruitfulness, +now became a planet, and Tammuz, the ever-dying and ever-revived +god of vegetation, a fixed star. Finally, the henotheistic feeling announced +itself; for Nebuchadnezzar the Great Marduk⁠<a id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> was the one true god, the +god of mercy, and Nebo, the old god of Borsippa, was his son and envoy to +mankind. For a century (625–539) Chaldean kings were world-rulers, but they +were also the heralds of the new religion. When temples were being built, +they themselves carried bricks. The accession-prayer of Nebuchadnezzar, the +contemporary of Jeremiah, to Marduk is still extant, and in depth and purity +it is in nowise surpassed by the finest passages of Israelite prophecy. The Chaldean +penitential psalms, closely related in rhythm and inner structure to those +of the Jews, know the sin of which man is unconscious and the suffering that +contrite avowal before the incensed god can avert. It is the same trust in the +mercy of the Deity that finds a truly Christian expression in the inscriptions of +the Bel temple of Palmyra.⁠<a id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a></p> + +<p>The kernel of the prophetic teachings is already Magian. There is <em>one</em> god—be +he called Yahweh, Ahuramazda or Marduk-Baal—who is the principle +of good, and all other deities are either impotent or evil. To this doctrine there +attached itself the hope of a Messiah, very clear in Isaiah, but also bursting out +everywhere during the next centuries, under pressure of an inner necessity. It +<span class="pagenum" id="p207">[207]</span>is the basic idea of Magian religion, for it contains implicitly the conception +of the world-historical struggle between Good and Evil, with the power of Evil +prevailing in the middle period, and the Good finally triumphant on the Day +of Judgment. This moralization of history is common to Persians, Chaldees, +and Jews. But with its coming, the idea of the localized people <i lang="la">ipso facto</i> +vanished and the genesis of Magian nations without earthly homes and boundaries +was at hand. The idea of the Chosen People emerged.⁠<a id="FNanchor_331" href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> But it is easy to +understand that men of strong blood, and in particular the great families, found +these too spiritual ideas repugnant to their natures and harked back to the stout +old tribal faiths. According to Cumont’s researches the religion of the Persian +kings was polytheistic and did not possess the Haoma sacrament—that is, it +was not wholly Zoroastrian. The same is true of most of the kings of Israel, +and in all probability also of the last Chaldean Nabu-Nabid (Nabonidus), +whose overthrow by Cyrus and his own subjects was in fact made possible by +his rejection of the Marduk faith. And it was in the Captivity that circumcision +and the (Chaldean) Sabbath were first acquired, as rites, by the Jews.</p> + +<p>The Babylonian exile, however, did set up an important difference between +the Jews and the Persians, in respect, not of the ultimate truths of conscious +piety, but of all the facts of actuality and consequently men’s inward attitude to +these facts. It was the Yahweh believers who <em>were permitted</em> to go home and +the adherents of Ahuramazda who <em>allowed</em> them to do so. Of two small tribes +that two hundred years before had probably possessed equal numbers of fighting +men, the one had taken possession of a world—while Darius crossed the +Danube in the north, his power extended in the south through eastern Arabia +to the island of Sokotra on the Somali coast⁠<a id="FNanchor_332" href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a>—and the other had become an +entirely unimportant pawn of alien policy.</p> + +<p>This is what made one religion so lordly, the other so humble. Let the +student read, in contrast to Jeremiah, the great Behistun inscription⁠<a id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> of Darius—what +a splendid pride of the King in his victorious god! And how despairing +are the arguments with which the Israelite prophets sought to preserve intact +<span class="pagenum" id="p208">[208]</span>the image of their god. Here, in exile, with every Jewish eye turned by the +Persian victory to the Zoroastrian doctrine, the pure Judaic prophecy (Amos, +Hosea, Isaiah, Jeremiah) passes into <i>Apocalypse</i> (Deutero-Isaiah,⁠<a id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> Ezekiel, Zechariah). +All the new visions of the Son of Man, of Satan, of archangels, of the +seven heavens, of the last judgment, are <em>Persian presentations of the common world-feeling</em>. +In Isaiah xli appears Cyrus himself, hailed as Messiah. Did the great +composer of Deutero-Isaiah draw his enlightenment from a Zoroastrian disciple? +Is it possible that the Persians released the Jews out of a feeling of the +inward relationship of their two teachings? It is certain at any rate that both +shared one popular idea as to last things, and felt and expressed a common +hatred of the old Babylonian and Classical religions, of unbelievers generally, +which they did not feel towards one another.</p> + +<p>We must not, however, forget to look at the “return from captivity” also +from the point of view of Babylon. The great mass, strong in race-force, was +in reality far removed from these ideas, or regarded them as mere visions and +dreams; and the solid peasantry, the artisans, and no doubt the nascent land-aristocracy +quietly remained in its holdings <em>under a prince of their own</em>, the Resh +Galutha, whose capital was Nehardea.⁠<a id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> Those who returned “home” were +the small minority, the stubborn, the zealots. They numbered with their wives +and children forty thousand, a figure which cannot be one-tenth or even one-twentieth +of the total, and anyone who confuses these settlers and their destiny +with Jewry as a whole⁠<a id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> must necessarily fail to read the inner meaning of all +following events. The <em>little world of Judaism lived a spiritually separate life</em>, and +the nation as a whole, while regarding this life with respect, certainly did not +share in it. In the East apocalyptic literature, the heiress of prophecy, blossomed +richly. It was a genuine native poetry of the people, of which we still +have the masterpiece, the Book of Job—a work in character Islamic and decidedly +un-Jewish⁠<a id="FNanchor_337" href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a>—while a multitude of its other tales and sagas, such as +Judith, Tobit, Achikar,⁠<a id="FNanchor_338" href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> are spread as motives over all the literatures of the +“Arabian” world. In Judea only the Law flourished; the Talmudic spirit +appears first in Ezekiel (chs. xl, et seq.) and after 450 is made flesh in the +scribes (Sopherim) headed by Ezra. From 300 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> to <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 200 the Tannaim +(“Teachers”) expounded the Torah and developed the Mishnah. Neither the +coming of Jesus nor the destruction of the Temple interrupted this abstract +<span class="pagenum" id="p209">[209]</span>scholarship. Jerusalem became for the rigid believer a Mecca, and his Koran +was a Code of laws to which was gradually added a whole primitive history compounded +of Chaldeo-Persian motives reset according to Pharisaic ideas.⁠<a id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> But +in this atmosphere there was no room for a worldly art, poetry, or learning. +All that the Talmud contains of astronomical, medical, and juristic knowledge +is exclusively of Mesopotamian origin.⁠<a id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> It is probable, too, that it was in +Mesopotamia, and <em>before</em> the end of the Captivity, that there began that Chaldean-Persian-Jewish +formation of sects which developed into the formation of +great religions at the beginning of the Magian Culture, and reached its climax in +the teaching of Mani. “The Law and the Prophets”—<em>these two nouns practically +define the difference between Judea and Mesopotamia</em>. In the late Persian and in every +other Magian theology both tendencies are united; it is only in the case here +considered that they were separated in space. The decisions of Jerusalem were +recognized everywhere, but it is a question how widely they were obeyed. +Even as near as Galilee the Pharisees were the object of suspicion, while in +Babylonia no Rabbi could be consecrated. For the great Gamaliel, Paul’s +teacher, it was a title to fame that his rulings were followed by the Jews “even +abroad.” How independent was the life of the Jews in Egypt is shown by the recently +discovered documents of Elephantine and Assuan.⁠<a id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> About 170, Onias asked +the King for permission to build a temple “according to the measurements of the +Temple in Jerusalem,” on the ground that the numerous non-conforming temples +that existed were the cause of eternal bickerings amongst the communities.</p> + +<p>One other subject must be considered. Jewry, like Persia, had since the +Exile increased enormously beyond the old small clan-limits; this was owing to +conversions and secessions—<em>the only form of conquest open to a landless nation +and, therefore, natural and obvious to the Magian religions</em>. In the north it very +early drove, through the Jew State of Adiabene, to the Caucasus; in the south +(probably along the Persian Gulf) it penetrated to Saba; in the west it was dominant +in Alexandria, Cyrene, and Cyprus. The administration of Egypt and +the policy of the Parthian Empire were largely in Jewish hands.</p> + +<p>But this movement <em>came out of Mesopotamia alone</em>, and the spirit in it was the +Apocalyptic and not the Talmudic. Jerusalem was occupied in creating yet +more legal barriers against the unbeliever. It was not enough even to abandon +the practice of making converts. A Pharisee permitted himself to summon the +universally beloved King Hyrcanus (135–106) to lay down the office of High +Priest because his mother had once been in the power of the infidels.⁠<a id="FNanchor_342" href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> This is +<span class="pagenum" id="p210">[210]</span>the same narrowness which in the primitive Christian brotherhood of Judea +took the form of opposing the preaching of the Gospel to the heathen. In the +East it would simply never have occurred to anyone to draw such barriers, +which were contrary to the whole idea of the Magian nation. But in that +very fact was based <em>the spiritual superiority</em> of the wide East. The Synedrion in +Jerusalem might possess unchallenged religious authority, but politically, and +therefore historically, the power of the Resh Galutha was a very different matter. +Christian and Jewish research alike have failed to perceive these things. +So far as I am aware, no one has noticed the important fact that the persecution +of Antiochus Epiphanes was directed not against “Jewry” but against Judea. +And this brings us to another fact, of still greater importance.</p> + +<p>The destruction of Jerusalem hits only a very small part of the nation, one +moreover that was spiritually and politically by far the least important. It is +not true that the Jewish people has lived “in the Dispersion” since that day, for +it had lived for centuries (and so too had the Persian and others) in a form which +was independent of country. On the other hand, we realize equally little the +impression made by this war upon the real Jewry which Judea thought of and +treated as an adjunct. The victory of the heathen and the ruin of the Sanctuary +was felt in the inmost soul,⁠<a id="FNanchor_343" href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> + and in the crusade of 115⁠<a id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> a bitter revenge was +taken for it; but the ideal outraged and vindicated was the ideal of Jewry and +not that of Judaism. Zionism then, as in Cyrus’s day and in ours, was a reality +only for a quite small and spiritually narrow minority. If the calamity had been +really felt in the sense of a “loss of home” (as we figure it to ourselves with the +Western mind), a hundred opportunities after Marcus Aurelius’s time could have +been seized to win the city back. But that would have contradicted the Magian +sense of the nation, whose ideal organic form was the synagogue, the pure <i>consensus</i>—like +the early Catholic “visible Church” and like Islam—and it was +precisely the annihilation of Judea and the clan spirit of Judea that <em>for the +first time completely actualized this ideal</em>.</p> + +<p>For Vespasian’s War, directed against Judea, was a liberation of Jewry. +In the first place, it ended both the claim of the people of this petty district to be +the genuine nation, and the pretensions of their bald spirituality to equivalence +with the soul-life of the whole. The research, the scholasticism, and the +mysticism of the Oriental academies entered into possession of their rights; +so, for instance, the judge Karna—the contemporary, more or less, of Ulpian +and Papinian—formulated at the academy of Nehardea the first code of civil +law.⁠<a id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> In the second place, it rescued this religion from the dangers of that +pseudomorphosis to which Christianity in that same period was succumbing. +Since 200 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> there had existed a half-Hellenistic Jewish literature. The +<span class="pagenum" id="p211">[211]</span>“Preacher” (Ecclesiastes, Koheleth) contains Pyrrhonic ideas.⁠<a id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> + The Wisdom +of Solomon, 2 Maccabees, Theodotion, the Aristeas Letter, etc., follow; there +are things like the Menander collection of Maxims, as to which it is impossible +to say whether they ought to be regarded as Jewish or as Greek. There were, +about 160, high priests who were so Hellenistic in spirit that they combated the +Jewish religion, and later there were rulers like Hyrcanus and Herod who did the +same by political methods. This danger came to an end instantly and for good +in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 70.</p> + +<p>In the time of Jesus there were in Jerusalem three tendencies which can be +described as generally Aramæan, represented respectively by the Pharisees, the +Sadducees, and the Essenes. Although the connotations of these names varied, +and although both in Christian and in Jewish research most diverse views are +held about them, it may at any rate be said that the first of these tendencies +is found in greatest purity in Judaism, the second in Chaldeanism, the third in +Hellenism.⁠<a id="FNanchor_347" href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> Essene is the rise of the cult (almost the Order) of Mithras in the +east of Asia Minor. The Sadducees, although in Jerusalem they appear as a +small and distinguished group—Josephus compares them with the Epicureans—are +thoroughly Aramæan in their apocalyptic and eschatological views, in +virtue of a certain element which makes them, so to say, the Dostoyevskis of +this Early period. They stand to the Pharisees in the relation of mysticism to +scholasticism, of John to Paul, of Bundahish to Vendidad⁠<a id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> in the Persian world. +The Apocalyptic is popular, and many of its traits are spiritually common property +throughout the Aramæan world; the Talmudic and Avestan Pharisaism +is exclusive and tries to rule out every other religion with uncompromising +rigour.</p> + +<p>The Essenes appear in Jerusalem as a monastic order like the Neopythagoreans. +They possessed secret texts.⁠<a id="FNanchor_349" href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> In the broad sense they are representative +of the Pseudomorphosis, and in consequence they disappear from Jewry completely +after <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 70, while precisely in this period Christian literature was becoming +purely Greek—not in the least of the causes of this being that the +Hellenized Western Jews left Judaism to retreat into its East, and gradually +adopted Christianity.</p> + +<p>But also Apocalyptic, which is an expression-form of townless and town-fearing +mankind, soon came to an end within the Synagogue, after a last wonderful +reaction to the stimulus of the great catastrophe.⁠<a id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> When it had become +evident that the teaching of Jesus would lead not to a reform of Judaism, +<span class="pagenum" id="p212">[212]</span>but to a new religion, and when, about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 100, the daily imprecation-formula +against the Jew-Christians was introduced, Apocalyptic for the short remainder +of its existence resided in the young Church.</p> + + +<h3 id="VI_4"> + VI +</h3> + +<p>The incomparable thing which lifted the infant Christianity out above all +religions of this rich Springtime is the figure of Jesus. In all the great creations +of those years there is nothing which can be set beside it. Tame and empty all +the legends and holy adventures of Mithras, Attis, and Osiris must have seemed +to any man reading or listening to the still recent story of Jesus’s sufferings—the +last journey to Jerusalem, the last anxious supper, the hours of despair in +Gethsemane, and the death on the cross.</p> + +<p>Here was no matter of philosophy. Jesus’s utterances, which stayed in the +memory of many of the devoted, even in old age, are those of a child in the +midst of an alien, aged, and sick world. They are not sociological observations, +problems, debatings. Like a quiet island of bliss was the life of these fishermen +and craftsmen by the Lake of Gennesareth in the midst of the age of the great +Tiberius, far from all world-history and innocent of all the doings of actuality, +while round them glittered the Hellenistic towns with their theatres and temples, +their refined Western society, their noisy mob-diversions, their Roman cohorts, +their Greek philosophy. When the friends and disciples of the sufferer had +grown grey and his brother was president of their group in Jerusalem, they put +together, from the sayings and narratives generally current in their small communities, +a biography so arresting in its inward appeal that it evolved a presentation-form +of its own, of which neither the Classical nor the Arabian Culture +has any example—the Gospel. Christianity is the one religion in the history +of the world in which the fate of a man of the immediate present has become the +emblem and the central point of the whole creation.</p> + +<p>A strange excitement, like that which the Germanic world experienced +about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1000, ran in those days through the whole Aramæan land. The +Magian soul was awakened. That element which lay in the prophetic religions +like a presentiment, and expressed itself in Alexander’s time in metaphysical +outlines, came now to the state of fulfilment. And this fulfilment awakened, +in indescribable strength, the primitive feeling of Fear. The birth of the Ego, +and of the world-anxiety with which it is identical, is one of the final secrets +of humanity and of mobile life generally. In front of the Microcosm there +stands up a Macrocosm wide and overpowering, an abyss of alien, dazzling +existence and activity that frightens the small lonely ego back into itself. +Even in the blackest hours of life no adult experiences fear like the fear which +sometimes overpowers a child in the crisis of awakening. Over the dawn of +the new Culture likewise lay this deathly anxiety. In this early morning of +Magian world-feeling, timorous and hesitant and ignorant of itself, young +<span class="pagenum" id="p213">[213]</span>eyes saw the end of the world at hand—it is the first thought in which every +Culture to this day has come to knowledge of itself. All but the shallower +souls trembled before revelations, miracles, glimpses into the very fundament of +things. Men now lived and thought only in apocalyptic images. Actuality +became appearance. Strange and terrifying visions were told mysteriously by +one to another, read out from fantastic veiled texts, and seized at once with an +immediate inward certainty. These writings travelled from community to +community, village to village, and it is quite impossible to assign them to any +one particular religion.⁠<a id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a> Their colouring is Persian, Chaldean, Jewish, but they +have absorbed all that was circulating in men’s minds. Whereas the canonical +books are national, the apocalyptic literature is international in the literal +sense of the word. It is there, and no one seems to have composed it. Its +content is fluid—to-day it reads thus and to-morrow otherwise. But this +does not mean that it is a “poetry”—it is not.⁠<a id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a> These creations resemble the +terrible figures of the Romanesque cathedral-porches in France, which also are +not “art,” but fear turned into stone. Everyone knows those angels and devils, +the ascent to heaven and descent to hell of divine Essence, the Second Adam, +the Envoy of God, the Redeemer of the last days, the Son of Man, the eternal +city, and the last judgment.⁠<a id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> In the alien cities and the high positions of strict +Judaic and Persian priesthoods the different doctrines might be tangibly +defined and argued about, but below in the mass of the people there was practically +no specific religion, but a general Magian religiousness which filled all +souls and attached itself to glimpses and visions of every conceivable origin. +The Last Day was at hand. Men expected it and knew that on that day “He” +of whom all these revelations spoke would appear. Prophets arose. More and +more new communities and groups gathered, believing themselves to have +found either a better understanding of the traditional religion, or the true +religion itself. In this time of amazing, ever-increasing tension, and in the +very years around Jesus’s birth-year, there arose, besides endless communities +and sects, another redemption-religion, the Mandæan, as to which we know +<span class="pagenum" id="p214">[214]</span>nothing of founder or origins. In spite of its hatred of the Judaism of Jerusalem +and its definite preference for the Persian idea of redemption, the Mandæan +religion seems to have stood very close to the popular beliefs of Syrian Jewry. +One after another, pieces of its wonderful documents are becoming available, +and they consistently show us a “Him,” a Son of Man, a Redeemer who is +sent down into the depths, who himself must be redeemed and is the goal of +man’s expectations. In the Book of John, the Father high upraised in the House +of Fulfilment, bathed in light, says to his only begotten Son: “My Son, be to +me an ambassador; go into the world of darkness, where no ray of light is.” +And the Son calls up to him: “Father, in what have I sinned that thou hast +sent me into the darkness?” And finally: “Without sin did I ascend and there +was no sin and defect in me.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a></p> + +<p>All the characters of the great prophetic religions and of the whole store of +profound glimpses and visions later collected into apocalypses are seen here as +foundations. Of Classical thought and feeling not a breath reached this Magian +underworld. No doubt the beginnings of the new religion are lost irrevocably. +But <em>one</em> historical figure of Mandæanism stands forth with startling distinctness, +as tragic in his purpose and his downfall as Jesus himself—John the Baptist.⁠<a id="FNanchor_355" href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> +He, almost emancipated from Judaism, and filled with as mighty a hatred of +the Jerusalem spirit as that of primitive Russia for Petersburg, preached the +end of the world and the coming of the Barnasha, the Son of Man, <em>who is no +longer the longed-for national Messiah of the Jews</em>, but the bringer of the world-conflagration.⁠<a id="FNanchor_356" href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> +To him came Jesus and was his disciple.⁠<a id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> He was thirty years +old when the awakening came over him. Thenceforth the apocalyptic, and in +particular the Mandæan, thought-world filled his whole being. The other +world of historical actuality lying round him was to him as something sham, +alien, void of significance. That “He” would now come and make an end +<span class="pagenum" id="p215">[215]</span>of this unreal reality was his magnificent certainty, and like his master John, +he stepped forth as its herald. Even now we can see, in the oldest Gospels that +were embodied into the New Testament, gleams of this period in which he was, +in his consciousness, nothing but a prophet.⁠<a id="FNanchor_358" href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a></p> + +<p>But there was a moment in his life when an inkling, and then high certainty, +came over him—“Thou art thyself It!” It was a secret that he at first hardly +admitted to himself, and only later imparted to his nearest friends and companions, +who thereafter shared with him, in all stillness, the blessed mission, +till finally they dared to reveal the truths before all the world by the momentous +journey to Jerusalem. If there is anything at all that clouds the complete purity +and honour of his thought, it is that doubt as to whether he has deceived himself +which from time to time seizes him, and of which, later, his disciples told +quite frankly. He comes to his home. The village crowds to him, recognizes +the former carpenter who left his work, is angered. The family—mother +and all the brothers and sisters—are ashamed of him and would have arrested +him. And with all these familiar eyes upon him he was confused and felt the +magic power depart from him (Mark vi). In Gethsemane doubts of his mission⁠<a id="FNanchor_359" href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> +mingled themselves in the terrible fear of coming things, and even on the +cross men heard the anguished cry that God had forsaken him.</p> + +<p>Even in these last hours he lived entirely in the form of his own apocalyptic +world, which alone was ever real to him. What to the Roman sentries standing +below him was reality was for him an object of helpless wonder, an illusion +that might at any moment without warning vanish into nothingness. He +possessed the pure and unadulterated soul of the townless land. The life of the +cities and their spirit were to him utterly alien. Did he really see the semi-Classical +Jerusalem, into which he rode as the Son of Man, and understand +its historical nature? This is what thrills us in the last days—and the collision +of facts with truths, of two worlds that will never understand one another, and +his entire incomprehension of what was happening about him.</p> + +<p>So he went, proclaiming his message without reservation, through his +country. But this country was Palestine. He was born in the Classical Empire +and lived under the eyes of the Judaism of Jerusalem, and when his soul, fresh +from the awful revelation of its mission, looked about, it was confronted by the +actuality of the Roman State and that of Pharisaism. His repugnance for the +stiff and selfish ideal of the latter, which he shared with all Mandæanism and +doubtless with the peasant Jewry of the wide East, is the hall-mark of all his +discourses from first to last. It angered him that this wilderness of cold-hearted +formulæ was reputed to be the only way to salvation. Still, thus far it was only +<span class="pagenum" id="p216">[216]</span>another kind of piety that his conviction was asserting against Rabbinical logic. +Thus far it is only the Law versus the Prophets.</p> + +<p>But when Jesus was taken before Pilate, then <em>the world of facts and the world of +truths were face to face in immediate and implacable hostility</em>. It is a scene appallingly +distinct and overwhelming in its symbolism, such as the world’s history had +never before and has never since looked at. The discord that lies at the root of +all mobile life from its beginning, in virtue of its very <em>being</em>, of its having both +existence <em>and</em> awareness, took here the highest form that can possibly be conceived +of human tragedy. In the famous question of the Roman Procurator: +“What is truth?”—the one word that is race-pure in the whole Greek Testament—lies +<em>the entire meaning of history</em>, the exclusive validity of the deed, the +prestige of the State and war and blood, the all-powerfulness of success and the +pride of eminent fitness. Not indeed the mouth, but the silent feeling of Jesus +answers this question by that other which is decisive in all things of religion—<em>What +is actuality?</em> For Pilate actuality was all; for him nothing. Were it +anything, indeed, pure religiousness could never stand up against history and +the powers of history, or sit in judgment on active life; or if it does, it ceases to +be religion and is subjected itself to the spirit of history.</p> + +<p><em>My kingdom is not of this world.</em> This is the final word which admits of no +gloss and on which each must check the course wherein birth and nature have +set him. A being that makes use of a waking-consciousness, or a waking-consciousness +which subjects being to itself; pulsation or tension, blood or +intellect, history or nature, politics or religion—here it is one or the other, +there is no honest way of compromise. A statesman can be deeply religious, a +pious man can die for his country—but they must, both, know on which +side they are really standing. The born politician despises the inward thought-processes +of the ideologue and ethical philosopher in a world of fact—and +rightly. For the believer, all ambition and succession of the historical world +are sinful and without lasting value—he, too, is right. A ruler who wishes +to improve religion in the direction of political, practical purposes is a fool. +A sociologist-preacher who tries to bring truth, righteousness, peace, and +forgiveness into the world of actuality is a fool also. No faith yet has altered +the world, and no fact can ever rebut a faith. There is no bridge between directional +Time and timeless Eternity, between the <em>course</em> of history and the <em>existence</em> +of a divine world-order, in the structure of which the word “providence” +or “dispensation” denotes the form of causality. <em>This is the final meaning of the +moment in which Jesus and Pilate confronted one another.</em> In the one world, the +historical, the Roman caused the Galilean to be crucified—that was his Destiny. +In the other world, Rome was cast for perdition and the Cross became +the pledge of Redemption—that was the “will of God.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p217">[217]</span></p> + +<p><em>Religion is metaphysic and nothing else—“Credo quia absurdum”</em>—and this +metaphysic is not the metaphysic of knowledge, argument, proof (which is +mere philosophy or learnedness), but <em>lived and experienced</em> metaphysic—that is, +the unthinkable as a certainty, the supernatural as a fact, life as existence in a +world that is non-actual, but true. Jesus never lived one moment in any other +world but this. He was no moralizer, and to see in moralizing the final aim of +religion is to be ignorant of what religion is. Moralizing is nineteenth-century +Enlightenment, humane Philistinism. To ascribe social purposes to Jesus is a +blasphemy. His occasional utterances of a social kind, so far as they are +authentic and not merely attributed sayings, tend merely to edification. They +contain nothing whatever of new doctrine, and they include proverbs of the +sort then in general currency. His <em>teaching</em> was the proclamation, nothing but +the proclamation, of those Last Things with whose images he was constantly +filled, the dawn of the New Age, the advent of heavenly envoys, the last judgment, +a new heaven and a new earth.⁠<a id="FNanchor_361" href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> Any other conception of religion was +never in Jesus, nor in any truly deep-feeling period of history. <em>Religion is, first and +last, metaphysic</em>, other-worldliness (<i lang="de">Jenseitigkeit</i>), awareness in a world of which +the evidence of the senses merely lights the foreground. It is life in and with +the supersensible. And where the capacity for this awareness, or even the +capacity for believing in its existence, is wanting, real religion is at an end. +“My kingdom is <em>not</em> of this world,” and only he who can look into the depths +that this flash illumines can comprehend the voices that come out of them. +It is the Late, city periods that, no longer capable of seeing into depths, have +turned the remnants of religiousness upon the external world and replaced +religion by humanities, and metaphysic by moralization and social ethics.</p> + +<p>In Jesus we have the direct opposite. “Give unto Cæsar the things that are +Cæsar’s” means: “Fit yourselves to the powers of the fact-world, be patient, +suffer, and ask it not whether they are ‘just.’” What alone matters is the +salvation of the soul. “Consider the lilies” means: “Give no heed to riches +<em>and poverty</em>, for both fetter the soul to cares of this world.” “Man cannot +serve both God and Mammon”—by Mammon is meant the <em>whole</em> of actuality. +It is shallow, and it is cowardly, to argue away the grand significance of this +demand. Between working for the increase of one’s own riches, and working +for the social ease of everyone, he would have felt no difference whatever. +When wealth affrighted him, when the primitive community in Jerusalem—which +<span class="pagenum" id="p218">[218]</span>was a strict Order and not a socialist club—rejected ownership, it was +the most direct opposite of “social” sentiment that moved them. Their conviction +was, not that the visible state of things was all, but that it was nothing: +that it rested not on appreciation of comfort in this world, but on unreserved +contempt of it. Something, it is true, must always exist to be set against and to +nullify worldly fortune, and so we come back to the contrast of Tolstoi and +Dostoyevski. Tolstoi, the townsman and Westerner, saw in Jesus only a social +reformer, and in his metaphysical impotence—like the whole civilized West, +which can only think about <em>distributing</em>, never <em>renouncing</em>—elevated primitive +Christianity to the rank of a social revolution. Dostoyevski, who was poor, +but in certain hours almost a saint, never thought about social ameliorations—of +what profit would it have been to a man’s <em>soul</em> to abolish <em>property</em>?</p> + + +<h3 id="VII_2"> + VII +</h3> + +<p>Amongst Jesus’s friends and disciples, stunned as they were by the appalling +outcome of the journey to Jerusalem, there spread after a few days the news of +his resurrection and reappearance. The impression of this news on such souls +and in such a time can never be more than partially echoed in the sensibilities +of a Late mankind. It meant the actual fulfilment of all the Apocalyptic of that +Magian Springtime—the end of the present æon marked by the ascension of the +redeemed Redeemer, the second Adam, the Saoshyant, Enosh, Barnasha, or +whatever other name man attached to “Him,” into the light-realm of the +Father. And therewith the foretold future, the new world-æon, “the Kingdom +of Heaven,” became immediately present. They felt themselves at the +decisive point in the history of redemption.</p> + +<p>This certainty completely transformed the world-outlook of the little +circles. “His” teachings, as they had flowed from his mild and noble nature—his +inner feeling of the relation between God and man and of the high meaning +of the times, and were exhaustively comprised in and defined by the word +“love”—fell into the background, and their place was taken by the <em>teaching +of Him</em>. As the Arisen he became for his disciples a new figure, in and of the +Apocalyptic, and (what was more) its most important and final figure. But +therewith their image of the future took form as an image of memory. Now, +this was something of quite decisive importance, unheard-of in the world of +Magian thought—the transference of an actuality, lived and experienced, on +to the plane of the high story itself. The Jews (amongst them the young Paul) +and the Mandæans (amongst them the disciples of John the Baptist) fought +against it with passion and made of Jesus a “False Messiah” such as had been +spoken of in the earliest Persian texts.⁠<a id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a> For them “He” was still to come from +afar; for the little community “He” had already been—had they not seen +him and lived with him? We have to enter into this conception unreservedly +<span class="pagenum" id="p219">[219]</span>if we are to appreciate the enormous superiority it had in those times. Instead +of an uncertain glimpse into the distance,⁠<a id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> a compelling present; instead of +fearful waiting for a liberating certainty, instead of a saga, a lived and shared +human destiny—truly they were “glad tidings” that were proclaimed.</p> + +<p>But to whom? Even in the first days the question arose which decided the +whole Destiny of the new revelation. Jesus and his friends were Jews by birth, +but they did not belong to the land of Judea. Here in Jerusalem men looked +for the Messiah of their old sacred books, a Messiah who was to appear for +the “Jewish people,” in the old tribal sense, and only for them. But all the +rest of the Aramæan world waited upon the Saviour of the <em>world</em>, the Redeemer +and Son of Man, the figure of all apocalyptic literature, whether written out in +Jewish, Persian, Chaldean, or Mandæan terms.⁠<a id="FNanchor_364" href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> In the one view the death and +resurrection of Jesus were merely local events; in the other they betokened a +world-change. For, while everywhere else the Jews were a Magian nation +without home or unity of birth, Jerusalem held firmly to the tribal idea. The +conflict was not one between “preaching to the Jews” and “preaching to the +Gentiles”—it went far deeper. The word “mission” had essentially here a +twofold meaning. In the Judaic view there was essentially no need for recruiting—quite +the reverse, as it was a contradiction to the Messiah-idea. +The words “tribe” and “mission” are reciprocally exclusive. The members +of the Chosen People, and in particular the priesthood, had merely to convince +<em>themselves</em> that their longing was now fulfilled. But to the Magian nation, +based on <i>consensus</i> or community of feeling, what the Resurrection conveyed was +a full and definitive truth, and consensus in the matter of this truth gave the +<em>principle of the true nation</em>, which must necessarily expand till it had taken in all +older and conceptually incomplete principles. “A Shepherd and his sheep” +was the formula of the new world-nation. The nation of the Redeemer was +identical with mankind. When, therefore, we survey the early history of +this Culture, we see that the controversy in the Apostles’ Council⁠<a id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> had been +already decided, five hundred years before, by facts. Post-exilic Jewry (with +the sole exception of self-contained Judea) had, like the Persians, Chaldeans, +and others, recruited widely amongst the heathen, from Turkestan to inner +Africa, regardless of home and origin. As to this there is now no controversy. +It never at any time entered the heads of this community to be anything but +<span class="pagenum" id="p220">[220]</span>what it really was. It was itself already the result of <em>a national existence in dispersion</em>. +In utter contrast to the old-Jewish texts—which were a carefully +preserved treasure, and of which the right interpretation, the Halakha, was +reserved by the Rabbis to themselves—the apocalyptic literature was written +so that it could reach all the souls to be wakened, and interpreted so that it +might strike home in everyone.</p> + +<p>It is easy to see which of these conceptions was that of Jesus’s oldest friends, +for they established themselves as a community of the Last Days in Jerusalem +and frequented the Temple. For these simple folk—amongst them his brothers, +who erstwhile had openly rejected him, and his mother, who now believed +in her executed Son⁠<a id="FNanchor_366" href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a>—the power of the Judaic tradition was even stronger +than the spirit of Apocalypse. In their object of convincing the Jews they failed +(although at first even Pharisees came over to them) and so they remained as +one of the numerous sects within Judaism, and their product, the “Confession +of Peter,” may fairly be characterized as an express assertion that they themselves +were the true Jewry and the Synedrion the false.⁠<a id="FNanchor_367" href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a></p> + +<p>The final destiny of this circle⁠<a id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a> was to fall into oblivion when, as very +soon happened, the whole world of Magian thought and feeling responded to +the new apocalyptic teaching. Amongst the later disciples of Jesus were many +who were definitely and purely Magian, and wholly free from the Pharisaic +spirit. Long before Paul, they had tacitly settled the mission question. Not +to preach, for them, was not to live at all, and presently they had assembled, +everywhere from the Tigris to the Tiber, small circles in which the figure of +Jesus, in every conceivable presentation, merged with the mass of prior visions.⁠<a id="FNanchor_369" href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a> +Out of this, a new discord arose, as between mission to the heathen and mission +to the Jews, and this was far more important than the conflict between Judea +and the world on issues already decided. Jesus had lived in Galilee. Was his +teaching to look west or east? Was it to be a Jesus-cult or an Order of the +Saviour? Was it to seek intimacy with the Persian or with the Syncretic +Church, both of which were in process of formation?</p> + +<p>This was the question decided by Paul—the first great personality in the +new movement, and the first who had the sense not only of truths, but of facts. +<span class="pagenum" id="p221">[221]</span>As a young rabbi from the West, and a pupil of one of the most famous of the +Tannaim, he had persecuted the Christians qua Jewish sectaries. Then, after +an awakening of the sort that often happened in those days, he turned to the +numerous small cult-communities of the West and forged out of them a Church +of <em>his own</em> modelling: so that thenceforward, the Pagan and the Christian cult-Churches +evolved in parallel, and with constant reciprocal action, up to Iamblichus +and Athanasius (about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 330). In the presence of this great ideal, +Paul had for the Jesus-communities of Jerusalem a scarcely veiled contempt. +There is nothing in the New Testament more express and exact than the beginning +of the Epistle to the Galatians; his activity is a self-assumed task; +he has taught how it pleased him and he has built how it pleased him. Finally, +after fourteen years, he goes to Jerusalem in order, by force of his superior +mentality, his success, and his effective independence of the old comrades of +Jesus, to compel them there to agree that his, Paul’s, creation contained the +true doctrine. Peter and his people, alien to actualities, failed to seize and +appreciate the far-reaching significance of the discussion. And from that +moment the primitive community was superfluous.</p> + +<p>Paul was a rabbi in intellect and an apocalyptic in feeling. He recognized +Judaism, but as a <em>preliminary</em> development. And thus there came to be two +Magian religions with the same Scriptures (namely, the Old Testament), but a +double Halakha, the one setting towards the Talmud—developed by the +Tannaim at Jerusalem from 300 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> onwards—and the other, founded by +Paul and completed by the Fathers, in the direction of the Gospel. But, further, +Paul drew together the whole fullness of Apocalypse and salvation-yearning +then circulating in these fields⁠<a id="FNanchor_370" href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> into a salvation-<em>certainty</em>, the certainty immediately +revealed to him and to him <em>alone</em> near Damascus. “<em>Jesus is the Redeemer +and Paul is his Prophet</em>”—this is the whole content of his message. +The analogy with Mohammed could scarcely be closer. They differed neither +in the nature of the awakening, nor in prophetic self-assuredness, nor in the +consequent assertion of sole authority and unconditional truth for their respective +expositions.</p> + +<p>With Paul, urban man and his “intelligence” come on the scene. The +others, though they might know Jerusalem or Antioch, never grasped the +essence of these cities. They lived soil-bound, rural, wholly soul and feeling. +But now there appeared a spirit that had grown up in the great cities of Classical +cast, that could only live in cities, that neither understood nor respected the +peasant’s countryside. An understanding was possible with Philo, but with +<span class="pagenum" id="p222">[222]</span>Peter never. Paul was the first by whom the Resurrection-experience was +<em>seen as a problem</em>; the ecstatic awe of the young countryman changed in his brain +into a conflict of spiritual principles. For what a contrast!—the struggle of +Gethsemane, and the hour of Damascus: Child and Man, soul-anguish and +intellectual decision, self-devotion to death and resolve to change sides! Paul +had begun by seeing in the new Jewish sect a danger to the Pharisaism of +Jerusalem; now, suddenly, he comprehended that the Nazarenes “were right”—a +phrase that is inconceivable on the lips of Jesus—and took up their cause +against Judaism, thereby setting up as an <em>intellectual quantity</em> that which had +previously consisted in the knowledge of an experience. An intellectual +quantity—but in making his cause into this he unwittingly drove it close to +the other intellectual powers, <em>the cities of the West</em>. In the ambiance of pure +Apocalyptic there is no “intellect.” For the old comrades it was simply not +possible to understand him in the least—and mournfully and doubtfully +they must have looked at him while he was addressing them. Their living +image of Jesus (whom Paul had never seen) paled in this bright, hard light of +concepts and propositions. Thenceforward the holy memory faded into a +Scholastic system. But Paul had a perfectly exact feeling for the true home of +his ideas. His missionary journeys were all directed westward, and the East he +ignored. <em>He never left the domain of the Classical city.</em> Why did he go to Rome, +to Corinth, and not to Edessa or Ctesiphon? And why was it that he worked +<em>only in the cities, and never from village to village?</em></p> + +<p>That things developed thus was due to Paul <em>alone</em>. In the face of his practical +energy the feelings of all the rest counted for nothing, and so the young Church +took the urban and Western tendency decisively, so decisively that later it could +describe the remaining heathen as “<i>pagani</i>,” country-folk. Thus arose an +immense danger that only youth and vernal force enabled the growing Church +to repel; the fellah-world of the Classical cities grasped at it with both hands, +and the marks of that grasp are visible to-day. But—how remote already +from the essence of Jesus, whose entire life had been bound to country and the +country-folk! The Pseudomorphosis in which he was born he had simply not +noticed; his soul contained not the smallest trace of its influence—and now, +a generation after him, probably within the lifetime of his mother, that which +had grown up out of his death had already become a centre of formative purpose +for that Pseudomorphosis. The Classical City was soon the only theatre +of ritual and dogmatic evolution. Eastward the community extended only furtively +and unobtrusively.⁠<a id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a> About <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 100 there were already Christians beyond +the Tigris, but as far as the development of the Church was concerned they and +their beliefs might almost have been non-existent.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p223">[223]</span></p> + +<p>It was a second creation, then, that came out of Paul’s immediate entourage, +and it was this creation that, essentially, defined the form of the new Church. +The personality and the story of Jesus cried aloud to be put into poetic form, +and yet it is due to one man alone, Mark, that Gospels came into existence at +all.⁠<a id="FNanchor_372" href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> What Paul and Mark had before them was a firm tradition in the community, +<em>the</em> “Gospel,” a continued and propagated hearsay, supported by +formless and insignificant notes in Aramaic and Greek, but in no way set out. +In any case, of course, serious documents would have come into existence some +time or another, but their natural form as products of the spirit of those who +had <em>lived</em> with Jesus (and of the spirit of the East generally) would have been a +canonical collection of his sayings, amplified, conclusively defined, and provided +with an exegesis by the Councils and pivoting upon the Second Advent. But +any tentatives in this direction were completely broken off by the Gospel of +Mark, which was written down about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 65, at the same time as the last +Pauline Epistles, and, like them, in Greek. The writer had no suspicion, perhaps, +of the significance of his little work, but it made him one of the supremely +important personalities not only of Christianity, but of the Arabian Culture +generally. All older attempts vanished, leaving writings in Gospel-form as the +sole sources concerning Jesus. (So much so that “<i>Evangelium</i>,” from signifying +the content of glad tidings, came to mean the form itself.) The work was the +outcome of the wishes of Pauline, literate, circles that had never heard any one +of Jesus’s companions discourse about him. It is <em>an apocalyptic life-picture from a +distance</em>; lived experience is replaced by narrative, and narrative so plain and +straightforward that the apocalyptic tendency passes quite unperceived.⁠<a id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a> +And yet Apocalyptic is its condition precedent. It is not the words of Jesus, but +the doctrine of Jesus in the Pauline form, that constitutes the substance of +Mark. The first Christian book emanates from the Pauline creation. But very +soon the latter itself becomes unthinkable without the book and its successors.</p> + +<p>For presently there arose something which Paul, the born schoolman, +had never intended, but which nevertheless had been made inevitable by the +tendency of his work—the <em>cult-church of Christian nationality</em>. While the +Syncretic creed-community, in proportion as it attained to consciousness of +itself, drew the innumerable old city-cults and the new Magian together and +by means of a supreme cult endowed the structure with henotheistic form, the +Jesus-cult of the oldest Western communities was so long dissected and enriched +that it also came to consist of just such another mass of cults.⁠<a id="FNanchor_374" href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a> Around the +<span class="pagenum" id="p224">[224]</span>birth of Jesus, of which the Disciples knew nothing, grew up a story of his +childhood. In the Mark Gospel it has not yet come into existence. Already +in the old Persian apocalyptic, indeed, the Saoshyant as Saviour of the Last +Day was said to be born of a virgin. But the new western myth was of quite +other significance and had incalculable consequences. For within the Pseudomorphosis-region +there arose presently beside Jesus a figure to which he was +Son, which transcended his figure—that of the Mother of God. She, like her +Son, was a simple human destiny of such arresting and attractive force that she +towered above all the hundred and one Virgins and Mothers of Syncretism—Isis, +Tanit, Cybele, Demeter—and all the mysteries of birth and pain, and +finally drew them into herself. For Irenæus she is the Eve of a new mankind. +Origen champions her continued virginity. By giving birth to Redeemer-God +it is <em>she</em> really who has redeemed the world. Mary the “Theotokos” (she +who bare God) was the great stumbling-block for the Christians outside the +Classical frontier, and it was the doctrinal developments of this idea that led +Monophysites and Nestorians to break away and re-establish the pure Jesus-religion.⁠<a id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> +But the Faustian Culture, again, when it awoke and needed a symbol +whereby to express its primary feeling for Infinity in time and to manifest its +sense of the succession of generations, <em>set up the “Mater Dolorosa” and not the +suffering Redeemer</em> as the pivot of the German-Catholic Christianity of the Gothic +age; and for whole centuries of bright fruitful inwardness this woman-figure +was the very synthesis of Faustian world-feeling and the object of all art, +poetry, and piety. Even to-day in the ritual and the prayers of the Roman +Catholic Church, and above all in the thoughts of its people, Jesus takes second +place after the Madonna.⁠<a id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a></p> + +<p>Along with the Mary-cult there arose the innumerable cults of the saints, +which certainly exceeded in number those of the antique place-gods; when the +Pagan Church finally expired, the Christian had been able to absorb the whole +store of local cults in the form of the veneration of saints.</p> + +<p>Paul and Mark were decisive in yet another matter of inestimably wide +import. It was a result of Paul’s mission that, contrary to all the initial probabilities, +Greek became the language of the Church and—following the lead +of the first Gospel—of a sacred <em>Greek</em> literature. Let the reader consider what +this meant, in one way and another. The Jesus Church was artificially separated +from its spiritual origins and attached to an alien and scholarly element. Touch +with the folk-spirit of the Aramæan motherland was lost. Thenceforward +both the cult-Churches possessed the same language, the same conceptual +<span class="pagenum" id="p225">[225]</span>traditions, the same book-literature from the same schools. The far less sophisticated +Aramaic literatures of the East—the truly Magian, written and +thought in the language of Jesus and his companions—were cut off from cooperating +in the life of the Church. They could not be read, they dropped out +of sight, and finally they were forgotten altogether. After all, notwithstanding +that the Persian Scriptures were set down in Avestan and the Jewish in Hebrew, +the language of their authors and exegetes; the language of the whole Apocalyptic +from which the teachings of Jesus, and secondarily the teachings +about Jesus, sprang; the language, lastly, of the scholars of all the Mesopotamian +universities—was Aramaic. All this vanished from the field of view, +to be replaced by Plato and Aristotle, both of whom were taken up, worked +upon in common, and misunderstood in common by the Schoolmen of the two +cult-Churches.</p> + +<p>A final step in this direction was attempted by a man who was the equal +of Paul in organizing talent and greatly his superior in intellectual creativeness, +but who was inferior to him in the feeling for possibilities and actualities, and +consequently failed to achieve his grandly conceived schemes—Marcion.⁠<a id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a> +He saw in Paul’s creation and its consequences only the basis on which to +found the true religion of salvation. He was sensible of the absurdity of two +religions that were unreservedly at war with one another possessing the same +Holy Writ—namely, the <em>Jewish</em> canon. To us to-day it seems almost inconceivable +that this should have been, but in fact it was so, for a century—but +we have to remember what a sacred text meant in every kind of Magian religiousness. +In these texts Marcion saw the real “conspiracy against the +truth” and the most urgent danger for the doctrines intended by Jesus and, +in his view, not yet actualized. Paul the prophet had declared the Old Testament +as fulfilled and concluded—Marcion the founder pronounced it defeated +and cancelled. He strove to cut out everything Jewish, down to the last detail. +From end to end he was fighting nothing but Judaism. Like every true founder, +like every religiously creative period, like Zarathustra, the prophets of Israel, +like the Homeric Greeks, and like the Germans converted to Christianity, +he transformed the old gods into defeated powers.⁠<a id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> Jehovah as the Creator-God, +the Demiurge, is the “Just” <em>and therefore the Evil</em>: Jesus as the incarnation of the +Saviour-God in this evil creation is the “alien”—that is, the good Principle.⁠<a id="FNanchor_379" href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> +The foundation of Magian, and in particular Persian, feeling is perfectly unmistakable +here. Marcion came from Sinope, the old capital of that Mithradatic +<span class="pagenum" id="p226">[226]</span>Empire whose religion is indicated in the very name of its kings. Here +of old, too, the Mithras cult had originated.</p> + +<p>But to the new doctrine properly belonged new Scriptures. The “Law and +Prophets” which had hitherto been canonical for the whole of Christendom +was the <em>Bible of the Jewish God</em>, and in fact it had just been given final shape as +such by the Synedrion at Jabna. Thus, it was a Devil’s book that the Christian +had in his hands, and Marcion, therefore, now set up against it the Bible of the +Redeemer-God—likewise an assemblage and ordering of writings that had +hitherto been current in the community⁠<a id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a> as simple edification-books without +canonical claims. In place of the Torah he puts the—<em>one and true</em>—Gospel, +which he builds up uniformly out of various separate, and, in his view, corrupted +and falsified, Gospels. In place of the Israelite prophets he sets up the +Epistles of the <em>one prophet of Jesus</em>, who was Paul.</p> + +<p>Thus Marcion became the real creator of the New Testament. But for that +reason it is impossible to ignore the mysterious personage, closely related to +him, who not long before had written the Gospel “according to John.” The +intention of this writer was neither to amplify nor to supersede the Gospels +proper; what he did—and, unlike Mark, consciously did—was to create +something quite new, <em>the first sacred book</em> of Christianity, the Koran of the new +religion.⁠<a id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a> The book proves that this religion was already conceived of as something +complete and enduring. The idea of the immediately impending end of +the world, with which Jesus was filled through and through and which even +Paul and Mark in a measure shared, lies far behind “John” and Marcion. +Apocalyptic is at an end, and Mysticism is beginning. Their content is not +the teaching of Jesus, nor even the Pauline teaching about Jesus, but the enigma +of the universe, the World-Cavern. There is here no question of a Gospel; +not the figure of the Redeemer, but the principle of the Logos, is the meaning +and the means of happening. The childhood story is rejected again; a god is +not “born,” he is “there,” and wanders in human form over the earth. And +this god is a Trinity—God, the Spirit of God, the Word of God. This sacred +book of earliest Christianity contains, for the first time, the Magian problem +of “Substance,” which dominated the following centuries to the exclusion of +everything else and finally led to the religion’s splitting up into three churches. +And—what is significant in more respects than one—the solution of that +problem to which “John” stands closest is that which the Nestorian East +stood for as the true one. It is, in virtue of the Logos idea (Greek though +<span class="pagenum" id="p227">[227]</span>the word happens to be) the “easternmost” of the Gospels, and presents Jesus, +emphatically not as the bringer of the final and total revelation, but as the +second envoy, who is to be <em>followed by a third</em> (the Comforter, Paraclete, of +John xiv, 16, 26; xv, 26). This is the astounding doctrine that Jesus himself +proclaims, and the decisive note of this enigmatic book. Here is unveiled, +quite suddenly, the faith of the Magian East. If the Logos does not go, the +Paraclete⁠<a id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> cannot come (John xvi, 7), but between them lies the last Æon, +the rule of Ahriman (xiv, 30). The Church of the Pseudomorphosis, ruled by +Pauline intellect, fought long against the John Gospel and gave it recognition +only when the offensive, darkly hinted doctrine had been covered over by a +Pauline interpretation. The real state of affairs is disclosed in the Montanist +movement (Asia Minor, 160) which harked back to oral tradition and proclaimed +in Montanus the manifested Paraclete and the end of the world. Its +popularity was immense. Tertullian went over to it at Carthage in 207. About +245 Mani,⁠<a id="FNanchor_383" href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> + who was intimately in touch with the currents of Eastern Christianity,⁠<a id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> +cast out the Pauline, human Jesus as a demon and confessed the Johannine +Logos as the true Jesus, but announced himself as the Paraclete of the +fourth Gospel. In Carthage, Augustine became a Manichæan, and it is a +highly suggestive fact that both movements finally fused with Marcionism.</p> + +<p>To return to Marcion himself, it was he who carried through the idea of +“John” and created a Christian Bible. And then, verging on old age, when the +communities of the extreme west recoiled from him in horror,⁠<a id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> he set out to +build the masterly structure of his own Redeemer-Church.⁠<a id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> From 156 to 190 this +was a power, and it was only in the following century that the older Church +succeeded in degrading the Marcionites to the rank of heretics. Even so, in the +broad East and as far out as Turkestan, it was still important at a much later +date, and it ended, in a way deeply significant of its essential feeling, by fusing +with the Manichæans.⁠<a id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a></p> + +<p>Nevertheless, though in the fullness of his conscious superiority he had +underestimated the <i lang="la">vis inertiæ</i> of existing conditions, his grand effort was not +in vain. He was, like Paul before him and Athanasius after him, the deliverer +of Christianity at a moment when it threatened to break up, and the grandeur +of his idea is in no wise diminished by the fact that union came about in opposition +to, instead of through, him. The early Catholic Church—that is, the +<em>Church of the Pseudomorphosis</em>—arose in its greatness only about 190, and then +<span class="pagenum" id="p228">[228]</span>it was in self-defence against the Church of Marcion and with the aid of an +organization taken from that Church. Further, it replaced Marcion’s Bible by +another of similar structure—Gospels and apostolic Epistles—which it +then proceeded to combine with the Law and the Prophets in one unit. And +finally, this act of linking the two Testaments having in itself settled the +Church’s attitude towards Judaism, it proceeded to combat Marcion’s third +creation, his Redeemer-doctrine, by making a start with a theology of its own +on the basis of <em>his</em> enunciation of the problem.</p> + +<p>This development, however, took place on Classical soil, and, therefore, +even the Church that arose in opposition to Marcion and his anti-Judaism +was looked upon by Talmudic Jewry (whose centre of gravity lay entirely in +Mesopotamia and its universities) as a mere piece of Hellenistic paganism. +The destruction of Jerusalem was a conclusive event that in the world of fact +no spiritual power could nullify. Such is the intimacy of inward relationship +between waking-consciousness, religion, and speech that the complete severance +after 70 of the Greek Pseudomorphosis and the Aramaic (that is, the truly +Arabian) region was bound to result in the formation of two distinct domains +of Magian religious development. On the Western margin of the young +Culture the Pagan cult-Church, the Jesus-Church (removed thither by Paul), +and the Greek-speaking Judaism of the Philo stamp were in point of language +and literature so interlocked that the last-named fell into Christianity even in +the first century, and Christianity and Hellenism combined to form a <em>common</em> +early philosophy. In the Aramaic-speaking world from the Orontes to the +Tigris, on the other hand, Judaism and Persism interacted constantly and intimately, +each creating in this period its own strict theology and scholastic in the +Talmud and the Avesta; and from the fourth century both these theologies exercised +<em>the most potent influence upon the Aramaic-speaking Christendom that resisted the +Pseudomorphosis</em>, so that finally it broke away in the form of the Nestorian Church.</p> + +<p>Here in the East the difference, inherent in every human waking-consciousness, +between sense-understanding and word-understanding—and, therefore +between eye and letter—led up to purely Arabian methods of mysticism and +scholasticism. The apocalyptic certainty, “Gnosis” in the first-century sense, +that Jesus intended to confer,⁠<a id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a> the divining contemplation and emotion, is that +of the Israelite prophets, the Gathas, Sufism, and we have it recognizable still +in Spinoza, in the Polish Messiah Baal Shem⁠<a id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> and in Mirza Ali Mohammed, +the enthusiast-founder of Bahaism, who was executed in Teheran in 1850. +The other way, “Paradosis,” is the characteristically Talmudic method of +word-exegesis, of which Paul was a master;⁠<a id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> it pervades all later Avestan +works, the Nestorian dialectic,⁠<a id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a> the entire theology of Islam alike.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p229">[229]</span></p> + +<p>On the other side, the Pseudomorphosis is single and whole both in its +Magian believing acceptance (Pistis) and its metaphysical introversion +(Gnosis).⁠<a id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> The Magian belief in its Westerly shape was formulated for the +Christians by Irenæus and, above all, by Tertullian, whose famous aphorism +“<i lang="la">Credo quia absurdum</i>” is the very summation of this certainty in belief. The +Pagan counterpart is Plotinus in his Enneads and even more so Porphyry in his +treatise <cite>On the Return of the Soul to God</cite>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a> But for the great schoolmen of the +Pagan Church too, there were Father (Nus), Son, and the middle Being, just +as already for Philo the Logos had been first-born Son and second God. Doctrines +concerning ecstasy, angels and demons, and the dual substance of soul +were freely current amongst them, and we see in Plotinus and Origen, both +pupils of the same master, that the scholasticism of the Pseudomorphosis +consisted in the development of Magian concepts and thoughts, by systematic +transvaluation of the texts of Plato and Aristotle.</p> + +<p>The characteristic <em>central idea of the whole thought of the Pseudomorphosis is the +Logos</em>,⁠<a id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> in use and development its faithful image. There is no possibility here +of any “Greek,” in the sense of Classical, influence; there was not a man alive +in those days whose spiritual disposition could have accommodated the smallest +trace of the Logos of Heraclitus and the Stoa. But, equally, the theologies +that lived side by side in Alexandria were never able to develop in full purity +the Logos-notion as they meant it, whereas both in Persian and Chaldean +imaginings—as Spirit or Word of God—and in Jewish doctrine—as Ruach +and Memra—it played a decisive part. What the Logos-teaching in the West +did was to develop a Classical formula, by way of Philo and the John Gospel +(the enduring effect of which on the West was its mark upon the schoolmen) +not only into an element of Christian mysticism, but, eventually, into a dogma.⁠<a id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a> +This was inevitable. This dogma which <em>both</em> the Western Churches held, +corresponded, on the side of knowledge, to that which, on the side of faith, was +represented <em>both by</em> the syncretic cults and the cults of Mary and the Saints. And +against the whole thing, dogma and cult, the feeling of the East revolted from +the 4th century on.</p> + +<p>For the eye the history of these thoughts and feelings is repeated in the +history of Magian architecture.⁠<a id="FNanchor_396" href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> <em>The basic form of the Pseudomorphosis is the +Basilica</em>, which was known to the Jews of the West and to the Hellenistic sects +of the Chaldeans even before the time of Christ. As the Logos of the John +Gospel is a Magian fundamental in Classical shape, so the Basilica is a Magian +<span class="pagenum" id="p230">[230]</span>room whose inner walls correspond to the outer surfaces of the old Classical +temple, the cult-building introverted. The architectural form of the pure +East is the <em>cupola building, the Mosque</em>, which without doubt existed long before +the oldest Christian Churches in the temples of the Persians and Chaldeans, +the synagogues of Mesopotamia, and probably the temples of Saba as well. +The attempts to reconcile East and West in the Church Councils of the Byzantine +period were finally symbolized in the mixed form of the domed basilica. +For this item of the history of ecclesiastical architecture is really another expression +of the great change that set in with Athanasius and Constantine, the +last great champions of Christianity. The one created the firm western dogma +and also Monasticism, into whose hands dogma gradually passed from those +of the ageing schools. The other founded the State of Christian nationality, +to which likewise the name of “Greek” passed in the end. And of this transition +the domed basilica is the symbol.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p231"></a><a id="p232"></a><a id="p233"></a>[233]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII"> + CHAPTER VIII + <br> + <span class="subtitle">PROBLEMS OF THE ARABIAN CULTURE + <br> + (B) + <br> + THE MAGIAN SOUL</span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>The world, as spread out for the Magian waking-consciousness, possesses a +kind of extension that may be called cavern-like,⁠<a id="FNanchor_397" href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> though it is difficult for +Western man to pick upon any word in his vocabulary that can convey anything +more than a hint of the meaning of Magian “space.” For “space” has essentially +unlike meanings for the perceptions of the two Cultures. The world-as-cavern +is just as different from the world-as-extent of the passionate, +far-thrusting Faustian as it is from the Classical world-as-sum-of-bodily-things. +The Copernican system, in which the earth, as it were, loses itself, must necessarily +seem crazy and frivolous to Arabian thought. The Church of the West +was perfectly right when it resisted an idea so incompatible with the world-feeling +of Jesus, and the Chaldean <em>cavern-astronomy</em>, which was wholly natural +and convincing for Persians, Jews, peoples of the Pseudomorphosis, and Islam, +became accessible to the few genuine Greeks who knew of it at all only after a +process of transvaluing its basic notions of space.</p> + +<p>The tension between Macrocosm and Microcosm (which is identical with +the waking-consciousness) leads, in the world-picture of every Culture, to further +oppositions of symbolic importance. All a man’s sensations or understanding, +faith or knowledge, receive their shape from a primary opposition +which makes them not only activities of the individual, but also expressions of +the totality. In the Classical the opposition that universally dominates the +waking-consciousness is the opposition of matter and form; in the West it is +that of force and mass. In the former the tension loses itself in the small and +particular, and in the latter it discharges itself in the character of work. In the +World-Cavern, on the other hand, it persists in traversing and swaying to and +fro in unsure strugglings, and so becomes that “Semitic” primary-dualism +which, ever the same under its thousand forms, fills the Magian world. The +light shines through the cavern and battles against the darkness (John i, 5). +Both are Magian substances. Up and down, heaven and earth become powers +that have entity and contend with one another. But these polarities in the +most primary sensations mingle with those of the refined and critical understanding, +<span class="pagenum" id="p234">[234]</span>like good and evil, God and Satan. Death, for the author of the +John Gospel as for the strict Moslem, is not the end of life, but a Something, a +death-force, that contends with a life-force for the possession of man.</p> + +<p>But still more important than all this is the opposition of Spirit and Soul +(Hebrew <i>Ruach</i> and <i>nephesh</i>, Persian <i>ahu</i> and <i>urvan</i>, Mandæan <i>monuhmed</i> and +<i>gyan</i>, Greek <i>pneuma</i> and <i>psyche</i>) which first comes out in the basic feeling of the +prophetic religions, then pervades the whole of Apocalyptic, and finally forms +and guides the world-contemplations of the awakened Culture—Philo, Paul +and Plotinus, Gnostics and Mandæans, Augustine and the Avesta, Islam and +the Kabbalah. <i>Ruach</i> means originally “wind” and <i>nephesh</i> “breath.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> The +<i>nephesh</i> is always in one way or another related to the bodily and earthly, to +the below, the evil, the darkness. Its effort is the “upward.” The <i>ruach</i> +belongs to the divine, to the above, to the light. Its effects in man when it +descends are the heroism of a Samson, the holy wrath of an Elijah, the enlightenment +of the judge (the Solomon passing judgment,⁠<a id="FNanchor_399" href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a>) and all kinds of divination +and ecstasy. It is poured out.⁠<a id="FNanchor_400" href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> From Isaiah xi, 2, the Messiah becomes +the incarnation of the <i>ruach</i>. Philo and the Islamic theology divide mankind +into born Psychics and born Pneumatics (the “elect,” a concept thoroughly +proper to the world-cavern and Kismet). All the sons of Jacob are pneumatics. +For Paul (1 Cor. xv) the meaning of the Resurrection lies in the opposition of a +psychic and a pneumatic body, which alike for him and Philo and the author +of the Baruch apocalypse coincides with the opposition of heaven and earth, +light and darkness.⁠<a id="FNanchor_401" href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> + For Paul, the Saviour is the heavenly Pneuma.⁠<a id="FNanchor_402" href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> In the +John Gospel he fuses as Logos with the Light; in Neoplatonism he appears +as <i>Nus</i> or, in the Classical terminology, the All-One opposed to <i>Physis</i>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> Paul +and Philo, with their “Classical” (that is, western) conceptual criteria, equated +soul and body with good and bad respectively, Augustine, as a Manichæan⁠<a id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> +with Persian-Eastern bases of distinction, lumps soul and body together as +the naturally bad, in contrast to God as the sole Good, and finds in this opposition +the source of his doctrine of Grace, which developed also, in the same +form (though quite independently of him) in Islam.</p> + +<p>But souls are at bottom discrete entities, whereas the Pneuma is one and +<span class="pagenum" id="p235">[235]</span>ever the same. The man <em>possesses</em> a soul, but he only <em>participates</em> in the spirit +of the Light and the Good; the divine descends into him, thus binding all the +individuals of the Below together with the one in the Above. This primary +feeling, which dominates the beliefs and opinions of all Magian men, is something +perfectly singular, and not only characterizes their world-view, but +marks off the essence and kernel of their religiousness in all its forms from that +of every other kind of man. This Culture, as has been shown, was characteristically +the Culture of the middle. It could have borrowed forms and ideas +from most of the others, and the fact that it did not do so, that in the face of all +pressure and temptation it remained so profoundly mistress of its own inward +form, attests an unbridgeable gulf of difference. Of all the wealth of Babylonian +and Egyptian religion it admitted hardly more than a few names; the Classical +and the Indian Cultures, or rather the Civilizations heir to them—Hellenism +and Buddhism—distorted its expression to the point of pseudomorphosis, but +its essence they never touched. All religions of the Magian Culture, from the +creations of Isaiah and Zarathustra to Islam, constitute a complete inward +unit of world-feeling; and, just as in the Avestan beliefs there is not to be found +one trait of Brahmanism nor in early Christianity one breath of Classical feeling, +but merely names and figures and outward forms, so also not a trace of this +Jesus-religion could be absorbed by the Germanic-Catholic Christianity of the +West, even though the stock of tenets and observances was taken over in its +entirety.</p> + +<p>Whereas the Faustian man is an “I” that in the last resort draws its own +conclusions about the Infinite; whereas the Apollinian man, as one <i>soma</i> among +many, represents only himself; the Magian man, with his spiritual kind of +being, is only a <em>part of a pneumatic “We”</em> that, descending from above, is one +and the same in all believers. As body and soul he belongs to himself alone, +but something else, something alien and higher, dwells in him, making him +with all his glimpses and convictions just a member of a consensus which, as +the emanation of God, excludes error, but excludes also all possibility of the +self-asserting Ego. Truth is for him something other than for us. All our +epistemological methods, resting upon the <em>individual</em> judgment, are for him +madness and infatuation, and its scientific results a work of the Evil One, +who has confused and deceived the spirit as to its true dispositions and purposes. +Herein lies the ultimate, for us unapproachable, secret of Magian thought in its +cavern-world—the impossibility of a thinking, believing, and knowing Ego +is the presupposition inherent in all the fundamentals of all these religions. +While Classical man stood before his gods as one body before another; whereas +the Faustian willing “I” in its wide world feels itself confronted by deity, also +Faustian, also willing, effective everywhere; the Magian deity is the indefinite, +enigmatic Power on high that pours out its Wrath or its Grace, descends itself +into the dark or raises the soul into the light as it sees fit. The idea of individual +<span class="pagenum" id="p236">[236]</span>wills is simply meaningless, for “will” and “thought” in man are not prime, +but already effects of the deity upon him. Out of this unshakable root-feeling, +which is merely re-expressed, never essentially altered, by any conversions, +illumination or subtilizing in the world—there emerges of necessity the idea +of the Divine Mediator, of one who transforms this state from a torment into +a bliss. All Magian religions are by this idea bound together, and separated +from those of all other Cultures.</p> + +<p>The Logos-idea in its broadest sense, an abstraction of the Magian light-sensation +of the Cavern, is the exact correlative of this sensation in Magian +thought. It meant that from the unattainable Godhead its Spirit, its “Word,” +is released as carrier of the light and bringer of the good, and enters into relation +with human being to uplift, pervade, and redeem it. This distinctness of +three substances, which does not contradict their oneness in religious thought, +was known already to the prophetic religions. Ahuramazda’s light-gleaming +soul is the Word (Yasht 13, 31), and in one of the earliest Gathas his Holy +Spirit (<i>spenta mainyu</i>) converses with the Evil Spirit (<i>angra mainyu</i>, Yasna 45, 2). +The same idea penetrates the whole of the old Jewish literature. The thought +which the Chaldeans built up on the separation of God and His Word and the +opposition of Marduk and Nabu, which breaks forth with power in the whole +Aramæan Apocalyptic remained permanently active and creative; by Philo +and John, Marcion and Mani, it entered into the Talmudic teachings and thence +into the Kabbalistic books Yesirah and Sohar, into the Church Councils and the +works of the Fathers, into the later Avesta, and finally into Islam, in which a +Mohammed gradually became the Logos and, as the mystically respent, <em>living</em> +Mohammed of the popular religion, fused into the figure of Christ.⁠<a id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> This +conception is for Magian man so self-evident that it was able to break through +even the strictly monotheistic structure of the original Islam and to appear with +Allah as the Word of God (<i>kalimah</i>), the Holy Spirit (<i>ruh</i>), and the “light of +Mohammed.”</p> + +<p>For, for the popular religion, the first light that comes forth from the +world-creation is that of Mohammed, in the shape of a peacock⁠<a id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> “formed of +white pearls” and walled about by veilings. But the peacock is the Envoy +of God and the prime soul⁠<a id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> as early as the Mandæans, and it is the emblem of +immortality on Early Christian sarcophagi. The light-diffusing pearl that +illumines the dark house of the body is the Spirit entered into man, and thought +of as substance, for the Mandæans as in the Acts of Thomas.⁠<a id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a> + The Jezidi⁠<a id="FNanchor_409" href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> +<span class="pagenum" id="p237">[237]</span>reverence the Logos as peacock and light; next to the Druses they have preserved +most purely the old Persian conception of the substantial Trinity.</p> + +<p>Thus again and again we find the Logos-idea getting back to the light-sensation +from which the Magian understanding derived it. <em>The world of Magian +mankind is filled with a fairy-tale feeling.</em>⁠<a id="FNanchor_410" href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> Devils and evil spirits threaten man; +angels and fairies protect him. There are amulets and talismans, mysterious +lands, cities, buildings, and beings, secret letters, Solomon’s Seal, the Philosophers’ +Stone. And over all this is poured the quivering cavern-light that the +spectral darkness ever threatens to swallow up. If this profusion of figures +astonishes the reader, let him remember that Jesus lived in it, and Jesus’s teachings +are only to be understood from it. Apocalyptic is only a vision of fable +intensified to an extreme of tragic power. Already in the Book of Enoch we +have the crystal palace of God, the mountains of precious stone, and the imprisonment +of the apostate stars. Fantastic, too, are the whole overpowering +idea-world of the Mandæans, that of the Gnostics and the Manichæans, the +system of Origen, and the figures of the Persian “Bundahish”; and when the +time of the great visions was over, these ideas passed into a legend-poesy and +into the innumerable religious romances of which we have Christian specimens +in the gospels concerning Jesus’s childhood, the Acts of Thomas and the anti-Pauline +Pseudo-Clementines. One such story is that of Abraham’s having +minted the thirty pieces of silver of Judas. Another is the tale of the “treasure-cave” +in which, deep under the hill of Golgotha, are stored the golden treasure +of paradise and the bones of Adam.⁠<a id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> Dante’s poetic material was after all poetic, +but this was sheer actuality, the only world in which these people lived continuously. +Such sensations are unapproachably remote from men who live in +and with a dynamical world-picture. If we would obtain some inkling of how +alien to us all the inner life of Jesus is—a painful realization for the Christian +of the West, who would be glad indeed if he could make that inner life the +point of contact for his own inward piety—if we would discover why nowadays +only a pious Moslem has the capacity livingly to experience it, we should +sink ourselves in this wonder-element of a world-image that was Jesus’s world-image. +And then, and only then, shall we perceive how little Faustian Christianity +has taken over from the wealth of the Church of the Pseudomorphosis—of +its world-feeling nothing, of its inward form little, and of its concepts +and figures much.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p238">[238]</span></p> + + +<h3 id="II_7"> + II +</h3> + +<p>The When, for the Magian Soul, issues from the Where. Here too, is no +Apollinian clinging to pointlike Present, nor Faustian thrust and drive towards +an infinitely distant goal. Here Being has a different pulse, and consequently +Waking-being has another sense of time, which is the counter-concept to +Magian space. The prime thing that the humanity of this Culture, from +poor slaves and porters to the prophets and the caliphs themselves, feels as the +Kismet above him is not a limitless flight of the ages that never lets a lost moment +recur, but a Beginning and an End of “This Day,” which is irrevocably +ordained and in which the human existence takes the place assigned to it from +creation itself. Not only world-space, but world-time also is cavern-like. +Hence comes the thoroughly Magian certainty that <em>everything has “a” time</em>, +from the origins of the Saviour, whose hour stood written in ancient texts, to +the smallest detail of the everyday, in which Faustian hurry would be meaningless +and unimaginable. Here, too, is the basis of the Early Magian (and in +particular the Chaldean) astrology, which likewise presupposes that all things +are written down in the stars and that the scientifically calculable course of +the planets authorized conclusions as to the course of earthly things.⁠<a id="FNanchor_412" href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> The +Classical oracle answered the only question that could perturb Apollinian man—the +form, the “How?” of coming things. But the question of the Cavern is +“When?” The whole of Apocalyptic, the spiritual life of Jesus, the agony of +Gethsemane, and the grand movement that arose out of his death are unintelligible +if we have not grasped this primary question of Magian being and the +presuppositions lying behind it. It is an infallible sign of the extinction of the +Classical Soul that astrology in its westward advance drove the oracle step by +step before it. Nowhere is the stage of transition more clearly visible than in +Tacitus, whose entire history is dominated by the confusion and dislocation +of his world-picture. First of all, as a true Roman, he brings in the power of +the old city-deities; then, as an intelligent cosmopolitan, he regards this +very belief in their intervention as a superstition; and finally, as a Stoic (by +that time the spiritual outlook of the Stoa had become <em>Magian</em>), he speaks of +the power of the seven planets that rule the fortunes of men. And thus it comes +about that in the following centuries Time itself as vessel of fate—namely, the +Vault of Time, limited each way and therefore capable of being grasped as an +entity by the inner eye—is by Persian mysticism set above the light of God +as Zrvan, and rules the world-conflict of Good and Evil. Zrvanism was the +State religion of Persia in 438–457.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p239">[239]</span></p> + +<p>Fundamentally, too, it is this belief that all stands written in the stars, that +makes the Arabian Culture characteristically that of “eras”—that is, of time-reckonings +that begin at some event felt as a peculiarly significant act of Providence. +The first and most important is the generic Aramæan era, which begins +about 300 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> with the growth of apocalyptic tension and is the “Seleucid era.” +It was followed by many others, amongst them the Sabæan (about 115 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>), +the starting-point of which is not exactly known to us; that of Diocletian; the +Jewish era, beginning with the Creation, which was introduced by the Synedrion +in 346;⁠<a id="FNanchor_413" href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> the Persian, from the accession of the last Sassanid Jezdegerd in +632; and the Hijra, by which at last the Seleucid was displaced in Syria and +Mesopotamia. Outside this land-field there is mere imitation for practical ends, +like Varro’s “<i lang="la">ab urbe condita</i>”; that of the Marcionites, beginning with Marcion’s +breach with the Church in 144; and that of the Christians, introduced +shortly after 500 and beginning with the birth of Jesus.</p> + +<p>World-history is the picture of the living world into which man sees himself +woven by birth, ancestry, and progeny, and which he strives to comprehend +from out of his world-feeling. The historical picture of Classical man concentrates +itself upon the pure Present. Its content is no true Becoming, but a foreground +Being with a conclusive background of timeless myth, rationalized as +“the Golden Age.” This Being, however, was a variegated swarming of ups +and downs, good and ill fortune, a blind “thereabouts,” an eternal alteration, +yet ever in its changes the same, without direction, goal, or “Time.” The +cavern-feeling, on the contrary, requires a surveyable history consisting in a +beginning and an end to the world <em>that is also the beginning and the end of man</em>—acts +of God of mighty magic—and between these turns, spellbound to the +limits of the Cavern and the ordained period, the battle of light and darkness, of +the angels and Jazatas with Ahriman, Satan, and Eblis, in which Man, his +Soul, and his Spirit are involved. The present Cavern God can destroy and replace +by a new creation. The Persian-Chaldean apocalyptic offers to the gaze +a whole series of such æons, and Jesus, along with his time, stood in expectation +of the end of the existing one.⁠<a id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> The consequence of this is a historic outlook +like that which is natural to Islam even to-day—the view over a given time. +“The world-view of the people falls naturally into three major parts—world-beginning, +world-development, and world-catastrophe. For the Moslem who +feels so deeply ethically, the chief essentials in world-development are the salvation-story +and the ethical way of life, knit into one as the ‘life’ of man. +<span class="pagenum" id="p240">[240]</span>This debouches into the world-catastrophe, which contains the sanction of the +moral history of humanity.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a></p> + +<p>But, further, for the Magian human-existence, the issue of the feeling of <em>this</em> +sort of Time and the view of <em>this</em> sort of space is a quite peculiar type of piety, +which likewise we may put under the sign of the Cavern—a <em>will-less</em> resignation, +to which the spiritual “I” is unknown, and which feels the spiritual +“We” that has entered into the quickened body as simply a reflection of the +divine Light. The Arab word for this is Islam (= submission) but this Islam +was equally Jesus’s normal mode of feeling and that of every other personality +of religious genius that appeared in this Culture. Classical piety is something +perfectly different,⁠<a id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> while, as for that of our own Culture, if we could mentally +abstract from the piety of St. Theresa and Luther and Pascal their Ego—that +Ego which wills to maintain itself against, to submit to, or even to be extinguished +by the Divine Infinite—there would be nothing left. The Faustian +prime-sacrament of Contrition presupposes the strong and free will that can +overcome itself. But it is precisely the <em>impossibility of an Ego as a free power</em> in +the face of the divine that constitutes “Islam.” Every attempt to meet the operations +of God with a personal purpose or even a personal opinion is “<i>masiga</i>,”—that +is, not an evil willing, but an evidence that the powers of darkness and evil +have taken possession of a man and expelled the divine from him. The Magian +waking-consciousness is merely the <em>theatre</em> of a battle between these two powers +and not, so to say, a power in itself. Moreover, in this kind of world-happening +there is no place for individual causes and effects, let alone any universally +effective dynamic concatenation thereof, and consequently there is no <em>necessary</em> +connexion between sin and punishment, no <em>claim</em> to reward, no old-Israelitish +“righteousness.” Things of this order the true piety of this Culture regards as +far beneath it. The laws of nature are not something settled for ever that God +can alter only by the method of miracle—they are (so to put it) the ordinary +state of an autocratic divine will, not possessing in themselves anything of the +logical necessity that they have for Faustian souls. In the entire world-cavern +there is but <em>one</em> Cause, which lies <em>immediately</em> behind all visible workings, and +this is the Godhead, which, as itself, acts without causes. Even to speculate +upon causes in connexion with God is sinful.</p> + +<p>From this basic feeling proceeds the Magian idea of Grace. This underlies +all sacraments of this Culture (especially the Magian proto-sacrament of Baptism) +and forms a contrast of the deepest intensity with the Faustian idea of +Contrition. Contrition presupposes the will of an Ego, but Grace knows of no +such thing. It was Augustine’s high achievement to develop this essentially +Islamic thought with an inexorable logic, and with a penetration so thorough +<span class="pagenum" id="p241">[241]</span>that since Pelagius the Faustian Soul has tried by any and every route to circumvent +this certainty—which for <em>it</em> constitutes an imminent danger of self-destruction—and +in using Augustinian propositions to express its own proper +consciousness of God has ever misunderstood and transvalued them. Actually, +Augustine was the last great thinker of Early Arabian Scholasticism, anything +but a Western intellect.⁠<a id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> Not only was he at times a Manichæan, but he remained +so even as a Christian in some important characteristics, and his closest +relations are to be found amongst the Persian theologians of the later Avesta, +with their doctrines of the Store of Grace of the Holy and of absolute guilt. For +him grace is the substantial inflowing of something divine into the human +Pneuma, itself also substantial.⁠<a id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> The Godhead radiates it; man receives it, but +does not acquire it. From Augustine, as from Spinoza so many centuries later,⁠<a id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a> +the notion of force is absent, and for both the problem of freedom refers not to +the Ego and its Will, but to the part of the universal Pneuma that is infused into +a man and its relation to the rest of him. Magian waking-being is the <em>theatre</em> of +a conflict between the two world-substances of light and darkness. The Early +Faustian thinkers such as Duns Scotus and William of Occam, on the contrary, +see a contest inherent in dynamic waking-consciousness <em>itself</em>, a contest of the +two forces of the Ego—namely, will and reason,⁠<a id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> and so imperceptibly the +question posed by Augustine changes into another, which he himself would have +been incapable of understanding—are willing and thinking free forces, or are +they not? Answer this question as we may, one thing at any rate is certain, that +the individual ego has <em>to wage</em> this war and not to suffer it. The Faustian Grace +refers to the success of the Will and not to the species of a substance. Says the +<span class="pagenum" id="p242">[242]</span>Westminster Confession of the Presbyterians (1646): “The rest of Mankind, +God was pleased, according to the unsearchable Counsel of his own Will, +whereby he extendeth, or withholdeth Mercy, as he pleaseth, for the Glory +of his Sovereign Power over his Creatures, to pass by; and to ordain them to +Dishonour and Wrath, for their Sin, to the Praise of his glorious Justice.” +The other conception, that the idea of Grace excludes every individual will and +every cause but the One, that it is sinful even to question why man suffers, finds +an expression in one of the most powerful poems known to world-history, a +poem that came into being in the midst of the Arabian pre-Culture and is in +inward grandeur unparalleled by any product of that Culture itself—the Book +of Job.⁠<a id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> It is not Job, but his friends who look for a sin as the cause of his +troubles. They—like the bulk of mankind in this and every other Culture, +present-day readers and critics of the work, therefore, included—lack the +metaphysical depth to get near the ultimate meaning of suffering within the +world-cavern. Only the Hero himself fights through the fulfilment, to pure +Islam, and he becomes thereby the only possible figure of tragedy that Magian +feeling can set up by the side of our Faust.⁠<a id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a></p> + + +<h3 id="III_7"> + III +</h3> + +<p>The waking-consciousness of every Culture allows of two ways of inwardness, +that in which contemplative feeling spreads into understanding, and that in +which the reverse takes place. The Magian contemplation is called by Spinoza +“intellectual love of God,” and by his Sufist contemporaries in Asia “extinction +in God” (<i>mahw</i>); it may be intensified to the Magian ecstasy that was vouchsafed +to Plotinus several times, and to his pupil Porphyry once in old age. The +other side, the rabbinical dialectic, appears in Spinoza as geometrical method +and in the Arabian-Jewish “Late” philosophy in general as Kalaam. Both, +however, rest upon the fact that there in Magian there is no individual-ego, but +a single Pneuma present simultaneously in each and all of the elect, which is +likewise Truth. It cannot be too strongly emphasized that the resultant root-idea +of the <i>ijma</i> is much more than a concept or notion, that it can be a lived +experience of even overwhelming force, and that all community of the Magian +kind rests upon it and, as doing so, is removed from community in any other +Culture. “The mystic Community of Islam extends from the here into the +beyond; it reaches beyond the grave, in that it comprises the dead Moslems +of earlier generations, nay, even the righteous of the times before Islam. The +Moslem feels himself bound up in one unity with them all. They help him, and +he, too, can in turn increase their beatitude by the application of his own +<span class="pagenum" id="p243">[243]</span>merit.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a> + The same, precisely, was what the Christians and the Syncretists +of the Pseudomorphosis meant when they used the words <i lang="la">Polis</i> and <i lang="la">Civitas</i>—these +words, which had formerly implied a sum of bodies, now denoted a consensus +of fellow believers. Augustine’s famous <i lang="la">Civitas Dei</i> was neither a Classical +Polis nor a Western Church, but a unity of believers, blessed, and angels, +exactly as were the communes of Mithras, of Islam, of Manichæism, and of +Persia. As the community was based upon consensus, it was in spiritual things +infallible. “My people,” said Mohammed, “can never agree in an error,” and +the same is premised in Augustine’s State of God. With him there was not and +could not be any question of an infallible Papal ego or of any other sort of +authority to settle dogmatic truths; that would completely destroy the Magian +concept of the Consensus. And the same applied in this Culture generally—not +only to dogma, but also to law⁠<a id="FNanchor_424" href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> and to the State. The Islamic community, +like that of Porphyry and that of Augustine, embraces the <em>whole</em> of the world-cavern, +the here and the beyond, the orthodox and the good angels and spirits, +and within this community the State only formed a <em>smaller unit of the visible side</em>, +a unit, therefore, of which the operations were governed by the major whole. +In the Magian world, consequently, the separation of politics and religion is +theoretically impossible and nonsensical, whereas in the Faustian Culture the +battle of Church and State is inherent in the very conceptions—logical, necessary, +unending. In the Magian, civil and ecclesiastical law are simply identical. +Side by side with the Emperor of Constantinople stood the Patriarch, by the +Shah was the Zarathustratema, by the Exilarch the Gaon, by the Caliph the +Sheikh-ul-Islam, at once superiors and subjects. There is not in this the slightest +affinity to the Gothic relation of Emperor and Pope; equally, all such ideas were +alien to the Classical world. In the constitution of Diocletian this Magian +embedding of the State in the community of the faithful was for the first time +actualized, and by Constantine it was carried into full effect. It has been +shown already that State, Church, and Nation formed a spiritual unit—namely, +that part of the orthodox consensus which manifested itself in the living man. +And hence for the Emperor, as ruler of the Faithful—that is, of that portion of +the Magian community which God had entrusted to him—it was a self-evident +duty to conduct the Councils so as to bring about the consensus of the elect.</p> + + +<h3 id="IV_7"> + IV +</h3> + +<p>But besides the consensus there is another sort of revelation of Truth—namely, +the “Word of God,” in a perfectly definite and purely Magian sense of +the phrase, which is equally remote from Classical and from Western thought, +and has, in consequence, been the source of innumerable misunderstandings. +The sacred book in which it has become visibly evident, in which it has been +captured by the spell of a sacred script, is part of the stock of every Magian +<span class="pagenum" id="p244">[244]</span>religion.⁠<a id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> + In this conception three Magian notions are interwoven each of +which, even by itself, presents extreme difficulties for us, while their simultaneous +separateness and oneness is simply inaccessible to our religious thought, +often though that thought has managed to persuade itself to the contrary. +These ideas are: God, the Spirit of God, the Word of God. That which is +written in the prologue of the John Gospel—“In the beginning was the Word, +and the Word was with God, and the Word was God”—had long before come +to perfectly natural expression as something self-evident in the Persian ideas of +Spenta Mainyu,⁠<a id="FNanchor_426" href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> and Vohu Mano,⁠<a id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a> + and in corresponding Jewish and Chaldean +conceptions. And it was the kernel for which the conflicts of the fourth and +fifth centuries concerning the substance of Christ were fought. But, for Magian +thought, truth is itself a substance,⁠<a id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> and lie (or error) second substance—again +the same dualism that opposes light and darkness, life and death, good and evil. +As substance, truth is identical now with God, now with the Spirit of God, +now with the Word. Only in the light of this can we comprehend sayings like +“I am the truth and the life” and “My word is the truth,” sayings to be understood, +as they were meant, with reference to substance. Only so, too, can we +realize with what eyes the religious man of this Culture looked upon his sacred +book: in it the invisible truth has entered into a visible kind of existence, or, +in the words of John i, 14: “The Word became flesh and dwelt among us.” +According to the Yasna the Avesta was sent down from heaven, and according +to the Talmud Moses received the Torah volume by volume from God. A +Magian revelation is a mystical process in which the eternal and unformed word +of God—or the Godhead as Word—enters into a man in order to assume +through him the manifest, sensible form of sounds and especially of letters. +<em>“Koran” means “reading.”</em> Mohammed in a vision saw in the heaven treasured +rolls of scripture that he (although he had never learned how to read) was able +to decipher “in the name of the Lord.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a> This is a form of revelation that in the +Magian Culture is the rule and in other Cultures is not even the exception,⁠<a id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> but +<span class="pagenum" id="p245">[245]</span>it was only from the time of Cyrus that it began to take shape. The old Israelitish +prophets, and no doubt Zarathustra also, see and hear in ecstasy things that +afterwards they spread abroad. The Deuteronomic code (621) was given out as +having been “found in the Temple,” which meant that it was to be taken as +the wisdom of the Father. The first (and a very deliberate) example of a +“Koran” is the book of Ezekiel, which the author received in a thought-out +vision from God and “swallowed” (iii, 1–3). Here, expressed in the crudest +imaginable form, is the basis on which later the idea and shape of all apocalyptic +writing was founded. But by degrees this <em>substantial</em> form of reception came to +be one of the requisites for any book to be canonical. It was in post-Exilic times +that the idea arose of the Tables of the Law received by Moses on Sinai; later +such an origin came to be assumed for the whole Torah, and about the Maccabæan +period for the bulk of the Old Testament. From the Council of Jabna +(about 90 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>) the whole word was regarded as inspired and delivered in the +most literal sense. But the same evolution took place in the Persian religion up +to the sanctification of the Avesta in the third century, and the same idea of a +literal delivery appears in the second vision of Hermas, in the Apocalypses, and +in the Chaldean and Gnostic and Mandæan writings; lastly, it underlies, as a +tacit natural basis, all the ideas that the Neo-Pythagoreans and the Neo-Platonists +formed of the writings of their old masters. “Canon” is the technical +expression for the totality of writings that are accepted by a religion as delivered. +It was as canons in this sense that the Hermetic collection and the +corpus of Chaldean oracles came into being from 200—the latter a sacred book +of the Neoplatonists which alone was admitted by Proclus, the “Father” of +this Church, to stand with Plato’s <cite>Timæus</cite>.</p> + +<p>Originally, the young Jesus-religion, like Jesus himself, recognized the +Jewish canon. The first Gospels set up no sort of claim to be the Word made +visible. <em>The John Gospel is the first Christian writing of which the evident purpose is +that of a Koran</em>, and its unknown author is the originator of the idea that there +could be and must be a Christian Koran. The grave and difficult decision +whether the new religion should break with that which Jesus had believed in +clothed itself of deep necessity in the question whether the Jewish scriptures +might still be regarded as incarnations of the one truth. The answer of the John +Gospel was tacitly, and that of Marcion openly, no, but that of the Fathers was, +quite illogically, yes.</p> + +<p>It followed from this metaphysical conception of the essence of a sacred book +that the expressions “God speaks” and “the Scripture says” were, in a manner +wholly alien to our thought, completely identical. To us it is suggestive of the +Arabian Nights that God himself should be spellbound in these words and +letters and could be unsealed and compelled to reveal the truth by the adepts +of this magic. Exegesis no less than inspiration and delivery is a process of +mystical under-meaning (Mark i, 22). Hence the reverence—in diametrical +<span class="pagenum" id="p246">[246]</span>opposition to the Classical feeling—with which these precious manuscripts +were cared for, their ornamentation by every means known to the young +Magian art, and the appearance again and again of new scripts which, in the +eyes of their users, alone possessed the power of capturing the truth sent down.</p> + +<p>But such a Koran is by its very nature unconditionally right, and therefore +unalterable and incapable of improvement.⁠<a id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> There arose, in consequence, the +habit of secret interpretations meant to bring the text into harmony with the +convictions of the time. A masterpiece of this kind is Justinian’s Digests, but +the same applies not only to every book of the Bible, but also (we need not +doubt) to the Gathas of the Avesta and even to the then current manuscripts +of Plato, Aristotle, and other authorities of the Pagan theology. More important +still is the assumption, traceable in every Magian religion, of a secret +revelation, or a secret meaning of the Scriptures, preserved not by being written +down, but in the memory of adepts and propagated orally. According to Jewish +notions, Moses received at Sinai not only the written, but <em>also a secret oral Torah</em>,⁠<a id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a> +which it was forbidden to commit to writing. “God foresaw,” says the Talmud, +“that one day a time would come when the Heathen would possess themselves +of the Torah and would say to Israel: ‘We, too, are sons of God.’ Then +will the Lord say: ‘Only he who knows my secrets is my son.’ And what +are the secrets of God? The oral teachings.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_433" href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> The Talmud, then, in the form +in which it is generally accessible, contains only a part of the religious material, +and it is the same with Christian texts of the early period. It has often been +observed⁠<a id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> that Mark speaks of the Visitation and of the Resurrection only in +hints, and that John only touches upon the doctrine of the Paraclete and omits +the institution of the Lord’s Supper entirely. The initiates understood what was +meant, and the unbeliever ought not to know it. Later there was a whole +“secret discipline” which bound Christians to observe silence in the presence +of unbelievers concerning the baptismal confession and other matters. With +the Chaldeans, Neopythagoreans, Cynics, Gnostics, and especially the sects +from Jewish to Islamic, this tendency went to such lengths that the greater part +of their secret doctrines is unknown to us. Concerning the Word thus preserved +only in the minds there was a <em>consensus of silence</em>, the more so as each believer was +certain that the other “knew.” We ourselves, as it is upon the most important +things that we are most emphatic and forthright, run the risk of misinterpreting +Magian doctrines through taking the part that was expressed for the whole that +existed, and the profane literal meaning of words for their real significance. +Gothic Christianity had no secrets and hence it doubly mistrusted the Talmud, +which it rightly regarded as being only the foreground of Jewish doctrine.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p247">[247]</span></p> + +<p>Pure Magian, too, is the Kabbalah, which out of numbers, letter-forms, +points, and strokes, unfolds secret significances, and therefore cannot but be as +old as the Word itself that was sent down as Substance. The secret dogma of +the creation of the world out of the two-and-twenty letters of the Hebrew +alphabet, and that of the throne-chariot of Ezekiel’s Vision, are already traceable +in Maccabæan times. Closely related to this is the allegorical exegesis of +the sacred texts. All the tractates of the Mishnah, all the Fathers, all the Alexandrian +philosophers are full of it; in Alexandria the whole Classical mythology +and even Plato were treated in this way and brought into analogy (Moses = +Musæus) with the Jewish prophets.</p> + +<p>The only strictly <em>scientific</em> method that an unalterable Koran leaves open for +progressive opinion is that of commentary. As by hypothesis the “word” of +an authority cannot be improved upon, the only resource is reinterpretation. +No one in Alexandria would ever have asserted that Plato was in “error”; +instead, he was glossed upon. It was done in the strictly constructed forms of +the Halakha, and the fixation of this exegesis in writing takes the commentary +shape that dominates all religious, philosophical, and savant literatures of this +Culture. Following the procedure of the Gnostics, the Fathers compiled +written commentaries upon the Bible, and similarly the Pehlevi commentary +of the Zend appeared by the side of the Avesta, and the Midrash by the side of +the Jewish canon. But the “Roman” jurists of about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 200 and the “Late +Classical” philosophers—that is, the Schoolmen of the growing cult-Church—went +just the same way; the Apocalypse of this Church, commented over +and over again after Posidonius, was the <cite>Timæus</cite> of Plato. The Mishnah is one +vast commentary upon the Torah. And when the oldest exegetes had become +themselves authorities and their writings Korans, commentaries were written +upon commentaries, as by Simplicius, the last Platonist, in the West, by the +Amoraim, who added the Gemara to the Mishnah in the East, and by the +jurists who compiled the Imperial Constitutions into the Digests at Byzantium.</p> + +<p>This method, which fictitiously refers back every saying to an immediate +inspired delivery, was brought to its keenest edge in the Talmudic and the +Islamic theologies. A new Halakha or a Hadith is only valid when it can be +referred through an unbroken chain of guarantors back to Moses or Mohammed.⁠<a id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a> +The solemn formula for this in Jerusalem was “Let it come over me! So +have I heard it from my teacher.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> In the Zend the citation of the chain of +warranty is the rule, and Irenæus justifies his theology by the fact that a chain +goes back from him through Polycarp to the primitive Community. Into the +Early Christian literature this Halakha-form entered so self-evidently that no +<span class="pagenum" id="p248">[248]</span>one remarked it for what it was. Apart altogether from the constant references +to the Law and the Prophets, it appears in the superscription of the four Gospels +(“<em>according to</em>” Mark), each of which had thus to present its warrant if authority +was to be claimed for the words of the Lord that it presented.⁠<a id="FNanchor_437" href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a> This established +the chain back to the Truth that was incarnate in Jesus, and it is impossible to +exaggerate the intense reality of this in the world-idea of an Augustine or a +Jerome. This is the basis of the practice, which spread even more widely from +the time of Alexander onwards, of providing religious and philosophical writings +with names,⁠<a id="FNanchor_438" href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> like Enoch, Solomon, Ezra, Hermes, Pythagoras—guarantors +and vessels of divine wisdom, in whom, therefore, the Word had been made +Flesh of old. We still possess a number of Apocalypses bearing the name of +Baruch, who was then compared with Zarathustra, and we can scarcely form +an idea of what in the way of literature circulated under the names of Aristotle +and Pythagoras. The “Theology of Aristotle” was one of the most influential +works of Neoplatonism. And, lastly, this the metaphysical presupposition +for the style and the deeper meaning of <em>citation</em>, which was employed by Fathers, +Rabbis, “Greek” philosophers, and “Roman” jurists, and eventuated on the +one hand in the Law of Valentinian III,⁠<a id="FNanchor_439" href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> and on the other in the elimination +from the Jewish and Christian canons of apocryphal writings—a fundamental +notion, which differentiated the literary stock according to difference of <em>substance</em>.</p> + + +<h3 id="V_7"> + V +</h3> + +<p>With such researches to build upon, it will become possible in the future +to write a history of the <em>Magian group of religions</em>. It forms an inseparable +unit of spirit and evolution, and let no one imagine that any individual one of +them can be really comprehended without reference to the rest. Their birth, +unfolding, and inward confirmation occupy the period 0–500. It corresponds +exactly to the rise of the Western religion from the Cluniac movement to the +Reformation. A mutual give-and-take, a confusingly rich blossoming, ripening, +transformation—overlayings, migrations, adaptations, rejections—fill +these centuries, without any sort of dependence of one system upon the others +being demonstrable. But only the forms and the structures change; in the +depths it is one and the same spirituality, and in all the languages of this world +of religions it is always itself that it brings to expression.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p249">[249]</span></p> + +<p>In the wide realm of old-Babylonian fellahdom young peoples lived. There +everything was making ready. The first premonitions of the future awoke +about 700 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> in the prophetic religions of the Persians, Jews, and Chaldeans. +An image of creation of the same kind that later was to be the preface of the +Torah showed itself in clear outlines, and with that an orientation, a direction, +a goal of desire, was set. Something was descried in the far future, indefinitely +and darkly still, but with a profound certainty that it would come. From that +time on men lived with the vision of this, with the feeling of a mission.</p> + +<p>The second wave swelled up steeply in the Apocalyptic currents after 300. +Here it was the Magian waking-consciousness that arose and built itself a +metaphysic of Last Things, based already upon the prime-symbol of the coming +Culture, the Cavern. Ideas of an awful End of the World, of the Last Judgment, +of Resurrection, Paradise, and Hell, and with them the grand thought of a +process of salvation in which earth’s destiny and man’s were one, burst forth +everywhere—we cannot say what land or people it was that created them—mantled +in wondrous scenes and figures and names. The Messiah-figure presents +itself, complete at one stroke. Satan’s temptation of the Saviour⁠<a id="FNanchor_440" href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a> is told as a +tale. But simultaneously there welled up a deep and ever-increasing fear before +this certainty of an implacable—and imminent—limit of all happening, +before the moment in which there would be only Past. Magian Time, the +“hour,” directedness under the Cavern, imparted a new pulse to life and a new +import to the word “Destiny.” Man’s attitude before the Deity suddenly +became completely different. In the dedicatory inscription of the great basilica +of Palmyra (which was long thought to be Christian) Baal was called the +good, the compassionate, the mild; and this feeling penetrated, with the +worship of Rahman, right to southern Arabia. It fills the psalms of the Chaldeans +and the teachings <em>about</em> the God-sent Zarathustra that took the place of +his teachings. And it stirred the Jewry of Maccabæan time—most of the psalms +were written then—and all the other communities, long forgotten now, that +lay between the Classical and the Indian worlds.</p> + +<p>The third upheaval came in the time of Cæsar and brought to birth the +great religions of Salvation. And with this the Culture rose to bright day, +and what followed continuously throughout one or two centuries was an +intensity of religious experience, both unsurpassable and at long last unbearable. +Such a tension bordering upon the breaking point the Gothic, the +Vedic, and every other Culture-soul has known, once and once only, in its +young morning.</p> + +<p>Now arose in the Persian, the Mandæan, the Jewish, the Christian, circles +of belief, and in that of the Western Pseudomorphosis as well—just as in the +Indian, the Classical, and the Western ages of Chivalry—the Grand Myth. +In this Arabian Culture religious and national heroism are no more distinctly +<span class="pagenum" id="p250">[250]</span>separable than nation, church, and state, or sacred and secular law. The +prophet merges with the fighter, and the story of a great Sufferer rises to the +rank of a national epic. The powers of light and darkness, fabulous beings, +angels and devils, Satan and the good spirits wrestle together; all nature is a +battle-ground from the beginning of the world to its annihilation. Down +below in the world of mankind are enacted the adventures and sufferings of the +heralds, the heroes, and the martyrs of religion. Every nation, in the sense of +the word attaching to this Culture, possessed its heroic saga. In the East the +life of the Persian prophet inspired an epic poetry of grand outlines. At his +birth the Zarathustra-laughter pealed through the heavens, and all nature +echoed it. In the West the suffering of Jesus, ever broadening and developing, +became <em>the veritable epic of the Christian nation</em>, and by its side there grew up a +chain of legends of his childhood which in the end fructified a whole genre +of poetry. The figure of the Mother of God and the deeds of the Apostles became, +like the stories of the Western Crusade-heroes, the centre of extended +romances (Acts of Thomas, Pseudo-Clementines) which in the second century +sprang up everywhere from the Nile to the Tigris. In the Jewish Haggada and in +the Targums is brought together a rich measure of legends about Saul, David, the +Patriarchs, and the great Tannaim, like Schuda and Akiba,⁠<a id="FNanchor_441" href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a> and the insatiable +fancy of the age seized also upon what it could reach of the Late-Classical cult-legends +and founder-stories (lives of Pythagoras, Hermes, Apollonius of Tyana).</p> + +<p>With the end of the second century the sounds of this exaltation die away. +The flowering of epic poetry is past, and the mystical penetration and dogmatic +analysis of the religious material begin. The doctrines of the new Churches +are brought into theological systems. Heroism yields to Scholastism, poetry +to thought, the seer and seeker to the priest. The early Scholasticism which +ends about 200 (as the Western about 1200) comprises the whole Gnosis—in +the very broadest sense, the great Contemplation—the author of the John +Gospel, Valentinus, Bardesanes, and Marcion, the Apologists and the early +Fathers, up to Irenæus and Tertullian, the last Tannaim up to Rabbi Jehuda, +the completer of the Mishna, the Neopythagoreans and Hermetics of Alexandria. +All this corresponds with, in the West, the School of Chartres, Anselm, Joachim +of Floris, Bernard of Clairvaux, Hugo de St. Victor. Full Scholasticism begins +with Neoplatonism, with Clement and Origen, the first Amoraim, and the +creators of the newer Avesta under Ardeshir (226–241) and Sapor I, the Mazdaist +high-priest Tanvasar above all. Simultaneously a higher religiousness +begins to separate from the peasant’s piety of the countryside, which still +lingered in the apocalyptic disposition, and thenceforth maintained itself almost +unaltered under various names right into the fellahdom of the Turkish age, +while in the urban and more intellectual upper world the Persian, Jewish, and +Christian community was absorbed by that of Islam.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p251">[251]</span></p> + +<p>Slowly and steadily now the great Churches moved to fulfilment. It had +been decided—the most important religious result of the second century—that +the outcome of the teaching of Jesus was not to be a transformation of +Judaism, but a new Church, which took its way westward while Judaism, +without loss of inward strength, turned itself to the East. To the third century +belong the great mental structures of theology. A <i lang="la">modus vivendi</i> with historical +actuality had been reached, the end of the world had receded into the distance, +and a new dogmatic grew up to explain the new world-picture. The arrival of +mature Scholasticism presupposes faith in the duration of the doctrines that it +sets itself to establish.</p> + +<p>Viewing the results of their efforts, we find that the Aramæan motherland +developed its forms in three directions. In the East, out of the Zoroastrian +religion of Achæmenid times and the remains of its sacred literature, there +formed itself the Mazdaist Church, with a strict hierarchy and laborious ritual, +with sacraments, mass, and confession (<i lang="la">patet</i>). As mentioned above, Tanvasar +made a beginning with the collection and ordering of the <em>new</em> Avesta; under +Sapor I (as contemporaneously in the Talmud) the profane texts of medicine, +law, and astronomy were added; and the rounding-off was the work of the +Church magnate Mahraspand under Sapor II (309–379). The immediate accretion +of a commentary in Pehlevi was only what was to be expected in the Magian +Culture. The new Avesta, like the Jewish and the Christian Bibles, was a +canon of separate writings, and we learn that amongst the Nasks (originally +twenty-one) now lost there was a gospel of Zarathustra, the conversion-story +of Vishtaspa, a Genesis, a law-book, and a genealogical book with trees +from the Creation to the Persian kings, while the Vendidad, which Geldner +calls the Leviticus of the Persians, was—most significantly—preserved +complete.</p> + +<p>A new religious founder appeared in 242, in the reign of Sapor I. This was +Mani, who, rejecting “redeemerless” Judaism and Hellenism, knit together the +whole mass of Magian religions in one of the most powerful theological creations +of all times—for which in 276 the Mazdaist priesthood crucified him. +Equipped by his father (who quite late in life abandoned his family to enter a +Mandæan order) with all the knowledge of the period, he unified the basic +ideas of the Chaldeans and Persians with those of Johannine, Eastern, Christianity—a +task which had been attempted before in the Christian-Persian +Gnosis of Bardesanes, but without any idea of founding a new church.⁠<a id="FNanchor_442" href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a> He +<span class="pagenum" id="p252">[252]</span>conceived of the mystical figures of the Johannine Logos (for him identical +with the Persian Vohu Mano), the Zarathustra of the Avesta legends, and the +Buddha of the late texts as divine Emanations, and himself he proclaimed to be +the Paraclete of the John Gospel and the Saoshyant of the Persians. As we now +know, thanks to the Turfan discoveries which included parts of Mani’s works +(till then completely lost), the Church-language of the Mazdaists, Manichæans, +and Nestorians was—independently of the current languages—Pehlevi.</p> + +<p>In the West the two cult-Churches developed (in Greek⁠<a id="FNanchor_443" href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a>) a theology that +was not only cognate with this, but to a great extent identical with it. In the +time of Mani began the theological fusion of the Aramæan-Chaldean sun-religion +and the Aramæan-Persian Mithras cult into one system, whose first +great “Father” was Iamblichus (<i>c.</i> 300)—the contemporary of Athanasius, +but also of Diocletian, the Emperor who in 295 made Mithras the God of a +henotheistic State-religion. Spiritually, at any rate, its priests were in nowise +distinguishable from those of Christianity. Proclus (he, too, a true “Father”) +received in dreams elucidations of a difficult text-passage; to him the <cite>Timæus</cite> +and the Chaldean oracles were canonical, and he would gladly have seen all +other writings of the philosophers destroyed. His hymns, tokens of the lacerations +of a true eremite, implore Helios and other helpers to protect him against +evil spirits. Hierocles wrote a moral breviary for the believers of the Neopythagorean +community, which it needs a keen eye to distinguish from Christian +work. Bishop Synesius was a prince-prelate of Neoplatonism before +becoming one of Christianity—and the change did not involve an act of +conversion; he kept his theology and only altered its names. It was possible +for the Neoplatonist Asclepiades to write a great work on the likeness of all +theologies. We possess Pagan gospels and hagiologies as well as Christian. +Apollonius wrote the life of Pythagoras, Marinus that of Proclus, Damascius +that of Isidore; and there is not the slightest difference between these works, +which begin and end with prayers, and the Christian Acts of the Martyrs. +Porphyry describes faith, love, hope, and truth as the four divine elements.</p> + +<p>Between these Churches of the East and the West we see, looking south +from Edessa, the Talmudic Church (the “Synagogue”) with Aramaic as its +written language. Against these great and firm foundations Jewish-Christians +(such as Ebionites and Elkazites), Mandæans, and likewise Chaldeans (unless +we regard Manichæism as a reconstruction of that religion) were unable to +hold their own. Breaking down into numberless sects, they either faded out +<span class="pagenum" id="p253">[253]</span>in the shadow of the great Churches or were absorbed in their structure as the +last Marcionites and Montanists were absorbed into Manichæism. By about +300, outside the Pagan, Christian, Persian, Jewish, and Manichæan Churches +no important Magian religions remained in being.</p> + + +<h3 id="VI_5"> + VI +</h3> + +<p>Along with this ripe Scholasticism, there set in also, from 200, the effort to +identify the <em>visible</em> community, as its organization became ever stricter, with the +organism of the State. This followed of necessity from the world-feeling of +Magian man, and in turn it led to the transformation of the rulers into caliphs—lords +of a creed-society far more than of domains—to the idea of orthodoxy +as the premiss of real citizenship; to the duty of persecuting false religions +(the “Holy War” of Islam is as old as the Culture itself, and the first centuries +were full of it); and to a special régime within the State of unbelievers—just +tolerated and under laws and governance of their own⁠<a id="FNanchor_444" href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> (for the law God +had given was not for heretics)—and, with it, the ghetto manner of living.</p> + +<p>First, Osrhoene, in the centre of the Aramæan landscape, adopted Christianity +as the State religion about 200. Then Mazdaism assumed the same position in +the Sassanid Empire (226) while under Aurelian (d. 275) and above all Diocletian +(295) Syncretism as a compound of the Divus, Sol, and Mithras cults +became the state religion of the Roman Imperium. Constantine in 312, King +Trdat of Armenia about 321, and King Mirian of Georgia a few years later, +went over to Christianity. In the far South, Saba must already have become +Christian in the third century, Axum in the fourth; on the other hand, simultaneously +with these, the Himaryite State became Jewish, and there was one +more effort, that of Julian, to bring back the Pagan Church to supremacy.</p> + +<p>In opposition to this—likewise in all the religions of this Culture—we +find the spread of Monasticism, with its radical aversion from State, history, +and actuality in general. For after all the conflict of being and waking-being—that +is, of politics and religion, of history and nature—could not be completely +mastered by the form of the Magian Church and its identification with +State and nation. Race breaks forth into life in these mind-creations and overpowers +the divine, precisely because the latter has absorbed the worldly into +itself. But here there was no conflict of Church and State as in the Gothic age, +and consequently the split in the nation was between the worldly-pious and the +ascetics. A Magian religion relates exclusively to the divine spark, the Pneuma, +in the man, that which he shares with the invisible community of the faithful +and blessed spirits. The rest of the man belongs to Evil and Darkness. But in +the man it is the divine that must rule, overcoming, suppressing, destroying +the other. In this Culture the askete is not only the veritable priest—the +secular priest, as to-day in Russia, is never really respected, and mostly he is +<span class="pagenum" id="p254">[254]</span>allowed to marry—but, what is more, he is the true man of piety. Outside +monasticism it was simply not possible to fulfil the demands of religion, and +consequently communities of repentance, monasteries, and convents assume +quite early a position that, for metaphysical reasons, they could never have had +in India or China—let alone in the West, where the Orders were working and +fighting—that is, dynamic—units.⁠<a id="FNanchor_445" href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> Consequently, we must not regard the +people of the Magian world as divided into the “world” and the “cloister” +as two definitely separate modes of life, with equal possibilities of fulfilling all +the demands of religion. Every pious person <em>was</em> a monk in some sort.⁠<a id="FNanchor_446" href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> Between +world and cloister there was no opposition, but only a difference of <em>degree</em>. +Magian churches and orders are homogeneous communities which are only +to be distinguished from one another by extent. The community of Peter was +an Order, that of Paul a Church, while the Mithras religion is at once almost +too wide for the one designation and too narrow for the other.</p> + +<p><em>Every Magian Church is itself an Order</em> and it was only in respect of human +weakness that there were stages and grades of askesis, and these not ordered, +but only permitted, as among the Marcionites and the Manichæans (<i lang="la">electi, +auditores</i>). And, in truth, a Magian nation is nothing but the sum, <em>the order of +all the orders</em>, which, constituted in smaller and smaller, stricter and stricter +groups, come out finally in the eremites, dervishes, and stylites, in whom +nothing more is of the world, whose waking-consciousness now belongs only +to the Pneuma. Setting aside the prophetic religions—out of which, and +between which, the excitation of Apocalypse generated numerous order-like +communities—the two cult-Churches of the West produced unnumbered +monks, friars, and orders, distinguishable from one another in the end only by +the name of the Deity upon whom they called. All observed fasting, prayer, +celibacy, poverty. It is very doubtful which of the two Churches in 300 was +the more ascetic in its tendency. The Neoplatonist monk Sarapion went +into the desert in order to devote himself entirely to studying the hymns of +Orpheus. Damascius, guided by a dream, withdrew into a noisome cave in +order to pray continuously to Cybele.⁠<a id="FNanchor_447" href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> The schools of philosophy were nothing +but ascetic orders; the Neopythagoreans stood close to the Jewish Essenes; +the Mithras cult, a true order, admitted only men to its communion and its +fraternities; the Emperor Julian had the intention of endowing pagan monasteries. +The Mandæan religion seems to have been a group of order-communities +of varying rigour; amongst them was that of John the Baptist. Christian +monasticism did not begin with Pachomius (320); he was merely the builder of +<span class="pagenum" id="p255">[255]</span>the first cloister. The movement began with the original community in +Jerusalem itself. The Gospel of Matthew and almost all “Acts of the Apostles” +testify to rigorously ascetic sentiment.⁠<a id="FNanchor_448" href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> The Persian and Nestorian Churches +developed the monastic idea further, and finally Islam assimilated it to the full. +To this day Oriental piety is dominated by the Moslem Orders and Brotherhoods. +And Jewry followed the same line of evolution, from the Karæi⁠<a id="FNanchor_449" href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> (Qaraites) +of the eighth century to the Polish Hasidim of the eighteenth.⁠<a id="FNanchor_450" href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a></p> + +<p>Christianity, which even in the second century was hardly more than an +extended Order, and whose public influence was out of all proportion to the +number of its adherents, grew suddenly vast about the year 250. This is the +epochal moment in which the last city-cults of the Classical effaced themselves +before, <em>not Christianity, but the new-born Pagan Church</em>. The records of the Fratres +Arvales in Rome break off in 241, and the last cult-inscriptions at Olympia are +of 265. At the same time, the cumulation of the most diverse priestly characters +in one man became customary,⁠<a id="FNanchor_451" href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a> implying that these usages were felt no +longer as specific, but as usages of one single religion. And this religion set out +to <em>convert</em>, spreading itself far and wide over the lands of the Hellenistic-Roman +stock. The Christian religion, on the other hand, was alone in spreading +(<i>c.</i> 300) over the great Arabian field. And for that very reason it was inevitable +that inner contradiction should now be set up in it. Due, not now to the spiritual +dispositions of particular men, but to the spirit of the particular landscapes, +these contradictions led to the break-up of Christianity into several religions—and +for ever.</p> + +<p>The <em>controversy concerning the nature of Christ</em> was the issue on which this +conflict came up for decision. The matter in dispute was just those problems of +substance which in the same form and with the same tendency fill the thoughts +of all other Magian theologies. Neoplatonic Scholasticism, Porphyry, Iamblichus, +and above all Proclus treated it in a Western formulation, by modes of +thought closely akin to Philo’s and even to Paul’s. The relation between the +Primary One, Nus, Logos, the Father, and the Mediator was considered with +reference to the substantial. Was the process thereof one of emanation, of +partition, or of pervasion? Was one contained in the other, are they identical, +or mutually exclusive? Was the Triad at the same time a Monad? In the East a +different constitution of the problem is evidenced already in the premisses of the +John Gospel and the Bardesanian Gnosis: the relation of Ahuramazda to the +Holy Spirit (Spenta Mainyu) and the nature of Vohu Mano gave plenty of +<span class="pagenum" id="p256">[256]</span>occupation to the Avestan “fathers”; and it was just at the time of the decisive +Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon that we find the temporary triumph of +Zrvanism (438–457), with its primacy of the divine world-course (Zrvan as +historic Time) over the divine substances marking a peak of dogmatic battle. +Later, Islam took up the whole subject over again and sought to solve it in +relation to the nature (<i lang="de">Wesenheit</i>) of Mohammed and the Koran. The problem +had been there, ever since a Magian mankind had come into being—very +much as the specifically Western will-problem, our counterpart to the substance-problem, +was posed in the beginnings of Faustian thought. There is no need +to look for these problems; they are there as soon as the Culture thinks, they +are the fundamental form of its thought, and come to the front, uncalled-for +and sometimes not even perceived, in all its studies.</p> + +<p>But the three Christian solutions predetermined by the three landscapes of +East, West, and South were all present from the first, implicit already in the +main tendencies of Gnosticism, which we may indicate by the names of Bardesanes, +Basilides, and Valentinus. Their meeting-point was Edessa, where +the streets rang with the battle-cries of the Nestorians against the victors of +Ephesus and, anon, with the εἷς θεός shout of the Monophysites, demanding +that Bishop Ibas should be thrown to the wild beasts of the circus.</p> + +<p>The great question was formulated by Athanasius, whose intellectual origins +lay in the Pseudomorphosis and who had many affinities with his Pagan contemporary +Iamblichus. Against Arius, who saw in Christ a demigod, merely +<em>like</em> in substance to the Father, he maintained that Father and Son were of <em>the +same</em> substance (θεότης) which in Christ had assumed a human σῶμα. “The +Word became Flesh”—this formula of the West depends upon visible facts of +the cult-Churches, and the understanding of the Word upon constant contemplation +of the picturable. Here in the iconodule West, where in these very times +Iamblichus wrote his book concerning God-statues in which the divine was +substantially present and worked miracles,⁠<a id="FNanchor_452" href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> the abstraction of the Triunity +was always effectively accompanied by the sensuous-human relation of Mother +and Son, and it is the latter which it is impossible to eliminate from the thought-processes +of Athanasius.</p> + +<p>With the recognition of the homoousia of Father and Son the real problem +was for the first time posed—namely, the attitude of the Magian dualism to +the historical phenomenon of the Son himself. In the world-cavern there was +divine and human substance, in man a part in divine Pneuma and the individual +soul somehow related to the “flesh.” But what of Christ?</p> + +<p>It was a decisive factor—one of the results of Actium—that the contest +was fought out in the Greek tongue and in the territory of the Pseudomorphosis—that +is, under the full influence of the “Caliph” of the Western Church. +<span class="pagenum" id="p257">[257]</span>Constantine had even been the convener and president of the Council of Nicæa, +where the doctrine of Athanasius carried the day. In the East, with its Aramaic +speech and thought, these doings were (as we know from the letters of Aphrahat) +hardly followed at all; there men saw no cause to quarrel about what, so far +as they were concerned, had long ago been settled. The breach between East +and West, a consequence of the Council of Ephesus (431) separated two Christian +<em>nations</em>, that of the “Persian Church” and that of the Greek Church, but +this was no more than the manifestation of a difference, inherent from the +first, between <em>modes of thought</em> proper to the two different landscapes. Nestorius +and the whole East saw in Christ the Second Adam, the Divine Envoy of the +last æon. Mary had borne a <em>man</em>-child in whose human and created substance +(<i>physis</i>) the godly, uncreated element <em>dwelt</em>. The West, on the contrary, saw in +Mary the Mother of a <em>God</em>: the divine and the human substance formed in his +body (<i lang="la">persona</i>, in the Classical idiom⁠<a id="FNanchor_453" href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a>) + a unity, named by Cyril ἕνωσις.⁠<a id="FNanchor_454" href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> When +the Council of Ephesus had recognized the mother of God, her who gave birth +to God, the city of Diana’s old renown burst into a truly Classical orgy of +celebration.⁠<a id="FNanchor_455" href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a></p> + +<p>But long ere this the Syrian Apollinaris⁠<a id="FNanchor_456" href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a> had heralded the “Southern” idea +of the matter—that in the living Christ there was not merely a substance, but +a single substance. The divine had transmuted itself into, not mingled itself +with, a human substance (no κρᾶσις, as Gregory Nazianzen maintained in +opposition; significantly enough, the best way of expressing the Monophysite +idea is through concepts of Spinoza—the <em>one</em> substance in another mode). The +Monophysites called the Christ of the Council of Chalcedon (451, where the +West once more prevailed) “the idol with the two faces.” They not only fell +away from the Church, they broke out in fierce risings in Palestine and Egypt; +and when in Justinian’s time the troops of Persia—that is, of Mazdaism—penetrated +to the Nile, they were hailed by the Monophysites as liberators.</p> + +<p>The fundamental meaning of this desperate conflict which raged for a +<span class="pagenum" id="p258">[258]</span>century—not over scholarly concepts, but over the soul of a landscape that +sought to be set free <em>in its people</em>—was the <em>reversal of the work of Paul</em>. If we can +transport ourselves into the inmost soul of the two new-born nations, making +no reservations and ignoring all minor points of dogmatics, then we see how the +direction of Christianity towards the Greek West and its intellectual affinity +with the Pagan Church culminated in the position that the Ruler of the West +was the Head of Christianity in general. In the mind of Constantine it was +self-evident that the Pauline foundation <em>within</em> the Pseudomorphosis was +synonymous with Christianity. The Jewish Christians of Petrine tendency +were to him a heretical sect, and the Eastern Christians of “Johannine” type +he never even noticed. When the spirit of the Pseudomorphosis had, in the +three determining councils of Nicæa, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, put <em>its</em> seal upon +dogma, once and for all, the real Arabian world rose up with the force of +nature and set up a barrier against it. With the end of the Arabian Springtime, +Christianity fell apart for good into three religions, which can be symbolized +by the names of Paul, Peter, and John, and of which none can henceforth claim +to be regarded by the historically and doctrinally unprejudiced eye as <em>the</em> true +and proper Christianity. These three religions are at the same time three +nations, living in the old race-areas of Greeks, Jews, and Persians, and the +tongues that they used were the Church-languages borrowed from them—namely, +Greek, Aramaic, and Pehlevi.</p> + + +<h3 id="VII_3"> + VII +</h3> + +<p>The Eastern Church, since the Council of Nicæa, had organized itself with +an episcopal constitution, at the head of which stood the Katholikos of Ctesiphon, +and with councils, liturgy, and law of its own. In 486 the Nestorian +doctrine was accepted as binding, and the tie with Constantinople was thus +broken. From that point on, Mazdaists, Manichæans, and Nestorians have a +common destiny, of which the seed was sown in the Gnosis of Bardesanes. In +the Monophysite Churches of the South, the spirit of the primitive Community +emerged again and spread itself further; with its uncompromising monotheism +and its hatred of images its closest affinity was with Talmudic Judaism, and its +old battle-cry of εἷς θεός had already marked it to be, with that Judaism, the +starting-point of Islam (“Allah il Allah”). The Western Church continued to +be bound up with the fate of the Roman Empire—that is, the cult-Church +became the State. Gradually it absorbed into itself the adherents of the Pagan +Church, and thenceforth its importance lay not so much in itself—for Islam +almost annihilated it—but in the accident that it was <em>from it</em> that the young +peoples of the Western Culture received the Christian system as the basis for a +new creation,⁠<a id="FNanchor_457" href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a> receiving it, moreover, in the Latin guise of the extreme West—which +for the Greek Church itself was unmeaning, since Rome was now a +<span class="pagenum" id="p259">[259]</span>Greek city, and the Latin language was far more truly at home in Africa and +Gaul.</p> + +<p>The essential and elemental concept of the Magian nation, a being that consists +in extension, had been from the beginning active in extending itself. All +these Churches were, deliberately, forcefully, and successfully, missionary +Churches. But it was not until men had at last ceased to think of the end of +the world as imminent, and dogma appropriate to prolonged existence in this +World’s Cavern had been built up, and the Magian religions had taken up their +standpoint towards the problem of substance, that the extending of the Culture +took up that swift, passionate tempo that distinguished it from all others and +found in Islam its most impressive, its last, but by no means its only example. +Of these mighty facts Western theologians and historians give an entirely false +picture. All that their gaze, riveted upon the Mediterranean lands, observes is +the Western direction that fits in with their “Ancient-Mediæval-Modern” +schema, and even within these limits, accepting the ostensible unity of Christianity, +they regard it as passing at a certain period from a Greek into a Latin +form, whereby the Greek residue is lost sight of altogether.</p> + +<p>But even before Christianity—and this is a fact of which the immense +significance has never been observed, which has not even been correctly interpreted +as <em>mission</em> effort—the Pagan Church had won for the Syncretic +Cult the greater part of the population of North Africa, Spain, Gaul, Britain, +and the Rhine and Danube frontiers. Of the Druidism that Cæsar had found +in Gaul, little remained extant by the time of Constantine. The assimilation of +indigenous local gods under the names of the great Magian divinities of the +Cult-Church (and especially Mithras-Sol-Jupiter) from the second century on, +was essentially a process of conquest, and the same is true of the later emperor-worship.⁠<a id="FNanchor_458" href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> +The missionary efforts of Christianity here would have been less +successful than they were if the other cult-Church—its near relative—had +not preceded it. But the latter’s propaganda was by no means limited to barbarian +fields; even in the fifth century the missionary Asclepiodotus converted +Aphrodisias, a Carian city, from Christianity to Paganism.</p> + +<p>The Jews, as has been shown already, directed missionary effort on a large +scale towards the East and the South. Through southern Arabia they drove into +the heart of Africa, possibly even before the birth of Christ, while on the side +of the East their presence in China is demonstrable, even in the second century. +To the north the realm of the Khazars⁠<a id="FNanchor_459" href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> and its capital, Astrakhan, later went +over to Judaism. From this area came the Mongols of Jewish religion who +advanced into the heart of Germany and were defeated, along with the +Hungarians, in the battle of the Lechfeld in 955. Jewish scholars of the Spanish-Moorish +<span class="pagenum" id="p260">[260]</span>universities petitioned the Byzantine Emperor (in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1000) for +safe-conduct for an embassy that was to ask the Khazars whether they were +the Lost Tribes of Israel.</p> + +<p>From the Tigris, Mazdaists and Manichæans penetrated the empires on +either hand, Roman and Chinese, to their utmost frontiers. Persian, as the +Mithras cult, invaded Britain; Manichæism had by 400 become a danger +to Greek Christianity, and there were Manichæan sects in southern France as +late as the Crusades⁠<a id="FNanchor_460" href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a>; but the two religions drove eastwards as well, along +the Great Wall of China (where the great polyglot inscription of Kara Balgassun +testifies to the introduction of the Manichæan faith in the Oigur realm) +and even to Shantung. Persian fire-temples arose in the interior of China, and +from 700 Persian expressions are found in Chinese astrological writings.</p> + +<p>The three Christian Churches everywhere followed up the blazed trails. +When the Western Church converted the Frankish King Chlodwig in 496, the +missionaries of the Eastern Church had already reached Ceylon and the westernmost +Chinese garrisons of the Great Wall, and those of the Southern were in the +Empire of Axum. At the same time as, after Boniface (718), Germany became +converted, the Nestorian missionaries were within an ace of winning China +itself. They had entered Shantung in 638. The Emperor Gao-dsung (651–84) +permitted churches to be built in all provinces of the Empire, in 750 Christianity +was preached in the Imperial palace itself, and in 781, according to the Aramaic +and Chinese inscriptions upon a memorial column in Singafu which has been +preserved, “all China was covered with the palaces of Concord.” But it is in +the highest degree significant that the Confucians, who cannot be called inexpert +in religious matters, regarded the Nestorians, Mazdaists, and Manichæans as adherents +of a single “Persian” religion,⁠<a id="FNanchor_461" href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> just as the population of the Western +Roman provinces were unable to discriminate between Mithras and Christ.</p> + +<p>Islam, therefore, is to be regarded as the Puritanism of the whole group of +Early Magian religions, emerging as a religion only formally new, and in the +domain of the Southern Church and Talmudic Judaism. It is this deeper significance, +and not merely the force of its warlike onslaught, that gives the key +to its fabulous successes. Although on political grounds it practised an astounding +toleration—John Damascenus, the last great dogmatist of the Greek +Church, was, under the name of Al Manzor, treasurer to the Caliph—Judaism, +Mazdaism, and the Southern and Eastern churches of Christianity were swiftly +and almost completely dissolved in it. The Katholikos of Seleucia, Jesujabh III, +complains that tens of thousands of Christians went over to it as soon as it came +on the scene, and in North Africa—the home of Augustine—the entire +population fell away to Islam at once. Mohammed died in 632. In 641 the +whole domain of the Monophysites and the Nestorians (and, therefore, of the +<span class="pagenum" id="p261">[261]</span>Talmud and the Avesta) were in the possession of Islam. In 717 it stood before +Constantinople, and the Greek Church was in peril of extinction. Already in +628 a relative of the prophet had brought presents to the Chinese Emperor Tai-dsung +and obtained leave to institute a mission. From 700 there were mosques +in Shantung, and in 720 Damascus sent instructions to the Arabs long established +in southern France to conquer the realm of the Franks. Two centuries +later, when in the West a new religious world was arising out of the remains of +the old Western Church, Islam was in the Sudan and in Java.</p> + +<p>For all this, Islam is significant only as a piece of <em>outward</em> religious history. +The inner history of the Magian religion ends with Justinian’s time, as truly +as that of the Faustian ends with Charles V and the Council of Trent. +Any book on religious history shows “<em>the</em>” Christian religion as having had +<em>two ages of grand thought-movements</em>—0–500 in the East and 1000–1500 in the West.⁠<a id="FNanchor_462" href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> +<em>But these are two springtimes of two Cultures</em>, and in them are comprised also the +non-Christian forms which belong to each religious development. The closing +of the University of Athens by Justinian in 529 was not, as is always stated, the +end of Classical philosophy—there had been no Classical philosophy for +centuries. What he did, forty years before the birth of Mohammed, was to +end the theology of the Pagan Church by closing this school and—as the +historians forget to add—<em>to end the Christian theology also</em> by closing those of +Antioch and Alexandria. Dogma was complete, finished—just as it was in the +West with the Council of Trent (1564) and the Confession of Augsburg (1540), +for with the city and intellectualism religious creative force comes to an end. +So also in Jewry and in Persia, the Talmud was concluded about 500, and when +Chosroës Nushirvan in 529 bloodily suppressed the Reformation of Mazdak—which +was not unlike our Anabaptism in its rejection of marriage and worldly +property, and had been supported by King Kobad I as counteracting the power +of Church and nobility—Avestan dogma similarly passed into fixity.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p262"></a><a id="p263"></a><a id="p264"></a><a id="p265"></a>[265]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IX"> + CHAPTER IX + <br> + <span class="subtitle">PROBLEMS OF THE ARABIAN CULTURE + <br> + (C) + <br> + PYTHAGORAS, MOHAMMED, CROMWELL</span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<h3>I⁠<a id="FNanchor_463" href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a></h3> + +<p>Religion may be described as the Waking-Being of a living creature in the +moments when it overcomes, masters, denies, and even destroys Being. Race-life +and the pulse of its drive dwindle as the eyes gaze into an extended, tense, +and light-filled world, and <em>Time yields to Space</em>. The plantlike desire for fulfilment +goes out, and from primary depths there wells up the animal fear of +the fulfilment, of the ceasing of direction, of death. Not hate and love, but +fear and love are the basic feelings of religion. Hate and fear differ as Time and +Space, blood and eye, pulse and tension, heroism and saintliness. And love in +the race-sense differs from love in the religious sense in the same way.</p> + +<p>All religion is turned to light. The extended itself becomes religious as a +world of the eye comprehended from the ego as centre of light. Hearing and +touch are adjusted to what is seen and the <em>Invisible</em>, whose workings are sensed, +becomes the sum of the dæmonic. All that we designate by the words “deity,” +“revelation,” “salvation,” “dispensation,” is in one way and another an +element of illumined actuality. Death, for man, is something that he sees, and +knows by seeing, and in relation to death birth is <em>the other</em> secret. They are the +two visible limits of the sensible cosmic that is incarnate in a live body in +lighted space.</p> + +<p>There are two sorts of deeper fear—one is fear (known even to the animals) +<em>in presence of</em> microcosmic freedom in space, before space itself and its powers, +before death; the other is fear <em>for</em> the cosmic current of being, for life, for +directional time. The first awakens a dark feeling that freedom in the extended +is just a new and deeper sort of dependence than that which rules the vegetable +world, and it leads the individual being, sensible of its weakness, to seek the +propinquity and alliance of others. Anxiety produces speech, and our sort of +speech is religion—every religion. Out of the fear of Space arise the numina of +the <em>world-as-nature</em> and the <em>cults of gods</em>; out of the fear for time arise the numina +of <em>life</em>, of sex and breed, of the State, centring on <em>ancestor-worship</em>. That is the +difference between Taboo and Totem⁠<a id="FNanchor_464" href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a>—for the totemistic, too, always appears +in religious form, out of holy awe of that which passeth all understanding and +is for ever alien.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p266">[266]</span></p> + +<p>The higher religion requires tense alertness against the powers of blood and +being that ever lurk in the depths ready to recapture their primeval rights over +the <em>younger</em> side of life. “<em>Watch</em> and pray, that ye fall not into temptation.” +Nevertheless, “liberation” is a fundamental word in every religion and an +eternal wish of every waking-being. In this general, almost prereligious, sense, +it means the desire for freedom from the anxieties and anguishes of waking-consciousness; +for relaxation of the tensions of fear-born thought and search; +for the obliteration and removal of the consciousness of the Ego’s loneliness +in the universe, the rigid conditionedness of nature, the prospect of the +immovable boundary of all Being in eld and death.</p> + +<p>Sleep, too, liberates—“Death and his brother Sleep.” And holy wine, +intoxication, breaks the rigour of the spirit’s tension, and dancing, the Dionysus +art, and every other form of stupefaction and ecstasy. These are modes +of slipping out of awareness by the aid of being, the cosmic, the “it,” <em>the +escape out of space into time</em>. But higher than all these stands the genuinely +religious overcoming of fear <em>by means of the understanding itself</em>. The tension +between microcosm and macrocosm becomes something that we can love, +something in which we can wholly immerse ourselves.⁠<a id="FNanchor_465" href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> We call this <em>faith</em>, +and it is the beginning of all man’s intellectual life.</p> + +<p>Understanding is causal only, whether deductive or inductive, whether +derived from sensation or not. It is wholly impossible to distinguish being-understood +from being-caused—both express the same thing. When something +is “actual” for us, we see it and think it in causal (<i lang="de">ursächlich</i>) form, just as we +feel and know ourselves and our activities as things originating, causes (<i lang="de">Ursache</i>). +The assignment of causes is, however, different from case to case, not +only in the religious, but also generally in the inorganic logic of man. A fact +is thought of at one moment as having such-and-such, at another moment as +having something else, as its cause. Every kind of thinking has for every one +of its domains of application a proper “system.” In everyday life a causal +connexion in thought is never exactly repeated. Even in modern physics +working hypotheses—that is, causal systems—which partially exclude one +another are in use side by side; for instance, the ideas of electrodynamics and +those of thermodynamics. The significance of the thought is not thereby +nullified, for during a continuous spell of waking-consciousness we “understand” +always in the form of single acts of which each has its own causal +inception. The viewing of the entire world-as-nature in relation to the individual +consciousness as a single causally-ordered concatenation is something +perfectly unrealizable by our thought, inasmuch as our thinking proceeds +always by unit acts. It remains a belief. It is indeed Faith itself, for it is the +basis of religious understanding of the world, which, wherever something is +observed, postulates numina as a necessity of thought—ephemeral numina for +<span class="pagenum" id="p267">[267]</span>incidental events which are not again thought of, and enduring numina as +place-definite indwellers (of springs, trees, stones, hills, stars, and so forth) +or as universals (like the gods of Heaven, of War, of Wisdom) which can be +present anywhere. These numina are limited only in virtue of the individualness +of each separate act of thought. That which to-day is a property of the +god is to-morrow itself the god. Others are now a plurality, now a unity, +now a vague Ent. There are invisibles (shapes) and incomprehensibles +(principles), which, to those to whom it is vouchsafed, may become phenomenal +or comprehensible. Fate⁠<a id="FNanchor_466" href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a> in the Classical (εἰμαρμένη) and in the Indian (<i>rta</i>) +is something which stands as origin-thing (<i>Ur-Sache</i>) above the picturable +divinities; Magian Destiny, on the contrary, is the operation of the one and +formless supreme God. Religious thought ever lets itself graduate values +and rank within the causal succession, and leads up to supreme beings or principles, +as very first and “governing” causes; “dispensation” is the word +used for the most comprehensive of all systems based upon valuation. Science, +on the contrary, is a mode of understanding which fundamentally abhors +distinctions of rank amongst causes; what it finds is not dispensation, but +law.</p> + +<p>The understanding of causes sets free. Belief in the linkages discovered +compels the world-fear to retreat. God is man’s refuge from the Destiny which +he can feel and livingly experience, but not think on, or figure, or name, and +which sinks into abeyance for so long—only for so long—as the “critical” +(literally, the <em>separating</em>) fear-born understanding can establish causes behind +causes comprehensibly; that is, in order visible to the outer or inner eye. It is +the desperate dilemma of the higher grade of man that his powerful will to +understand is in constant contradiction with his being. It has ceased to serve +his life, but is unable to rule it, and consequently in all important conjunctures +there remains an insoluble element. “One has merely to declare +oneself free, and one feels the moment to be conditioned. But if one has +the courage to declare oneself conditioned, then one has the feeling of being +free” (Goethe).</p> + +<p>We name a causal linkage within the world-as-nature, as to which we are +convinced that no further reflection can alter it—Truth. Truths are established, +and they are timeless—“absolute” means detached from Destiny +and history, but detached also from the facts of our own living and dying—and +they are an inward liberation, consolation, and salvation, in that they +disvalue and overcome the incalculable happenings of the world of facts. Or, +as it mirrors itself in the mind, men may go, but truth remains.</p> + +<p>In the world-around something is established—that is, fixed, spellbound. +<span class="pagenum" id="p268">[268]</span>Understanding man has the secret in the hands, whether this be, as of old, some +potent charm or, as nowadays, a mathematical formula. A feeling of triumph, +even to-day, accompanies every experimental step in the realm of Nature +which determines something—about the purposes and powers of the god of +heaven or the storm-spirits of the ground-dæmons; or about the numina of +natural science (atom-nuclei, the velocity of light, gravitation); or even about +the abstract numina that thought conceives in contemplating its own image +(concept, category, reason)—and, in determining, fixes it in the prison of an +unalterable system of causal relations. Experience in this inorganic, killing, +preserving sense, which is something quite different from life-experience and +knowledge of men, takes place in two modes—<em>theory and technique</em>,⁠<a id="FNanchor_467" href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> or, in +religious language, <em>myth and cult</em>—according as the believer’s intention is to +open up or to confine the secrets of the world-around. Both demand a high +development of human understanding. <em>Both may be born of either fear or love.</em> +There is a mythology of fear, like the Mosaic and the primitive generally, and a +mythology of love, like that of early Christianity and Gothic mysticism. +Similarly there is a technique of defensive, and another technique of postulant, +magic, and this, no doubt the most fundamental, distinction between sacrifice +and prayer⁠<a id="FNanchor_468" href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> distinguishes also primitive and mature mankind. Religiousness +is a trait of soul, but religion is a talent. “Theory” demands the gift of vision +that few possess to the extent of luminous insight and many possess not at all. +It is world-view, “<i lang="de">Weltanschauung</i>” in the most primary sense, whether what +one sees in that world is the hand and the loom of powers, or (in a colder urban +spirit, not fearing or loving, but inquisitive) the theatre of law-conform +forces. The secrets of Taboo and Totem are beheld in god-faiths and soul-faiths, +and calculated in theoretical physics and biology. “Technique” presupposes +the intellectual gift of binding and conjuring. The theorist is the critical seer, +the technician is the priest, the discoverer is the prophet.</p> + +<p>The means, however, in which the whole force of intellect concentrates +itself is the <em>form</em> of the actual, which is abstracted from vision by speech, and of +which not every waking-consciousness can discern the quintessence—the +conceptual circumscription, the communicable law, name, number. Hence +every conjuration of the deity is based on the knowledge of its real name and +the use of rites and sacraments, known and available only to the initiated, of +which the form must be exact and the words correct. This applies not merely +to primitive magic, but just as much to our physical (and particularly our +medical) technique. It is for this reason that mathematics have a character of +sanctity and are regularly the product of a religious milieu (Pythagoras, +Descartes, Pascal); that there is a mysticism of sacred numbers (3, 7, 12) in +<span class="pagenum" id="p269">[269]</span>every religion,⁠<a id="FNanchor_469" href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a> + and that Ornament (of which cult-architecture is the highest +form) is essentially number felt as shape. It is rigid, compelling forms, expression-motives +and communication-signs⁠<a id="FNanchor_470" href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a> that the microcosm employs in the +world of waking-consciousness to get into touch with the macrocosm. In +sacerdotal technique they are called precepts, and in scientific, laws—but +both are really name and number, and primitive man would discover no difference +between the magic wherewith the priests of his villages command the +dæmons and that wherewith the civilized technician commands his machines.</p> + +<p>The first, and perhaps the only, outcome of man’s will-to-understanding is +<em>faith</em>. “I believe” is the great word against metaphysical fear, and at the same +time it is an avowal of love. Even though one’s researches or accumulation of +knowledge may culminate in sudden illumination or conclusive calculation, +yet all one’s own sense and comprehension would be meaningless unless there +were set up along with it an inward certainty of a “something” which as +other and alien <em>is</em>—and is, moreover, exactly under the ascertained shape—in +the concatenation of cause and effect. The highest intellectual possession, +therefore, known to man as a being of speech-deduced thought, is the +firm and hard-won belief in this something, withdrawn from the courses of +time and destiny, which he has separated out by contemplation and labelled +by name and number. But <em>what</em> that something is remains in the last analysis +obscure. Was it the something of secret logic of the universe that was touched, +or only a silhouette? And all the struggle and passion starts afresh, and anxious +investigation directs itself upon this new doubt, which may well turn to despair. +He needs in his intellectual boring of belief a <em>final</em> something attainable by +thought, an end of dissection that leaves no remainder of mystery. The corners +and pockets of his world of contemplation must all be illuminated—nothing +less will give him his release.</p> + +<p>Here belief passes over into the knowledge evoked by mistrust, or, more +accurately, becomes belief in that knowledge. For the latter form of the understanding +is radically dependent upon the former; it is posterior, more artificial, +more questionable. Further, religious theory—that is, the contemplation +of the believer—<em>leads to</em> priestly practice, but scientific theory, on the contrary, +<em>liberates itself</em> by contemplation <em>from</em> the technical knowledge of every day +life.⁠<a id="FNanchor_471" href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> The firm belief that is bred by illuminations, revelations, sudden deep +glimpses, can dispense with critical work. But critical knowledge presupposes +the belief that its methods will lead to just that which is desired—that is, +not to fresh imaginings, but to the “actual.” History, however, teaches that +doubt as to belief leads to knowledge, and doubt as to knowledge (after a +period of critical optimism) back again to belief. As theoretical knowledge +<span class="pagenum" id="p270">[270]</span>frees itself from confiding acceptance, it is marching to self-destruction, after +which what remains is simply and solely technical experience.</p> + +<p>Belief, in its primitive, unclear condition, acknowledges superior sources +of wisdom by which things that man’s own subtlety could never unravel are +more or less manifest—such as prophetic words, dreams, oracles, sacred +scriptures, the voice of the deity. The critical spirit, on the contrary, wants, +and believes itself able, to look into everything for itself. It not only mistrusts +alien truths, but even denies their possibility. Truth, for it, is only knowledge +that it has proved for itself. But if pure criticism creates its means out of itself +solely, it did not long go unperceived that this position assumed the reality of +the result. <i lang="la">De omnibus dubitandum</i> is a proposition that is incapable of being +actualized. It is apt to be forgotten that critical activity must rest upon a +<em>method</em>, and the possibility of obtaining this method in turn by the way of +criticism is only apparent. For, in reality, it follows from the momentary disposition +of the thought.⁠<a id="FNanchor_472" href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a> That is, the results of criticism themselves are determined +by the basic method, but this in turn is determined by the stream of +being which carries and perfuses the waking-consciousness. The belief in a +knowledge that needs no postulates is merely a mark of the immense naïveté of +rationalist periods. A theory of natural science is nothing but a historically +older dogma in another shape. And the only profit from it is that which +life obtains, in the shape of a successful technique, to which theory has provided +the key. It has already been said that the value of a working hypothesis resides +not in its “correctness” but in its usableness. But discoveries of another sort, +findings of insight, “Truths” in the optimistic sense, cannot be the outcome +of purely scientific understanding, since this always presupposes an existing +view upon which its critical, dissecting activity can operate; the natural +science of the Baroque is one continuous dissection of the religious world-picture +of the Gothic.</p> + +<p>The aim of faith and science, fear and curiosity, is not to experience life, +but to know the world-as-nature. Of world-as-history they are the express +negation. But the secret of waking-consciousness is a twofold one; two fear-born, +causally ordered pictures arise for the inner eye—the “outer world” +and as its counter-image the “inner world.” In both are true problems, and +the waking-consciousness is not only a look-out, but is very busy within its +own domains as well. The Numen out there is called God; in here Soul. By +the critical understanding the deities of the believer’s vision are transmuted +in thought into mechanical magnitudes referable to its world, but their essence +and kernel remain the same—Classical matter and form, Magian light and +darkness, Faustian force and mass—and its mode is ever the same dissection +<span class="pagenum" id="p271">[271]</span>of the primitive soul-belief, and its end is ever the same, a <em>predetermined</em> result. +The physics of the within is called systematic psychology and it discovers in +man, if it is Classical science, thing-like soul-<em>parts</em> (νοῦς, θυμός, ἐπιθυμία); if +Magian, soul-substance (ruach, nephesh); if Faustian, soul-<em>forces</em> (thinking, feeling, +willing). These are the shapes that religious meditation, in fear and in +love, then follows up in the causal relations of guilt, sin, pardon, conscience, +reward, and punishment.</p> + +<p>Being is a mystery that, as soon as faith and science turn their attention to +it, illudes them into fateful error. Instead of the cosmic itself being reached +(which is completely outside the possibilities of the active waking-consciousness) +the sensible mobility of body in the field of the eye, and the conceptual +image of a mechanical-causal chain abstracted therefrom, are subjected to +analysis. But real life <em>is led</em>, not cognised. <em>Only the Timeless is true.</em> Truths lie +beyond history and life, and vice versa life is something beyond all causes, +effects, and truths. Criticism in both cases, critique of waking-consciousness +and critique of being, are contrary to happening and alien to life. But in the +first case the application of a critique is entirely justified by the critical intention +and the inner logic of the object that is referred to; in the second case it is not. +It follows that the distinction between faith and knowledge, or fear and curiosity, +or revelation and criticism, is not, after all, the ultimate distinction. +Knowledge is only a late form of belief. But <em>belief and life</em>, love springing from +the secret fear of the world, and love springing from the secret hate of the sexes, +knowledge of inorganic and sense of organic logic, Causes and Destinies—<em>this</em> +is the deepest opposition of all. And here we distinguish men, not according +to what their modes of thinking are—religious or critical—nor +according to the objects of their thought, but according to whether they are +thinkers (no matter about what) <em>or doers</em>.</p> + +<p>In the realm of doing the waking-consciousness takes charge only when it +becomes <em>technique</em>. Religious knowledge, too, is power—man is not only +ascertaining causations, but handling them. He who knows the secret relationship +between microcosm and macrocosm commands it also, whether the +knowledge has come to him by revelation or by eavesdropping. Thus the +magician and conjuror is truly the Taboo-man. He compels the deity through +sacrifice and prayer; he practises the true rites and sacraments because they are +causes of inevitable results, and whosoever knows them, him they must serve. +He reads in the stars and in the sacred books; in his power lies, timeless and +immune from all accident, the <em>causal</em> relation of sin and propitiation, repentance +and absolutions, sacrifice and grace. His chain of sacred origins and results +makes him himself a vessel of mysterious power and, therefore, a cause of new +effects, in which one must have faith before one may have them imparted.</p> + +<p>From this starting-point we can understand (what the European-American +world of to-day has wellnigh forgotten) the ultimate meaning of religious +<span class="pagenum" id="p272">[272]</span>ethics, <em>Moral</em>. It is, wherever true and strong, a relation that has the full import +of <em>ritual act and practice</em>; it is (to use Loyola’s phrase) “<i lang="la">exercitium spirituale</i>,” +performed before the deity,⁠<a id="FNanchor_473" href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a> who is to be softened and conjured thereby. “What +shall I do to be saved?” This “what?” is the key to the understanding of all +real moral. In its deeps there is ever a “wherefore” and a “why,” even in the +case of those few sublimate philosophers who have imagined a moral that is +“for its own sake”—confessing in the very phrase that deep down they feel a +“wherefore,” even though but a sympathetic few of their own kind can appreciate +it. <em>There is only causal moral</em>—that is, <em>ethical technique</em>—on the background +of a convinced metaphysic.</p> + +<p>Moral is a conscious and planned causality of the conduct, apart from all +particulars of actual life and character, something eternal and universally +valid, not only without time, but hostile to time and for that very reason +“true.” Even if mankind did not exist, moral would be true and valid—this +is no mere conceit, but an expression of the ethical inorganic logic of the +world conceived as system that has actually been used. Never would the +philosopher concede that it could have a historical evolution and fulfilment. +Space denies Time; true moral is absolute, eternally complete and the same. +In the depths of it there is ever a negation of life, a refraining and renunciation +carried to the point of askesis and death itself. Negation is expressed in its very +phrases—religious moral contains prohibitions, not precepts. Taboo, even +where it ostensibly affirms, is a list of disclaimers. To liberate oneself from the +world of fact, to evade the possibilities of Destiny, always to look upon the +race in oneself as the lurking enemy—nothing but hard system, doctrine, and +exercise will give that. No action must be causal or impulsive—that is, left +to the blood—everything must be considered according to motives and results +and “carried out” according to orders. Extreme tension of awareness is required +lest we fall into sin. First of all things, continence in what pertains to +the blood, love, marriage. Love and hate in mankind are cosmic and evil; +the love of the sexes is the very polar opposite of timeless love and fear of God, +and therefore it is the prime sin, for which Adam was cast forth from paradise +and burdened man with the heritage of guilt. Conception and death define the +life of the body in space, and the fact that it is the <em>body</em> that is in question makes +the former sin and the latter punishment. Σῶμα σῆμα (the Classical body a +grave!) was the confession of the Orphic religion. Æschylus and Pindar comprehended +Being as a reproach, and the saints of all Cultures feel it as an impiety +that has to be killed off by askesis or (what is nearly related thereto) orgiastic +squandering. Action, the field of history, the deed, heroism, delight in battle +and victory and spoil, are evil. For in them the pulse of cosmic being knocks +on the door too loudly and disturbingly for contemplativeness and thought. +<span class="pagenum" id="p273">[273]</span>The whole world—meaning the world-as-history—is infamous. It fights +instead of renouncing; it does not possess the idea of sacrifice. It prevails over +truth by means of facts. As it follows impulse, it baffles thought about cause +and effect. And therefore the highest sacrifice that intellectual man can offer is +to make a personal present of it to the powers of nature. <em>Every moral action is a +piece of this sacrifice</em>, and an ethical life-course is an unbroken chain of such +sacrifices. Above all, the offering of sympathy, com-passion {sic}, in which the +inwardly strong gives up his superiority to the powerless. The compassionate +man kills something within himself. But we must not confuse this sympathy +in the grand religious sense with the vague sentimentality of the everyday man, +who cannot command himself, still less with the <em>race-feeling of chivalry</em> that is +not a moral of reasons and rules at all, but an upstanding and self-evident <em>custom</em> +bred of the unconscious pulsations of a keyed-up life. That which in civilized +times is called social ethics has nothing to do with religion, and its presence +only goes to show the weakness and emptiness of the religiousness of the day, +which has lost that force of metaphysical sureness that is the condition +precedent of strong, convinced, and self-denying moral. Think for instance of +the difference between Pascal and Mill. Social ethic is nothing but practical +politics. It is a very Late product of <em>the same</em> historical world whose Springtime +(in all Cultures alike) has witnessed the flowering of an ethic of high courage +and knightliness in a strong stock that does not wince under the life of history +and fate; an ethic of natural and acquired reactions that polite society to-day +would call “the instincts of a gentleman”; an ethic of which vulgarity and +not sin is the antithesis. Once again it is the Castle versus the Cathedral. +The castle character does not ask about precepts and reasons. In fact, it does +not ask questions at all. Its code lies in the blood—which is pulse—and its +fear is not of punishment or requital, but of contempt and especially self-contempt. +It is not selfless; on the contrary, it springs from the very fullness of a +strong self. But Compassion likewise demands inward greatness of soul, and +so it is those selfsame Springtimes that produce the most saintly servants of +pity, the Francis of Assisi, the Bernard of Clairvaux, in whom renunciation was +a pervading fragrance, to whom self-offering was bliss, whose <i lang="la">caritas</i> was ethereal, +bloodless, timeless, historyless, in whom fear of the universe had dissolved +itself into pure, flawless love, a summit of causal moral of which Late periods +are simply no longer capable.</p> + +<p>To constrain one’s blood, one must have blood. Consequently it is only in +knightly warrior-times that we find a monasticism of the great style, and the +highest symbol for the complete victory of Space over Time is the warrior +become ascetic—not the born dreamer and weakling, who belongs by nature +to the cloister, nor again the scholar, who works at a moral system in the +study. Putting cant aside, that which is called moral to-day—a proper affection +for one’s nearest, or the exercise of worthy inclinations, or the practice of +<span class="pagenum" id="p274">[274]</span><i lang="la">caritas</i> with an <i lang="fr">arrière-pensée</i> of acquiring political power by that means—is +not honour-moral, or even a low grade of it, according to Springtime standards. +To repeat: there is grand moral only with reference to death, and its +sources are a fear, pervading the whole waking-consciousness, of metaphysical +causes and consequences, a love that overcomes life, a consciousness that one +is under the inexorable magic of a causal system of sacred laws and purposes, +which are honoured as truths and which one must either wholly belong to or +wholly renounce. Constant tension, self-watching, self-testing, accompany +the exercise of this moral, which is an art, and in the presence of which the +world-as-history sinks to nothingness. Let a man be either a hero or a saint. +In between lies, not wisdom, but banality.</p> + + +<h3 id="II_8"> + II +</h3> + +<p>If there were truths independent of the currents of being, there could be no +history of truths. If there were one single eternally right religion, religious +history would be an inconceivable idea. But, however highly developed the +microcosmic side of an individual’s life may be, it is nevertheless something +stretched like a membrane over the developing life, perfused by the pulsing +blood, ever betraying the hidden drive of cosmic directedness. Race dominates +and forms all apprehension. It is the destiny of each moment of awareness to +be a cast of Time’s net over Space.</p> + +<p>Not that “eternal truths” do not exist. Every man possesses them—plenty +of them—to the extent that he exists and exercises the understanding +faculty in a world of thoughts, in the connected ensemble of which they are, in +and for the instant of thought, unalterable fixtures—ironbound as cause-effect +combinations in hoops of premisses and conclusions. Nothing in this +disposition can become displaced, he believes. But in reality it is just <em>one</em> surge +of life that is lifting his waking self and its world together. Its unity remains +integral, but <em>as</em> a unit, a whole, <em>a fact</em>, it has a history. Absolute and relative +are to one another as transverse and longitudinal sections of a succession of +generations, the latter ignoring Space, and the former Time. The systematic +thinker stays in the causal order of a moment; only the physiognomist who +reviews the sequence of positions realizes the constant alteration of that which +“is” true.</p> + +<p><i lang="de">Alles Vergängliche ist nur ein Gleichnis</i> holds good for the eternal truths also, +as soon as we follow their course in the stream of history, and watch them move +on as elements in the world-picture of the generations that live and die. For +each man, during the short space of his existence, the <em>one</em> religion is eternal and +true which Destiny, through the time and place of his birth, has ordained for +him. With it he feels, out of it he forms, the views and convictions of his days. +To its words and forms he holds fast, although what he means by them is +constantly changing. In the world-as-nature there are eternal truths; in the +world-as-history there is an eternally changing trueness.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p275">[275]</span></p> + +<p><em>A morphology of religious history</em>, therefore, is a task that the Faustian spirit +alone could ever formulate, and one that it is only now, at this present stage of +its development, fit to deal with. The problem is enunciated, and we must dare +the effort of getting completely away from our own convictions and seeing before +us everything indifferently as equally alien. And how hard it is! He who undertakes +the task must possess the strength not merely to imagine himself in an +illusory detachment from the truths of his world-understanding—illusory +even to one for whom truths are just a set of concepts and methods—but +actually to penetrate his own system physiognomically to its very last cells. +And even then is it possible, in a single language, which structurally and +spiritually carries the whole metaphysical content of its own Culture, to capture +transmissible ideas of the truths of other-tongued men?</p> + +<p>There is, to begin with, over the thousands of years of the first age,⁠<a id="FNanchor_474" href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> the +colourless throng of primitive populations, which stand fearfully agape in the +presence of the chaotic environment, whose enigmas continually weigh upon +them, for no man amongst them is able logically to master it. Lucky in comparison +with them is the animal, who is awake and yet not thinking. An +animal knows fear only from case to case, whereas early man trembles before the +whole world. Everything inside and outside him is dark and unresolved. The +everyday and the dæmonic are tangled together without clue and without rule. +The day is filled with a frightened and painful religiousness, in which it is rare +to find even the suggestion of a religion of confidence—for from this elementary +form of the world-fear no way leads to the understanding love. Every +stone on which a man stumbles, every tool that he takes in his hand, every insect +buzzing past him, food, house, weather, all can be dæmonic; but the man believes +in the powers that lurk in them only so long as he is frightened or so long +<em>as he uses them</em>—there are quite enough of them even so. But one can love +something only if one believes in its <em>continued</em> existence. Love presupposes the +thought of a world-order that has acquired stability. Western research has +been at great pains, not only to set in order individual observations gathered +from all parts of the world, but to arrange them according to assumed gradations +that “lead up” from animism (or other beginnings, as you please) to the beliefs +that it holds itself. Unfortunately, it is one particular religion that has +provided the values of the scheme, and Chinese or Greeks would have built +it quite differently. In reality no such gradation, leading a general human +evolution up to one goal, exists. Primitive man’s chaotic world-around, born +of his discontinuous understanding of separate moments and yet full of impressive +meaning, is always something grown-up, self-complete, and closed off, +often with chasms and terrors of deep metaphysical premonition. Always +it contains a system, and it matters little whether this is partially abstracted +from the contemplation of the light-world or remains wholly within it. Such +<span class="pagenum" id="p276">[276]</span>a world-picture does not “progress”; nor is it a fixed sum of particulars from +which this one and that one ought to be (though usually they are) picked out +for comparison irrespective of time, land, and people. In reality they form a +<em>world of organic religions</em>, which, all over the world, possessed (and, where they +linger, still possess) proper and very significant modes of originating, growing, +expanding, and fading out, and a well-established specific character in point of +structure, style, tempo, and duration. The religions of the high Cultures are +not developed from these, but different. They lie clearer and more intellectual +in the light, they know what understanding love means, they have problems +and ideas, theories and techniques, of strict intellect, but the religious symbolism +of everyday light they know no more. The primitive religiousness penetrates +everything; the later and individualized religions are self-contained +form-worlds of their own.</p> + +<p>All the more enigmatic, therefore, are the “pre-” periods of the grand +Cultures, still primitive through and through, and yet more and more distinctly +anticipating and pointing in a definite direction. It is just these periods, of +some centuries’ duration, that ought to have been accurately examined and compared +amongst themselves and for themselves. In what shape does the coming +phenomenon prepare itself? In the case of the Magian religions the threshold +period, as we have seen, produced the type of the Prophetic religion, which +led up to the Apocalyptic. How comes it that this particular form is more +deeply grounded in the essence of this particular Culture? Or why is it that the +Mycenæan prelude of the Classical is filled from one end to the other with +imaginings of beast-formed deities?⁠<a id="FNanchor_475" href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a> They are not the gods of the warriors +up in the megaron of the Mycenæan castle, where soul- and ancestor-worship +was practised with a high and noble piety evidenced still in the monuments, +but the gods of down below, the powers believed in in the peasant’s hut. The +great menlike gods of the Apollinian religion, which must have arisen about +1100 out of a mighty religious upheaval, bear traces of their dark past on all +sides. Hardly one of these figures is without some cognomen, attribute, or +telltale transformation-myth indicative of its origin. To Homer Hera is invariably +the cow-eyed; Zeus appears as a bull, and the Poseidon of the Thelpusan +<span class="pagenum" id="p277">[277]</span>legend as a horse. Apollo comes to be the name for countless primitive numina; +now he was wolf (Lycæus) like the Roman Mars, now dolphin (Delphinius), +and now serpent (the Pythian Apollo of Delphi). A serpent, too, is the form +of Zeus Meilichios on Attic grave-reliefs and of Asclepios, and of the Furies even +in Æschylus;⁠<a id="FNanchor_476" href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a> and the sacred snake kept on the Acropolis was interpreted as +Erichthonios. In Arcadia the horse-headed figure of Demeter in the temple of +Phigalia was still to be seen by Pausanias; the Arcadian Artemis-Callisto +appears as a she-bear, but in Athens too the priestesses of Artemis Brauronia +were called “<i>arktoi</i>” (bears).⁠<a id="FNanchor_477" href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> Dionysus—now a bull, now a stag—and Pan +retained a certain beast-element to the end. Psyche (like the Egyptian corporal-soul, +<i>bai</i>) is the soul-bird. And upon all this supervened the innumerable semi-animal +figures like sirens and centaurs that completely fill up the Early Classical +nature-picture.⁠<a id="FNanchor_478" href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a></p> + +<p>But what are the features, now, of the primitive religion of Merovingian +times that foreshadow the mighty uprising of the Gothic that was at hand? +That both are <em>ostensibly</em> the same religion, Christianity, proves nothing when +we consider the entire difference in their deeps. For (we must be quite clear in +our own mind on this) the primitive character of a religion does not lie in its +stock of doctrines and usages, but in the specific spirituality of the mankind +that adopts them and feels, speaks, and thinks with them. The student has to +familiarize himself with the fact that primitive Christianity (more exactly, the +early Christianity of the Western Church) has twice subsequently become the +expression-vehicle of a primitive piety, and therefore itself a primitive religion—namely, +in the Celtic-Germanic West between 500 and 900, and in Russia up +to this day. Now, how did the world mirror itself to these “converted” +minds? Leaving out of account some few clerics of, say, Byzantine education, +what did one actually think and imagine about these ceremonies and dogmas. +Bishop Gregory of Tours, who, we must remember, represents the highest +intellectual outlook of his generation, once lauded the powder rubbed from a +saint’s tombstone in these words: “O divine purgative, superior to all doctors’ +recipes, which cleanses the belly like scammony and washes away all stains +from our conscience!” For him the death of Jesus was a crime which filled him +with indignation, but no more; the Resurrection, on the contrary, which +hovered before him vaguely, he felt deep down as an athletic <i lang="fr">tour de force</i> that +stamped the Messiah as the grand wizard and so legitimated him as the true +Saviour. Of any mystic meaning in the story of the Passion he has not an +inkling.⁠<a id="FNanchor_479" href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p278">[278]</span></p> + +<p>In Russia the conclusions of the “Synod of a Hundred Chapters,” of 1551, +evidence a wholly primitive order of belief. Shaving of the beard and wrong +handling of the cross both figure here as deadly sins—they were affronts to +the dæmons. The “Synod of Antichrist,” of 1667, led to the vast secession of +the Raskol movement, because thenceforward the sign of the cross was to be +made with three fingers instead of two, and the name “Jesus” was to be pronounced +“Yissus” instead of “Issus”—whereby, for the strict believer, the +power of this magic over the dæmons would be lost.⁠<a id="FNanchor_480" href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> But this effect of fear is, +after all, not the only one nor even the most potent. Why is it that the Merovingian +period shows not the slightest trace of that glowing inwardness and +longing to sink into the metaphysical that suffuses the Magian seed-time of +Apocalyptic and the closely analogous period of the Holy Synod (1721–1917) in +Russia? What was it that from Peter the Great’s time on led all those martyr-sects +of the Raskolniki to celibacy, poverty, pilgrimage, self-mutilation, and +asceticism in its most fearful forms, and in the seventeenth century had driven +thousands, in religious frenzy, to throw themselves <i lang="fr">en masse</i> into the flames? +The doctrines of the Chlysti, with their “Russian Christs” (of whom seven +are counted so far); the Dukhobors with their Book of Life, which they use as +their Bible and hold to contain psalms of Jesus orally transmitted; the Skoptsi +with their ghastly mutilation-precepts—manifestations, one and all, of something +without which Tolstoi, Nihilism, and the political revolutions are incomprehensible⁠<a id="FNanchor_481" href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a>—how +is it that in comparison the Frankish period seems so +dull and shallow? Is it that only Aramæans and Russians possess religious +genius—and, if so, what have we to expect of the Russia that is to come, now +that (just in the decisive centuries) the obstacle of scholarly orthodoxy has +been destroyed?</p> + + +<h3 id="III_8"> + III +</h3> + +<p>Primitive religions have something homeless about them, like the clouds +and the wind. The mass-souls of the proto-peoples have accidentally and +fugitively condensed into <em>one</em> being, and accidental, therefore, is and remains +the “where”—which is an “anywhere”—of the linkages of waking-consciousness +arising from the fear and defensiveness that spread over them. +Whether they stay or move on, whether they alter or not, is immaterial so far +as concerns their inward significance.</p> + +<p>From life of this order the high Cultures are separated by a deep soil-boundness. +Here there is a mother-landscape behind all expression-forms, and just +as the State, as temple and pyramid and cathedral, <em>must</em> fulfil their history <em>there</em> +where their idea originated, so too the great religion of every Springtime is +<span class="pagenum" id="p279">[279]</span>bound by all the roots of its being to the land over which its world-image has +risen. Sacral practices and dogmas may be carried far and wide, but their +inner evolution stays spellbound in the place of their birth. It is simply an +impossibility that the slightest trace of evolution of Classical city-cults should +be found in Gaul, or a dogmatic advance of Faustian Christianity in America. +Whatever disconnects itself from the land becomes rigid and hard.</p> + +<p>It begins, in every case, like a great cry. The dull confusedness of terror and +defence suddenly passes into a pure awakening of inwardness that blossoms up, +wholly plantwise, from mother earth, and sees and comprehends the depth of +the light-world with <em>one</em> outlook. Wherever introspectiveness exists as a living +sense, this change is felt and welcomed as an inward rebirth. In this moment—never +earlier, and never (at least with the same deep intensity) later—it +traverses the chosen spirits of the time like a grand light, which dissolves all +fear in blissful love and lets the invisible appear, all suddenly, in a metaphysical +radiance.</p> + +<p>Every Culture actualizes here its prime symbol. Each has its own sort +of love—we may call it heavenly or metaphysical as we choose—with +which it contemplates, comprehends, and takes into itself its godhead, and +which remains to every other Culture inaccessible or unmeaning. Whether the +world be something set under a domed light-cavern, as it was for Jesus and his +companions, or just a vanishingly small bit of a star-filled infinity, as Giordano +Bruno felt it; whether the Orphics take their bodily god into themselves, or +the spirit of Plotinus, soaring in ecstasy, fuses in henosis with the spirit of God, +or St. Bernard in his “mystic union” becomes one with the operation of infinite +deity—the deep urge of the soul is governed always by the prime symbol of the +particular Culture and of no other.</p> + +<p>In the Vth Dynasty of Egypt (2680–2540), which followed that of the great +pyramid-builders, the cult of the Horus-falcon, whose <i>ka</i> dwelt in the reigning +monarch, faded. The old local cults and even the profound Thot religion +of Hermopolis fell into the background. The sun-religion of Re appears. +Out from his palace westward every king erects a Re-sanctuary by his tomb-temple, +the latter a symbol of a life directional from birth to sarcophagus-chamber, +the former a symbol of grand and eternal nature. Time and Space, +being and waking-being, Destiny and sacred Causality are set face to face in +this mighty twin-creation as in no other architecture in the world. To both a +covered way leads up; that to the Re is accompanied by reliefs figuring the +power of the sun-god over the plant and animal worlds and the changings of +seasons. No god-image, no temple, but only an altar of alabaster adorns the +mighty terrace on which at day-break, high above the land, the Pharaoh advances +out of the darkness to greet the great god who is rising up in the East.⁠<a id="FNanchor_482" href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p280">[280]</span></p> + +<p>This youthful inwardness proceeds always out of a townless country-side, +out of villages, hovels, sanctuaries, solitary cloisters, and hermitages. Here is +formed the community of high awareness, of the spiritual elect, which inwardly +is separated by a whole world from the great being-currents of the +heroic and the knightly. The two prime estates, priesthood and nobility—contemplation +in the cathedral and deeds before the castles, askesis and <i>Minne</i>, +ecstasy and high-bred custom—begin their special histories from this point. +Though the Caliph was also worldly ruler of the faithful, though the Pharaoh +sacrificed in both holy places, though the German King built his family vault +under the cathedral, nothing gets rid of the abyssal opposition of Time and Space +that is reflected in the contrast of these two social orders. Religious history and +political history, the histories of truths and facts, stand opposed and irreconcilable. +Their opposition begins in cathedral and castle, it propagates itself in +the ever-growing towns as the opposition of wisdom and business, and in the +last stages of historical capacity it closes as a wrestle of intellect and power.</p> + +<p>But both these movements take place on the <em>heights</em> of humanity. Peasantdom +remains historyless under it all, comprehending politics as little as it +understands dogmatics. Out of the strong young religion of saintly groups, +scholasticism and mysticism develop in the early towns; reformation, philosophy, +and worldly learning in the increasing tumult of streets and squares; +enlightenment and irreligion in the stone masses of the late megalopolis. The +beliefs of the peasant outside remain “eternal” and always the same. The +Egyptian hind understood nothing of this Re. He heard the name, but while a +grand chapter of religious history was passing over his head in the cities, he +went on worshipping the old Thinite beast-gods, until with the XXVIth +Dynasty and its fellah-religion they regained supremacy. The Italian peasant +prayed in Augustus’s time just as he had done long before Homer and as he does +to-day. Names and dogmas of big religions, blossoming and dying in turn, +have penetrated to him from the towns and have altered the sounds of his words—but +the meaning remains ever the same. The French peasant lives still in the +Merovingian Age. Freya or Mary, Druids or Dominicans, Rome or Geneva—nothing +touches the innermost kernel of his beliefs.</p> + +<p>But even in the towns one stratum hangs back, historically, relatively to +another. Over the primitive religion of the country-side there is another +popular religion, that of the small people in the underground of the towns and +in the provinces. The higher a Culture rises—Middle Kingdom, Brahman +period, Pre-Socratics, Pre-Confucians, Baroque—the narrower becomes the +circle of those who possess the final truths of their time as reality and not as +mere name and sound. How many of those who lived with Socrates, Augustine, +and Pascal understood them? In religion as otherwise the human pyramid rises +with increasing sharpness, till at the end of the Culture it is complete—thereafter, +bit by bit, to crumble.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p281">[281]</span></p> + +<p>About 3000 in Egypt and Babylon two great religions began their life-courses. +In Egypt the “reformation” period at the end of the Old Kingdom +saw solar monotheism firmly founded as the religion of priests and educated +persons. All other gods and goddesses—whom the peasantry and the humble +people continued to worship in their former meaning—are now only incarnations +or servants of the one Re. Even the particular religion of Hermopolis, +with its cosmology, was adapted to the grand system, and a theological +negotiation brought even the Ptah of Memphis into harmony with dogma +as an abstract prime-principle of creation.⁠<a id="FNanchor_483" href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a> Exactly as in the times of Justinian +and Charles V, the city-spirit asserted mastery over the soul of the land; the +formative power of the Springtime had come to an end; the dogma was essentially +complete, and its subsequent treatment by rational processes took +down more of the structure than it improved. Philosophy began. In respect +of dogma, the Middle Kingdom was as unimportant as the Baroque.</p> + +<p>From 1500 three new religious histories begin—first the Vedic in the +Punjab, then the Early Chinese in the Hwang-ho, and lastly the Classical on +the north of the Ægean Sea. Distinctly as the Classical man’s world-picture +and his prime symbol of the unit body is presented to us, it is difficult even to +guess the details of the great Early Classical religion. For this lacuna we have +to thank the Homeric poems, which hinder rather than help us in comprehending +it. The new notion of godhead that was the special ideal of this Culture +is the human-formed body in the light, the hero as mediator between man and +god—so much, at any rate, the Iliad evidences. This body might be light-transfigured +by Apollo or disjected to the winds by Dionysus, but in every case +it was the basic form of Being. The σῶμα as ideal of the extended, the cosmos +as sum of these unit bodies, “Being” and “the one” as the extended-in-itself +and “Logos”⁠<a id="FNanchor_484" href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a> as the order thereof in the light—all this came up before the +eyes of priest-men, grandly visible and having the full force of a new religion.</p> + +<p>But the Homeric poetry is purely aristocratic. Of the two worlds—that of +the noble and that of the priest, that of Taboo and that of Totem, that of +heroism and that of sanctity—only the one is here living. It not only does +not understand, but actually despises, the other. As in the Edda, so in Homer, +it is the greatest glory of an immortal to know the way and code of nobility. +The thinkers of the Classical Baroque, from Xenophanes to Plato, regarded +these scenes of god-life as impudent and trivial, and they were right; they felt +exactly as the theology and philosophy of the later West felt about the +Germanic hero-sagas and even about Gottfried of Strassburg, Wolfram, and +Walther. If the Homeric epics did not vanish as the hero-songs collected by +Charlemagne vanished, it was only because there was no fully formed Classical +<span class="pagenum" id="p282">[282]</span>priesthood, with the result that the Classical cities, when they arose, were +intellectually dominated by a knightly and not a religious literature. The +original doctrines of this religion, which out of opposition to Homer linked +themselves with the (probably) still older name of Orpheus, were never written +down.</p> + +<p>All the same, they existed. Who knows what and how much is hidden behind +the figures of Calchas and Tiresias? A mighty upheaval there must have +been at the beginning of this Culture, as at that of others—an upheaval extending +from the Ægean Sea as far as Etruria—but the Iliad shows as few signs of it +as the lays of the Nibelungs and of Roland show of the inwardness and mysticism +of Joachim of Floris, St. Francis, and the Crusades, or of the inner fire of that +<cite lang="la">Dies Iræ</cite> of Thomas of Celano, which would probably have excited mirth at a +thirteenth-century court of love. Great personalities there must have been to +give a mystical-metaphysical form to the new world-outlook, but we know +nothing of them and it is only the gay, bright, easy side of it that passed into +the song of knightly halls. Was the “Trojan War” a feud, or was it also a +Crusade? What is the meaning of Helen? Even the Fall of Jerusalem has been +looked at from a worldly point of view as well as from a spiritual.</p> + +<p>In the nobles’ poetry of Homer, Dionysus and Demeter, as priests’ gods, are +unhonoured.⁠<a id="FNanchor_485" href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> But even in Hesiod, the herdsman of Ascra, the enthusiast-searcher +inspired by his folk-beliefs, the ideas of the great early time are not to +be found pure, any more than in Jakob Böhme the cobbler.⁠<a id="FNanchor_486" href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> That is the second +difficulty. <em>The great early religions, too, were the possession of a class</em>, and neither +accessible to nor understandable by the generality; the mysticism of earliest +Gothic, too, was confined to small elect circles, sealed by Latin and the difficulty +of its concepts and figures, and neither nobility nor peasantry had any +distinct idea of its existence. And excavation, therefore, important as it is in +respect of the Classical country-faiths, can tell us as little about the Early +Classical <em>religion</em> as a village church can tell us about Abelard or Bonaventura.</p> + +<p>But Æschylus and Pindar, at any rate, were under the spell of a great priestly +tradition, and before them there were the Pythagoreans, who made the Demeter-cult +their centre (thereby indicating where the kernel of that mythology is to +be sought), and earlier still were the Eleusinian Mysteries and the Orphic +reformation of the seventh century; and, finally, there are the fragments of +Pherecydes and Epimenides, who were not the first <em>but the last</em> dogmatists of a +theology in reality ancient. The idea that impiety was a heritable sin, visited +upon the children and the children’s children, was known to Hesiod and Solon, +as well as the doctrine (Apollinian also) of “Hybris.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_487" href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a> Plato, however, as an +<span class="pagenum" id="p283">[283]</span>Orphic opponent of the Homeric conception of life, sets forth very ancient +doctrines of hell and the judgment of the dead in his <cite>Phædo</cite>. We know the +tremendous formula of Orphism, the Nay of the mysteries that answered the +Yea of the agon, which arose, certainly by 1100 at latest, as a protest of Waking-Consciousness +against Being—σῶμα σῆμα, that splendid Classical body a grave! +Here man is no longer <em>feeling</em> himself as a thing of breeding, strength, and +movement; he <em>knows</em> himself and is terrified by what he knows. Here begins +the Classical askesis, which by strictest rites and expiations, even by voluntary +suicide, seeks deliverance from this Euclidean body-being. It is an entirely +erroneous interpretation of the Pre-Socratics to suppose that it was from the +view-point of enlightenment that they spoke against Homer. It was as <em>ascetics</em> +that they did so. These “contemporaries” of Descartes and Leibniz were +brought up in the strict traditions of the old great Orphism, which were as +faithfully preserved in the almost claustral meditation-schools—old and famous +holy places—as Gothic Scholasticism was treasured in the wholly intellectual +universities of the Baroque. From the self-immolation of Empedocles the line +runs straight forward to the suicide of the Roman Stoic, and straight back to +“Orpheus.”</p> + +<p>Out of these last surviving traces, however, an outline of the Early Classical +religion emerges bright and distinct. Just as all Gothic inwardness directed +itself upon Mary, Queen of Heaven and Virgin and Mother, so in that moment +of the Classical World there arose a garland of myths, images, and figures +around Demeter, the bearing mother, around Gaia and Persephone, and also +Dionysus the begetter, chthonian⁠<a id="FNanchor_488" href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> and phallic cults, festivals and mysteries of +birth and death. All this, too, was characteristically Classical, conceived under +the aspect of present corporeality. The Apollinian religion venerated body, +the Orphic rejected it, that of Demeter celebrated the moments of fertilization +and birth, in which body acquired being. There was a mysticism that reverently +honoured the secret of life, in doctrine, symbol, and mime, but side by side with +it there was orgiasm too, for the squandering of the body is as deeply and +closely akin to asceticism as sacred prostitution is to celibacy—both, all, are +negations of time. It is the reverse of the Apollinian “halt!” that checks on +the threshold of Hybris; detachment is not kept, but flung away. He who has +experienced these things in his soul has “from being a mortal become a god.” +In those days there must have been great saints and seers who towered as far +above the figures of Heraclitus and Empedocles as the latter above the itinerant +teachers of Cynicism and Stoicism—things of this order do not happen namelessly +and impersonally. As the songs of Achilles and Odysseus were dying +down everywhere, a grand, strict doctrine arose at the famous old cult-places, +a mysticism and scholasticism with developed educational methods and a secret +<span class="pagenum" id="p284">[284]</span>oral tradition, as in India. But all that is buried, and the relics of the later +times barely suffice to prove that it once existed.</p> + +<p>By putting the knightly poetry and folk-cults quite aside, then, we can +even now determine something more of this (<em>the</em>) Classical religion. But in doing +so there is a third pitfall to be avoided—the opposing of Greek religion to +Roman religion. For in reality there was no such opposition.</p> + +<p>Rome is only <em>one</em> of innumerable city-states that arose during the great +epoch of colonization. It was built by Etruscans. From the religious point +of view it was re-created under the Etruscan dynasty of the sixth century, and +it is possible indeed that the Capitoline group of deities, Jupiter, Juno, Minerva—which +at that time replaced the ancient trinity, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus, +of the “Numa” religion—was in some way connected with the family cult of the +Tarquins, in which case Minerva, as goddess of the city, is unmistakably a copy +of Athene Polias.⁠<a id="FNanchor_489" href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> The cults of this single city are properly comparable only with +those of <em>individual</em> Greek-speaking cities of the same degree of maturity, say +Sparta or Thebes, which were in nowise more colourful. The little that in these +latter discloses itself as generally Hellenic will also prove to be generally +Italian. And as for the claim that the “Roman” religion is distinguished from +that of the Greek city-states by the absence of myth—what is the basis of our +knowledge on the point? We should know nothing at all of the great god-sagas +of the Springtime if we had only the festival-calendar and the public cults of +the Greek city-states to go upon, just as we should learn nothing of Jesus’s +piety from the proceedings of the Council of Ephesus or of that of St. Francis +from a church constitution of the Reformation. Menelaus and Helen were +for the Laconian state-cult tree-deities and nothing more. The Classical myth +derives from a period when the Poleis with their festivals and sacral constitutions +were not yet in existence, when there was not only no Rome, but no +Athens. With the religious duties and notions of the cities—which were +eminently rational—it has no connexion at all. Indeed, myth and cult are +even less in touch with one another in the Classical Culture than in others. +The myth, moreover, is in no way a creation of the Hellenic culture-field as a +whole—it is not “Greek”—but originated (like the stories of Jesus’s childhood +and the Grail legend) in this and that group, quite local, under pressure +of deep inward stirrings. For instance, the idea of Olympus arose in Thessaly +and thence, as a common property of <em>all</em> educated persons, spread out to Cyprus +and to Etruria, thus, of course, involving Rome. Etruscan painting presupposes +it as a thing of common knowledge, and therefore the Tarquins and their +<span class="pagenum" id="p285">[285]</span>court must have been familiar with it. We may attach any implications we +please to “belief” (whatever that may mean) in this myth; the point is that +they will be as valid for Romans of the period of the Kings as for the inhabitants +of Tegea or Corcyra.</p> + +<p>That the pictures of Greek and Roman mythology that modern research has +developed are quite different from this is the result not of the facts, but of the +<em>methods</em>. In the case of Rome (Mommsen) the festal calendar and the State +cults, in that of Greece the poetic literature, were taken as the starting-points. +Apply the “Latin” method which has led up to Wissowa’s picture to the Greek +cities, and the result is a wholly similar picture, as, for example, in Nilsson’s +<cite lang="de">Griechische Festen</cite>.</p> + +<p>When this is taken into consideration, the Classical religion is seen to be a +whole possessing an inner unity. The grand god-legends of the eleventh century, +which have the dew of Spring upon them, and in their tragic holiness +remind us of Gethsemane, Balder’s death, and Francis, are the purest essence of +“theoria,” contemplation, a world-picture before the inner eye, and born of the +common inward awakening of a group of chosen souls from the world of +chivalry.⁠<a id="FNanchor_490" href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> But the much later city-religions are wholly <em>technique</em>, formal worship, +and as such represent only one side (and a different side) of piety. They +are as far from the great myth as they are from the folk-belief. They are concerned +neither with metaphysic nor with ethic, but only with the fulfilment of +sacral acts. And, finally, the choice of cults by the several cities very often +originated, not, like the myth, from a single world-view, but from the accidental +ancestor- and family-cults of great houses, which (precisely as in the Gothic) +made their sacred figures the tutelary deities of the city and at the same time +reserved to themselves the rights of celebrating and worshipping them. In +Rome, for example, the Lupercalia in honour of the field-god Faunus were a +privilege of the Quinctii and Fabii.</p> + +<p>The Chinese religion, of which the great “Gothic” period lies between +1300 and 1100 and covers the rise of the Chóu dynasty, must be treated with +extreme care. In presence of the superficial profundity and pedantic enthusiasm +of Chinese thinkers of the Confucius and Lao-tse type—who were all born +in the <i lang="fr">ancien régime</i> period of their state-world—it seems very hazardous to +try to determine anything at all as to high mysticism and grand legends in the +beginning. Nevertheless, such a mysticism and such legends must once have +existed. But it is not from these over-rationalized philosophies of the great +cities that we shall learn anything about them—as little as Homer can give +us in the Classical parallel, though for another reason. What should we know +<span class="pagenum" id="p286">[286]</span>about Gothic piety if all its works had undergone the censorship of Puritans +and Retioralists like Locke, Rousseau, and Wolff! And yet we treat the Confucian +<em>close</em> of Chinese inwardness as its beginning—if, indeed, we do not +go farther and describe the syncretism of Han times as “the” religion of China.⁠<a id="FNanchor_491" href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a></p> + +<p>We know nowadays that, contrary to the usual assumption, there was +a powerful old-Chinese priesthood.⁠<a id="FNanchor_492" href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a> We know that in the text of the Shu-Ching, +relics of the ancient hero-sagas and god-myths were worked over +rationalistically, and were thus able to survive, and similarly the Hou-li, +Ngi-li, and Shi-King⁠<a id="FNanchor_493" href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a> would still reveal a good deal more if only they were +attacked with the conviction that there was in them something far deeper +than Confucius and his like were capable of comprehending. We hear of +chthonian and phallic cults in early Chóu times; of orgiastic rites in which +the service of the gods was accompanied by ecstatic mass-dances; of mimic +representations and dialogues between god and priestess, out of which probably +(as in Greece) the Chinese drama evolved.⁠<a id="FNanchor_494" href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> And we obtain an inkling finally +of why the luxuriant growth of early Chinese god-figures and myths was necessarily +swallowed up in an emperor-mythology. For not only all saga-emperors, +but also most of the figures of the Hia and Shang dynasties before 1400 are—all +dates and chronicles notwithstanding—nothing but nature transformed +into history. The origins of such a process lie deep in the possibilities of every +young Culture.⁠<a id="FNanchor_495" href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a> Ancestor-worship ever seeks to gain power over the nature-dæmons. +All Homeric heroes, and Minos and Theseus and Romulus, are gods +become kings. In the <cite>Heliand</cite>,⁠<a id="FNanchor_496" href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> Christ is about to become so. Mary is the +crowned Queen of Heaven. It is the supreme (and perfectly unconscious) +mode which enables men of breeding to venerate something—that is, for +them, what is great must have breeding, race, must be mighty and lordly, the +ancestor of whole families. A strong priesthood is able to make short work of +this mythology of Time, but it won through partially in the Classical and +completely in China—exactly in proportion to the disappearance of the +priestly element. The old gods are now emperors, princes, ministers, and +retainers; natural events have become acts of rulers, and onsets of peoples +social enterprises. Nothing could have suited the Confucians better. Here +was a myth which could absorb social-ethical tendencies to an indefinite extent, +<span class="pagenum" id="p287">[287]</span>and all that was necessary was to expunge the traces of the original nature-myth.</p> + +<p>To the Chinese waking-consciousness heaven and earth were halves of the +macrocosm, without opposition, each a mirror-image of the other. In this +picture there was neither Magian dualism nor Faustian unity of active force. +Becoming appears in the unconstrained reciprocal working of two principles, +the <i>yang</i> and the <i>yin</i>, which were conceived rather as periodic than as polar. +Accordingly, there are two souls in man, the <i>kwei</i> which corresponded with the +<i>yin</i>, the earthly, the dark, the cold, and disintegrated with the body; and +the <i>sen</i>, which is higher, light, and permanent.⁠<a id="FNanchor_497" href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a> But, further, there are innumerable +multitudes of souls of both kinds outside man. Troops of spirits +fill the air and the water and the earth—all is peopled and moved by <i>kweis</i> and +<i>sens</i>. The life of nature and that of man are in reality made out of the play of +such units. Wisdom, will, force, and virtue depend on their relationship. +Asceticism and orgiasm; the knightly custom of <i>hiao</i>, which requires the noble +to revenge an impiety towards an ancestor even after centuries, and commands +him never to survive defeat;⁠<a id="FNanchor_498" href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> and the reasoning moral of the <i>yen</i>, which, +according to the judgment of rationalism, followed from knowledge—all +proceed from conceptions of the forces and possibilities of the <i>kwei</i> and the <i>sen</i>.</p> + +<p>All this is concentrated in the basic word “<i>tao</i>.” The conflict between the +<i>yang</i> and the <i>yin</i> in man is the <i>tao</i> of his life; the warp and woof of the spirit-swarms +outside him are the <i>tao</i> of Nature. The world possesses <i>tao</i> inasmuch as +it possesses beat, rhythm, and periodicity. It possesses <i>li</i>, tension, inasmuch as +man knows it and abstracts from it fixed relationships for future use. Time, +Destiny, Direction, Race, History—all this, contemplated with the great +world-embracing vision of the early Chóu times, lies in this one word. The +path of the Pharaoh through the dark alley to his shrine is related to it, and so +is the Faustian passion of the third dimension, but <i>tao</i> is nevertheless far removed +from any idea of the technical conquest of Nature. The Chinese park +avoids energetic perspective. It lays horizon behind horizon and, instead of +pointing to a goal, tempts to wander. The Chinese “cathedral” of the early +time, the Pi-Yung, with its paths that lead through gates and thickets, stairs +and bridges and courts, has never the inexorable march of Egypt or the drive +into depth of the Gothic.</p> + +<p>When Alexander appeared on the Indus, the piety of these three Cultures—Chinese, +Indian, Classical—had long been moulded into the historyless forms +of a broad Taoism, Buddhism, and Stoicism. But it was not long before the +group of Magian religions arose in the region intermediate between the Classical +and the Indian field, and it must have been at about the same time that the +<span class="pagenum" id="p288">[288]</span>religious history of the Maya and Inca, now hopelessly lost to us, began. +A thousand years later, when here also all was inwardly fulfilled and done with, +there appeared on the unpromising soil of France, sudden and swiftly mounting, +Germanic-Catholic Christianity. It was in this case as in every other; +whether the whole stock of names and practices came from the East, or whether +thousands of particular details were derived from primeval Germanic and Celtic +feelings, the Gothic religion is something so new and unheard-of, something +of which the final depths are so completely incomprehensible by anyone outside +its faith, that to contrive linkages for them on the historical surface is meaningless +jugglery.</p> + +<p>The mythic world that thereupon formed itself around this young soul, an +integer of force, will, and direction seen under the symbol of Infinity, a stupendous +action-into-distance, chasms of terror and of bliss suddenly opening up—it +was all, for the elect of this early religiousness, something so entirely natural +that they could not even detach themselves sufficiently to “know” it as a unit. +They lived in it. To us, on the contrary, who are separated from these ancestors +by thirty generations, this world seems so alien and overpowering that we always +seek to grasp it in detail, and so misunderstand its wholeness and undividedness.</p> + +<p>The father-godhead men felt as Force itself, eternal, grand, and ever-present +activity, sacred causality, which could scarcely assume any form comprehensible +by human eyes. But the whole longing of the young breed, the whole desire +of this strongly coursing blood, to bow itself in humility before the <em>meaning of +the blood</em> found its expression in the figure of the Virgin and Mother Mary, whose +crowning in the heavens was one of the earliest motives of the Gothic art. +She is a light-figure, in white, blue, and gold, surrounded by the heavenly hosts. +She leans over the new-born Child; she fells the sword in her heart; she stands +at the foot of the cross; she holds the corpse of the dead Son. From the turn +of the tenth century on, Petrus Damiani and Bernard of Clairvaux developed +her cult; there arose the Ave Maria and the angelic greeting and later, among the +Dominicans, the crown of roses. Countless legends gathered round her figure.⁠<a id="FNanchor_499" href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> +She is the guardian of the Church’s store of Grace, the Great Intercessor. +Among the Franciscans arose the festival of the Visitation, amongst the English +Benedictines (even before 1100) that of the Immaculate Conception, which +elevated her completely above mortal humanity into the world of light.</p> + +<p>But this world of purity, light, and utter beauty of soul would have been +unimaginable without the counter-idea, inseparable from it, an idea that +constitutes one of the maxima of Gothic, one of its unfathomable creations—one +that the present day forgets, and <em>deliberately</em> forgets. While she there sits +enthroned, smiling in her beauty and tenderness, there lies in the background +another world that throughout nature and throughout mankind weaves and +<span class="pagenum" id="p289">[289]</span>breeds ill, pierces, destroys, seduces—namely, the realm of the Devil. It +penetrates the whole of Creation, it lies ambushed everywhere. All around is an +army of goblins, night-spirits, witches, werewolves, all in human shape. +No man knows whether or not his neighbour has signed himself away to the +Evil One. No one can say of an unfolding child that it is not already a devil’s +temptress. An appalling fear, such as is perhaps only paralleled in the early +spring of Egypt, weighs upon man. Every moment he may stumble into the +abyss. There were black magic, and devils’ masses and witches’ sabbaths, +night feasts on mountain-tops, magic draughts and charm-formulæ. The +Prince of Hell, with his relatives—mother and grandmother, for as his very +existence denies and scorns the sacrament of marriage, he may not have wife or +child—his fallen angels and his uncanny henchmen, is one of the most +tremendous creations in all religious history. The Germanic Loki is hardly +more than a preliminary hint of him. Their grotesque figures, with horns, +claws, and horses’ hoofs, were already fully formed in the mystery plays of +the eleventh century; everywhere the artist’s fancy abounded in them, and, +right up to Dürer and Grünewald, Gothic painting is unthinkable without +them. The Devil is sly, malignant, malicious, but yet in the end the powers +of light dupe him. He and his brood, bad-tempered, coarse, fiendishly inventive, +are of a monstrous imaginativeness, incarnations of hellish laughter opposed +to the illumined smile of the Queen of Heaven, but incarnations, too, of Faustian +world-humour⁠<a id="FNanchor_500" href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> opposed to the panic of the sinner’s contrition.</p> + +<p>It is not possible to exaggerate either the grandeur of this forceful, insistent +picture or the depth of sincerity with which it was believed in. The Mary-myths +and the Devil-myth formed themselves side by side, neither possible +without the other. Disbelief in either of them was deadly sin. There was a +Mary-cult of prayer, and a Devil-cult of spells and exorcisms. Man walked +continuously on the thin crust of the bottomless pit. Life in this world is a +ceaseless and desperate contest with the Devil, into which every individual +plunges as a member of the Church Militant, to do battle for himself and to +win his knight’s spurs. The Church Triumphant of angels and saints in their +glory looks down from on high, and heavenly Grace is the warrior’s shield in +the battle. Mary is the protectress to whose bosom he can fly to be comforted, +and the high lady who awards the prizes of valour. Both worlds have their +legends, their art, their scholasticism, and their mysticism—for the Devil, +too, can work miracles. Characteristic of this alone among the religious +Springtimes is the symbolism of <em>colour</em>—to the Madonna belong white and blue, +to the Devil black, sulphur-yellow, and red. The saints and angels float in the +æther, but the devils leap and crouch and the witches rustle through the night. +It is the two together, light and night, which fill Gothic art with its indescribable +<span class="pagenum" id="p290">[290]</span>inwardness—that, and not any “artistic” fancifulness. Every man +knew the world to be peopled with angel and devil troops. The light-encircled +angels of Fra Angelico and the early Rhenish masters, and the grimacing things +on the portals of the great cathedrals, <em>really</em> filled the air. Men saw them, felt +their presence everywhere. To-day we simply no longer know what a myth is; +for it is no mere æsthetically pleasing mode of representing something to oneself, +but a piece of the most lively actuality that mines every corner of the waking-consciousness +and shakes the innermost structure of being. These creatures were +about one all the time. They were glimpsed without being seen. They were +believed in with a faith that felt the very thought of proof as a desecration. +What we call myth nowadays, our littérateur’s and connoisseur’s taste for +Gothic colour, is nothing but Alexandrinism. In the old days men did not +“enjoy” it—behind it stood Death.⁠<a id="FNanchor_501" href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a></p> + +<p>For the Devil gained possession of human souls and seduced them into +heresy, lechery, and black arts. It was war that was waged against him on +earth,⁠<a id="FNanchor_502" href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a> and waged with fire and sword upon those who had given themselves +up to him. It is easy enough for us to-day to think ourselves out of such notions, +but if we eliminate this appalling reality from Gothic, all that remains is mere +romanticism. It was not only the love-glowing hymns to Mary, but the cries +of countless pyres as well that rose up to heaven. Hard by the Cathedral were +the gallows and the wheel. Every man lived in those days in the consciousness +of an immense danger, and it was hell, not the hangman, that he feared. Unnumbered +thousands of witches genuinely imagined themselves to be so; they +denounced themselves, prayed for absolution, and in pure love of truth confessed +their night rides and bargains with the Evil One. Inquisitors, in tears and compassion +for the fallen wretches, doomed them to the rack in order to save their +souls. That is the Gothic myth, out of which came the cathedral, the crusader, +the deep and spiritual painting, the mysticism. In its shadow flowered that +profound Gothic blissfulness of which to-day we cannot even form an idea.</p> + +<p>In Carolingian times, all this was still strange and far. Charlemagne in the +first Saxon Capitulary (787) put a ban on the ancient Germanic belief in werewolves +and night-gangers (<i lang="la">strigæ</i>), and as late as 1120 it was condemned as an +error in the decree of Burkard of Worms. But twenty years later it was only in +a dilute form that the anathema reappeared in the <cite lang="la">Decretum Gratiani</cite>. Cæsarius +of Heisterbach, already, was familiar with the whole devil-legend and in the +<cite lang="la">Legenda Aurea</cite> it is just as actual and as effective as the Mary-legends. In 1233, +when the Cathedrals of Mainz and Speyer were being vaulted, appeared the bull +<cite lang="la">Vox in Rama</cite>, by which the belief in Devil and witch was made canonical. +<span class="pagenum" id="p291">[291]</span>St. Francis’s “Hymn to the Sun” had not long been written, and the Franciscans +were kneeling in intimate prayer before Mary and spreading her cult afar, when +the Dominicans armed themselves for battle with the Devil by setting up the +Inquisition. Heavenly love found its focus in the Mary-image, and <i lang="la">eo ipso</i> +earthly love became akin to the Devil. Woman is Sin—so the great ascetics +felt, as their fellows of the Classical, of China, and of India had felt. The +Devil rules only through woman. The witch is the propagator of deadly sin. +It was Thomas Aquinas who evolved the repulsive theory of Incubus and +Succuba. Inward mystics like Bonaventura, Albertus Magnus, Duns Scotus, +developed a full metaphysic of the devilish.</p> + +<p>The Renaissance had ever the strong faith of the Gothic at the back of its +world-outlook. When Vasari eulogized Cimabue and Giotto for returning to +Nature as their teacher, it was this Gothic nature that he had in mind, a nature +influenced in every nook by the encircling troops of angels and devils that stood +there, ever threatening, in the light. “Imitation” of Nature meant imitation +of its soul, not of its surface. Let us be rid at last of the fable of a renewal of +Classical “Antiquity.” Renaissance, <i lang="it">Rinascita</i>, meant then the Gothic uplift +from <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1000 onward,⁠<a id="FNanchor_503" href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a> the new <em>Faustian</em> + world-feeling, the new personal experience +of <em>the Ego in the Infinite</em>. For some individual spirits, no doubt, it +meant a sentimental enthusiasm for the Classical (or what was thought to be +the Classical), but that was a manifestation of taste, nothing more.⁠<a id="FNanchor_504" href="#Footnote_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a> The +Classical myth was entertainment-material, an allegorical play, through the +thin veil of which men saw, no less definitely than before, the old Gothic +actuality. When Savonarola stood up, the antique trappings vanished from the +surface of Florentine life in an instant. It was all for the church that the Florentines +laboured, and with conviction. Raphael was the most deeply intimate +of all Madonna-painters. A firm belief in the realm of Satan, and in deliverance +from it through the saints, lay at the root of all this art and literature; and +every one of them, painters, architects, and humanists—however often the +names of Cicero and Virgil, Venus and Apollo were on their lips—looked +upon the burning of witches as something entirely natural and wore amulets +against the devil. The writings of Marsilius Ficinus are full of learned disquisitions +on devils and witches. Francesco della Mirandola wrote (in elegant +Latin) his dialogue “The Witch” in order to warn the fine intellects of his circle +against a danger.⁠<a id="FNanchor_505" href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a> When Leonardo da Vinci, at the summit of the Renaissance, +<span class="pagenum" id="p292">[292]</span>was working upon his “Anna Selbdritt,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_506" href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> the “Witches’ Hammer” was +being written in Rome (1487) in the finest Humanistic Latin. It was <em>these</em> that +constitute the real myth of the Renaissance, and without them we shall never +understand the glorious and truly Gothic force of this anti-Gothic movement.⁠<a id="FNanchor_507" href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> +Men who did not feel the Devil very near at hand could not have created the +<cite lang="it">Divina Commedia</cite> or the frescoes of Orvieto⁠<a id="FNanchor_508" href="#Footnote_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a> or the ceiling of the Sistine +Chapel.</p> + +<p>It was the tremendous background of this myth that awakened in the +Faustian soul a feeling of what it was. An Ego lost in Infinity, an Ego that was +all force, but a force negligibly weak in an infinity of greater forces;⁠<a id="FNanchor_509" href="#Footnote_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a> that was +all will, but a will full of fear for its freedom. Never has the problem of Free-will +been meditated upon more deeply or more painfully. Other Cultures have +simply not known it. But precisely because here Magian resignation was totally +impossible—because that which thought was not an “it” or particle of an all-soul, +but an individual, fighting Ego, seeking to maintain itself—every limitation +upon freedom was felt as a chain that had to be dragged along through +life, and life in turn was felt as a living death. And if so—why? For <em>what</em>?</p> + +<p>The result of this in-looking was that immense sense of guilt which runs +throughout these centuries like one long, desperate lament. The cathedrals rose +ever more supplicatingly to heaven, the Gothic vaulting became a joining of +hands in prayer, and little comfort of light shone through the high windows +into the night of the long naves. The choking parallel-sequences of the church +chants, the Latin hymns, tell of bruised knees and flagellations in the nocturnal +cell. For Magian man the world-cavern had been close and the heaven impending, +but for Gothic man heaven was infinitely far. No hand seemed to reach +down from these spaces, and all about the lone Ego the mocking Devil’s world +lay in leaguer. And, therefore, the great longing of Mysticism was to lose +created form (as Heinrich Seuse said), to be rid of self and all things (Meister +Eckart), to abandon selfness (<i lang="de">Theologie deutsch</i>).⁠<a id="FNanchor_510" href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a> And out of these longings there +grew up an unending dogged subtilizing on notions which were ever more +and more finely dissected to get at the “why,” and finally a universal cry for +Grace—not the Magian Grace coming down as substance, but the Faustian +Grace that unbinds the Will.</p> + +<p><em>To be able to will freely</em> is, at the very bottom, the one gift that the Faustian +soul asks of heaven. The seven sacraments of the Gothic, felt as one by Peter +Lombard, elevated into dogma by the Lateran Council of 1215, and grounded +<span class="pagenum" id="p293">[293]</span>in mystical foundations by Thomas Aquinas, mean this and only this. They +accompany the unit soul from birth to death and protect it against the diabolical +powers that seek to nest themselves in its will. For to sell oneself to the Devil +means to deliver up <em>one’s will</em> to him. The Church Militant on earth is the +visible community of those who are enabled, by enjoyment of the sacraments, +to will. This certainty of free being is held to be guaranteed in the altar-sacrament, +which accordingly suffers a complete change of meaning. The miracle of +the holy transformation which takes place daily under the hands of the priest—the +consecrated Host in the high altar of the cathedral, wherein the believer +sensed the presence of him who of old sacrificed himself to secure for +his own the <em>freedom to will</em>—called forth a sigh of relief of such depth and +sincerity as we moderns can hardly imagine. It was in thanksgiving, therefore, +that the chief feast of the Catholic Church, Corpus Christi, was founded in +1264.⁠<a id="FNanchor_511" href="#Footnote_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a></p> + +<p>But more important still—and by far—was the essentially Faustian prime-sacrament +of Contrition. This ranks with the Mary-myth and the Devil-myth +as the third great creation of the Gothic. And, indeed, it is from this third +that the other two derive depth and meaning; it discloses the last secrets of +this Culture’s soul, and so sets it apart from all other Cultures. The effect of the +Magian baptism was to incorporate a man in the great <i>consensus</i>—the <em>one</em> great +“it” of the divine spirit took up its abode in him as in the others, and thereafter +resignation to all that should happen became his duty. But in the Faustian +contrition the <em>idea of personality</em> was implicit. It is not true that the Renaissance +discovered personality⁠<a id="FNanchor_512" href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a>; what it did was to bring personality up to a brilliant +surface, whereby it suddenly became visible to everyone. Its birth is in Gothic; +it is the most intimate and peculiar property of Gothic; it is one and the same +with Gothic soul. For this contrition is something that each one accomplishes +for himself alone. He alone can search his own conscience. He alone stands +rueful in the presence of the Infinite. He alone can and must in confession understand +and put into words his own past. And even the absolution that frees +his Ego for new responsible action is personal to himself. Baptism is wholly +impersonal—one receives it because one is <em>a</em> man, not because one is <em>this</em> man—but +the idea of contrition presupposes that the value of every act depends +uniquely upon the man who does it. This is what differentiates the Western +drama from the Classical, the Chinese, and the Indian. This is what directs +our legislation more and more with reference to the doer rather than to the deed, +<span class="pagenum" id="p294">[294]</span>and bases our primary ethical conceptions on individual doing and not typical +behaviour. Faustian responsibility instead of Magian resignedness, the individual +instead of the <i>consensus</i>; relief from, instead of submissiveness under, +burdens—that is the difference between the most active and the most passive +of all sacraments, and at the back of it again lies the difference between the +world-cavern and infinity-dynamics. Baptism is something done upon one, +Contrition something done by oneself within oneself. And, moreover, this +conscientious searching of one’s own past is both the earliest evidence of, and +the finest training for, the <em>historical sense</em> of Faustian mankind. There is no other +Culture in which the personal life of the living man, the conscientious tracing +of each feature, has been so important, for this alone has required the accounts +to be rendered in words. If historical research and biography are characteristic +of the spirit of the West from its beginnings; if both in the last resort are +self-examination and confession; if our lives are led with an assuredness and +conscious reference to the historic background that nowhere else has been +even imagined as possible or tolerable; if, lastly, we habitually look at +history in terms of millennia, not rhapsodically or decoratively as in the +Classical World and in China, but directionally and with the almost sacramental +formula “<i lang="fr">Tout comprendre, c’est tout pardonner</i>” ever in our minds—we +have this sacrament of the Gothic Church, this continual unburdening of +the Ego by <em>historical</em> test and justification to thank for it. Every confession +is an autobiography. This peculiar liberation of the will is to us so necessary +that the refusal of absolution drives to despair, even to destruction. +Only he who senses the bliss of such an inward acquittal can comprehend the +old name of the <i lang="la">sacramentum resurgentium</i>, the sacrament of those who are risen +again.⁠<a id="FNanchor_513" href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a></p> + +<p>When in this heaviest of decisions the soul is left to its own resources, +something unresolved remains hanging over it like a perpetual cloud. It may +be said, therefore, that perhaps no institution in any religion has brought so +much happiness into the world as this. The whole inwardness and heavenly +love of the Gothic rests upon the certainty of full absolution through the power +invested in the priest. In the insecurity that ensued from the decline of this +sacrament, both Gothic joy of life and the Mary-world of the light faded out. +Only the Devil’s world, with its grim all-presentness, remained. And then, +in place of the blissfulness irrecoverably lost, came the Protestant, and especially +<span class="pagenum" id="p295">[295]</span>Puritan, heroism, which could fight on, even hopeless, in a lost position. +“Auricular confession,” said Goethe once, “ought never to have been taken +from mankind.” Over the lands in which it had died out, a heavy earnestness +spread itself. Ethic and costume, art and thought, took on the night-colour +of the only myth that remained outstanding. Nothing is less sunlit than the +doctrines of Kant. “Every man his own priest” is a conviction to which men +could win through, but only as to that part of priesthood that involves duties, +<em>not as to that which possesses powers</em>. No man confesses himself with the inward +certainty of absolution. And as the need of the soul to be relieved of its past +and to be redirected remained urgent as ever, all the higher forms of communication +were transmuted, and in Protestant countries music and painting, +letter-writing and memoirs, from being modes of description became modes of +self-denunciation, penance, and unbounded confession. Even in Catholic regions +too—in Paris above all—art as psychology set in as doubt in the sacrament +of Contrition and Absolution grew. Outlook on the world was lost in ceaseless +mine-warfare within the self. In lieu of the Infinite, contemporaries and descendants +were called in to be priests and judges. Personal art, in the sense that +distinguishes Goethe from Dante, and Rembrandt from Michelangelo, was a +substitute for the sacrament of confession. It was, also, the sign that this +Culture was already in the condition of a Late period.⁠<a id="FNanchor_514" href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a></p> + + +<h3 id="IV_8"> + IV +</h3> + +<p>In all Cultures, Reformation has the same meaning—the bringing back of +the religion to the purity of its original idea as this manifested itself in the great +<span class="pagenum" id="p296">[296]</span>centuries of the beginning. In no Culture is this movement missing, whether +we know about it, as in the case of Egypt, or not, as in that of China. It means, +further, that the city and with it the city-spirit are gradually freeing themselves +from the soul of the country-side, setting up in opposition to the latter’s +all-power and reconsidering the feelings and thoughts of the primitive pre-urban +time with reference to its present self. It was Destiny and not intellectual +necessities of thought that led, in the Magian and Faustian worlds, to the +budding-off of new religions at this point. We know to-day that, under +Charles V, Luther was within an ace of becoming the reformer of the whole +undivided Church.</p> + +<p>For Luther, like all reformers in all Cultures, was not the first, but <em>the last +of a grand succession</em> which led from the great ascetics of the open land to the +city-priest. Reformation is <em>Gothic</em>, the accomplishment and the testament +thereof. Luther’s chorale “<cite lang="de">Ein’ feste Burg</cite>” does <em>not</em> belong to the spiritual +lyrism of the Baroque. There rumbles in it still the splendid Latin of the <cite lang="la">Dies +iræ</cite>. It is the Church Militant’s last mighty Satan-song.⁠<a id="FNanchor_515" href="#Footnote_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a> Luther, like every +reformer that had arisen since the year 1000, fought the Church not because it +demanded too much, but because it demanded too little. The great stream +flows on from Cluny: through Arnold of Brescia, who preached return to +Apostolic simplicity and was burned in 1155; through Joachim of Floris, who +was the first to use the world “<i>reformare</i>;” the spirituals of the Franciscan +Order; Jacopone da Todi, revolutionary and singer of the <cite>Stabat Mater</cite>, the +knight whom the death of a young wife turned into an ascetic and who tried +to overthrow Boniface VIII for governing the Church too slackly; through +Wyclif and Hus and Savonarola; to Luther, Karlstadt, Zwingli, Calvin, and—Loyola. +The intention of these men, one and all, was not to overcome the +Christianity of the Gothic, but to bring it to inward fulfilment. So also with +Marcion, Athanasius, the Monophysites, and the Nestorians, who sought in +the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon to purify the faith and lead it back to +its origins.⁠<a id="FNanchor_516" href="#Footnote_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a> But so also the Orphics of the Classical seventh century were the +last and not the first of a series that must have begun even before 1000 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> So +with the establishment of the Re religion in Egypt at the close of the Old +Kingdom, the Egyptian Gothic. It is an ending, not a new beginning, that these +<span class="pagenum" id="p297">[297]</span>signify. Just so, again, a reform-fulfilment happened in the Vedic religion +about the tenth century and was followed by the setting-in of late Brahmanism. +And in the ninth century a corresponding epochal point must have occurred in +the religious history of China.</p> + +<p>However widely the Reformations of the various Cultures may differ amongst +themselves, the purpose is the same for all—to bring the faith, which had +strayed all too far into the world-as-history and time-secularism (“<i lang="de">Zeitlichkeit</i>”), +back into the realm of Nature, clean waking-consciousness, and pure cause-controlled +and cause-pervaded Space; out of the world of economics (“wealth”) +into that of science (“poverty”), out of patrician and cavalier society (which +was also that of Renaissance and Humanism) into that of spirituals and ascetics; +and lastly (as significant as it is impossible) out of the political ambitions of +vestmented human thoroughbreds into the realm of holy Causality that is +not of this world.</p> + +<p>In those times the West—and the situation was the same in the other +Cultures—divided the <i lang="la">Corpus Christianorum</i> of the population into the three +classes of <i>status policticus, ecclesiasticus, and œconomicus</i> (that is, urban), but as the +outlook was that of the city and no longer that of the castle and the village, +officials and judges belonged to the first-named class, men of learning to the +second—and the peasant was forgotten. This is the key to the opposition of +the Renaissance and Reformation, which was an opposition of class and not a +difference in world-feeling like that of Renaissance and Gothic. Castle-taste and +cloister-soul moved into town, and remained there, as before, in opposition—as +in Florence the Medici to Savonarola, and as in old Greece the noble families +of the cities—with their Homer now finally written down—to the last +Orphics—these, too, writers. The Renaissance artists and Humanists are the +legitimate successors of the Troubadours and Minnesingers, and just as there is a +line from Arnold of Brescia to Luther, so there is a line from Bertrand de Born +and Peire Cardinal, through Petrarch, to Ariosto. The castle has become the +town-house, the knight the patrician. The whole movement adhered to palaces, +as courts; it limits itself to those fields of expression that affect and interest +polite society; it is bright and gay, like Homer, because it is courtly—an atmosphere +where problems were bad taste, where Dante and Michelangelo cannot +but have felt themselves out of place—and it spread over the Alps to the courts +of the North, not as a new world-outlook, but as a new taste. The “Northern” +Renaissance of the mercantile and capital cities consisted simply in the fact that +the <i>bon ton</i> of the Italian patriciate replaced that of the French chivalry.</p> + +<p>But the last reformers, too, the Luthers and Savonarolas, were <em>urban</em> monks, +and this differentiates them profoundly from the Joachims and the Bernards. +Their intellectual and urban askesis is the stepping-stone from the hermitages +of quiet valleys to the scholar’s study of the Baroque. The mystic experience +of Luther which gave birth to his doctrine of justification is the experience, +<span class="pagenum" id="p298">[298]</span>not of a St. Bernard in the presence of woods and hills and clouds and stars, but +of a man who looks through narrow windows on the streets and house walls +and gables. Broad God-perfused nature is remote, outside the city wall; and +the free intellect, detached from the soil, is inside it. Within the urban, stonewalled +waking-consciousness sense and reason part company and become +enemies, and the city-mysticism of the last reformers is thus a mysticism of +pure reason through and through, and not one of the eye—an illumination of +concepts, in presence of which the brightly coloured figures of the old myth +fade into paleness.</p> + +<p>Necessarily, therefore, it was, in its real depths, a thing of the few. Nothing +was left of that sensible content that formerly had offered even to the poorest +something to grip. The mighty act of Luther was a purely intellectual decision. +Not for nothing has he been regarded as the last great Schoolman of the line +of Occam.⁠<a id="FNanchor_517" href="#Footnote_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a> He completely liberated the Faustian personality—the intermediate +person of the priest, which had formerly stood between it and the +Infinite, was removed. And now it was wholly alone, self-oriented, its own +priest and its own judge. But the common people could only feel, not +understand, the element of liberation in it all. They welcomed, enthusiastically, +indeed, the tearing-up of visible duties, but they did not come to realize that +these had been replaced by intellectual duties that were still stricter. Francis of +Assisi had given much and taken little, but the urban Reformation took much +and, as far as the majority of people were concerned, gave little.</p> + +<p>The holy Causality of the Contrition-sacrament Luther replaced by the +mystic experience of inward absolution “by faith alone.” He came very near +to Bernard of Clairvaux in this concept of contrition as lifelong, as a continuous +intellectual askesis in contrast to the askesis of outward and visible works. +Both of them understood absolution as a divine miracle: in so far as the man +changes himself, it is God changing him. But what no purely intellectual +mysticism can replace is the “Tu” outside, in free nature. The one and the +other preached: “Thou must believe that God has forgiven thee,” but for +Bernard belief was through the powers of the priest elevated to knowledge, +whereas for Luther it sank to doubt and desperate insistence. This little “I,” +detached from the cosmos, nailed up in an individual being and (in the most +terrific sense of the word) alone, needed the proximity of a powerful “Thou,” +and the weaker the intellect, the more urgent the need. Herein lies the ultimate +meaning of the Western priest, who from 1215 was elevated above the rest of +mankind by the sacrament of ordination and its <i>character indelebilis</i>: he was a +hand with which even the poorest wretch could grasp God. This <em>visible</em> link +with the Infinite, Protestantism destroyed. Strong souls could and did win it +back for themselves, but for the weaker it was gradually lost. Bernard, although +for him the inward miracle was successful of itself, would not deprive +<span class="pagenum" id="p299">[299]</span>others of the gentler way, for the very illumination of his soul showed him the +Mary-world of living nature, all-pervading, ever near, and ever helpful. +Luther, who knew himself only and not men, set postulated heroism in place +of actual weakness. For him life was desperate battle against the Devil, and +that battle he called upon everyone to fight. And everyone who fought it +fought alone.</p> + +<p>The Reformation abolished the whole bright and consoling side of the +Gothic myth—the cult of Mary, the veneration of the saints, the relics, the +pilgrimages, the mass. But the myth of devildom and witchcraft remained, +for it was the embodiment and cause of the inner torture, and now that torture +at last rose to its supreme horror.⁠<a id="FNanchor_518" href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> Baptism was, for Luther at least, an exorcism, +the veritable sacrament of devil-banning. There grew up a large, purely +Protestant literature about the Devil.⁠<a id="FNanchor_519" href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> Out of the Gothic wealth of colour, +there remained black; of its arts, music, in particular organ-music. But +in the place of the mythic light-world, whose helpful nearness the faith of +the common people could not, after all, forgo, there rose again out of long-buried +depths an element of ancient German myth. It came so stealthily that +even to-day its true significance is not yet realized. The expressions “folktale” +and “popular custom” are inadequate: it is a true Myth that inheres in +the firm belief in dwarfs, bogies, nixies, house-sprites, and sweeping clouds of +the disembodied, and a true Cult that is seen in the rites, offerings, and conjurings +that are still practised with a pious awe. In Germany, at any rate, the +Saga took the place, unperceived, of the Mary-myth: Mary was now called +Frau Holde, and where once the saints had stood, appeared the faithful Eckart. +In the English people what arose was something that has long been designated +“Bible-fetishism.”</p> + +<p>What Luther lacked—and it is an eternal fatality for Germany—was the +eye for facts and the power of practical organization. He did not bring his +doctrines to a clear system, nor did he lead the great movement and choose its +aim. The one and the other were the work of his great successor Calvin. +While the Lutheran movement advanced leaderless in central Europe, he viewed +his rule in Geneva as the starting-point of a systematic subjection of the world +under a Protestantism unfalteringly thought out to its logical conclusion. +Therefore he, and he alone, became a world-power; therefore it was the +decisive struggle between the spirit of Calvin and the spirit of Loyola that +dominated, from the Spanish Armada on, the world-politics of the Baroque +<span class="pagenum" id="p300">[300]</span>and the struggle for sea-supremacy. While in mid-Europe Reformation and +Counter-Reformation struggled for some small imperial city or a few poor +Swiss cantons, Canada, the mouth of the Ganges, the Cape, the Mississippi, +were the scenes of great decisions fought to an issue by France and Spain, England +and Holland. And in these decisions the two grand organizers of the Late +religion of the West were ever present, ever opposed.</p> + + +<h3 id="V_8"> + V +</h3> + +<p>Intellectual creativeness of the Late period begins, not with, but after, the +Reformation. Its most typical creation is free science. Even for Luther learning +was still essentially the “handmaid of theology,” and Calvin had the freethinking +doctor Servet burnt. The thought of the Springtimes—Faustian +like Egyptian, Vedic, and Orphic—had felt its vocation to be the justification +of faith by criticism. If criticism did not succeed, the critical method must be +wrong. Knowledge was faith justified, not faith controverted.</p> + +<p>Now, however, the critical powers of the city intellect have become so great +that it is no longer content to affirm, but must test. The stock of believed +probables, and especially that part of it which was received by the understanding +and not the heart, was the first obvious target for dissecting activities. +This distinguishes the Springtime Scholasticism from the actuality-philosophy +of the Baroque—as it distinguishes Neoplatonist from Islamic, Vedic from +Brahmanic, Orphic from Pre-Socratic, thought. The (shall we say) profane +Causality of human life, the world-around, the process and meaning of cognition, +become a problem. The Egyptian philosophy of the Middle Kingdom +measured up the value of life in <em>this</em> sense; and akin to it, in all probability, +was the late pre-Confucian philosophy of China from 800 to 500 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> Only the +book ascribed to Kwan-tse (d. 645) remains to give us some dim idea of this +philosophy, but the indications, slight though they be, are that epistemological +and biological problems occupied the centre of the one genuine philosophy +of China, now utterly lost.</p> + +<p>Within Baroque philosophy, Western natural-science stands by itself. No +other Culture possesses anything like it, and assuredly it must have been from +its beginnings, not a “handmaid of theology,” but <em>the servant of the technical +Will-to-Power</em>, oriented to that end both mathematically and experimentally—from +its very foundations a practical <em>mechanics</em>. And as it is firstly technique and +only secondly theory, it must be as old as Faustian man himself. Accordingly, +we find technical works of an astounding energy of combination even by 1000.⁠<a id="FNanchor_520" href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a> +As early as the thirteenth century Robert Grosseteste⁠<a id="FNanchor_521" href="#Footnote_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> was treating space as a +function of light. Petrus Peregrinus in 1289 wrote the best experimentally +<span class="pagenum" id="p301">[301]</span>based treatise on magnetism that appeared before Gilbert (1600). And Roger +Bacon, the disciple of both, developed a natural-scientific theory of knowledge +to serve as basis for his technical investigations.⁠<a id="FNanchor_522" href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a> But boldness in the discovery +of dynamic interlinkages went further still. The Copernican system was hinted +at in a manuscript of 1322 and a few decades later was mathematically developed +by the Paris Occamists, Buridan, Albert of Saxony, and Oresme.⁠<a id="FNanchor_523" href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a> Let us not deceive +ourselves as to the fundamental motive-power of these explorations. Pure +contemplative philosophy could have dispensed with experiment for ever, but +not so the Faustian symbol of the <em>machine</em>, which urged us to mechanical constructions +even in the twelfth century and made “<i lang="la">Perpetuum mobile</i>” the +Prometheus-idea of the Western intellect. For us the first thing is ever the +<em>working hypothesis</em>—the very kind of thought-product that is meaningless to +other Cultures. It is an astounding fact (to which, however, we must accustom +ourselves) that the idea of immediately exploiting in practice any knowledge of +natural relations that may be acquired is alien to every sort of mankind except +the Faustian (and those who, like Japanese, Jews, and Russians, have to-day +come under the intellectual spell of its Civilization). The very notion of the +working hypothesis implicitly contains a dynamic lay-out of the universe. +Theoria, contemplative vision of actuality, was for those subtly inquiring +monks only secondary, and, being itself the outcome of the technical passion, +it presently led them, quite imperceptibly, to the typically Faustian conception +of God as the Grand Master of the machine, who could accomplish everything +that they themselves in their impotence only dared to wish. Insensibly the +world of God became, century by century, more and more like the <i lang="la">Perpetuum +mobile</i>. And, imperceptibly also, as the scanning of nature became sharper and +sharper in the school of experiment and technique, and the Gothic myth became +more and more shadowy, the concepts of monkish working hypotheses +developed, from Galileo onwards, into the critically illuminated numina of +modern science, the collisions and the fields, gravitation, the velocity of light, +and the “electricity” which in our electrodynamic world-picture has absorbed +into itself the other forms of energy and thereby attained to a sort of physical +monotheism. They are the concepts that are set up behind the formulæ, to +endow them with a mythic visibility for the inner eye. The numbers themselves +are technical elements, levers and screws, overhearings of the world’s secrets. +The Classical Nature-thought—and that of others also—required no numbers, +for it strove for no powers. The <em>pure</em> mathematic of Pythagoras and Plato had +no relation whatever to the nature-views of Democritus and Aristotle.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p302">[302]</span></p> + +<p>Just as the Classical mind felt Prometheus’s defiance of the gods as “hybris,” +so our Baroque felt the machine as diabolical.⁠<a id="FNanchor_524" href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a> The spirit of Hell had betrayed +to man the secret of mastering the world-mechanism and even of himself +enacting the part of God. And hence it is that all purely priestly natures, that +live wholly in the world of the spirit and expect nothing of “this world”—and +notably the idealist philosophers, the Classicists, the Humanists, and even +Nietzsche—have for technique nothing but silent hostility.</p> + +<p>Every Late philosophy contains this critical protest against the uncritical +intuitiveness of the Spring. But this criticism of the intellect that is sure of its +own superiority affects also faith itself and evokes the one great creation in the +field of religion that is the peculiarity of the Late period—every Late period—namely, +Puritanism.</p> + +<p>Puritanism manifests itself in the army of Cromwell and his Independents, +iron, Bible-firm, psalm-singing as they rode into battle; in the ranks of the +Pythagoreans, who in the bitter earnest of their gospel of duty wrecked gay +Sybaris and branded it for ever as the city without morals; in the armies of the +early Caliphs, which subdued not only states, but souls. Milton’s <cite>Paradise Lost</cite>, +many surahs of the Koran, the little that we know of Pythagorean teachings—all +come to the same thing. They are enthusiasms of a sober spirit, cold intensities, +dry mysticism, pedantic ecstasy. And yet, even so, a wild piety +flickers up once more in them. All the transcendent inwardness that the City +can produce after attaining to unconditional mastery over the soul of the Land +is here concentrated, with a sort of terror lest it should prove unreal and evanescent, +and is correspondingly impatient, pitiless, and unforgiving. Puritanism—not +in the West only, but in all Cultures—lacks the smile that had illumined +the religion of the Spring—every Spring—the moments of profound joy in +life, the humour of life. Nothing of the quiet blissfulness that in the Magian +Springtime flashes up so often in the stories of Jesus’s childhood, or in Gregory +Nazianzen, is to be found in the Koran, nothing in the palpable blitheness of +St. Francis’s songs in Milton. Deadly earnest broods over the Jansenist mind +of Port Royal, over the meetings of the black-clothed Roundheads, by whom +Shakespeare’s “Merry England”—<em>Sybaris over again</em>—was annihilated in a +few years. Now for the first time the battle against the Devil, whose bodily +nearness they all felt, was fought with a dark and bitter fury. In the seventeenth +century more than a million witches were burnt—alike in the Protestant +North, the Catholic South, and even the communities in America and India. +Joyless and sour are the duty-doctrines of Islam (<i>fikh</i>), with its hard intellectuality, +and the Westminster Catechisms of 1643, and the Jansenist ethics (Jansen’s +<cite>Augustinus</cite>, 1640) as well—for in the realm of Loyola, too, there was of inward +necessity a Puritan movement. Religion is livingly experienced metaphysic, +but the company of the “godly,” as the Independents called themselves, +<span class="pagenum" id="p303">[303]</span>and the Pythagoreans, and the disciples of Mohammed, all alike experienced it, +not with the senses, but primarily as a concept. Parshva, who about 600 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> +founded the sect of the “Unfettered”⁠<a id="FNanchor_525" href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a> on the Ganges, taught, like the other +Puritans of his time, that salvation came, not from sacrifices and rights, but +only from knowledge of the identity of Atman and Brahman. In all Puritan +poetry the place of the old Gothic visions is taken by an unbridled, yet withal +jejune, spirit of allegory. In the waking-consciousness of these ascetics the +concept is the only real power. Pascal’s wrestlings were about concepts and +not, like Meister Eckart’s, about shapes. Witches were burnt because they were +proved, and not because they were seen in the air o’ nights; the Protestant +jurists employed the witches’ hammer of the Dominicans because it was built +on concepts. The Madonnas of the early Gothic had appeared to their suppliants, +but those of Bernini no man ever saw. They exist because they are +proved—and there came to be a positive enthusiasm for existence of this sort. +Milton, Cromwell’s great secretary of state, clothed concepts with shapes, and +Bunyan brings a whole mythology of concepts into ethical-allegorical activity. +From that it is but a step to Kant, in whose conceptual ethics the Devil assumes +his final shape as the Radically Evil.</p> + +<p>We have to emancipate ourselves from the surfaces of history—and, +especially, to thrust aside the artificial fences in which the methodology of +Western sciences has paddocked it—before we can see that Pythagoras, +Mohammed, and Cromwell embody one and the same movement in three Cultures.</p> + +<p>Pythagoras was not a philosopher. According to all statements of the Pre-Socratics, +he was a saint, prophet and founder of a fanatically religious society +that forced its truths upon the people around it by every political and military +means. The destruction of Sybaris by Croton—an event which, we may be +sure, has survived in historical memory only because it was the climax of a wild +religious war—was an explosion of the same hate that saw in Charles I and +his gay Cavaliers not merely doctrinal error, but also worldly disposition as +something that must be destroyed root and branch. A myth purified and +conceptually fortified, combined with rigorous ethical precepts, imbued the +Pythagoreans with the conviction that they would attain salvation before all +other men. The gold tablets found in Thurii and Petelia, which were put into +the hand of the dead initiate, carried the assurance of the god: “Happy and +blessed one, thou shalt be no more a mortal, but a god.” It is the same certainty +that the Koran gave to all believers who fought in the holy war against +the infidel—“The monasticism of Islam is the religious war,” says a hadith +of the Prophet—the same which filled Cromwell’s Ironsides when they scattered +the King’s “Philistines” and “Amalekites” at Marston Moor and Naseby.</p> + +<p>Islam was no more a religion of the desert in particular than Zwingli’s +<span class="pagenum" id="p304">[304]</span>faith was a religion of the high mountains in particular. It is incident, and no +more, that the Puritan movement for which the Magian world was ripe proceeded +from a man of Mecca and not from a Monophysite or a Jew. For in the +northern Arabian desert there were the Christian states of the Ghassanids and +Lakhmids, and in the Sabæan South there were religious wars waged between +Christians and Jews that involved the world of states from Assuan to the +Sassanid Empire. The Congress of Princes at Marib⁠<a id="FNanchor_526" href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a> was attended by hardly a +single pagan, and shortly after this date South Arabia came under Persian—that +is, Mazdaist—government. Mecca was a little island of ancient Arabian +paganism in the midst of a world of Jews and Christians, a mere relic that had +long been mined by the ideas of the great Magian religions. The little of this +paganism that filtered into the Koran was later explained away by the Commentary +of the Sunna and its Syro-Mesopotamian intellect. At most Islam was +a new religion only to the same extent as Lutheranism was one.⁠<a id="FNanchor_527" href="#Footnote_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> Actually, +it was the prolongation of the great early religions. Equally, its expansion +was not (as is even now imagined) a “migration of peoples” proceeding from +the Arabian Peninsula, but an onslaught of enthusiastic believers, which like +an avalanche bore along with it Christians, Jews, and Mazdaists and set them +at once in its front rank as fanatical Moslems. It was Berbers from the homeland +of St. Augustine who conquered Spain, and Persians from Irak who drove on to +the Oxus. The enemy of yesterday became the front-rank comrade of to-morrow. +Most of the “Arabs” who in 717 attacked Constantinople for the +first time, had been born Christians. About 650 Byzantine literature⁠<a id="FNanchor_528" href="#Footnote_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a> quite +suddenly vanished, and the deeper meaning of the fact has so far never been +noticed—it was just that the Arabian literature took up the tale. The soul of +the Magian Culture found at last its true expression in Islam, and therewith +became truly the “Arabian,” free thenceforth from all bondage to the Pseudomorphosis. +The Iconoclastic movement, led by Islam, but long prepared by +Monophysites and Jews, advanced to and even beyond Byzantium, where the +Syrian Leo III (717–41) raised this Puritan movement of Islamic-Christian +sects—the Paulicians about 650 and the Bogomils later⁠<a id="FNanchor_529" href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a>—to predominance.</p> + +<p>The great figures of Mohammed’s entourage, such as Abu Bekr and Omar, +are the near relatives of the Pyms and Hampdens of the English Revolution, +and we should see this relationship to be nearer still if we knew more than we +do about the Hanifs, the Arabian Puritans before and about the Prophet. All +of them had won out of Predestination the guarantee that they were God’s +<span class="pagenum" id="p305">[305]</span>elect. The grand Old Testament exaltation of Parliament and the camps of +Independency—which left behind it, in many an English family, even to the +nineteenth century,⁠<a id="FNanchor_530" href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a> the belief that the English are the descendants of the ten +Lost Tribes of Israel, a nation of saints predestined to govern the world—dominated +also the emigration to America which began with the Pilgrim +Fathers of 1620. It formed that which may be called the American religion of +to-day, and bred and fostered the trait which gives the Englishman even now +his particular political insouciance, an assurance that is essentially religious +and has its roots in predestination. The Pythagoreans themselves, too (an +unheard-of thing in the religious history of the Classical world) assumed +political power for the furtherance of religious ends and sought to advance their +puritanism from Polis to Polis. Everywhere else unit cults reigned in unit +states, each of which left the other unconcernedly to its own religious duties; +here and here only do we find a community of saints, and their practical energy +as far surpassed that of the old Orphics as fighting Independency surpassed the +spirit of the Reformation wars.</p> + +<p>But in Puritanism there is hidden already the seed of Rationalism, and after +a few enthusiastic generations have passed, this bursts forth everywhere and +makes itself supreme. This is the step from Cromwell to Hume. Not cities in +general, not even the great cities, but a few particular cities now become the +theatre of intellectual history—Socratic Athens, Abbassid Baghdad, eighteenth-century +London and Paris.⁠<a id="FNanchor_531" href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> “Enlightenment” is the cliché of that time. The +sun bursts forth—but what is it that clears off the heavens of the critical +consciousness to make way for that sun?</p> + +<p>Rationalism signifies the belief in the data of critical understanding (that +is, of the “reason”) <em>alone</em>. In the Springtime men could say “<i lang="la">Credo quia absurdum</i>,” +because they were certain that the comprehensible and the incomprehensible +were <em>both</em> necessary constituents of the world—the nature which +Giotto painted, in which the Mystics immersed themselves, and into which +reason can penetrate, but only so far as the deity permits it to penetrate. But +now a secret jealousy breeds the notion of the Irrational—that which, as +incomprehensible, is <em>therefore</em> valueless. It may be scorned openly as superstition, +or privily as metaphysic. Only critically-established understanding +possesses value. And secrets are merely evidences of ignorance. The new +<em>secretless</em> religion is in its highest potentialities called wisdom (σοφία), its priests +philosophers, and its adherents “educated” people. According to Aristotle, +the old religion is indispensable only to the uneducated,⁠<a id="FNanchor_532" href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a> and his view is Confucius’s +and Gotama Buddha’s, Lessing’s and Voltaire’s. Men go away from +Culture “back to nature,” but this nature is not something livingly experienced, +<span class="pagenum" id="p306">[306]</span>but something proved, something born of, and accessible only to, the +intellect—a Nature that has no existence at all for a peasantry, a Nature by +which one is not in the least overawed but merely put into a condition of sensibility. +Natural religion, rational religion, Deism—all this is not lived metaphysics, +but a comprehended mechanics, called by Confucius the “Laws of +Heaven” and by Hellenism τύχη. Formerly philosophy was the handmaid of +transcendent religiousness, but now comes sensibility, and philosophy must +therefore become scientific as epistemology and critique of nature and critique of +values. No doubt there was a feeling that this philosophy was, even so, nothing +but a diluted dogmatism, for the idea that pure knowledge was <em>possible</em> itself +involved a belief. Systems were woven out of phenomenally guaranteed beginnings, +but in the long run the result was merely to say “Force” instead of +“God,” and “Conservation of Energy” instead of “Eternity.” Under all +Classical rationalism is to be found Olympus, under all Western the dogma of +the sacraments. And so our Western philosophy swings to and fro between +religion and technical science, and is defined thus, or thus, according as the +author of the definition is a man with some relic of priesthood still in him, or is +a pure expert and technician of thought.</p> + +<p>“<i lang="de">Weltanschauung</i>” is the characteristic expression for an enlightened +waking-consciousness that, under the guidance of the critical understanding, +looks about it in a godless light-world and, when sense-perceptions are found +not to square with sound human reason, treats sense as a “lying jade.” That +which was once myth—the actualest of the actual—is now subjected to +the methods of what is called Euhemerism. The learned Euhemerus, about +300 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, “explained” the Classical divinities to the public that they had +formerly served so well, and the process occurs under one form or another in +every “age of enlightenment.” We have our Euhemeristic interpretations of +Hell as a guilty conscience, the Devil as evil desire, and God as the beauty of +nature, and it is the same tendency that declares itself when Attic tomb-inscriptions +of about 400 invoke, not the city-goddess Athene, but a goddess +“Demos”—a near relation, by the way, of the Jacobins’ Goddess of Reason—and +where the δαιμονίον for Socrates, νοῦς for other philosophers, take the +place of Zeus. Confucius says “heaven” instead of “Shang-ti,” which means +that he believes only in laws of nature. The “collection” and “ordering” of +the canonical writings of China by the Confucians was a colossal act of Euhemerism, +in which actually almost all the old religious works were literally destroyed +and the residue subjected to rationalist falsification. Had it been +possible, the enlighteners of our eighteenth century would no doubt have +served the Gothic heritage in the same way.⁠<a id="FNanchor_533" href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> Confucius belongs to the Chinese +<span class="pagenum" id="p307">[307]</span>“eighteenth century” through and through. Lao-tse (who despised him) +stands at a midpoint in the Taoist movement, which manifested traits of +Protestantism, Puritanism, and Pietism in turn, and both finally propagated a +practical world-tone based upon a wholly mechanistic world-view. The +word “<i>tao</i>” underwent in the Late period of China just the same continuous +alteration of its fundamental content, and in the same mechanistic direction, +as the word “Logos” in the history of Classical thought from Heraclitus to +Posidonius, and as the word “Force” between Galileo’s day and ours. That +which once had been grandly moulded myth and cult is called, in this “religion +of educated people,” <em>Nature</em> and <em>Virtue</em>—but this Nature is a reasonable +mechanism, and this Virtue is knowledge.⁠<a id="FNanchor_534" href="#Footnote_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a> Confucius and Buddha, Socrates +and Rousseau are at one in this. Confucius contains little of prayer or of meditation +upon the life after death, and nothing at all of revelation. To busy +oneself overmuch with sacrifices and rites stamps one as uneducated and unreasoning. +Gotama Buddha and his contemporary Mahavira, the founder of +Jainism⁠<a id="FNanchor_535" href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a>—both of whom came from the political world of the lower Ganges, +east of the old Brahmanic Culture-field—recognized, as everyone knows, +neither the idea of God nor myth and cult. Of the real teaching of Buddha +little can now be ascertained—for it all appears in the colours of the later +fellah-religion baptized by his name—but one of the unquestionably authentic +ideas concerning “conditioned arising”⁠<a id="FNanchor_536" href="#Footnote_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a> is the derivation of suffering <em>from ignorance</em>—ignorance, +namely, of the “Four Noble Truths.” This is true rationalism. +Nirvana, for them, is a purely intellectual release and corresponds +exactly with the “Autarkeia” and “Eudaimonia” of the Stoics. It is that +condition of the understanding and waking-consciousness for which Being no +longer is.</p> + +<p>The great ideal of the educated of such periods is the Sage. The sage goes +back to Nature—to Ferney or Ermenonville, to Attic gardens or Indian groves—which +is the most intellectual way of being a megalopolitan. The sage is the +man of the Golden Mean. His askesis consists in a judicious depreciation of +the world in favour of meditation. The wisdom of the enlightenment never +interferes with comfort. Moral with the great Myth to back it is always a +sacrifice, a cult, even to extremes of asceticism, even to death; but Virtue with +Wisdom at its back is a sort of secret enjoyment, a superfine intellectual egoism. +And so the ethical teacher who is outside real religion becomes the Philistine. +Buddha, Confucius, Rousseau, are arch-Philistines, for all the nobility of their +<span class="pagenum" id="p308">[308]</span>ordered ideas, and the pedantry of the Socratic life-wisdom is insurmountable.</p> + +<p>Along with this (shall we call it) scholasticism of sane reason, there must +of inner necessity be a rationalistic mysticism of the educated. The Western +Enlightenment is of English origin and Puritan parentage. The rationalism +of the Continent comes wholly from Locke. In opposition to it there arose in +Germany the Pietists (Herrnhut, 1700, Spener and Francke, and in Württemberg +Oetinger) and in England the Methodists (Wesley “awakened” by Herrnhut, +1738). It was Luther and Calvin over again—the English at once organized +themselves for a world-movement and the Germans lost themselves in +mid-European conventicles. The Pietists of Islam are to be found in <i>Sufism</i>, +which is not of “Persian” but of common Aramæan origin and in the eighth +century spread all over the Arabian world. Pietists or Methodists, too, are +the Indian lay preachers, who shortly before Buddha’s time were teaching +release from the cycle of life (<i>sansara</i>) through immersion in the identity of +Atman and Brahman. But Pietists or Methodists, too, are Lao-tse and his +disciples and—notwithstanding their rationalism—the Cynic mendicants +and itinerant preachers and the Stoic tutors, domestic chaplains, and confessors +of early Hellenism.⁠<a id="FNanchor_537" href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a> And Pietism may ascend even to the peak of rationalist +vision, of which Swedenborg is the great example, which created for Stoics +and Sufists whole worlds of fancy, and by which Buddhism was prepared for its +reconstruction as Mahayana. The expansion of Buddhism and that of Taoism +in their original significations are closely analogous to the Methodist expansion +in America, and it is no accident that they both reached their full maturity in +those regions (lower Ganges and south of the Yang-tse-kiang) which had +cradled the respective Cultures.</p> + + +<h3 id="VI_6"> + VI +</h3> + +<p>Two centuries after Puritanism the mechanistic conception of the world +stands at its zenith. It is the effective religion of the time. Even those who +still thought themselves to be religious in the old sense, to be “believers in +God,” were only mistaking the world in which their waking-consciousness +was mirroring itself. Religious truths were always in their understanding +mechanistic truths, and in general it was only the habit of traditional words +that imparted a colour-wash of myth to a Nature that was in reality regarded +scientifically. Culture is ever synonymous with religious creativeness. Every +great Culture begins with a mighty theme that rises out of the pre-urban +country-side, is carried through in the cities of art and intellect, and closes with +a finale of materialism in the world-cities. But even the last chords are strictly +in the key of the whole. There are Chinese, Indian, Classical, Arabian, Western +materialisms, and each is nothing but the original stock of myth-shapes, cleared +<span class="pagenum" id="p309">[309]</span>of the elements of experience and contemplative vision and viewed mechanistically.</p> + +<p>Confucianism as reasoned out by Yang-Chu concluded in this sense. The +system of Lakayata was the prolongation of the contempt for a de-souled world +which had been the common characteristic of Gotama Buddha, Mahavira, and +the contemporary Pietists, and which they in turn had derived from Sankhya +atheism. Socrates is alike the heir of the Sophists and the ancestor of the Cynic +itinerants and of Pyrrhonian skepsis. All are manifestations of the superiority +of the megalopolitan intellect that has done with the irrational for good and all +and despises any waking-consciousness that still knows or acknowledges +mysteries. Gothic men shrank at every step before the fathomless, more awe-inspiring +still as presented in dogmatic truths. But to-day even the Catholic +has arrived at the point of feeling these dogmas as a successful systematic exposition +of the riddle of the universe. The miracle is regarded as a physical +occurrence of a higher order, and an English bishop professes his belief in the +possibility of electric power and the power of prayer both originating in one +homogeneous nature-system.⁠<a id="FNanchor_538" href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> The belief is belief in force and matter, even if +the words used be “God” and “world,” “Providence” and “man.”</p> + +<p>Unique and self-contained, again, is the Faustian materialism, in the narrower +sense of the word. In it the technical outlook upon the world reached fulfilment. +The whole world a dynamic system, exact, mathematically disposed, +capable down to its first causes of being experimentally probed and numerically +fixed so that man can dominate it—this is what distinguishes our particular +“return to Nature” from all others. That “Knowledge is Virtue” Confucius +also believed, and Buddha, and Socrates, but “Knowledge is Power” is a phrase +that possesses meaning only within the European-American Civilization. +“Return to nature” here means the elimination of all forces that stand between +the practical intelligence and nature—everywhere else materialism has contented +itself with establishing (by way of contemplation or logic, as the case +may be) supposedly simple units whose causal play accounts for everything +without any residue of secrets, the supernatural being put down to want of +knowledge. But the grand intellectual myth of Energy and Mass is at the same +time a vast <em>working hypothesis</em>. It draws the picture of nature in such a way that +men can <em>use</em> it. The Destiny element is mechanized as evolution, development, +progress, and put into the centre of the system; the Will is an albumen-process; +and all these doctrines of Monism, Darwinism, Positivism, and what not are +elevated into the fitness-moral which is the beacon of American business men, +British politicians, and German progress-Philistines alike—and turns out, in +the last analysis, to be nothing but an intellectualist caricature of the old justification +by faith.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p310">[310]</span></p> + +<p>Materialism would not be complete without the need of now and again +easing the intellectual tension, by giving way to moods of myth, by performing +rites of some sort, or by enjoying with an inward light-heartedness the charms +of the irrational, the unnatural, the repulsive, and even, if need be, the merely +silly. This tendency, which is visible enough, even to us, in the times of Meng-tse +(372–289) and in those of the first Buddhist brotherhoods, is present also +(and with the same significance) in Hellenism, of which indeed it is a leading +characteristic. About 312 poetical scholars of the Callimachus type in Alexandria +invented the Serapis-cult and provided it with an elaborate legend. The +Isis-cult in Republican Rome was something very different both from the +emperor-worship that succeeded it and from the deeply earnest Isis-religion of +Egypt; it was a religious pastime of high society, which at times provoked +public ridicule and at times led to public scandal and the closing of the cult-centres.⁠<a id="FNanchor_539" href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a> +The Chaldean astrology was in those days a <em>fashion</em>,⁠<a id="FNanchor_540" href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a> very far removed +from the genuine Classical belief in oracles and from the Magian faith in the +might of the hour. It was “relaxation,” a “let’s pretend.” And, over and +above this, there were the numberless charlatans and fake prophets who toured +the towns and sought with their pretentious rites to persuade the half-educated +into a renewed interest in religion. Correspondingly, we have in the European-American +world of to-day the occultist and theosophist fraud, the American +Christian Science, the untrue Buddhism of drawing-rooms, the religious arts-and-crafts +business (brisker in Germany than even in England) that caters for +groups and cults of Gothic or Late Classical or Taoist sentiment. Everywhere +it is just a toying with myths that no one really believes, a tasting of cults that +it is hoped might fill the inner void. The real belief is always the belief in +atoms and numbers, but it requires this highbrow hocus-pocus to make it +bearable in the long run. Materialism is shallow and honest, mock-religion +shallow and dishonest. But the fact that the latter is possible at all +foreshadows a new and genuine spirit of seeking that declares itself, first quietly, +but soon emphatically and openly, in the civilized waking-consciousness.</p> + +<p>This next phase I call the <em>Second Religiousness</em>. It appears in all Civilizations +as soon as they have fully formed themselves as such and are beginning to pass, +slowly and imperceptibly, into the non-historical state in which time-periods +cease to mean anything. (So far as the Western Civilization is concerned, therefore, +we are still many generations short of that point.) The Second Religiousness +is the necessary counterpart of Cæsarism, which is the final <em>political</em> +constitution of Late Civilizations; it becomes visible, therefore, in the Augustan +Age of the Classical and about the time of Shi-hwang-ti’s time in China. In +both phenomena the creative young strength of the Early Culture is lacking. +But both have their greatness nevertheless. That of the Second Religiousness +<span class="pagenum" id="p311">[311]</span>consists in a deep piety that fills the waking-consciousness—the piety that +impressed Herodotus in the (Late) Egyptians and impresses West-Europeans in +China, India, and Islam—and that of Cæsarism consists in its unchained might +of colossal facts. But neither in the creations of this piety nor in the form of +the Roman Imperium is there anything primary and spontaneous. Nothing is +built up, no idea unfolds itself—it is only as if a mist cleared off the land and +revealed the old forms, uncertainly at first, but presently with increasing +distinctness. The material of the Second Religiousness is simply that of the +first, genuine, young religiousness—only otherwise experienced and expressed. +It starts with Rationalism’s fading out in helplessness, then the forms of the +Springtime become visible, and finally the whole world of the primitive religion, +which had receded before the grand forms of the early faith, returns to +the foreground, powerful, in the guise of the popular syncretism that is to be +found in every Culture at this phase.</p> + +<p>Every “Age of Enlightenment” proceeds from an unlimited optimism of +the reason—always associated with the type of the megalopolitan—to an +equally unqualified scepticism. The sovereign waking-consciousness, cut off +by walls and artificialities from living nature and the land about it and under it, +cognises nothing outside itself. It applies criticism to its imaginary world, +which it has cleared of everyday sense-experience, and continues to do so till it +has found the last and subtlest result, the form of the form—itself: namely, +nothing. With this the possibilities of physics as a critical mode of world-understanding +are exhausted, and the hunger for metaphysics presents itself +afresh. But it is not the religious pastimes of educated and literature-soaked +cliques, still less is it the intellect, that gives rise to the Second Religiousness. +Its source is the naïve belief that arises, unremarked but spontaneous, among +the masses that there is some sort of mystic constitution of actuality (as to +which formal proofs are presently regarded as barren and tiresome word-jugglery), +and an equally naïve heart-need reverently responding to the myth +with a cult. The forms of neither can be foreseen, still less chosen—they +appear of themselves, and as far as we are ourselves concerned, we are as yet far +distant from them.⁠<a id="FNanchor_541" href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> But already the opinions of Comte and Spencer, the +Materialism and the Monism and the Darwinism, which stirred the best +minds of the nineteenth century to such passion, have become the world-view +proper to country cousins.</p> + +<p>The Classical philosophy had exhausted its ground by about 250 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> From +that time on, “knowledge” was no longer a continually tested and augmented +stock, but a belief therein, due basically to force of habit, but still able to +convince, thanks to an old and well-tried methodology. In the time of Socrates +<span class="pagenum" id="p312">[312]</span>there had been Rationalism as the religion of educated men, with, above it, +the scholar-philosophy and, below it, the “superstition” of the masses. Now, +philosophy developed towards an intellectual, and the popular syncretism +towards a tangible, religiousness. The tendency was the same in both, and +myth-belief and piety spread, not downwards, but upwards. Philosophy had +much to receive and little to give. The Stoa had begun in the materialism +of the Sophists and Cynics, and had explained the whole mythology on allegorical +lines, but the prayer to Zeus at table—one of the most beautiful +relics of the Classical Second Religiousness⁠<a id="FNanchor_542" href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a>—dates from as early as Cleanthes +(d. 232). In Sulla’s time there was an upper-class Stoicism that was religious +through and through, and a popular syncretism which combined Phrygian, +Syrian, and Egyptian cults with numberless Classical mysteries that had become +almost forgotten—corresponding exactly to the development of Buddha’s +enlightened wisdom into Hinayana for the learned and Mahayana for the +masses, and to the relation between learned Confucianism and Taoism as the +vessel of Chinese syncretism which it soon became.</p> + +<p>Contemporary with the “Positivist” Meng-tse (372–289) there suddenly +began a powerful movement towards alchemy, astrology, and occultism. It +has long been a favourite topic of dispute whether this was something new or a +recrudescence of old Chinese myth-feeling—but a glance at Hellenism supplies +the answer. This syncretism appears “simultaneously” in the Classical, in +India and China, and in popular Islam. It starts always on rationalist doctrines—the +Stoa, Lao-tse, Buddha—and carries these through with peasant and +springtime and exotic motives of every conceivable sort. From about 200 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> +the Classical Syncretism—which must not be confused with that of the later +Magian Pseudomorphosis⁠<a id="FNanchor_543" href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a>—raked in motives from Orphism, from Egypt, +from Syria; from 67 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> the Chinese brought in Indian Buddhism in the popular +Mahayana form, and the potency of the holy writings as charms, and the +Buddha-figures as fetishes, was thought to be all the greater for their alien +origin. The original doctrine of Lao-tse disappeared very quickly. At the +beginning of Han times (<i>c.</i> <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 200) the troops of the Sen had ceased to be +“moral representations” and become kindly beings. The wind-, cloud-, thunder-, +and rain-gods came back. Crowds of cults which purported to drive out +the evil spirits by the aid of the gods acquired a footing. It was in that time +that there arose—doubtless out of some basic principle of pre-Confucian philosophy—the +myth of Pan-ku, the prime principle from which the series of +mythical emperors descended. As we know, the Logos-idea followed a similar +line of development.⁠<a id="FNanchor_544" href="#Footnote_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p313">[313]</span></p> + +<p>The theory and practice of the conduct of life that Buddha taught were +the outcome of world-weariness and intellectual disgusts, and were wholly +unrelated to religious questions. And yet at the very beginning of the Indian +“Imperial” period (250 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>) he himself had already become a seated god-figure; +and the Nirvana-theories, comprehensible only to the learned, were giving +place more and more to solid and tangible doctrines of heaven, hell, and salvation, +which were probably borrowed, as in other syncretisms, from an alien +source—namely, Persian Apocalyptic. Already in Asoka’s time there were +eighteen Buddhist sects. The salvation-doctrine of Mahayana found its first +great herald in the poet-scholar Asvagosha (<i>c.</i> 50 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>) and its fulfilment proper in +Naganjuna (<i>c.</i> <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 150). But side by side with such teaching, the whole mass +of proto-Indian mythology came back into circulation. The Vishnu- and +Shiva-religions were already in 300 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> in definite shape, and, moreover, in +syncretic form, so that the Krishna and the Rama legends were now transferred +to Vishnu. We have the same spectacle in the Egyptian New Empire, where +Amen of Thebes formed the centre of a vast syncretism, and again in the Arabian +world of the Abbassids, where the folk-religion, with its images of Purgatory, +Hell, Last Judgment, the heavenly Kaaba, Logos-Mohammed, fairies, saints, +and spooks drove pristine Islam entirely into the background.⁠<a id="FNanchor_545" href="#Footnote_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a></p> + +<p>There are still in such times a few high intellects like Nero’s tutor Seneca +and his antitype Psellus⁠<a id="FNanchor_546" href="#Footnote_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> the philosopher, royal tutor and politician of Byzantium’s +Cæsarism-phase; like Marcus Aurelius the Stoic and Asoka the +Buddhist, who were themselves the Cæsars;⁠<a id="FNanchor_547" href="#Footnote_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a> like the Pharaoh Amenhotep IV +(Akhenaton), whose deeply significant experiment was treated as heresy and +brought to naught by the powerful Amen-priesthood—a risk that Asoka, too, +had, no doubt, to face from the Brahmins.</p> + +<p>But Cæsarism itself, in the Chinese as in the Roman Empire, gave birth to +an emperor-cult, and thereby concentrated Syncretism. It is an absurd notion +that the veneration of the Chinese for the living emperor is a relic of ancient +religion. During the whole course of the Chinese Culture there were no emperors +at all. The rulers of the States were called Wang (that is, kings), and +scarcely a century before the final victory of the Chinese Augustus Meng-tse +wrote—in the vein of our nineteenth century—“The people is the most important +element in the country; next come the useful gods of the soil and the +crops, and least in importance comes the ruler.” The mythology of the pristine +emperors was without doubt put together by Confucius and his contemporaries, +<span class="pagenum" id="p314">[314]</span>its constitutional and social-ethical form was dictated by their rationalist aims, +and from this myth the first Chinese Cæsar borrowed both title and cult-idea. +The elevation of men to divinity is the full-cycle return to the springtime in +which gods were converted into heroes—exactly like these very emperors and +the figures of Homer—and it is a distinguishing trait of almost all religions +of this second degree. Confucius himself was deified in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 57, with an official +cult, and Buddha had been so long before. Al Ghazali (<i>c.</i> 1050), who helped +to bring about the “Second Religiousness” of the Islamic world, is now, in the +popular belief, a divine being and is beloved as a saint and helper. In the philosophy-schools +of the Classical there was a cult of Plato, and of Epicurus, and +Alexander’s claim to descent from Heracles and Cæsar’s to descent from Venus +lead directly to the cult of the <i>Divus</i>, in which immemorial Orphic imaginings +and family religions crop up afresh, just as the cult of Hwang-ti contains traits +of the most ancient mythology of China.</p> + +<p>But with the coming of the emperor-cults there begins at once, in each of the +two, an attempt to bring the Second Religiousness into fixed organizations, +which, however named—sects, orders, Churches—are always stiff re-constructions +of what had been living forms of the Springtime, and bear the same relation +to these as “caste” bears to “status.”</p> + +<p>There are signs of the tendency even in the Augustan reforms, with their +artificial revival of long-dead city-cults, such as the rites of the Fratres Arvales, +but it is only with the Hellenistic mystery-religions, or even with Mithraism,⁠<a id="FNanchor_548" href="#Footnote_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> +that community or Church organization proper begins, and its development is +broken off in the ensuing downfall of the Classical. The corresponding feature +in Egypt is the theocratic state set up by the priest-kings of Thebes in the +eleventh century. The Chinese analogue is the Tao churches of the Han +period and especially that founded by Chang-lu, which gave rise to the fearful +insurrection of the Yellow Turbans (recalling the religious provincial rebellions +of the Roman Empire), which devastated whole regions and brought about the +fall of the Han dynasty.⁠<a id="FNanchor_549" href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a> And the very counterpart of these ascetic Churches +of Taoism, with their rigidity and wild mythology, is to be found in the late +Byzantine monk-states such as Studion and the autonomous group of monasteries +on Athos, founded in 1100, which are as suggestive of Buddhism as anything +could well be.</p> + +<p>In the end Second Religiousness issues in the <em>fellah-religions</em>. Here the opposition +between cosmopolitan and provincial piety has vanished again, as completely +as that between primitive and higher Culture. What this means, the +conception of the fellah people, discussed in an earlier chapter,⁠<a id="FNanchor_550" href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a> tells us. Religion +becomes entirely historyless; where formerly decades constituted an +<span class="pagenum" id="p315">[315]</span>epoch, now whole centuries pass unimportantly, and the ups and downs of +superficial changes only serve to show the unalterable finality of the inner state. +It matters nothing that “Chufucianism” appeared in China (1200) as a variant +of the Confucian state-doctrine, when it appeared, and whether or not it succeeded. +Equally, it signifies nothing that Indian Buddhism, long become a +polytheistic religion of the people, went down before Neo-Brahmanism (whose +great divine, Sankhara, lived about 800), nor is it of importance to know the +date at which the latter passed over into the Hinduism of Brahma, Vishnu, +and Shiva. There always are and always will be a handful of superlatively +intellectual, thoughtful, and perfectly self-sufficing people, like the Brahmins +in India, the Mandarins in China, and the Egyptian priests who amazed Herodotus. +But the fellah-religion itself is once more primitive through and through—the +animal-cults of the Egyptian XXVIth dynasty; the composite of Buddhism, +Confucianism, and Taoism that constitutes the state religion of China; +the Islam of the present-day East. The religion of the Aztecs was very likely +another case in point, for, as Cortez found it, it seems remote indeed from the +intensely intellectualized religion of the Mayas.</p> + + +<h3 id="VII_4"> + VII +</h3> + +<p>The religion of Jewry, too, is a fellah-religion since the time of Jehuda ben +Halevi who (like his Islamic teacher, Al Ghazali) regarded scientific philosophy +with an unqualified scepticism, and in the <cite>Kuzari</cite> (1140) refused to it any +rôle save that of handmaid of the orthodox theology. This corresponds exactly +to the transition from Middle Stoicism to the later form of the Imperial period, +and to the extinction of Chinese speculation under the Western Han Dynasty. +Still more significant is the figure of Moses Maimonides,⁠<a id="FNanchor_551" href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a> who in 1175 collected +the entire dogmatic material of Judaism, as something fixed and complete, in a +great work of the type of the Chinese <cite>Li-ki</cite>, entirely regardless of whether the +particular items still retained any meaning or not.⁠<a id="FNanchor_552" href="#Footnote_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a> Neither in this period nor +in any other is Judaism unique in religious history, though from the view-point +that the Western Culture has taken up on its own ground, it may seem so. +Nor is it peculiar to Jewry that, unperceived by those who bear it, its name is +for ever changing in meaning, for the same has happened, step by step, in the +Persian story.</p> + +<p>In their “Merovingian” period—approximately the last five centuries +before the birth of Christ—both Jewry and Persia evolve from tribal groups +into nations of Magian cast, without land, without unity of origin, and (even +so soon) with the characteristic ghetto mode of life that endures unchanged to-day +for the Jews of Brooklyn and the Parsees of Bombay alike.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p316">[316]</span></p> + +<p>In the Springtime (first five centuries of the Christian era) this landless +Consensus spread geographically from Spain to Shantung. This was the +Jewish Age of Chivalry and its “Gothic” blossoming-time of religious creative-force. +The later Apocalyptic, the Mishnah, and also primitive Christianity +(which was not cast off till after Trajan’s and Hadrian’s time) are creations of +this nation. It is well known that in those days the Jews were peasants, +artisans, and dwellers in little towns, and “big business” was in the hands of +Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans—that is, members of the Classical world.</p> + +<p>About 500⁠<a id="FNanchor_553" href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a> begins the Jewish Baroque, which Western observers are accustomed +to regard, very one-sidedly, as part of the picture of Spain’s age of +glory. The Jewish Consensus, like the Persian, Islamic, and Byzantine, now +advances to an urban and intellectual awareness, and thenceforward it is master +of the forms of city-economics and city-science. Tarragona, Toledo, and +Granada are predominantly Jewish cities. Jews constitute an essential element +in Moorish high society. Their finished forms, their <i lang="fr">esprit</i>, their knightliness, +amazed the Gothic nobility of the Crusades, which tried to imitate them; but +the diplomacy also, and the war-management and the administration of the +Moorish cities would all have been unthinkable without the Jewish aristocracy, +which was every whit as thoroughbred as the Islamic. As once in Arabia there +had been a Jewish <i lang="de">Minnesang</i>, so now here there was a high literature of enlightened +science. It was under the guidance of the Rabbi Isaac Hassan, and by +the hand of Jewish and Islamic as well as Christian savants, that Alfonso X’s +new work on the planets was prepared (<i>c.</i> 1250);⁠<a id="FNanchor_554" href="#Footnote_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a> in other words, it was an +achievement of Magian and not of Faustian world-thought.⁠<a id="FNanchor_555" href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a> But Spain and +Morocco after all contained but a very small fraction of the Jewish Consensus, +and even this Consensus itself had not merely a worldly but also (and predominantly) +a spiritual significance. In it, too, there occurred a Puritan movement, +which rejected the Talmud and tried to get back to the pure Torah. The community +of the Qaraites, preceded by many a forerunner, arose about 760 in +northern Syria, the selfsame area which gave birth a century earlier to the +Paulician iconoclasts and a century later to the Sufism of Islam—three Magian +tendencies whose inner relationship is unmistakable. The Qaraites, like the +Puritans of all other Cultures, were combated by both orthodoxy and enlightenment. +Rabbinical counterblasts appeared from Cordova and Fez to southern +Arabia and Persia. But in that period appeared also—an outcome of “Jewish +Sufism,” and suggestive in places of Swedenborg—the <i lang="fr">chef-d’œuvre</i> of rational +mysticism, the Yesirah, germane in its Kabbalistic root-ideas to Byzantine +image-symbolism and the contemporary magic of Greek “second-degree +Christianity,” and equally so to the folk-religion of Islam.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p317">[317]</span></p> + +<p>But an entirely new situation was created when, from about the year 1000, +the Western portion of the Consensus found itself suddenly in the field of the +young Western Culture. The Jews, like the Parsees, the Byzantines, and the +Moslems, had become by then civilized and cosmopolitan, whereas the German-Roman +world lived in the townless land, and the settlements that had just come +(or were coming) into existence around monasteries and market-places were still +many generations short of possessing souls of their own. While the Jews were +already almost fellaheen, the Western peoples were still almost primitives. +The Jew could not comprehend the Gothic inwardness, the castle, the Cathedral; +nor the Christian the Jew’s superior, almost cynical, intelligence and his finished +expertness in “money-thinking.” There was mutual hate and contempt, due not +to race-distinction, but to <em>difference of phase</em>. Into all the hamlets and country +towns the Jewish Consensus built its essentially megalopolitan—proletarian—ghettos. +The <i lang="de">Judengasse</i> is a thousand years in advance of the Gothic town. +Just so, in Jesus’s days, the Roman towns stood in the midst of the villages on +the Lake of Genesareth.</p> + +<p>But these young nations were, besides, bound up with the soil and the idea +of a fatherland, and the landless “Consensus,” which was cemented, not by +deliberate organization, but by a wholly unconscious, wholly metaphysical +impulse—an expression of the Magian world-feeling in its simplest and directest +form—appeared to them as something uncanny and incomprehensible. It was +in this period that the legend of the Wandering Jew arose. It meant a good deal +for a Scottish monk to visit a Lombard monastery, and nostalgia soon took +him home again, but when a rabbi of Mainz—in 1000 the seat of the most +important Talmudic seminary of the West—or of Salerno betook himself +to Cairo or Merv or Basra, he was at home in every ghetto. In this tacit cohesion +lay the very idea of the Magian nation⁠<a id="FNanchor_556" href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a>—although the contemporary West +was unaware of the fact, it was for the Jews, as for the Greeks of the period +and the Parsees and Islam, State and Church and people all in one. This State +had its own jurisprudence and (what Christians never perceived) its own +public life,⁠<a id="FNanchor_557" href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> and despised the surrounding world of the host-peoples as a sort +of outland; and it was a veritable treason-trial that expelled Spinoza and +Uriel Acosta—an event of which these host-peoples could not possibly grasp +the under meaning. And in 1799 the leading thinker among the Eastern Hasidim, +Senior Salman, was handed over by the rabbinical opposition to the +Petersburg Government as though to a foreign state.</p> + +<p>Jewry of the West-European group had entirely lost the relation to the open +land which had still existed in the Moorish period of Spain. There were no +more peasants. The smallest ghetto was a fragment, however miserable, of +<span class="pagenum" id="p318">[318]</span>megalopolis, and its inhabitants (like those of hardened India and China) split +into castes—the Rabbi is the Brahmin or Mandarin of the ghetto—and a +coolie-mass characterized by civilized, cold, superior intelligence and an undeviating +eye to business. But this phenomenon, again, is not unique if our +historical sense takes in the wider horizon, for <em>all</em> Magian nations have been in +this condition since the Crusade period. The Parsee in India possesses exactly +the same business-power as the Jews in the European-American world and the +Armenians and Greeks in southern Europe. The same phenomenon occurs in +every other Civilization, when it pushes into a younger <i lang="fr">milieu</i>—witness the +Chinese in California (where they are the targets of a true Anti-Semitism of +western America), in Java, and in Singapore; that of the Indian trader in +East Africa; and that of <em>the Romans in the Early Arabian World</em>. In the last +instance, indeed, the conditions were the exact reverse of those of to-day, for +the “Jews” of those days were the Romans, and the Armæan felt for them an +apocalyptic hatred that is very closely akin to our West-European Anti-Semitism. +The outbreak of 88, in which, at a sign from Mithridates, a hundred +thousand Roman business-people were murdered by the exasperated population +of Asia Minor, was a veritable <i>pogrom</i>.</p> + +<p>Over and above these oppositions there was that of race, which passed +from contempt into hate in proportion as the Western Culture itself caught up +with the Civilization and the “difference of age,” expressed in the way of +life and the increasing primacy of intelligence, became smaller. But all this +has nothing to do with the silly catchwords “Aryan” and “Semite” that have +been borrowed from philology. The “Aryan” Persians and Armenians are in +our eyes entirely indistinguishable from the Jews, and even in South Europe +and the Balkans there is almost no bodily difference between the Christian and +Jewish inhabitants. The Jewish nation is, like every other nation of the +Arabian Culture, the result of an immense <em>mission</em>, and up to well within the +Crusades it was changed and changed again by accessions and secessions <i lang="fr">en +masse</i>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_558" href="#Footnote_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a> One part of Eastern Jewry conforms in bodily respects to the Christian +inhabitants of the Caucasus, another to the South-Russian Tatars, and a large +portion of Western Jewry to the North African Moors. What has mattered in +the West more than any other distinction is the difference <em>between the race-ideal of +the Gothic springtime</em>,⁠<a id="FNanchor_559" href="#Footnote_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a> which has bred its human type, and that of the Sephardic +Jew, which first formed itself in the ghettos of the West and was likewise the +product of a particular spiritual breeding and training under exceedingly hard +external conditions—to which, doubtless, we must add the effectual spell of +the land and people about him, and his metaphysical defensive reaction to that +spell, especially after the loss of the Arabic language had made this part of the +nation a self-contained world. This feeling of being “different” is the more +potent on both sides, the more breed the individual possesses. It is <em>want</em> of race, +<span class="pagenum" id="p319">[319]</span>and nothing else, that makes intellectuals—philosophers, doctrinaires, +Utopists—incapable of understanding the depth of this metaphysical hatred, +which is the beat-difference of two currents of being manifested as an unbearable +dissonance, a hatred that may become tragic for both, the same hatred as has +dominated the Indian Culture in setting the Indian of race against the Sudra. +During the Gothic age this difference is deep and religious, and the object of +hatred is the Consensus as religion; only with the beginning of the Western +Civilization does it become materialist, and begin to attack Jewry on its intellectual +and business sides, on which the West suddenly finds itself confronted +by an even challenger.</p> + +<p>But the deepest element of separation and bitterness has been one of which +the full tragedy has been least understood. While Western man, from the days +of the Saxon emperors to the present, has (in the most significant sense of the +words) <em>lived</em> his history, and lived it with a consciousness of it that no other +Culture can parallel, the Jewish Consensus ceased to have a history at all.⁠<a id="FNanchor_560" href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a> +Its problems were solved, its inner form was complete, conclusive, and unalterable. +For it, as for Islam, the Greek Church, and the Parsees, centuries +ceased to mean anything, and consequently no one belonging inwardly to the +Consensus can even begin to comprehend the passion with which Faustians +livingly experience the short crowded epochs in which their history and destiny +take decisive turns—the beginning of the Crusades, the Reformation, the +French Revolution, the German Wars of Liberation, and each and every turning-point +in the existence of the several peoples. All this, for the Jew, lies +thirty generations back. Outside him history on the grand style flowed on and +past. Epochs succeeded to epochs, every century witnessed fundamental human +changes, but in the ghetto and in the souls of its denizens all stood still. And +even when he regarded himself as a member of the people amongst whom he +sojourned and took part in their good and evil fortune—as happened in so +many countries in 1914—he lived these experiences, not really as something <em>his +own</em>, but as a partisan, a supporter; he judged them as an interested spectator, +and hence it is just the deepest meanings of the struggle that must ever remain +hidden from him. A Jewish cavalry-general fought in the Thirty Years’ War +(he lies buried in the old Jewish cemetery at Prague⁠<a id="FNanchor_561" href="#Footnote_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a>)—but what did the ideas +of Luther or Loyola mean to him? What did the Byzantines—near relatives +of the Jews—comprehend of the Crusades? Such things are among the tragic +necessities of the higher history that consists in the life-courses of individual +Cultures, and often have they repeated themselves. The Romans, then an +ageing people, cannot possibly have understood what was at issue for the Jews +in the trial of Jesus or the rising of Barcochebas.⁠<a id="FNanchor_562" href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a> The European-American +<span class="pagenum" id="p320">[320]</span>world has displayed a complete incomprehension of the fellah-revolutions +of Turkey (1908) and China (1911); the inner life and thought of these peoples, +and consequently, even their notions of state and sovereignty (the Caliph in +the one, the Son of Heaven in the other) being of an utterly different cast and, +therefore, a sealed book, the course of events could neither be weighed up, +nor even reckoned upon in advance. The member of an alien Culture can be a +spectator, and therefore also a descriptive historian of the past, but he can never +be a statesman, a man who feels the future working in him. If he does not +possess the material power to enable him to act in the cadre of his own Culture, +ignoring or manipulating those of the alien (which, of course, may occur, +as with the Romans in the young East or Disraeli in England), he stands helpless +in the midst of events. The Roman and the Greek always mentally projected +the life-conditions of his Polis into the alien event; the modern European +always regards alien Destinies in terms of constitution, parliament, and democracy, +although the application of such ideas to other Cultures is ridiculous +and meaningless; and the Jew of the Consensus follows the history of the +present (which is nothing but that of the Faustian Civilization spread over +continents and oceans) with the fundamental feelings of Magian mankind, +even when he himself is firmly convinced of the Western character of +his thought.</p> + +<p>As every Magian Consensus is non-territorial and geographically unlimited, +it involuntarily sees in all conflicts concerning the <em>Faustian</em> ideas of +fatherland, mother tongue, ruling house, monarchy, constitution, a return +from forms that are thoroughly alien (therefore burdensome and meaningless) +to him towards forms matching with his own nature. Hence the word “international,” +whether it be coupled with socialism, pacificism, or capitalism, +can excite him to enthusiasm, but what he hears in that word is <em>the essence of +his landless and boundless Consensus</em>. While for the European-American democracy +constitutional struggles and revolutions mean an evolution towards +the Civilized ideal, for him they mean (as he almost never consciously realizes) +the breaking-down of all that is of other build than himself. Even when the +force of the Consensus in him is broken and the life of his host-people exercises +an outward attraction upon him to the point of an induced patriotism, yet the +party that he supports is always that of which the aims are most nearly comparable +with the Magian essence. Hence in Germany he is a democrat and in +England (like the Parsee in India) an imperialist. It is exactly the same misunderstanding +as when West Europeans regard Young Turks and Chinese reformers +as kindred spirits—that is, as “constitutionalists.” If there is +inward relationship, a man affirms even where he destroys; if inward alienness, +his effect is negative even where his desire is to be constructive. What the +Western Culture has destroyed, by reform-efforts of its own type where it has +had power, hardly bears thinking of; and Jewry has been equally destructive +<span class="pagenum" id="p321">[321]</span>where it has intervened. The sense of the inevitableness of this reciprocal +misunderstanding leads to the appalling hatred that settles deep in the blood +and, fastening upon visible marks like race, mode of life, profession, speech, +leads both sides to waste, ruin, and bloody excesses wherever these conditions +occur.⁠<a id="FNanchor_563" href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a></p> + +<p>This applies also, and above all, to the religiousness of the Faustian world, +which feels itself to be threatened, hated, and undermined by an alien metaphysic +in its midst. From the reforms of Hugh of Cluny and St. Bernard and +the Lateran Council of 1215 to Luther, Calvin, and Puritanism and thence to +the Age of Enlightenment, what a tide flowed through our waking-consciousness, +when for the Jewish religion history had long ceased altogether! Within +the West-European Consensus we see Joseph Qaro in his <cite>Schulehan Arukh</cite> (1565) +restating the Maimonides material in another form, and this could equally +well have been done in 1400 or 1800, or for that matter not at all. In the fixity +of modern Islam of Byzantine Christianity since the Crusades (and, equally, +of the life of Late China and of Late Egypt) all is formal and rolled even, not +only the food-prohibitions, the prayer-runes, the phylacteries, but also the +Talmudic casuistry, which is fundamentally the same as that applied for centuries +to the Vendidad in Bombay and the Koran in Cairo. The mysticism, +too, of Jewry (which is <em>pure Sufism</em>) has remained, like that of Islam, unaltered +since the Crusades; and in the last centuries it has produced three more saints +in the sense of Oriental Sufism—though to recognize them as such we have +to see through a colour-wash of Western thought-forms. Spinoza, with his +thinking in substances instead of forces and his thoroughly Magian dualism, +is entirely comparable with the last stragglers of Islamic philosophy such as +Murtada and Shirazi. He makes use of the notions of his Western Baroque +armoury, living himself into mode of imagination of that <i lang="fr">milieu</i> so thoroughly +as to deceive even himself, but below the surface movements of his soul he +remains the unchanged descendant of Maimonides and Avicenna and Talmudic +“<i>more geometrico</i>” methodology. In Baal Shem, the founder of the Hasidim +sect (born in Volhynia about 1698), a true Messiah arose. His wanderings +through the world of the Polish ghettos teaching and performing miracles +are comparable only with the story of primitive Christianity;⁠<a id="FNanchor_564" href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a> here was a +movement that had its sources in ancient currents of Magian, Kabbalistic +mysticism, that gripped a large part of Eastern Jewry and was undoubtedly a +potent fact in the religious history of the Arabian Culture; and yet, running +its course as it did in the midst of an alien mankind, it passed practically unnoticed +by it. The peaceful battle that Baal Shem waged for God-immanent +<span class="pagenum" id="p322">[322]</span>against the Talmudic pharisees of his time, his Christlike figure, the wealth +of legends that were rapidly woven about his person and the persons of his +disciples—all this is of the pure Magian spirit, and at bottom as alien to us of +the West as primitive Christianity itself. The thought-processes of Hasidist +writings are to non-Jews practically unintelligible, and so also is the ritual. +In the excitement of the service some fall into convulsions and others begin to +dance like the dervishes of Islam.⁠<a id="FNanchor_565" href="#Footnote_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a> The original teaching of Baal Shem was +developed by one of the disciples in Zaddikism, and this too, which was a +belief in successive divine embassies of saints (Zaddiks), whose mere proximity +brought salvation, has obvious kinship with Islamic Mahdism and still more +with the Shiite doctrine of the imams in whom the “Light of the Prophet” +takes up its abode. Another disciple, Solomon Maimon—of whom a remarkable +autobiography exists—stepped from Baal Shem to Kant (whose +abstract kind of thought has always possessed an immense attraction for Talmudic +intellects). The third is Otto Weininger, whose moral dualism is a +purely Magian conception and whose death in a spiritual struggle of essentially +Magian experience is one of the noblest spectacles ever presented by a Late +religiousness.⁠<a id="FNanchor_566" href="#Footnote_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a> Something of the sort Russians may be able to experience, but +neither the Classical nor the Faustian soul is capable of it.</p> + +<p>In the “Enlightenment” of the eighteenth century the Western Culture in +turn becomes megalopolitan and intellectual, and so, suddenly, accessible to +the intelligentsia of the Consensus. And the latter, thus dumped into the middle +of an epoch corresponding, for them, to the remote past of a long-expired +Sephardic life-current, were inevitably stirred by echo-feelings, but these echoes +were of the <em>critical and negative side only</em>, and the tragically unnatural outcome +was that a cohesion already historically complete and incapable of organic +progress was swept into the big movement of the host-peoples, which it shook, +loosened, displaced, and vitiated to its depths. For, for the Faustian spirit, +the Enlightenment was a step forward along its own road—a step over débris, +no doubt, but still affirmative at bottom—whereas for Jewry it was destruction +and nothing else, the demolition of an alien structure that it did not understand. +And this is why we so often see the spectacle—paralleled by the +case of the Parsees in India, of the Chinese and Japanese in a Christian <i lang="fr">milieu</i>, +and by modern Americans in China—of enlightenment, pushed to the point +of cynicism and unqualified atheism, opposing an alien religion, while the +fellah-practices of its own folk go on wholly unaffected. There are Socialists +who superficially—and yet quite sincerely—combat every sort of religion, +and yet in their own case follow the food-prohibitions and routine prayers +and phylacteries with an anxious exactitude. More frequent actually is inward +lapse from the Consensus qua creed—the spectacle that is presented to us by +<span class="pagenum" id="p323">[323]</span>the Indian student who, after an English university-training in Locke and Mill, +acquires the same cynical contempt for Indian and Western faiths alike and must +himself be crushed under the ruins of both. Since the Napoleonic era the old-civilized +Consensus has mingled unwelcome with the new-civilized Western +“society” of the cities and has taken their economic and scientific methods +into use with the cool superiority of age. A few generations later, the Japanese, +also a very old intellect, did the same, and probably with still greater success. +Yet another example is afforded by the Carthaginians, a rear-guard of the Babylonian +Civilization, who, already highly developed when the Classical Culture +was still in the Etrusco-Doric infancy, ended by surrendering to Late Hellenism⁠<a id="FNanchor_567" href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a>—petrified +in an end-state in all that concerned religion and art, but far superior +to the Greeks and Romans as men of business, and hated accordingly.</p> + +<p>To-day this Magian nation, with its ghetto and its religion, itself is in +danger of disappearing—not because the metaphysics of the two Cultures +come closer to one another (for that is impossible), but because the intellectualized +upper stratum of each side is ceasing to be metaphysical at all. It has +lost every kind of inward cohesion, and what remains is simply a cohesion for +practical questions. The lead that this nation has enjoyed from its long habituation +to thinking in business terms becomes ever less and less (<i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the American, +it has already almost gone), and with the loss of it will go the last potent +means of keeping up a Consensus that has fallen regionally into parts. In the +moment when the civilized methods of the European-American world-cities +shall have arrived at full maturity, the destiny of Jewry—at least of the Jewry +in our midst (that of Russia is another problem)—will be accomplished.</p> + +<p>Islam has <em>soil</em> under it. It has practically absorbed the Persian, Jewish, +Nestorian, and Monophysite Consensus into itself.⁠<a id="FNanchor_568" href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a> The relic of the Byzantine +nation, the modern Greeks, also occupy their own land. The relic of the Parsees +in India dwells in the midst of the stiffened forms of a yet older and more +fellahized Civilization and is thereby secured in its footing. But the West-European-American +part of the Jewish Consensus, which has drawn to itself +and bound to its destiny most of the other parts of Jewry, has now fallen into +the machinery of a young Civilization. Detached from any land-footing since, +centuries ago, it saved its life by shutting itself off in the ghetto, it is fragmented +and faced with dissolution. But that is a Destiny, not <em>in</em> the Faustian Culture, +but of the Magian.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p324"></a><a id="p325"></a><a id="p326"></a><a id="p327"></a>[327]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_X"> + CHAPTER X + <br> + <span class="subtitle">THE STATE + <br> + (A) + <br> + THE PROBLEM OF THE ESTATES—NOBILITY AND PRIESTHOOD</span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<h3>I⁠<a id="FNanchor_569" href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a></h3> + +<p>A fathomless secret of the cosmic flowings that we call Life is their separation +into two sexes. Already in the earth-bound existence-streams of the plant +world they are trying to part from one another, as the symbol of the flower +tells us—into a something that <em>is</em> this existence and a something that keeps it +going. Animals are free, little worlds in a big world—the cosmic—closed +off as microcosms and set up against the macrocosm. And, more and more +decisively as the animal kingdom unfolds its history, the dual direction of dual +being, of the masculine and the feminine, manifests itself.</p> + +<p>The feminine stands closer to the Cosmic. It is rooted deeper in the earth +and it is immediately involved in the grand cyclic rhythms of Nature. The +masculine is freer, more animal, more mobile—as to sensation and understanding +as well as otherwise—more awake and more tense.</p> + +<p>The male livingly experiences Destiny, and he <em>comprehends</em> Causality, the +causal logic of the Become. The female, on the contrary, <em>is herself</em> Destiny and +Time and the organic logic of the Becoming, and for that very reason the principle +of Causality is for ever alien to her. Whenever Man has tried to give +Destiny any tangible form, he has felt it as of feminine form, and he has called +it Moirai, Parcæ, Norns. The supreme deity is never itself Destiny, but always +either its representative or its master—just as man represents or controls +woman. Primevally, too, woman is the seeress, and not because she knows the +future, but because she <em>is</em> the future. The priest merely interprets the oracle; +the woman is the oracle itself, and it is Time that speaks through her.</p> + +<p>The man <em>makes</em> History, the woman <em>is</em> History. Here, strangely clear yet +enigmatic still, we have a dual significance of all living happenings—on the +one hand we sense cosmic flow as such, and on the other hand the chain and +train of successive individuals brings us back to the microcosms themselves as +the recipients, containers, and preservers of the flowing. It is this “second” +history that is characteristically masculine—political, social, more conscious, +freer, and more agitated than the other. It reaches back deep into the animal +world, and receives highest symbolic and world-historical expression in the +life-courses of the great Cultures. Feminine, on the contrary, is the primary, +<span class="pagenum" id="p328">[328]</span>the eternal, the maternal, the plantlike (for the plant ever has something +female in it), <em>the cultureless history of the generation-sequence</em>, which never alters, +but uniformly and stilly passes through the being of all animal and human +species, through all the short-lived individual Cultures. In retrospect, it is +synonymous with Life itself. This history, too, is not without its battles and +its tragedies. Woman in childbed wins through to her victory. The Aztecs—the +Romans of the Mexican Culture—honoured the woman in labour as a +battling warrior, and if she died, she was interred with the same formulæ as +the fallen hero. Policy for Woman is eternally the conquest of the Man, +through whom she can become mother of children, through whom she can +become History and Destiny and Future. The target of her profound shyness, +her tactical finesse, is ever the father of her son. The man, on the contrary, +whose centre of gravity lies essentially in the other kind of History, wants +that son as <em>his</em> son, as inheritor and carrier of his blood and historical tradition.</p> + +<p>Here, in man and in woman, <em>the two kinds of History</em> are fighting for power. +Woman is strong and wholly what she is, and she experiences the Man and the +Sons only in relation to herself and her ordained rôle. In the masculine being, +on the contrary, there is a certain contradiction; he is this man, and he is +something else besides, which woman neither understands nor admits, which +she feels as robbery and violence upon that which to her is holiest. This +secret and fundamental war of the sexes has gone on ever since there were +sexes, and will continue—silent, bitter, unforgiving, pitiless—while they +continue. In it, too, there are policies, battles, alliances, treaties, treasons. +Race-feeling of love and hate, which originate in depths of world-yearning and +primary instincts of directedness, prevail between the sexes—and with a still +more uncanny potency than in the other History that takes place between man +and man. There are love-lyrics and war-lyrics, love-dances and weapon-dances, +there are two kinds of tragedy—<cite>Othello</cite> and <cite>Macbeth</cite>. But nothing in the +political world even begins to compare with the abysses of a Clytæmnestra’s or +a Kriemhild’s vengeance.</p> + +<p>And so woman despises that other History—man’s politics—which +she never comprehends, and of which all that she sees is that it takes her sons +from her. What for her is a triumphant battle that annihilates the victories +of a thousand childbeds? Man’s history sacrifices woman’s history to itself, +and no doubt there is a female heroism too, that proudly brings the sons to the +sacrifice (Catherine Sforza on the walls of Imola), but nevertheless there was +and is and ever will be a secret politic of the woman—of the female of the +animal world even—that seeks to draw away her male from his kind of history +and to weave him body and soul into her own plantlike history of generic +succession—that is, into herself. And yet all that is accomplished in the man-history +is accomplished under the battle-cries of hearth and home, wives and +children, race and the like, and its very object is the covering and upholding of +<span class="pagenum" id="p329">[329]</span>this history of birth and death. The conflict of man and man is ever on account +of the blood, of woman. <em>Woman, as Time, is that for which there is history at all.</em></p> + +<p>The woman with race in her feels this even when she does not know it. +She is Destiny, she plays Destiny. The play begins with the fight of men for +the possession of her—Helen, and the tragedy of Carmen, and Catherine II, +and the story of Napoleon and Désirée Clary, who in the end took Bernadotte +over to the side of his enemies—and it is not a human play only, for this fight +begins down in the animal world and fills the history of whole species. And it +culminates in her swaying, as mother or wife or mistress, the Destiny of empires—Hallgerd +in the Njal saga, the Frankish queen Brunhilde, Marozia +who gave the Holy See to men of her choice. The man climbs up in <em>his</em> history +until he has the future of a country in his hands—and then woman comes +and forces him to his knees. Peoples and states may go down in ruin over it, +but she in <em>her</em> history has conquered. This, in the last analysis, is always the +aim of political ambition in a woman of race.⁠<a id="FNanchor_570" href="#Footnote_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a></p> + +<p>Thus history has two meanings, neither to be blasphemed. It is cosmic or +politic, it <em>is</em> being or it <em>preserves</em> being. There are two sorts of Destiny, two +sorts of war, two sorts of tragedy—<em>public and private</em>. Nothing can eliminate +this duality from the world. It is radical, founded in the essence of the animal +that is both microcosm and participant in the cosmic. It appears at all significant +conjunctures in the form of a conflict of duties, which exists only for +the man, not for the woman, and in the course of a higher Culture it is never +overcome, but only deepened. There are public life and private life, public +law and private law, communal cults and domestic cults. As Estate,⁠<a id="FNanchor_571" href="#Footnote_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a> Being +is “in form” for the one history; as race, breed, it is in flow as <em>itself</em> the other +history. This is the old German distinction between the “sword side” and the +“spindle side” of blood-relationships. The double significance of directional +Time finds its highest expression in the ideas of <em>the State</em> and <em>the Family</em>.</p> + +<p>The ordering of the family is in living material what the form of the house +is in dead.⁠<a id="FNanchor_572" href="#Footnote_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a> A change in the structure and import of family life, and the plan +<span class="pagenum" id="p330">[330]</span>of the house changes also. To the Classical mode of housing corresponds the +agnate family of Classical style. This is ever more sharply defined in Hellenic +city-law than in the later Roman.⁠<a id="FNanchor_573" href="#Footnote_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> It refers entirely to the Estate as present +in a Euclidean here-and-now, just as the Polis is conceived as an aggregate of +bodies availably present. Blood-relationship, therefore, is neither necessary +nor sufficient for it; it ceases at the limit of <i lang="la">patria potestas</i>, of the “house.” +The mother as such is not agnatically related to the offspring of her own body; +only in so far as, like them, she is subject to the <i lang="la">patria potestas</i> of her living +husband is she the agnatic sister of her children.⁠<a id="FNanchor_574" href="#Footnote_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a> To the “Consensus,” on the +other hand, corresponds the Magian cognate family (Hebrew, “<i>Mishpasha</i>”) +which is representatively extended by both the paternal <em>and</em> the maternal +blood-relationships, and possesses a “spirit,” a little consensus, of its own, +but no special head.⁠<a id="FNanchor_575" href="#Footnote_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a> It is significant of the extinction of the Classical soul and +the unfolding of the Magian that the “Roman” law of Imperial times gradually +passes from <i lang="la">agnatio</i> to <i lang="la">cognatio</i>. Justinian’s 118th and 127th novels reforming +the law of inheritance affirm the victory of the Magian family-idea.⁠<a id="FNanchor_576" href="#Footnote_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a></p> + +<p>On the other side, we see masses of individual beings streaming past, growing +and passing, but <em>making</em> history. The purer, deeper, stronger, more taken-for-granted +the common beat of these sequent generations is, the more blood, +the more race they have. Out of the infinite they rise, every one with its soul,⁠<a id="FNanchor_577" href="#Footnote_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a> +bands that feel themselves in the common wave-beat of their being, as a whole—not +mind-communities like orders, craft-guilds, or schools of learning, which +are linked by common truths, but blood-confederates in the mêlée of fighting +life.</p> + +<p>There are streams of being which are “in form” in the same sense in which +the term is used in sports. A field of steeplechasers is “in form” when the legs +swing surely over the fences, and the hoofs beat firmly and rhythmically on the +flat. When wrestlers, fencers, ball-players are “in form,” the riskiest acts +and moves come off easily and naturally. An art-period is in form when its +tradition is second nature, as counterpoint was to Bach. An army is in form +when it is like the army of Napoleon at Austerlitz and the army of Moltke at +Sedan. Practically everything that has been achieved in world-history, in +war and in that continuation of war by intellectual means⁠<a id="FNanchor_578" href="#Footnote_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a> that we call politics; +<span class="pagenum" id="p331">[331]</span>in all successful diplomacy, tactics, strategy; in the competition of states or +social classes or parties; has been the product of living unities that found +themselves “in form.”</p> + +<p>The word for race- or breed-education is “training” (<i lang="de">Zucht</i>, <i lang="de">Züchtung</i>), as +against the shaping (<i lang="de">Bildung</i>) which creates communities of waking-consciousness +on a basis of uniform teachings or beliefs. Books, for example, are +shaping agents, while the constant felt pulse and harmony of <i lang="fr">milieu</i> into which +one feels oneself, <em>lives</em> oneself—like a novice or a page of early Gothic times—are +training influences. The “good form” and ceremonies of a given society +are sense-presentations of the beat of a given species of Being, and to master +them one must <em>have</em> the beat of them. Hence women, as more instinctive and +nearer to cosmic rhythms, adapt themselves more readily than men to the forms +of a new <i lang="fr">milieu</i>. Women from the bottom strata move in elegant society with +entire certainty after a few years—and sink again as quickly. But men alter +slowly, because they are more awake and aware. The proletarian man never +becomes wholly an aristocrat, the aristocrat never wholly a proletarian—only +in the sons does the beat of the new <i lang="fr">milieu</i> make its appearance.</p> + +<p>The profounder the form, the stricter and more repellent it is. To the +outsider, therefore, it appears to be a slavery; the member, on the contrary, +has a perfect and easy command of it. The Prince de Ligne was, no less than +Mozart, master of the form and not its slave; and the same holds good of +<em>every</em> born aristocrat, statesman, and captain.</p> + +<p>In all high Cultures, therefore, there is a <em>peasantry</em>, which is breed, stock, in +the broad sense (and thus to a certain extent nature herself), and a <em>society</em> which +is assertively and emphatically “in form.” It is a set of classes or Estates, and +no doubt artificial and transitory. But the history of these classes and estates +is <em>world-history at highest potential</em>. It is only in relation to it that the peasant +is seen as historyless. The whole broad and grand history of these six millennia +has accomplished itself in the life-courses of the high Cultures, <em>because</em> +these Cultures themselves placed their creative foci in Estates possessing breed +and training, and so in the course of fulfilment became trained and bred. A +Culture is Soul that has arrived at self-expression in sensible forms, but these +forms are living and evolving.⁠<a id="FNanchor_579" href="#Footnote_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a> Their matrix is in the intensified Being of +individuals or groups—that is, in that which I have just called Being “in +form.” And when, and not until, this Being is sufficiently formed to that +high rightness, it becomes representative of a representable Culture.⁠<a id="FNanchor_580" href="#Footnote_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a></p> + +<p>This Culture is not only a grand thing, but wholly unlike any other thing +in the organic world. It is the one point at which man lifts himself above +the powers of Nature and becomes himself a Creator. Even as to race, breed, +<span class="pagenum" id="p332">[332]</span>he is Nature’s creature—he <em>is</em> bred. But, as Estate, he breeds himself just as +he breeds the noble kinds of animal-plant with which he surrounds himself—and +that process, too, is in the deepest and most final sense “Culture.” Culture +and class⁠<a id="FNanchor_581" href="#Footnote_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a> are interchangeable expressions; they arise together and they vanish +together. The breeding of select types of wines or fruit or flowers, the breeding +of blood horses, <em>is</em> Culture, and the culture, in exactly the same sense, of the +human élite arises as the expression of a Being that has brought itself into high +“form.”</p> + +<p>For that very reason, there is found in every Culture a sharp sense of whether +this or that man belongs thereto or not. The Classical notion of the Barbarian, +the Arabian of the Unbeliever (Amhaarez, Giaour), the Indian of the +Sudra—however differently the lines of cleavage were arrived at—are alike +in that the words do not primarily express contempt or hatred, but establish +that there are differences in pulse of Being which set an impassable barrier +against all contacts on the deeper levels. This perfectly clear and unambiguous +idea has been obscured by the Indian concept of a “fourth caste,” which caste, +as we know now, has never existed at all.⁠<a id="FNanchor_582" href="#Footnote_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a> The Code of Manu, with its celebrated +regulations for the treatment of the Sudra, is the outcome of the fully +developed state of fellahdom in his India, and—irrespective of practical +actualities under either existing or even obtainable legislation—described the +misty idea of Brahmanism by the negative mode of dealing with its opposite, +very much as the Late Classical philosophy used the notion of the working +Banausos. The one has led us into misunderstanding caste as a specifically +Indian phenomenon, the other to a basically false idea of the attitude of Classical +man towards work.</p> + +<p>In all such cases what really confronts us is the <em>residue</em> which does not count +for the inward life of the Culture and its symbolism, and is in principle left +out of every really significant classification, somewhat as the “outcast” is +ignored in the far East. The Gothic expression “<i lang="la">corpus christianum</i>” indicates +explicitly in its very terms that the Jewish Consensus does not belong to it. +In the Arabian Culture the other-believer is merely tolerated within the respective +domains of the Jewish, the Persian, the Christian, and, above all, the +Islamic, nations, and contemptuously left to his own administration and his +own jurisdiction. In the Classical World it was not only barbarians that were +“outcasts”—so also in a measure were slaves, and especially the relics of the +autochthonous population like the Penestæ in Thessaly and the Helots of Sparta, +whom their masters treated in a way that reminds us of the conduct of the +Normans in Anglo-Saxon England and the Teutonic Knights in the Slavonic +East. The Code of Manu preserves, as designations of Sudra classes, the names +<span class="pagenum" id="p333">[333]</span>of ancient peoples of the “Colonial” region of the Lower Ganges. (As Magadha +is amongst them, Buddha himself may have been a Sudra, like the “Cæsar” +Asoka, whose grandfather Chandragupta was of the most humble origin.) +Others are names of callings, and this again reminds us that also in the West +and elsewhere certain callings were outcast—the beggars, for example (who +in Homer are a class), smiths, singers, and the professional poor, who have +been bred literally <i lang="fr">en masse</i> by the <i lang="la">caritas</i> of the Church and the benevolence of +laymen in the Early Gothic.</p> + +<p>But, in sum, “caste” is a word that has been at least as much abused as it +has been used. There were no castes in the Old and Middle Kingdoms of +Egypt, nor in India before Buddha, nor in China before Han times. It is only +in very Late conditions that they appear, and then we find them in all Cultures. +From the XXIst Dynasty onwards (<i>c.</i> 1100 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>) Egypt was in the hands, now +of the Theban priest-caste, now of the Libyan warrior-caste; and thereafter +the hardening process went on steadily till the time of Herodotus—whose +view of the conditions of his day as characteristically Egyptian is just as inaccurate +as our view of those prevailing in India. <em>The distinction between Estate +and Caste is that between earliest Culture and latest Civilization.</em> In the rise of the +prime Estates—noble and priest—the Culture is unfolding itself, while the +castes are the expression of its definitive fellah-state. The Estate is the most +living of all, Culture launched on the path of fulfilment, “the form that living +must itself unfold.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_583" href="#Footnote_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a> The caste is absolute finished-ness, the phase in which +development has been succeeded by immutable fixation.</p> + +<p>But the great Estates are something quite different from <em>occupation-groups</em> +like those of artisans, officials, artists, which are professionally held together +by technical tradition and the spirit of their work. They are, in fact, <em>emblems +in flesh and blood</em>, whose entire being, as phenomenon, as attitude, and as mode +of thought, possesses symbolic meaning. Within every Culture, moreover—while +peasantry is a piece of pure nature and growth and, therefore, a completely +<em>impersonal</em> manifestation—nobility and priesthood are the results of high +breeding and forming and therefore express a <em>thoroughly personal Culture</em>, which, +by the height of its form, rejects not merely barbarians, but presently also all +who are not of their status, as a <em>residue</em>—regarded by the nobility as the +“people” and by clergy as the “laity.” And this <em>style of personality</em> is the material +that, when the fellah-age arrives, petrifies into the type of a caste, which +thereafter endures unaltered for centuries. As in the living Culture race and +estate are in antithesis as the impersonal and the personal, in fellah-times +<em>the mass and the caste</em>, the coolie and the Brahmin, <em>are in antithesis as the formless +and the formal</em>. The living form has become formula, still possessing style, but +possessing it as stylistic rigidity. This petrified style of the caste is of an extreme +subtlety, dignity, and intellectuality, and feels itself infinitely superior +<span class="pagenum" id="p334">[334]</span>to the developing mankind of a Culture—we can hardly form an idea of +the lofty height from which the Mandarin or the Brahmin looks down upon +European thoughts and actions, or how fundamentally the Egyptian priest +must have despised a visiting Pythagoras or Plato. It moves impassive through +time with the Byzantine dignity of a soul that has left all its problems and +enigmas far behind it.</p> + + +<h3 id="II_9"> + II +</h3> + +<p>In the Carolingian pre-Culture men distinguished <i lang="de">Knechte</i>, <i lang="de">Freie</i>, and <i lang="de">Edle</i>. +This is a primitive differentiation based merely on the facts of external life. +But in Early Gothic times it runs:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">God hath shapen lives three,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Boor and knight and priest they be.⁠<a id="FNanchor_584" href="#Footnote_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">Here we have status-differences of a high Culture that has just awakened. +And the stole and the sword stand together in face of the plough in strongest +assertiveness as estates <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the rest, the Non-Estate, that which, like themselves, +is fact, but, unlike themselves, fact without deeper significance. The +separation, inward and felt, is so destined, so potent, that no understanding +can ignore it. Hatred wells up out of the villages, contempt flashes back from +the castles. Neither possession nor power nor calling produced this abyss +between the “lives.” Logical justification for it there is none. It is metaphysical +nature.</p> + +<p>Later, with the cities, but younger than they, <i>burgherdom, bourgeoisie</i>, arises +as the “Third Estate.” The burgher, too, now looks with contempt upon the +countryside, which lies about him dull, unaltered, and patient, and in contrast +to which he feels himself more awake and freer and therefore further advanced +on the road of the Culture. He despises also the primary estates, “squire and +parson,” as something lying intellectually below him and historically behind +him. Yet, as compared with these two, the burgher is, as the boor was, a +residue, a non-estate. In the minds of the “privileged” the peasant hardly now +counts at all—the burgher counts, but as an opposite and a background. He +is the foil against which the others become conscious of their own significance +and of the fact that this significance is something lying outside all practical +considerations. When we find that in all Cultures the same occurs in exactly +the same form, and that, however different the symbolism of one Culture from +that of another, their history fulfils itself everywhere in and by opposition of +these groups—impulsive peasant wars in the Springtime, intellectually-based +<em>civil</em> wars in the later period—then it is evident that the meaning of the facts +must be looked for in the deepest foundations of Life itself.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p335">[335]</span></p> + +<p>It is an <em>idea</em> that lies at the base of these two prime Estates, and only these. +It gives them the potent feeling of a rank derived from a divine investiture and +therefore beyond all criticism—a standing which imposes self-respect and self-consciousness, +but the sternest self-discipline as well (and death itself if need +be), as a duty and imbues both with the historical superiority, the soul-magic, +that does not draw upon power but actually generates it. Those who—inwardly, +and not merely nominally—belong to these Estates are <em>actually</em> +something other than the residue; their lives, in contrast to those of burgher +and peasant, are sustained in every part by a symbolic dignity. These lives do +not exist in order to be merely lived, but to have meaning. It is the two sides of +all freely moving life that come to expression in these Estates; <em>the one is wholly +being, the other wholly waking-consciousness</em>.</p> + +<p>Every nobility is a living symbol of <em>Time</em>, every priesthood of <em>Space</em>. Destiny +and sacred Causality, History and Nature, the When and the Where, race +and language, sex-life and feeling-life—all these attain in them to the highest +possible expression. The noble lives in a world of facts, the priest in one of +truths; the one has shrewdness, the other knowledge; the one is a doer, the +other a thinker. Aristocratic world-feeling is essentially pulse-sense; priestly +world-feeling proceeds entirely by tensions. Between the time of Charlemagne +and that of Conrad II something formed itself in the time-stream that cannot +be elucidated, but has to be felt if we are to understand the dawn of the new +Culture. There had long been noblemen and ecclesiastics, but then first—and +not for long—there were nobility and clergy, in the grand sense of the words +and the full force of their symbolic significance.⁠<a id="FNanchor_585" href="#Footnote_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a> So mighty is this onset of a +symbolism that at first all other distinctions, such as those of country, people, +and language, fall into the background. In all the lands from Ireland to Calabria +the Gothic hierarchy was a single great community; the Early Classical +chivalry before Troy, or the Early Gothic before Jerusalem, seems to us as of +<em>one</em> great family. The old Egyptian nomes and the feudal states of the first +Chóu times appear, in comparison with such Estates as these (and <em>because</em> of +the comparison) just as colourless as Burgundy and Lorraine in the Hohenstaufen +period. There is a cosmopolitan condition both at the beginning and at the +end of every Culture, but in the first case it exists because the symbolic might +of aristocratic-hierarchic forms still towers above those of nationality, and +in the second because the formless mass sinks below them.</p> + +<p>The two Estates in principle exclude one another. The prime opposition of +<span class="pagenum" id="p336">[336]</span>cosmic and microcosmic, which pervades all being that moves freely in space, +underlies this dual existence also. Each is possible and necessary only through +the other. The Homeric world maintained a conspiracy of hostile silence +towards the Orphic, and in turn (as we see from the Pre-Socratics) the former +became an object of anger and contempt for the latter. In Gothic times the +reforming spirits set themselves with a sacred enthusiasm across the path of +the Renaissance-natures. State and Church have never really come to equilibrium, +and in the conflict of Empire and Papacy their opposition rose to an +intensity only possible for Faustian man.</p> + +<p>Of the two, moreover, it is the nobility that is the true Estate, the sum of +blood and race, being-stream in the fullest imaginable form. And therefore +nobility is a higher peasantry. Even in 1250 the West had a widespread proverb: +“One who ploughs in the forenoon jousts in the afternoon,” and it was quite +usual for a knight to marry the daughter of a peasant. In contrast to the +cathedral, the castle was a development, by way of the country noble’s house +of Frankish times, from the peasant-dwelling. In the Icelandic sagas peasants’ +crofts are besieged and stormed like castles. Nobility and peasantry are plantlike +and instinctive, deep-rooted in the ancestral land, propagating themselves +in the family tree, breeding and bred. In comparison with them the priesthood +is essentially the counter-estate, the estate of negation, of non-race, of detachment +from earth—of free, timeless, and historyless waking-consciousness. +In every peasant village, in every peasant family from the Stone Age to the peaks +of the Culture, world-history plays itself out in little. Substitute for peoples +families, and for lands farms—still the ultimate meaning of their strivings is +the same—the maintenance of the blood, the succession of the generations, +the cosmic, woman, power. <cite>Macbeth</cite> and <cite>King Lear</cite> might perfectly well have +been thought out as village tragedies—and the fact is a proof of their tragic +truth. In all Cultures nobility and peasantry appear in forms of <em>family descent</em>, +and language itself connects them with the sexes, through which life propagates +itself, has history, and is history. And as woman <em>is</em> history, the inward +rank of peasant and noble families is determined by how much of race their +women have in them, how far they <em>are</em> Destiny. And, therefore, there is deep +meaning in the fact that the purer and more race-pervaded world-history is, the +more the stream of its public life passes into and adapts itself to the private lives +of individual great families. This, of course, is the basis of the dynastic principle, +and not only that, but the basis of the idea of world-historical personality. +The existence of entire states comes to depend on a few private destinies, vastly +magnified. The history of Athens in the fifth century is in the main that of the +Alcmæonidæ, the history of Rome is that of a few families of the type of the +Fabii or the Claudii. The history of states in the Baroque is, broadly speaking, +that of the operations of Habsburg and Bourbon family-politics, and its crises +take form as marriages and wars of succession. The history of Napoleon’s +<span class="pagenum" id="p337">[337]</span>second marriage comprises also the burning of Moscow and the battle of Leipzig. +The history of the Papacy is, right into the eighteenth century, that of a few +noble families which competed for the tiara in order to found princely family-fortunes. +This is true equally of Byzantine dignitaries and English premiers +(witness the Cecils) and even, in numerous instances, of great revolution-leaders.</p> + +<p>Of all this the priesthood (and philosophy so far as it is priesthood) is the +direct negative. The Estate of pure waking-consciousness and eternal truths +combats time and race and sex in every sense. Man as peasant or noble turns +towards, man as priest turns away from, woman. Aristocracy runs the danger +of dissipating and losing the broad being-stream of public life in the petty +channels of its minor ancestors and relatives. The true priest, on the other +hand, refuses in principle to recognize private life, sex, family, the “house.” +For the man of race death begins to be real and appalling only when it is death +without heirs—Icelandic sagas no less than Chinese ancestor-worship teach +us this. He does not entirely die who lives on in sons and nephews. But for +the true priest <i lang="la">media vita in morte sumus</i>; what he shall bequeath is intellectual, +and rejected woman bears no part in it. The phenomenal forms of this second +Estate that occur again and again are celibacy, cloister, battlings with sex-impulse +fought to the extreme of self-emasculation, and a contempt for motherhood +which expresses itself in orgiasm and hallowed prostitution, and not less +in the intellectual devaluation of sexual life down to the level of Kant’s vile +definition of marriage.⁠<a id="FNanchor_586" href="#Footnote_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a> Throughout the Classical world it was the rule that in +the sacred precinct, the Temenos, no one must be born or die. The timeless +must not come into contact with time. It is possible for the priest to have an +intellectual recognition of the great moments of generation and birth, and to +honour them sacramentally, but experience them he may not.</p> + +<p>For while nobility <em>is</em> something, priesthood <em>signifies</em> something, and this +alone would be enough to tell us that it is the opposite of all that is Destiny +and Race and Estate. The castle, with its chambers and towers, walls and +moats, tells of a strong-flowing life, but the cathedral, with its vaulting and +pillars and choir, is, through and through, Meaning—that is to say, Ornament—and +every venerable priesthood has developed itself up to that marvellous +gravity and beauty of bearing in which every item, from facial expression +and voice-inflection to costume and walk, is ornament, from which private +life and even inward life have been eliminated as unessential—whereas that +which a ripe aristocracy (such as that of eighteenth-century France) displays +and parades is a finished living. It was Gothic thought that developed out of +the priest-concept the <i>character indelebilis</i>, which makes the idea indestructible +and wholly independent of the worthiness of its bearer’s life in the world-as-history—but +<span class="pagenum" id="p338">[338]</span>every priesthood, and consequently also all philosophy (in the +sense of the schools), contain it implicitly. If a priest has race, he leads an +outward existence like peasant, knight, or prince. The Pope and cardinals +of the Gothic period were feudal princes, leaders of armies, fond of the chase, +connoisseurs and adepts in family politics. Among the Brahmins of the pre-Buddha +“Baroque” were great landowners, well-groomed abbés, courtiers, +spendthrifts, gourmets.⁠<a id="FNanchor_587" href="#Footnote_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a> But it was the early period that had learned to distinguish +the idea from the person—a notion diametrically opposed to the +essence of nobility—and not until the Age of Enlightenment did the priest +come to be judged, as priest, by his private life, and then not because that age +had acquired sharper eyes, but because it had lost the idea.</p> + +<p>The noble is the <em>man as history</em>, the priest is <em>the man as nature</em>. History of the +high kind is always the expression and effect of the being of a noble society; +and the criterion for the relative importance of its different events is always +the pulse of this stream of being. That is why the battle of Cannæ matters +much and the battles of Late Roman emperors matter not at all. The coming of +a Springtime consistently coincides with the birth of a primary nobility, in +whose sentiments the prince is merely “<i lang="la">primus inter pares</i>” and an object of +mistrust. For not only does a strong race not need the big individual, but +his existence is a reflection upon its worth; hence vassal-wars are pre-eminently +the form in which the history of Early periods fulfils itself, and thenceforth the +nobility has the fate of the Culture in hand. With a creative force that is all +the more impressive because it is silent, Being is brought into form and “condition.” +The pulse in the blood is heightened and confirmed, <em>and for good</em>. +For what this creative rise to living form is to the Spring—every Spring—the +<em>might of tradition</em> is for the Late—every Late—period—namely, the old +firm discipline, the life-beat, so sure that it outlives the extinction of all the +old families and continually draws under its spell new men and new being-streams +out of the deep. Beyond a shadow of doubt, all the history of Late +periods, in respect of form and beat and tempo, is inherent (and irrevocably so) +in the very earliest generations. Its successes are neither more nor less than the +strength of the tradition in the blood. In politics, as in all other great and +mature arts, success presupposes a being in high condition, a great stock of +pristine experiences unconsciously and unquestioningly stored up as instincts +and impulses. There is no other sort of political <i>maestria</i> but this. The big +individual is only something better than an incident, only master of the future, +in that he is effective (or is made effective), is Destiny (or has Destiny), in and +through this form. This is what distinguishes necessary from superfluous art +and therefore, also, <em>historically necessary from unnecessary politics</em>. It matters +little if many of the big men come up out of the “people” (that is, the aggregate +of the traditionless) into the governing stratum, or even if they are the +<span class="pagenum" id="p339">[339]</span>only ones left to occupy it—the great tide of tradition takes charge of them, +all unwitting, forms their intellectual and practical conduct, and rules their +methods. And this tradition is nothing but the pulse of ancient and long-extinguished +lines.</p> + +<p>But Civilization, the real “return to Nature,” is the extinction of nobility—not +as physical stock (which would not matter), but as living tradition—and +the supplanting of destiny-pulse by causal intelligence. With this, nobility +becomes no more than a prefix. And, for that very reason, Civilized +history is superficial history, directed disjointedly to obvious aims, and so +become formless in the cosmic, dependent on the accident of great individuals, +destitute of inward sureness, line, and meaning. With Cæsarism history relapses +back into the historyless, the old beat of primitive life, with endless and +meaningless battles for material power, such as those of the Roman soldier-emperors +of the third century and the corresponding “Sixteen States” of China +(265–420), which differ only in unessentials from the events of beast-life in a +jungle.</p> + + +<h3 id="III_9"> + III +</h3> + +<p>It follows from this that true history is <em>not</em> “cultural” in the sense of anti-political, +as the philosophers and doctrinaires of all commencing Civilizations +assert. On the contrary, it is breed history, war history, diplomatic history, +the history of being-streams in the form of man and woman, family, people, +estate, state, reciprocally defensive and offensive in the wave-beat of grand +facts. <em>Politics in the highest sense is life, and life is politics.</em> Every man is willy-nilly +a member of this battle-drama, as subject or as object—there is no +third alternative. The kingdom of the spirit is <em>not</em> of this world. True, but it +presupposes it, as waking-being presupposes being. It is only possible as a +consistent <em>saying</em> of “no” to the actuality that nevertheless exists and, indeed, +must exist before it can be renounced. Race can dispense with language, but +the very speaking of a language is an expression of antecedent race,⁠<a id="FNanchor_588" href="#Footnote_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a> as are +religions and arts and styles of thought and everything else that happens in the +history of the spirit—and that there <em>is</em> such a history is shown by the power +that blood possesses over feeling and reason. For all these are active waking-consciousness +“in form,” expressive, in their evolution and symbolism and passion, +of the blood (again the blood) that courses through these forms in the +waking-being of generation after generation. A hero does not need to know anything +at all of this second world—he is life through and through—but a saint +can only by the severest asceticism beat down the life that is in him and gain +solitary communion with his spirit—and his strength for this again comes from +life itself. The hero despises death and the saint life, but in the contrast between +the heroism of great ascetics and martyrs and the piety of most (which is of +<span class="pagenum" id="p340">[340]</span>the kind described in Revelation iii, 16⁠<a id="FNanchor_589" href="#Footnote_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a>) + we discover that greatness, even in +religion, presupposes Race, that life must be strong indeed to be worthy of +such wrestlers. The rest is mere philosophy.</p> + +<p>For this very reason nobility in the world-historical sense is much more than +comfortable Late periods consider it; it is not a sum of titles and privileges and +ceremonies, but an inward possession, hard to acquire, hard to retain—worth, +indeed, for those who understand, the sacrifice of a whole life. An old family +betokens not simply a set of ancestors (we all have ancestors), but ancestors +who lived through whole generations on the heights of history; who not +merely had Destiny, but were Destiny; in whose blood the form of happening +was bred up to its perfection by the experience of centuries. As history in the +grand sense begins with the Culture, it was mere panache for a Colonna to +trace back his ancestry into Late Roman times. But it was not meaningless +for the grandee of Late Byzantium to derive himself from Constantine, nor is it +so for an American of to-day to trace his ancestry to a <i>Mayflower</i> immigrant of +1620. In actual fact Classical nobility begins with the Trojan period and not +the Mycenæan, and the Western with the Gothic and not the Franks and Goths—in +England with the Normans and not the Saxons. Only from these real +starting-points is there History, and, therefore, only from then can there be an +original aristocracy, as distinct from nobles and heroes. That which in the first +chapter of this volume⁠<a id="FNanchor_590" href="#Footnote_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a> called cosmic beat or pulse receives in this aristocracy +its fulfilment. For all that in riper times we call diplomatic and social “tact”—which +includes strategic and business flair, the collector’s eye for precious +things, and the subtle insight of the judge of men—and generally all that +which one has and does not learn; which arouses the impotent envy of the rest +who cannot participate; which as “form” directs the course of events; is nothing +but a particular case of the same cosmic and dreamlike sureness that is visibly +expressed in the circlings of a flock of birds or the controlled movements of a +thoroughbred horse.</p> + +<p>The priest <em>circumscribes</em> the world-as-nature and deepens his picture of it by +<em>thinking</em> into it. The noble <em>lives</em> in the world-as-history and deepens it by +altering its picture. Both evolve towards the great tradition, but the evolution +of the one comes of shaping and that of the other from training. This is a +fundamental difference between the two Estates, and consequently only one of +them is truly an Estate, and the other only <em>appears</em> to be such because of the completeness +of the contrast. The field of effect of breed and training is the blood, +and they pass on, therefore, from the fathers to the sons. Shaping (<i lang="de">Bildung</i>), +on the other hand, presupposes talents, and consequently a true and strong +priesthood is always a sum of individual gifts—a community of waking-consciousness—having +<span class="pagenum" id="p341">[341]</span>no relation to origin in the race sense; and thus, in this +respect as in others, it is a negation of Time and History. Intellectual affinity +and blood-affinity—ponder and probe into the depths of these contrasted +expressions! Heritable priesthood is a contradiction in terms. It existed indeed, +in a sense, in Vedic India, but the basis of that existence was the fact +that there was a second nobility, which reserved the privilege of priesthood to +the gifted members of its own circle.⁠<a id="FNanchor_591" href="#Footnote_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a> And elsewhere celibacy made an end even +of this much infringement of principle. The “priest in the man”—whether +the man be noble or not—stands for a focus of sacred Causality in the world. +The priestly power is itself of a causal nature, brought about by higher causes +and itself in turn an efficient cause. The priest is the <em>middleman</em> in the timeless +extended that is stretched taut between the waking-consciousness and the +ultimate secret; and, therefore, the importance of the clergy in each Culture is +determined by its prime-symbol. The Classical soul denies Space and therefore +needs no middleman for dealings with it, and so the Classical priesthood disappears +in its very beginnings. Faustian man stands face to face with the Infinite, +nothing <i lang="la">a priori</i> shields him from the crushing force of this aspect, and +so the Gothic priesthood elevated itself to the heights of the Papal idea.</p> + +<p>As two world-outlooks, two modes of blood-flow in the veins and of thought +in the daily being and doing, are interwoven, there arise in the end (in every +Culture) two sorts of moral, of which each looks down upon the other—namely, +noble custom, and priestly askesis, reciprocally censured as worldly +and as servile. It has been shown already⁠<a id="FNanchor_592" href="#Footnote_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a> how the one proceeds from the +castle and the other from the cloister and the minster, the one from full being +in the flood of History and the other, aloof therefrom, out of pure waking-consciousness +in the ambiance of a God-pervaded nature. The force with which +these primary impressions act upon men is something that later periods will be +unable even to imagine. The secular and the spiritual class-feeling are starting +on their upward career, and cutting out for themselves an ethical <em>class-ideal</em> +which is accessible only to the right people, and even to them only by way of +long and strict schooling. The <em>great</em> being-stream <em>feels</em> itself as a unit as against +the residue of dull, pulseless, and aimless blood. The <em>great</em> mind-community +<em>knows</em> itself as a unit as against the residue of uninitiated. These units are the +band of heroes and the community of saints.</p> + +<p>It will always remain the great merit of Nietzsche that he was the first to +recognize the dual nature of all moral.⁠<a id="FNanchor_593" href="#Footnote_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a> His designations of “master-” and +“slave-” moral were inexact, and his presentation of “Christianity” placed it +much too definitely on the one side of the dividing line, but at the basis of all his +opinions this lies strong and clear, that <em>good and bad are aristocratic, and good and +<span class="pagenum" id="p342">[342]</span>evil priestly, distinctions</em>. Good and bad, which are Totemistic distinctions +among primitive groups of men and tribes, describe, not dispositions, but men, +and describe them comprehensively in respect of their living-being. The good +are the powerful, the rich, the fortunate. Good means strong, brave, thoroughbred, +in the idiom of every Springtime. Bad, cheap, wretched, common, in the +original sense, are the powerless, propertyless, unfortunate, cowardly, negligible—the +“sons of nobody” as ancient Egypt said.⁠<a id="FNanchor_594" href="#Footnote_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a> Good and evil, Taboo +concepts, assign value to a man according to his perceptions and reason—that +is, his waking disposition and his <em>conscious</em> actions. To offend against +love-ethic in the race sense is ungentle, to sin against the Church’s love-command +is wicked. The noble habit is the perfectly unconscious result of a long +and continuous training. It is learned in intercourse and not from books. It is +a felt rhythm, and not a notion. But the other moral is enunciated, ordered +on the basis of cause and consequence, and therefore learnable and expressive +of a <em>conviction</em>.</p> + +<p>The one is historical through and through, and recognizes rank-distinctions +and privileges as actual and axiomatic. Honour is always class-honour—there +is no such thing as an “honour of humanity.” The duel is not an obligation +of unfree persons. Every man, be he Bedouin or Samurai or Corsican, +peasant or workman, judge or bandit, has his own binding notions of honour, +loyalty, courage, revenge, that do not apply to other kinds of life. Every life +<em>has</em> custom-ethic—it is unthinkable without it. Children have it already in +their play; they know at once, of themselves, what is fitting. No one has laid +down these rules, but they exist. They arise, quite unconsciously, out of the +“we” that has formed itself out of the uniform pulse of the group. Here, too, +each being is “in form.” Every crowd that, under one or another stimulus, +has collected in the street has for the moment its own ethic, and anyone who +does not absorb it and stand for it as self-evident—to say “follow it” would +presume more rationality in the action than there is—is a poor, mean creature, +an outsider. Uneducated people and children possess an astonishingly fine +reactivity to this. Children, however, are also required to learn the Catechism, +and in it they hear about the good and evil that are laid down—and are any +thing rather than self-evident. Custom-ethic is not that which is <em>true</em>, but that +which is <em>there</em>; it is a thing of birth and growth, feeling and organic logic. +Moral, in contrast to this, is never actuality (for, if it were, all the world would +be saintly), but an eternal demand hanging over the consciousness—and, <i lang="la">ex +hypothesi</i>, over that of all men alike, irrespective of all differences of actual life +and history. And, therefore, all moral is negative and all custom-ethic affirmative. +In the latter “devoid of honour” is the worst, in the former “devoid of +sin” is the highest, that can be said of anyone.</p> + +<p>The basic concept of all living custom-ethic is honour. Everything else—loyalty, +<span class="pagenum" id="p343">[343]</span>modesty, bravery, chivalry, self-control, resolution—is comprised +in it. And honour is a matter of the blood and not of the reason. One does not +reflect on a point of honour—that is already dishonour. To lose honour +means to be annulled so far as Life and Time and History are concerned. The +honour of one’s class, one’s family, of man and woman, of one’s people and one’s +country, the honour of peasant and soldier and even bandit—honour means +that the life in a person is something that has worth, historical dignity, delicacy, +nobility. It belongs to directional Time, as sin belongs to timeless Space. +To have honour in one’s body means about the same as to have race. The +opposite sort are the Thersites-natures, the mud-souled, the riff-raff, the “kick-me-but-let-me-live’s.” +To submit to insult, to forget a humiliation, to quail +before an enemy—all these are signs of a life become worthless and superfluous. +But this is not at all the same thing as priestly moral, for that moral does +not cleave to life at any cost of degradation, but rather rejects and abstains +from life as such, and therefore incidentally from honour. As has been said +already, every moral action is, at the very bottom, a piece of askesis and a killing +of being. And <i lang="la">eo ipso</i> it stands outside the field of life and the world of history.</p> + + +<h3 id="IV_9"> + IV +</h3> + +<p>Here it is necessary to anticipate somewhat, and to consider whence it is +that world-history (especially in the Late periods of the grand Cultures and +the beginnings of the Civilizations) derives its rich variety of colour and the +profound symbolism of its events. The primary Estates, nobility and clergy, +are the purest expressions of the two sides of life, but they are not the only +ones. In very early times—often, indeed, foreshadowed in the Primitive +Age itself—yet other being-streams and waking-linkages break forth, in +which the symbolism of Time and Space comes to living expression, and which, +when (and not until) combined with these two, make up the whole fullness +of what we call <em>social organization</em> or <em>society</em>.</p> + +<p>While Priesthood is microcosmic and animal-like, Nobility is cosmic and +plantlike (hence its profound connexion with the land). It is itself a plant, +strongly rooted in the soil, established on the soil—in this, as in so many +other respects, a supreme peasantry. It is from this kind of cosmic boundness +that the idea of <em>property</em> arises, which to the microcosm as such, freely moving +in space, is wholly alien. Property is a primary feeling and not a concept; it +belongs to Time and History and Destiny, and not to Space and Causality. +It cannot be logically based, but it is there.⁠<a id="FNanchor_595" href="#Footnote_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a> “Having” begins with the plant, +and propagates itself in the history of higher mankinds just to the precise +extent that history contains plant-character and race. Hence property in the +most genuine sense is always ground-property, and the impulse to convert +<span class="pagenum" id="p344">[344]</span>other acquisitions into ground and soil is an evidence of sound stock. The +plant <em>possesses</em> the ground in which it roots. It is its property,⁠<a id="FNanchor_596" href="#Footnote_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a> which it defends +to the utmost, with the desperate force of its whole being, against alien seeds, +against overshadowing neighbour plants, against all nature. So, too, a bird +defends the nest in which it is hatching. The bitterness fights over property +occur—not in the Late periods of great Cultures, between rich and poor, and +about movable goods—but here in the beginnings of the plant-world. When, +in a wood, one feels all about one the silent, merciless battle for the soil that +goes on day and night, one is appalled by the depth of an impulse that is almost +identical with life itself. Here is a yearlong, tenacious, embittered wrestle, +a hopeless resistance of the weak against the strong, that goes on to the point +that the victor too is broken—such as is only paralleled in the most primitive +of mankind when an old peasant-family is expelled from the clod, <em>from the nest</em>, +or a family of noble stock is uprooted or, more truly, cut off from its roots, by +money.⁠<a id="FNanchor_597" href="#Footnote_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a> The far more conspicuous conflicts in the later cities have quite +another meaning, for here—in communism of all kinds—it is not the experience +of possessing, but the idea of property purely as material means that is +fought for. The negation of property is never race-impulse, but the doctrinaire +protest of the purely intellectual, urban, uprooted, anti-vegetal waking-consciousness +of saints, philosophers, and idealists. The same reason actuates +the monk of the hermitage and the scientific Socialist—be his name Moh-ti, +Zeno, or Marx—to reject the plantlike; the same feeling impels men of race +to defend it. Here, as ever, fact and truth are opposed. “Property is theft” +is the ultra-materialistic form of the old thought: “What shall it profit a man +if he shall gain the whole world and lose his own soul?” When the priest gives +up property, he is giving up something dangerous and alien; when a noble +does so, he is giving up himself.</p> + +<p>This brings us to a duality of the property-idea feeling—<em>Having as power</em> and +<em>Having as spoil</em>. Both, in primitive men of race, lie immediately together. +Every Bedouin or Viking intends both. The sea-hero is always a sea-robber +also; every war is concerned with possessions and, above all, possessions in +land. But a step, and the knight becomes the robber-knight, the adventurer +becomes conqueror and king, like Rurik the Norman in Russia and many an +Achæan and Etruscan pirate in Homeric times. In all heroic poetry we find, +<span class="pagenum" id="p345">[345]</span>side by side with the strong and natural satisfaction of winning battles and +power and women, and the unbridled outbursts of joy and grief, anger, and +love, the immense delight of “having.” When Odysseus lands at home, the +first thing he does is to count the treasures in his boat, and when, in the Icelandic +Saga, the peasants Hjalmar and Ölvarod perceive each that the other +has no goods in his ship, they abandon their duel at once—he who fights from +pride and for honour is a fool for his pains. In the Indian hero-epic, eagerness +for battle means eagerness for cattle, and the “colonizing” Greeks of the tenth +century were primarily corsairs like the Normans. On the high seas an alien +ship is <i lang="la">a priori</i> good prize. But out of the feuds of South-Arabian and Persian +Knights of <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 200, and the “private wars” of the Provençal barons of <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1200—which +were hardly more than cattle-raids—there developed at the end of the +feudal period the war proper, the great war with acquisition of land and people +as its object. All this, in the end, brings the aristocratic Culture to the “top +of its form,” while, correspondingly, priests and philosophers despise it.</p> + +<p>As the Culture rises to its height, these two primary urges trend widely +apart, and hostility develops between them. <em>The history of this hostility is almost +the same thing as world-history. From the feeling of power come conquest and politics and +law; from that of spoil, trade and economy and money.</em> Law is the property of the +powerful. Their law is the law of all. Money is the strongest weapon of the +acquiring: with it he subdues the world. Economics likes and intends a +state that is weak and subservient to it. Politics demands that economic life +shall adapt itself to and within the State—Adam Smith and Friedrich List, +Capitalism and Socialism. All Cultures exhibit at the outset a war- and a +trade-nobility, then a land- and a money-nobility, and finally a military and +an economic war-management and a ceaseless struggle of money against law.</p> + +<p>Equally, on the other hand, <em>priesthood</em> and <em>learning</em> separate out. Both are +directed towards, not the factual, but the true; both belong to the Taboo side +of life and to Space. Fear before death is the source, not merely of all religion, +but of all philosophy and natural science as well. Now, however, there develops +a profane Causality in contrast to the sacred. “Profane” is the new +counter-concept to “religious,” which so far had tolerated learning only as a +handmaiden. The whole of Late criticism, its spirit, its method, its aims, are +profane—and the Late theology, even, is no exception to the rule. But invariably, +nevertheless, the learning of all Cultures moves in the forms of the +preceding priesthood—thus showing that it is merely a product of the contradiction +itself, and how dependent it is and remains, in every particular, upon +the primary image. Classical science, therefore, lives in cult-communities +of the Orphic style, such as the school of Miletus, the Pythagorean society, +the medical schools of Croton and Cos, the Attic schools of the Academy, the +Peripatos, and the Stoa, every one of whose leaders belongs to the type of the +sacrificial priest and seer, and even the Roman legal schools of the Sabiniani +<span class="pagenum" id="p346">[346]</span>and Proculiani. The sacred book, the Canon is, scientifically as in other respects, +Arabian—the scientific canon of Ptolemy (Almagest), the medical of +Ibn Sina (Avicenna), and the philosophical corpus designated “Aristotle,” but +so largely spurious—so also the (mostly unwritten) laws and methods of quotation:⁠<a id="FNanchor_598" href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a> +the Commentary as the form of thought-development; the universities +as cloisters (Medrashim) which provided teachers and students with cell, food, +and clothing; and tendencies in scholarship taking form as brotherhoods. The +learned world of the West possesses unmistakably the form of the Catholic +Church, and more particularly so in Protestant regions. The connecting link +between the learned orders of the Gothic period and the order-like schools +of the nineteenth century—the schools of Hegel, of Kant, of historical jurisprudence, +and not a few of the English university colleges—is formed by the +Maurists and Bollandists⁠<a id="FNanchor_599" href="#Footnote_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a> of France, who from 1650 on mastered and largely +created the ancillary “science” of history. In all the specialist sciences (medicine +and lecture-room philosophy included) there are fully developed hierarchies +leading up to school-popes, grades, and dignities (the doctor’s degree as an +ordination), sacraments and councils. The uninitiate is rigorously treated as +the “layman,” and the idea of a generalized priesthood residing in the believers +themselves, which is manifested in “popular” science—for example, Darwinism—is +passionately combated. The language of learning was originally +Latin, but to-day all sorts of special languages have formed themselves which +(in the domain of radioactivity, for example, or that of the law of contract) +are unintelligible save to those who have received the higher initiation. There +are founders of sects, such as many of Kant’s and Hegel’s disciples were; +there are missionaries to the unbelievers, like the Monists. There are heretics, +like Schopenhauer and Nietzsche, there is the weapon of the ban, and there is +the Index in the form of the Conspiracy of Silence. There are ethical truths +(for example, in Law the division of the objects into persons and things) and +dogmas (like that of energy and mass, or the theory of inheritance), a ritual in +the citation of orthodox writings, and even a scientific sort of beatification.⁠<a id="FNanchor_600" href="#Footnote_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a></p> + +<p>More, the savant-type of the West (which in the nineteenth century reached +its zenith, corresponding to the nadir of true priesthood) has brought to high +perfection the study as the cell of a profane monachism that has its unconscious +vows—of Poverty, in the shape of honourable disdain for fat living and +wealth; and unfeigned contempt for the commercial professional and for all +exploitation of scientific results for gain; of Chastity, which has evolved a +veritable celibacy of science, with Kant as exemplar and culmination; and of +Obedience, even to the point of sacrificing oneself to the standpoint of the +<span class="pagenum" id="p347">[347]</span>School. Further, and lastly, there is a sort of estrangement from the world +which is the profane echo of the Gothic flight from it, and leads to an almost +complete disregard of the life in public and the forms of good society—little +“breeding,” much too much “shaping.” Nobility, even in its later ramifications—the +judge, the squire, the officer—still retains the old root-strong +natural satisfaction in carrying on the stock, in possessions and honour, but the +scientist counts these things as little beside the possession of a pure scientific +conscience and the carrying on of a method or a view unimpaired by the commercialism +of the world. The fact that the savant to-day has ceased to be +remote from the world, and puts his science at the service of (not seldom, indeed, +most shrewdly applies it to) technics and money-making, is a sign that the pure +type is entering upon its decline and that the great age of intellectual optimism +that is livingly expressed in him belongs already to the past.</p> + +<p>In sum, we see that the Estates have a natural build which in its evolution +and action forms the basic structure of every Culture’s life-course. No specific +decision made it; revolutions only alter it when they are forms of the evolution +and not results of some private will. It never, in its full cosmic significance, +enters the consciousness of men as doers and thinkers, because it lies too deep +in human being to be other than a self-evident datum. It is merely from the +surface that men take the catchwords and causes over which they fight on that +side of history which theory regards as horizontally layered, but which in +actuality is an aggregate of inseparable interpenetrations. First, nobility and +priesthood arise out of the open landscape, and figure the pure symbolism +of Being and Waking-Being, Time and Space. Then out of the one under the +aspect of booty, and out of the other under the aspect of research, there develop +doubled types of lower symbolic force, which in the urban Late periods +rise to prepotency in the shapes of <em>economy</em> and <em>science</em>. In these two being-streams +the ideas of Destiny and Causality are thought out to their limit, +unrelentingly and anti-traditionally. Forces emerge which are separated +by a deadly enmity from the old class-ideals of heroism and saintliness—these +forces are <em>money and intellect</em>, and they are related to those ideals as the city to +the country. Henceforward property is called riches, and world-outlook knowledge—a +desanctified Destiny and a profane Causality. But science is in contradiction +with Nobility too, for this does not prove or investigate, but <em>is</em>. +“<i lang="la">De omnibus dubitandum</i>” is the attitude of a burgher and not of an aristocrat, +while at the same time it contradicts the basic feeling of priesthood, for which +the proper rôle of critique is that of a handmaid. Economy, too, finds an +enemy here, in the shape of the ascetic moral which rejects money-getting, +just as the genuine land-based nobility despises it. Even the old merchant-nobility +has in many cases perished (e.g., Hanse Towns, Venice, Genoa), +because with its traditions it could not and would not fall in with the business +outlook of the big city. And, with all this, economy and science are themselves +<span class="pagenum" id="p348">[348]</span>at enmity; once more, in the conflicts of money-getting and knowledge, <em>between +counting-house and study</em>, business liberalism and doctrinaire liberalism, we meet +the old great oppositions of action and contemplation, castle and cathedral. +In one form or in another this order of things emerges in the structure of every +Culture—hence the possibility of a comparative morphology in the social +as in the other aspects of history.</p> + +<p>Wholly outside the category of the true Estates are the calling-classes of +the craftsmen, officials, artists, and labourers, whose organization in guilds +(e.g., of smiths in China, of scribes in Egypt, and of singers in the Classical +world) dates from pristine antiquity, and who because of their professional +segregation (which sometimes goes as far as to cut off their <i lang="la">connubium</i> with +others) actually develop into genuine tribes, as, for instance, the Falasha⁠<a id="FNanchor_601" href="#Footnote_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a> +of Abyssinia and some of the Sudra classes named in Manu’s code. Their separation +is due merely to their technical accomplishments and therefore not to +their being vessels of the symbolism of Time and Space. Their tradition, likewise, +is limited to their techniques and does not refer to a customary-ethic or +a moral <em>of their own</em>, such as is always found in economy and science as such. +As derived from a nobility, judges and officers are classes, whereas officials +are a profession; as derived from priesthood, scholars are a class, while artists +are a profession. Sense of honour, conscience, adhere in one case to the status, +in the other to the achievement. There is something, slight though it may be, +of symbolism in every category on the one side, and none in any category on the +other. And consequently something of strangeness, irregularity, often disgrace, +clings to them—consider, for example, executioners, actors, and strolling +singers, or the Classical estimation of the artist. Their classes or guilds separate +from general society, or seek the protection of other orders of society (or individual +patrons and Mæcenases), but fit themselves in with that society they +cannot, and their inability to do so finds expression in the guild-wars of the +old cities and in uncouthness of every sort in the instincts and manners of artists.</p> + + +<h3 id="V_9"> + V +</h3> + +<p>A history of estates or classes, ignoring in principle that of profession-classes, +is therefore a presentation of the metaphysical element in higher mankind, +so far as this rises to grand symbolism in species of onflowing life, species +in and along which the history of the Cultures moves to fulfilment.</p> + +<p>At the very beginning, the sharply defined type of the peasant is something +new. In Carolingian times, and under the Tsarist system of the “Mir” in +Russia,⁠<a id="FNanchor_602" href="#Footnote_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a> there were freemen and hinds cultivating the soil, <em>but no peasantry</em>. +<span class="pagenum" id="p349">[349]</span>Only when there emerges the feeling of being different from the two symbolic +“lives”—Freidank’s <i lang="de">Bescheidenheit</i>⁠<a id="FNanchor_603" href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a> comes into our minds—does this life +become an Estate, the <em>nourishing</em> estate in the fullest sense of the word, the root +of the great plant Culture, which has driven its fibres deep into Mother Earth +and darkly, industriously, draws all juices into itself and sends them to the upper +parts, where trunks and branches tower up in the light of history. It serves +the great lives not merely by the nourishment that it wins out of the soil for +them, but also with that other harvest of mother earth—its own blood; for +blood flowed up for centuries from the villages into the high places, received +there the high forms, and maintained the high lives. The relation is called +(from the noble’s point of view) <i>vassalage</i>, and we find it arising—whatever +the superficial causes may be in each case—in the West between 1000 and +1400 and in the other Cultures at the “contemporary” periods. The Helotry +of Sparta belongs with it, and equally so the old Roman <i lang="la">clientela</i>, from which +after 471 the <em>rural</em> Plebs—that is, a free yeomanry—grew up.⁠<a id="FNanchor_604" href="#Footnote_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a> Astonishing +indeed is the force of this striving towards symbolic form in the Pseudomorphosis +of the Late Roman East, where the caste system of the principate founded by +Augustus (with its division into senatorial and equestrian officialdom) evolved +backwards until, about 300, it had returned, wherever the Magian world-feeling +prevailed, to a condition parallel to that of the Gothic in 1300—the +condition, in fact, of the Sassanid Empire of its own time.⁠<a id="FNanchor_605" href="#Footnote_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a> Out of the officialdom +of a highly Civilized administration came a minor nobility of decurions, +village knights, and town politicians, who were responsible to the sovereign +in body and goods for all outgoings—a feudalism formed backwards—and +gradually made their positions heritable, just as happened under the Egyptian +Vth dynasty and the first Chóu centuries⁠<a id="FNanchor_606" href="#Footnote_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a> and the Europe of the Crusades. +Military status, of officers and soldiers alike, became hereditary in the same +way,⁠<a id="FNanchor_607" href="#Footnote_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a> and service as a feudal obligation, and all the rest of what Diocletian +presently reduced to formal law. The individual was firmly bound to the status +(<i lang="la">corpori adnexus</i>), and the principle was extended as compulsory guild-membership +to all trades, as in the Gothic or in old Egypt. But, above all, there necessarily +arose from the ruins of the Late Classical slave-economy of “Latifundia”⁠<a id="FNanchor_608" href="#Footnote_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a> +the colonate of hereditary small farmers, while the great estates became administrative +districts and the lord was made responsible for its taxes and its +<span class="pagenum" id="p350">[350]</span>recruit-quota.⁠<a id="FNanchor_609" href="#Footnote_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a> + Between 250 and 300 the “colonus” became legally bound to +the soil (<i lang="la">adscriptus glebæ</i>). And with that the differentiation of feudal lord and +vassal <em>as class and class</em>⁠<a id="FNanchor_610" href="#Footnote_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a> was reached.</p> + +<p>Every new Culture has potentially its nobility and its priesthood. The +apparent exceptions to this are due merely to the absence to tangible tradition. +We know to-day that a real priesthood existed in ancient China⁠<a id="FNanchor_611" href="#Footnote_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a> and we may +assume as self-evident that there was a priest-estate in the beginnings of Orphism +in the eleventh century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>—the more confidently as we have plain indications +of it in the epic figures of Calchas and Tiresias. Similarly the development of +the feudal constitution in Egypt presupposes a primitive nobility as early as the +IIIrd Dynasty.⁠<a id="FNanchor_612" href="#Footnote_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a> But the form in which, and the force with which, these Estates +first realized themselves and then took charge of the course of history—shaped +it, carried it, and even represented it in their own destinies—depend +upon the Prime-symbol on which each individual Culture, with its entire form-language, +is based.</p> + +<p>The nobility, wholly plantlike, proceeds everywhere from the land, which +is its primary property and with which it is fast bound. It possesses everywhere +the basic form of the family, the gens (in which, therefore, the “other” gender +of history, the feminine, is expressed also), and it manifests itself through the +will-to-duration—duration, namely, of the blood—as the great symbol of +Time and History. It will appear that the early officialdom of the vassal state, +based on personal trustworthiness, everywhere—in China and Egypt, in the +Classical and the Western World—⁠<a id="FNanchor_613" href="#Footnote_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a> goes through the same development, first +creating quasi-feudal court offices and dignities, then seeking hereditary connexion +with the soil, and so finally becoming the origin of noble family-lines.</p> + +<p>The Faustian will-to-infinity comes to expression in the <em>genealogical principle</em>, +which—strange as it may seem—is peculiar to this Culture. And in this +Culture, moreover, it intimately permeates and moulds all the historical forms, +and supremely those of the states themselves. The historical sense that insists +upon getting to know the destinies of its own blood backwards through the +centuries and seeing <em>archival</em> proofs of dates and provenances up to the first +<span class="pagenum" id="p351">[351]</span>ancestors; the careful ordering of the genealogical tree, which is potent enough +to make present possession and inheritance dependent upon the fortunes of a +single marriage contracted perhaps five hundred years ago; the conceptions of +<em>pure blood</em>, birth-equivalence, <i lang="fr">mésalliance</i>—all this is will-to-direction in time, +will towards Time’s remote distances. There is no second example of it, save +perhaps in the Egyptian nobility, and there the comparable forms that were +attained were far weaker.</p> + +<p>Nobility of the Classical style, on the contrary, relates to the present estate +of the agnatic family, and from it straight to a <em>mythical</em> origin, which does not +imply the historical sense in the least, but only a craving, sublimely regardless +of historic probability, for splendid backgrounds to the here and now of the +living. Only thus can we explain the otherwise baffling naïveté with which an +individual saw behind his grandfather Theseus and Heracles in one plane, and +fashioned himself a family tree (or several, perhaps, as Alexander did), and the +light-heartedness with which respectable Roman families would forge the +names of reputed ancestors into the old consular lists. At the funeral of a +Roman noble the wax masks of great forefathers were introduced into the +cortège, but it was only for the number and sound of the famous names and not +in the least on account of any genealogical connexion with the present. This +trait appears throughout the Classical nobility, which like the Gothic formed, +structurally and spiritually, one inward unit from Etruria to Asia Minor. On it +rested the power that, even at the beginning of the Late period, was still in +the possession of order-like family-groupings throughout the cities (phylæ, +phratriæ, tribus, and what not) which maintained a purely present membership +and unity by means of sacral forms—for example, the three Doric and the four +Ionic phylæ, and the three Etruscan tribes that appear in the earlier Roman history +as Tities, Ramnes, and Luceres. In the Vedas the “father-” and the +“mother-”souls had claims to soul-rites only in respect of three nearer and three +further generations,⁠<a id="FNanchor_614" href="#Footnote_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a> after which the past claimed them; and nowhere do we +find the Classical cult of souls reaching any further back than the Indian. It is +the very reverse of the ancestor-worship of the Chinese and the Egyptians, +which was by hypothesis without end, and therefore maintained the family in +a definite ordering even beyond bodily death. In China there still lives to-day +a duke, Kong, who is the descendant of Confucius and equally the descendant +of Lao-tse, of Chang-lu, and others. It is not a question of a many-branched +tree, but of carrying the line, the <i>tao</i> of being, straight on—if necessary, frankly +by adoption (the adopted member, pledged to the ancestor-cult, is thereby +spiritually incorporated in the family) or other expedients.</p> + +<p>An unbridled joy of life streams through the flourishing centuries of this +estate, <em>the</em> Estate <i lang="fr">par excellence</i>, which is direction and destiny and race through +and through. Love, because woman <em>is</em> history, and war because fighting <em>makes</em> +<span class="pagenum" id="p352">[352]</span>history, are the acknowledged foci of its thoughts and feelings. The Northern +skald-poetry and the Southern <i lang="de">Minnesang</i> correspond to the old love-songs of +the Chinese age of chivalry in the Shi-King,⁠<a id="FNanchor_615" href="#Footnote_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a> which were sung in the Pi-Yung, +the places of noble training (<i>hiao</i>). And the ceremonial public archery-displays, +like the Early Classical agon, and the Gothic and the Persian-Byzantine⁠<a id="FNanchor_616" href="#Footnote_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a> +tourney, were manifestations of the life on its Homeric side.</p> + +<p>In opposition to this side stands the <em>Orphic</em>—the expression of the space-experience +of a Culture through the style of its priesthood. It was in accord +with the Euclidean character of Classical extension—which needed no intermediaries +for intercourse with near and corporeal gods—that in this case +priesthood, from beginnings as an estate, rapidly degenerated into city-officialdom. +Similarly, it was expressive of the Chinese <i>tao</i> that the place of the +original hereditary priesthood came to be taken by professional classes of praying +men, scribes, and oracle-priests, who could accompany the religious performances +of the authorities and heads of families with the prescribed rites. +It was in conformity, again, with the Indian world-feeling that lost itself in +measureless infinity that the priest-class there became a second nobility, which +with immense power, intruding upon every sort of life, planted itself between +the people and its wilderness of gods. It is an expression, lastly, of the “cavern” +feeling that the priest of true Magian cast is the monk and the hermit, and becomes +more and more so, while the secular clergy steadily loses in symbolic +significance.</p> + +<p>In contrast to all these there is the Faustian priesthood, which, still without +any profound import or dignity in 900, rose up thereafter to that sublime rôle +of intermediary which placed it in principle between humanity (<em>all</em> humanity) +and a macrocosm strained to all imaginable expanse by the Faustian passion +of the third dimension. Excluded from history by celibacy and from time by its +<i>character indelebilis</i>, it culminated in the Papacy, which represented the highest +symbol of God’s dynamic Space that it was possible to conceive; even the Protestant +idea of a generalized priesthood has not destroyed it, but merely decentralized +it from one point and one person into the heart of each individual +believer.</p> + +<p>The contradiction between being and waking-being that exists in every +microcosm necessarily drives the two Estates against one another. Time +seeks to absorb and subordinate Space, Space Time. Spiritual and worldly +power are magnitudes so different in structure and tendency that any reconciliation, +or even understanding, between them seems impossible. But this conflict +has not in all Cultures come to world-historical expression. In China it promoted +the <i>tao</i> idea that primacy should reside securely in an aristocracy. In +<span class="pagenum" id="p353">[353]</span>India the conception of Space as infinite-indefinite required a primacy of the +priesthood. In the Arabian Culture the Magian world-feeling involved in +principle the inclusion of the worldly visible society of believers as a constituent +in the grand consensus, and therefore the unity of spiritual and temporal polity, +law, and sovereignty. Not that there was not friction between the two estates; +far from it; in the Sassanid Empire there were bloody feuds between the country +aristocracy of the Dikhans and the party of the Magi—even in some instances +murders of sovereigns—and in Byzantium the whole fifth century is full of +the struggles between the Imperial power and the clergy, which from an ever-present +background to the Monophysite and Nestorian controversies.⁠<a id="FNanchor_617" href="#Footnote_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a> But +the basic interconnexion of the two orders was not in dispute.</p> + +<p>In the Classical world, which abhorred the infinite in every sense, Time was +reduced to the present and Extension to tangible unit-bodies; as the result, the +grand symbolic estates became so voided of meaning that, as compared with the +city-state, which expressed the Classical prime-symbol in the strongest imaginable +form, they did not count as independent forces at all. In the history of +Egyptian mankind, on the other hand, which is the history of striving with +equal force towards distances of time and of space, the struggle of the two +estates and their symbolisms is constantly recognizable right into the period of +complete fellahdom. For the transition from the IVth to the Vth Dynasty is +accompanied also by a visible triumph of the priestly over the knightly world-feeling; +the Pharaoh, from being the body and vessel of the supreme deity, +becomes its servant, and the Re sanctuary overpowers the tomb-temple of the +ruler both in architectural and in suggestive force. The New Empire witnessed, +immediately after its great Cæsars, the political autocracy of the Amen priesthood, +Thebes, and then again the revolution of the “heretic” king Amenophis +IV (Akhenaton)—in which one feels unmistakably a political as well as +a religious side—and so on until after interminable conflicts between warrior- +and priestly-castes, the Egyptian world ended in foreign domination.</p> + +<p>In the Faustian Culture this battle between two high symbols of equal force +has been waged in somewhat the same spirit, but with far greater passion still +than in the Egyptian—so that, from the early Gothic onward, only armistice, +never peace, has seemed possible between State and Church. But in this conflict +the handicap against waking-being tells—it would shake off its dependence +upon being, but it cannot. The mind needs the blood, but the blood does not +need the mind. War belongs to the world of time and history—<em>intellectual +battle is only a fight with reasons, only disputation</em>—and, therefore a <em>militant</em> +Church must step from the world of truths into the world of facts—from the +world of Jesus into that of Pilate. And so it becomes an element in race-history +and subject to the formative powers of the <em>political</em> side of life. From early Feudalism +to modern Democracy it fights with sword and cannon, poison and dagger, +<span class="pagenum" id="p354">[354]</span>bribery and treason, all the weapons of party conflict in use at the time. It sacrifices +articles of belief to worldly advantages, and allies itself with heretics and +unbelievers against orthodox powers. The Papacy <em>as an idea</em> has a history of its +own, but this bears no relation to the position of the popes in the sixth and seventh +centuries as Byzantine viceroys of Syrian and Greek provenance; or to their +later evolution into powerful landowners, with crowds of subject peasants; or to +the Patrimonium Petri of the early Gothic—a sort of duchy in the possession of +great families of the Campagna (Colonna, Orsini, Savelli, Frangipani), which +alternately set up the popes, until finally the general Western feudalism prevailed +here also, and the Holy See came to be an object of investiture within the +families of the Roman baronage, so that each new pope, like a German or a +French king, had to confirm the rights of his vassals. In 1032 the Counts of +Tusculum nominated a twelve-year-old boy as pope. In those days eight hundred +castle-towers stood up in the city area of Rome amongst and upon the +Classical ruins. In 1045 three popes entrenched themselves in the Vatican, the +Lateran, and Santa Maria Maggiore respectively, and were defended by their +noble supporters.</p> + +<p>Now supervened the city with its own soul, first emancipating itself from +the soul of the countryside, then setting up as an equal to it, and finally seeking +to suppress and extinguish it. But this evolution accomplished itself in <em>kinds +of life</em>, and it also, therefore, is part of the history of the estates. The <em>city-life</em> +as such emerges—through the inhabitants of these small settlements acquiring +a common soul, and becoming conscious that the life within is something +different from the life outside—and at once the spell of <em>personal freedom</em> begins +to operate and to attract within the walls life-streams of more and more new +kinds. There sets in a sort of passion for becoming urban and for propagating +urban life. It is this, and not material considerations, that produced the fever +of the colonization period in the Classical world, which is still recognizable to +us in its last offshoots, and which it is not quite exact to speak of as colonization +at all. For it was a creative enthusiasm in the man of the city that from the +tenth century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> (and “contemporaneously” in other Cultures) drew generation +after generation under the spell of a new life, with which there emerges for +the first time in human history the idea of <em>freedom</em>. This idea is not of political +(still less of abstract) origin, but is something bringing to expression the fact +that within the city walls plantlike attachment to a soil has ceased, and that +the threads that run through the whole life of the countryside have been +snapped. And consequently the freedom-idea ever contains a negative; it +looses, redeems, defends, always frees a man <em>from</em> something. Of <em>this</em> freedom +the city is the expression; the city-spirit is understanding become free, and +everything in the way of intellectual, social, and national movements that +bursts forth in Late periods under the name of Freedom leads back to an origin +<em>in this one prime fact of detachment from the land</em>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p355">[355]</span></p> + +<p>But the city is older than the “citizen.” It attracts first the calling-classes, +which as such are outside the symbolic estates, and, when urban, take form as +guilds. Then it draws in the primary estates themselves; the minor nobility +moves its castles, the Franciscans their cloisters, within the contour. As yet, +not much is inwardly altered. Not only Papal Rome, but all Italian cities of +this time are filled with the fortified towers of the families, who issued thence +to fight out their feuds in the streets. In a well-known fourteenth-century +picture of Siena these towers stand up like factory chimneys round the market-place.⁠<a id="FNanchor_618" href="#Footnote_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a> +As for the Florentine palace of the Renaissance, if, in respect of the +bright life within, it is the successor of Provençal courts, it is equally, with its +“rusticated” façade, an offshoot of the Gothic castles that the French and +German knights were still building on their hills. It was, in fact, only slowly +that the new life separated out. Between 1250 and 1450, throughout the West, +the immigrant families concentrated, <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the guilds, into the patriciate, +and in so doing detached themselves, spiritually as in other respects, from the +country nobility. It was exactly the same in early China, Egypt, and the +Byzantine Empire, and it is only in the light of this that we become able to +understand the older Classical city-leagues (such as the Etruscan and, it may be, +even the Latin) and the sacral connexions of colonial daughter-cities with their +mother city. It was not the Polis as such, so far, that was the backbone of +events, but the patriciate of phylæ and phratriæ within it. <em>The original Polis is +identical with the nobility</em>, as Rome was up to 471, and Sparta and the Etruscan +cities throughout. Synœcism grew out of it, and the city-state was formed by +it. But here, as in other Cultures, the difference between country- and city-nobility +was at first quite unimportant as compared with the strong and deep +distinction between the nobility (in general) and the residue.</p> + +<p>The burgher proper emerges when the fundamental distinction between +town and country has brought the “families and the guilds,” in spite of their +otherwise implacable hostility to one another, to a sense of unity <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the +old nobility, the feudal system generally, and the feudal position of the Church. +The notion of the “Third Estate” (to use the catchword of 1789) is essentially +only a unit of <em>contradiction</em>, incapable of definition by positive content, and having +neither customary-ethic of its own—for the higher bourgeois society took +after the nobility, and the urban piety after the older priesthood—nor symbolism +of its own—for the idea that life was not for the service of practical aims, +but for the consistent expression of a symbolism of Time and Space, and could +claim true dignity only to the extent that it was the worthy vessel of these, +was necessarily repugnant to the urban reason as such. This reason, which +dominates the entire political literature of the Late period, asserts a new grouping +of estates as from the rise of cities—at first only in theory, but finally, +<span class="pagenum" id="p356">[356]</span>when rationalism becomes omnipotent, in practice, even the bloody practice of +revolutions. Nobility and clergy, so far as they are still extant, appear rather +markedly as <em>privileged</em> classes, the tacit significance of the emphasis being that +their claim to prescriptive rights on the ground of historical status is (from the +point of view of timeless rational or “natural” law) obsolete nonsense. They +now have their centre in the <em>capital city</em> (this also a Late-period idea) and now, +and now only, develop aristocratic forms to that imposing combination of +hauteur and elegance that we see, for example, in the portraits of Reynolds +and Lawrence. In opposition to them stand the intellectual powers of the now +supreme city, <em>economy and science</em>, which in conjunction with the mass of artisans, +functionaries, and labourers feel themselves as a party, diverse in its constituents, +but invariably solid at the call to battle for freedom—that is, for urban +independence of the great old-time symbols and the rights that flowed from +them. As components of the Third Estate, which counts by heads and not by +rank, they are all, in all Late periods of all Cultures, “liberal” in one way or +another—namely, free from the inward powers of non-urban life. Economy is +freed to make money, science freed to criticize. And so in all the great decisions +we perceive the intellect with its books and its meetings having the word +(“Democracy”), and money obtaining the advantages (“Plutocracy”)—and it +is never ideas, but always capital, that wins. But this again is just the opposition +of truths and facts, in the form in which it develops from the city-life.</p> + +<p>Moreover, by way of protest against the ancient symbols of the soil-bound +life, the city opposes to the aristocracy of birth the notion of an aristocracy +of money and an aristocracy of intellect—the one not very explicit as a claim, +but all the more effective as a fact; the other a truth, but nothing more than +that and, as a spectacle for the eye, not very convincing. In every Late period +there grows on to the ancient nobility—that in which some big bit of history +(say, Crusades, or Norman conquest) has become stored as form and beat, but +which often has inwardly decayed at the great courts—a genuine second crop. +Thus in the fourth century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> the entry of great plebeian families as <i lang="la">conscripti</i> +into the Roman Senate of <i lang="la">patres</i> produced within the senatorial order an aristocracy +of “<i lang="la">nobiles</i>”—a nobility holding lands, but entitled by office. In just +the same way a nobility of nepotism arose in Papal Rome; in 1650 there were +scarcely fifty families of more than three centuries’ status. In the Southern +States of the American Union there grew up, from Baroque times onward, that +planter-aristocracy which was annihilated by the money-powers of the North +in the Civil War of 1861–5. The old merchant-nobility of the type of the Fugger, +Welser, and Medici and the great Venetian and Genoese houses—to this type, +too, must be assigned practically the whole of the patriciate of the Hellenic +colonial cities of 800—had always something of aristocracy in them,⁠<a id="FNanchor_619" href="#Footnote_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a> race, +tradition, high standards, and the nature-impulse to re-establish connexion +<span class="pagenum" id="p357">[357]</span>with the soil by acquiring lands (although the old family house in town was +no bad substitute). But the new money-aristocracy of deals and speculations +rapidly acquired a taste for polite forms and at last forced its way into the +birth-nobility—in Rome, as Equites, from the first Punic War, in France +under Louis XIV⁠<a id="FNanchor_620" href="#Footnote_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a>—which it disintegrated and corrupted, while the intellectual +aristocracy of the Enlightenment, for its part, overwhelmed it with scorn. +The Confucians took the old Chinese idea of <i>Shi</i> from the ethic of nobility and +put it into the virtue of intellect, and made the Pi-Yung, from a centre of +knightly battle-play, into an “intellectual wrestling-school,” a gymnasium—quite +in the spirit of our eighteenth century.</p> + +<p>With the close of the Late period of every Culture the history of its estates +also comes to a more or less violent end. The mere desire to live in rootless +freedom prevails over the great imperative Culture-symbols, which a mankind +now wholly dominated by the city no longer comprehends or tolerates. Finance +sheds every trace of feeling for earth-bound immovable values, and scientific +criticism every residue of piety. Another such victory also, in a measure, is the +liberation of the peasant, which consists in relieving him from the pressure of +servage, but hands him over to the power of money, which now proceeds to +turn the land into movable property—which happened in our case in the +eighteenth century; in Byzantium about 740 under the Nomos Georgikos of +the legislator Leo III⁠<a id="FNanchor_621" href="#Footnote_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a> (after which the colonate slowly disappeared); in Rome +along with the founding of the Plebeian order in 471. In Sparta the simultaneous +attempt of Pausanias to emancipate the Helots failed.</p> + +<p><em>This Plebs is the Third Estate in the form in which it is constitutionally recognised +as a unit</em>; its representatives are the Tribunes, not officials, but trusted persons +armed with a guaranteed immunity. The reform of 471,⁠<a id="FNanchor_622" href="#Footnote_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a> which <i lang="la">inter alia</i> replaced +the old three Etruscan tribes by four urban tribes or wards (a highly suggestive +fact in itself), has been variously regarded as a pure emancipation of peasantry⁠<a id="FNanchor_623" href="#Footnote_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a> +or as an organization of the trading class.⁠<a id="FNanchor_624" href="#Footnote_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a> But the Plebs, as Third Estate, as +residue, is only susceptible of negative definition—as meaning everyone who +does not belong to the land-nobility or is not the incumbent of a great priestly +office. The picture is as variegated as that of the French “<i lang="fr">Tiers État</i>” of 1789. +Only the protest holds it together. In it are traders, craftsmen, day-labourers, +clerks. The gens of the Claudii contained patrician <em>and</em> plebeian families—that +is, great landlords and prosperous yeomen (for example, the Claudii +Marcelli). The Plebs in the Classical city-state is what a combination of +peasant and burgher is in a Baroque state of the West, when it protests in an +<span class="pagenum" id="p358">[358]</span>assembled states-general against the autocracy of a prince. Outside politics—that +is, socially—the plebs, as a unit distinguished from nobility and priesthood, +has no existence, but falls apart at once into special callings that are +perfectly distinct in interests. It is a <em>Party</em>, and what it stands for as such is +freedom in the urban sense of the word. The fact emerges still more distinctly +from the success which the Roman land-nobility won immediately afterwards, +in adding sixteen country tribes, designated by family names and unchallengeably +controlled by themselves, to the four urban tribes that stood for bourgeoisie +proper—namely, money and mind. Not until the great social conflict during +the Samnite wars (contemporary with Alexander, and corresponding exactly +to the French Revolution), which ended with the Lex Hortensia of 287, was the +status-idea legally abolished and the history of the symbolic Estates closed. +<em>The Plebs became the Populus Romanus</em> in the same way as in 1789 the “<i lang="fr">Tiers État</i>” +constituted itself the Nation. From this point on, in every Culture, it is something +fundamentally different that happens under the label of social conflict.</p> + +<p>The nobility of every Springtime had been <em>the</em> Estate in the most primary +sense, history become flesh, race at highest potential. The priesthood was its +<em>counter-estate</em>, saying no wherever nobility said yes and thus displaying the +other side of life in a grand symbol.</p> + +<p>The Third Estate, without proper inward unity, was the non-estate—the +protest, in estate-form, against the existence of estates; not against this or +that estate, but against the symbolic view of life in general. It rejects all +differences not justified by reason or practically useful. And yet it does mean +something itself, and means it very distinctly—<em>the city-life as estate</em> in contradistinction +to that of the country, <em>freedom as a condition</em> in contrast to attachment. +But, looked at from within its own field, it is by no means the unclassified residue +that it appears in the eyes of the primary estates. The bourgeoisie has definite +limits; it belongs to the Culture; it embraces, in the best sense, all who adhere to +it, and under the name of people, <i lang="la">populus, demos</i>, rallies nobility and priesthood, +money and mind, craftsman and wage-earner, as constituents of itself.</p> + +<p>This is the idea that Civilization finds prevailing when it comes on the +scene, and this is what it destroys by its notion of the Fourth Estate, <em>the Mass</em>, +which rejects the Culture and its matured forms, lock, stock, and barrel. It is +the absolute of formlessness, persecuting with its hate every sort of form, every +distinction of rank, the orderliness of property, the orderliness of knowledge. +It is the new nomadism of the Cosmopolis,⁠<a id="FNanchor_625" href="#Footnote_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a> for which slaves and barbarians in +the Classical world, Sudras in the Indian, and in general anything and everything +that is merely human, provide an undifferentiated floating something +that falls apart the moment it is born, that recognizes no past and possesses no +future. Thus the Fourth Estate becomes the expression of the passing of a +history over into the historyless. The mass is the end, the radical nullity.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p359"></a><a id="p360"></a><a id="p361"></a>[361]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XI"> + CHAPTER XI + <br> + <span class="subtitle">THE STATE + <br> + (B) + <br> + STATE AND HISTORY</span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Within the world-as-history, in which we are so livingly woven that our perception +and our reason constantly obey our feelings, the cosmic flowings appear +as that which we call actuality, real life, being-streams in bodily form. Their +common badge is Direction. But they can be grasped differently according as it +is the <em>movement</em> or <em>the thing moved</em> that is looked at. The former aspect we call +history and the latter family or stock or estate or people, but the one is only +possible and existent through the other. History exists only as the history of +something. If we are referring to the history of the great Cultures, then +nation is the thing moved. State, <i>status</i>, means condition, and we obtain our +impression of the State when, as a Being in moved Form flows past us, we fix in +our eyes the Form as such, as something extended and timelessly standing fast, +and entirely ignore direction and Destiny. State is history regarded as at the +halt, history the State regarded as on the move. The State of actuality is the +physiognomy of a historical unit of being; only the planned State of the theorist +is a system.</p> + +<p>A movement <em>has</em> form, and that which is moved is “<em>in form</em>,” or, to use +another sporting expression, when it is “going all out” it is in perfect condition. +This is equally true for a racehorse or a wrestler and for an army or a people. +The form abstracted from the life-stream of a people is the “condition” of that +people with respect to its wrestle in and with history. But only the smallest +part of this can be got at and identified by means of the reason. No real constitution, +when taken by itself and brought down to paper as a system, is +complete. The unwritten, the indescribable, the usual, the felt, the self-evident, +so outweigh everything else that—though theorists never see it—the description +of a state or its constitutional archives cannot give us even the silhouette +of that which underlies the living actuality of a state as its essential +form; an existence-unit of history is spoilt when we seriously subject its movement +to the constraint of a written constitution.</p> + +<p>The individual class or family is the smallest, the nation the largest unit in +the stream of history.⁠<a id="FNanchor_626" href="#Footnote_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a> Primitive peoples are subject to a movement that is not +historical in the higher sense—the movement may be a jog-trot or may be a +<span class="pagenum" id="p362">[362]</span>charge, but it has no organic character and no profound importance. Nevertheless, +these primitive peoples are in motion through and through, to such an +extent, indeed, as to seem perfectly formless to the hasty observer. Fellaheen, +on the contrary, are the rigid objects of a movement that comes from outside +and impinges on them unmeaningly and fortuitously. The former includes the +“State” of the Mycenæan period; that of the Thinite period; that of the Shang +dynasty in China up to, say, the migration to Yin (1400); the Frankish realm +of Charlemagne; the Visigothic Kingdom to Eurich; and Petrine Russia—state-forms +often ample and efficient, but still destitute of symbolism and +necessity. To the latter belong the Roman, Chinese, and other Imperia, whose +form has ceased to have any expressive content whatever.</p> + +<p>But between primitive and fellah lies the history of the great Culture. +A people in the style of a Culture—a historical people, that is—is called a +Nation.⁠<a id="FNanchor_627" href="#Footnote_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a> A nation, as a living and battling thing, possesses a State not merely +as a condition of movement, but also (above all) <em>as an idea</em>. The State in the +simplest sense of the term may be as old as free-moving life itself. Swarms +and herds of even very lowly animal genera may have “constitutions” of some +sort—and those of the ants, of the bees, of many fish, or migrating birds, of +beavers, have reached an astounding degree of perfection—but the State of +the grand style is as old as and no older than its two prime Estates, nobility +and priesthood. These emerge <em>with</em> the Culture, they vanish into it, their +Destinies are to a high degree identical. Culture is the being of nations in +State-form.</p> + +<p>A people is <em>as</em> State, a kindred is <em>as</em> family, “in form”—that is, as we have +seen, the difference between political and cosmic history, public and private +life, <i lang="la">res publica</i> and <i lang="la">res privata</i>. And both, moreover, are symbols of care.⁠<a id="FNanchor_628" href="#Footnote_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a> +The woman <em>is</em> world-history. By conceiving and giving birth she cares for +the perpetuation of the blood. The mother with the child at her breast is the +grand emblem of cosmic life. Under this aspect, the life of man and woman +is “in form” as marriage. The man, however, <em>makes</em> history, which is an unending +battle for the preservation of that other life. Maternal care is supplemented +and paralleled by paternal. The man with weapon in hand is the other +grand emblem of the will-to-duration. A people “in condition” is originally +a band warriorhood, a deep and intimately felt community of men fit for arms. +State is the affair of man, it is Care for the preservation of the whole (including +the spiritual self-preservation called honour and self-respect), the thwarting of +attacks, the foreseeing of dangers, and, above all, the positive aggressiveness +which is natural and self-evident to every life that has begun to soar.</p> + +<p>If all life were <em>one</em> uniform being-stream, the words “people,” “state,” +“war,” “policy,” “constitution,” would never have been heard of. But the +<span class="pagenum" id="p363">[363]</span>eternal forceful <em>variety</em> of life, which the creative power of the Culture elevates +to the highest intensities, is a fact, and historically we have no choice but to +accept it as such, with all that flows therefrom. Plant-life is only plant-life +in relation to animal life; nobility and priesthood reciprocally condition one +another. <em>A people is only really such in relation to other peoples</em>, and the substance +of this actuality comes out in natural and ineradicable oppositions, in attack +and defence, hostility and war. War is the creator of all great things. All that +is meaningful in the stream of life has emerged through victory and defeat.</p> + +<p>A people shapes history inasmuch as it is “in condition” for the task of +doing so. It livingly experiences an inward history—which gets it into this +“condition,” in which alone it becomes creative—and an outward history, +which <em>consists</em> in this creation. Peoples as State, then, are the real forces of all +human happening. In the world-as-history there is nothing beyond them. +They <em>are</em> Destiny.</p> + +<p><i lang="la">Res publica</i>, the public life, the “sword side” of human being-currents, is in +actuality invisible. The alien sees merely the men and not their inner connexion, +for indeed this resides very deep in the stream of life, and even there is felt rather +than understood. Similarly, we do not in actuality see the family, but only +certain persons, whose cohesion in a perfectly definite sense we know and grasp +by way of our own inward experience. But for each such mental picture there +exists a group of constituent persons who are bound together as a life-unit by a +like constitution of outer and inner being. This form in the flow of existence +is called <em>customary ethic</em> (<i>Sitte</i>) when it arises of itself in the beat and march and +is unconscious before it is conscious; and <em>law</em> (<i lang="de">Recht</i>) when it is <em>deliberately stated</em> +and put forth for <em>acceptance</em>.</p> + +<p>Law—irrespective of whether its authority derives from the feelings and +impulse (unwritten law, customary law, English “equity”) or has been abstracted +by reflection, probed, and brought into system as Statute Law (<i lang="de">Gesetz</i>)—is +the <em>willed</em> form of Being. The jural facts that it embraces are of the two +kinds, though both possess time-symbolism—Care in two modes, prevision and +provision—but, from the very difference in the proportions of consciousness +that they respectively contain, it follows that throughout real history there +must be two laws in opposition—the law of the fathers, of tradition, the +inherited, grown, and well-tried law, sacrosanct because immemorially old, +derived from the experience of the blood and therefore dependable; and the +thought and planned law of reason, nature, and broad humanity, the product of +reflection and therefore first cousin to mathematics, a law that may not be very +workable, but is at any rate “just.” It is in these two orders of law that the +opposition between land-life and city-life, life-experience and study-experience, +ripens till it bursts out in that revolutionary embitterment in which men take a +law instead of being given it, and break a law that will not yield.</p> + +<p>A law that has been laid down by a community expresses a <em>duty</em> for every +<span class="pagenum" id="p364">[364]</span>member, but it is no proof of every member’s <em>power</em>. On the contrary, it is a +question of Destiny, who makes the law and for whom it is made. There are +subjects and there are objects in the <em>making</em> of laws, although everyone is an +object as to the validity thereof—and this holds good without distinction +for the inner law of families, guilds, estates, and states. But for the State, +which is the highest law-subject existing in historical actuality, there is, +besides, an external law that it imposes upon aliens by hostilities. Ordinary +civil law is a case of the first kind, a peace treaty of the second. But in all cases +the law of the stronger is the law of the weaker also. To “have the right” +is an expression of power. This is a historical fact that every moment confirms, +but it is not acknowledged in the realm of truth, which is not of this world. +In their conceptions of right, therefore, as in other things, being and waking-being, +Destiny and Causality, stand implacably opposed. To the priestly and +idealistic moral of good and evil belongs the <em>moral distinction of right and wrong</em>, +but in the race-moral of good and bad the distinction is between those who give +and those who receive the law. An abstract idea of justice pervades the minds +and writings of all whose spirit is noble and strong and whose blood is weak, +pervades all religions and all philosophies—but the fact-world of history +knows only the <em>success</em> which turns the law of the stronger into the law of all. +Over ideals it marches without pity, and if ever a man or a people renounces +its power of the moment in order to remain righteous—then, certainly, his +or its theoretical fame is assured in the second world of thought and truth, but +assured also is the coming of a moment in which it will succumb to another +life-power that has better understood realities.</p> + +<p>So long as a historical power is so superior to its constituent units—as the +State or the estate so often is to families and calling-classes, or the head of the +family to its children—a just law <em>between</em> the weaker is possible as a gift from +the all-powerful hand of the disinterested. But Estates seldom, and states +almost never, feel a power of this magnitude over themselves, and consequently +between them the law of the stronger acts with immediate force—as is seen +in a victor’s treaty, unilateral in terms and still more so in interpretation and +observance. That is the difference between the <em>internal</em> and the <em>external</em> rights +of historical life-units. In the first the will of an arbiter to be impartial and +just can be effective—although we are apt to deceive ourselves badly as to the +degree of effective impartiality even in the best codes of history, even in those +which call themselves “civil” or “<i lang="de">bürgerlich</i>,” for the very adjective indicates +that <em>an estate</em> has possessed the superior force to impose them on everyone.⁠<a id="FNanchor_629" href="#Footnote_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a> +Internal laws are the result of strict logical-causal thought centring upon truths, +but for that very reason their validity is ever dependent upon the material power +of their author, be this Estate or State. A revolution that annihilates this +<span class="pagenum" id="p365">[365]</span>power annihilates also these laws—they remain true, but they are no longer +actual. External laws on the other hand, such as all peace treaties, are essentially +never true and always actual—indeed appallingly so. They set up no +pretension whatever of being just—it is quite enough that they are valid. +Out of them speaks <em>Life</em>, which possesses no causal and moral logic, but is +organically all the more consistent and consequent for the lack of it. Its will +is to possess validity <em>itself</em>; it feels with an inward certainty what is required +to that end and, seeing that, knows what is law for itself and <em>has to be made</em> law +for others. This logic is seen in every family, and particularly in old true-born +peasant families as soon as authority is shattered and someone other than the +head tries to determine “what is.” It appears in every state, as soon as one +party therein dominates the position. Every feudal age is filled with the contests +between lords and vassals over the “right to rights.” In the Classical +world this conflict ended almost everywhere with the unconditional victory +of the First Estate, which deprived the kingship of its legislative powers and +made it an object of its own law-making—as the origin and significance of the +Archons in Athens and the Ephors in Sparta prove beyond doubt. But the same +happened in the Western field too—for a moment in France (institution of +the States-General, 1302), and for good in England, where in 1215 the Norman +baronage and the higher clergy imposed Magna Charta and thus sowed the +seed that was to ripen into the effective sovereignty of Parliament. Hence it +was that the old Norman law of the Estates here remained permanently valid. +In Germany, on the contrary, the weak Imperial power, hard-pressed by the +claims of the great feudatories, called in the “Roman” law of Justinian (that is, +the law of the unlimited central power) to aid it against the early German land-laws.⁠<a id="FNanchor_630" href="#Footnote_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a></p> + +<p>The Draconian Constitution, the πατρίος πολιτεία of the Oligarchs, was dictated +by the nobility like the strictly patrician law of the Twelve Tables in +Rome;⁠<a id="FNanchor_631" href="#Footnote_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a> but by then the Late period of the Culture was well under way and the +power of the city and of money were already fully developed, so that laws +directed against these powers necessarily gave way very promptly to laws of the +Third Estate (Solon, the Tribunate). Yet these, too, were estate-founded laws +not less than their predecessors. The struggle between the two primary estates +for the right of law-making has filled the entire history of the West, from the +early Gothic conflict of secular and canon law for supremacy, to the controversy +(not ended even to-day) concerning civil marriage.⁠<a id="FNanchor_632" href="#Footnote_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a> And, for that matter, +what are the constitutional conflicts that have occurred since the end of the +<span class="pagenum" id="p366">[366]</span>eighteenth century but the acquisition by the <i lang="fr">Tiers État</i> (which, according to +Sieyès’s famous remark in 1789, “was nothing, but could be all”) of the right +to legislate bindingly upon all, producing a law that is just as much burghers +law as ever Gothic was nobles’ law. The nakedest form in which right appears +as the expression of might is (as I have already observed) in interstate treaty-making, +in peace treaties, and in that Law of Nations of which already Mirabeau +could say it is the law of the strong of which the observance is imposed upon +the weak. A large part of the decisions of world-history is contained in laws +of this kind. They are the constitution under which militant history progresses, +so long as it does not revert to the original form of the armed conflict—original, +and also basic; for every treaty that is valid and is meant to have real +effects is an intellectual continuation thereof. If policy is war by other means,⁠<a id="FNanchor_633" href="#Footnote_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a> +the “right to give the law” is the spoil of the successful party.</p> + + +<h3 id="II_10"> + II +</h3> + +<p>It is clear, then, that on the heights of history two such life-forms, Estate +and State, contend for supremacy, both being-streams of great inward form and +symbolic force, each resolved to make its own destiny the Destiny of the whole. +<em>That</em>—if we try to understand the matter in its depths and unreservedly put +aside our everyday conceptions of people, economy, society, and politics—<em>is +the meaning of the opposition between the social and the political conduct of events</em>. +Social and political ideas do not begin to be differentiated till a great Culture +has dawned, or even till feudalism is declining and the lord-vassal relation +represents the social, and the king-people relation the political, side. But the +social powers of the early time (nobility and priesthood) not less actively than +those of the later (money and mind)—and the vocational groups of the craftsmen +and officials and workers, too, as they were rising to their power in the +growing cities—sought, each for itself, to subordinate the State-ideal to its +own Estate-ideal, or more usually to its estate interests. And so there arose, at +all planes from that of the national unit to that of the individual consciousness, +a fight over the respective limits and claims of each—the result of which, in +extreme cases, is that the one element succeeds so completely as to make the +other its tool.⁠<a id="FNanchor_634" href="#Footnote_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p367">[367]</span></p> + +<p>In all cases, however, it is the State that determines the <em>external</em> position, and +therefore the historical relations between peoples are always of <em>a political and +not a social nature</em>. In domestic politics, on the contrary, the situation is so +dominated by class-oppositions that at first sight social and political tactics +appear inseparable, and indeed, in the thought of people who (as, for example, +a bourgeoisie) equate their own class-ideal with historical actuality—and +consequently cannot think in external politics at all—identical. In the external +battle the State seeks alliances with other States, in the internal it is +always in alliance with one or another Estate—the sixth-century Tyrannis, +for instance, rested upon the combination of the State-idea with the interests of +the Third Estate <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the ancient noble oligarchy, and the French Revolution +became inevitable from the moment that the <i lang="fr">Tiers</i>—that is, intellect +and money—left its friend the Crown in the lurch and joined the two other +Estates (from the Assembly of Notables, 1787). We are thoroughly right therefore +in feeling a distinction between State-history and class-history,⁠<a id="FNanchor_635" href="#Footnote_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a> between +political (horizontal) and social (vertical) history, war and revolution.⁠<a id="FNanchor_636" href="#Footnote_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a> But +it is a grave error of modern doctrinaires to regard the spirit of domestic history +as that of history in general. <em>World-history is, and always will be, State-history.</em> +The inner constitution of a nation aims always at being “<em>in condition</em>” for the +outer fight (diplomatic, military, or economic) and anyone who treats a nation’s +constitution as an aim and ideal in itself is merely ruining the nation’s +body. But, from the other point of view, it falls to the inner-political pulse-sense +of a ruling stratum (whether belonging to the First or to the Fourth +Estate) so to manage the internal class-oppositions that the focus and ideas of +the nation are not tied up in party conflict, nor treason to the country thought +of as an ace of trumps.</p> + +<p>And here it becomes manifest that <em>the State and the first Estate</em> are cognate +down to the roots—akin, not merely by reason of their symbolism of Time and +Care, their common relation to race and the facts of genealogical succession, +to the family and to the primary impulses of all peasantry (on which in the +last analysis every State and every nobility is supported)—not merely in their +relation to the soil, the clan-domain (be this heritable estate or fatherland), +which even in nations of the Magian style is lowered in significance only because +there the dignity of orthodoxy so completely surpasses everything else—but +above all in high practice amidst all the facts of the historical world, in the +<span class="pagenum" id="p368">[368]</span>unforced unity of pulse and impulse, diplomacy, judgment of men, the art of +command and masculine will to keep and extend power, which even in earliest +times differentiated a nobility and a people out of the one and the same war-gathering; +and, lastly, in the feeling for honour and bravery. Hence, right +up to the latest phases, that State stands firmest in which the nobility or the +tradition shaped by the nobility is wholly at the service of the common cause—as +it was in Sparta as compared with Athens, in Rome <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> Carthage, in +Tsin as against the <i>tao</i>-coloured state of Tsu.</p> + +<p>The distinction is that a nobility self-contained as a class—or for that +matter <em>any</em> Estate—experiences the residue of the nation only with reference to +itself, and only desires to exercise power in that sense, whereas the very principle +of the State is that it cares for all, and cares for the nobility as such only +in relation to the major care. But a genuine old nobility <em>assimilates itself</em> to +the State, and cares for all as though for a property. This care, in fact, is one +of its grandest duties and one of which it is most deeply conscious; it feels it, +indeed, an innate <em>privilege</em>, and regards service in the army and the administration +as its special vocation.</p> + +<p>It is, however, a distinction of quite another kind that holds as between the +State-idea and the idea of any one of the other Estates. All these are inwardly +alien to the State as such, and the State-ideals that they fashion out of their +own lives have not grown up out of the spirit and the political forces of actual +history—hence, indeed, the conscious emphasis with which they are labelled +as social. And while in Early times the situation is simply that historical facts +oppose the Church-community in its efforts to actualize <em>religious</em> ideals, in Late +periods both the <em>business</em> ideal of the free economic life, and the <em>Utopian</em> ideal +of the enthusiast who would actualize this or that abstraction, also come into +the field.</p> + +<p>But in the historical world there are no ideals, but only facts—no truths, +but only facts. There is no reason, no honesty, no equity, no final aim, but +only facts, and anyone who does not realize this should write books on politics—let +him not try to <em>make</em> politics. In the real world there are no states built +according to ideals, but only states that have <em>grown</em>, and these are nothing +but living peoples “in form.” No doubt it is “the form impressed that living +doth itself unfold,” but the impress has been that of the blood and beat of a +<em>being</em>, wholly instinctive and involuntary; and as to the unfolding, if it is +guided by the master of politics, it takes the direction inherent in the blood; +if by the idealist, that dictated by his own convictions—in other words, the +way to nullity.</p> + +<p>But the destiny question, for States that exist in reality and not merely in +intellectual schemes, is not that of their ideal task or structure, <em>but that of their +inner authority</em>, which cannot in the long run be maintained by material means, +but only by a belief—of friend <em>and</em> foe—in their effectiveness. The decisive +<span class="pagenum" id="p369">[369]</span>problems lie, not in the working-out of constitutions, but in the organization +of a sound working government; not in the distribution of political rights +according to “just” principles (which at bottom are simply the idea that a +<em>class</em> forms of its own legitimate claims), but in the efficient pulse of the whole +(efficient in the sense that the play of muscle and sinew is efficient when an +extended racehorse nears the winning-post), in that rhythm which attracts +even strong genius into syntony; not, lastly, in any world-alien moral, but +in the steadiness, sureness, and superiority of political leadership. The more +self-evident all these things are, the less is said or argued about them; the more +fully matured the State, the higher the standing, the historical capacity, and +therefore the Destiny of the Nation. State-majesty, sovereignty, is a life-symbol +of the first order. It distinguishes <em>subjects and objects</em>⁠<a id="FNanchor_637" href="#Footnote_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a> in political +events not only in inner, but also (which is far more important) in external, +history. Strength of leadership, which comes to expression in the clear separation +of these two factors, is the unmistakable sign of the life-force in a political +unity—so much so that the shattering of existing authority (for example, +by the supporters of an opposed constitutional ideal) almost always results not +in this new party’s making itself the subject of domestic policy, but in the +whole nation’s becoming the object of alien policy—and not seldom for ever.</p> + +<p>For this reason, in every healthy State the letter of the written constitution +is of small importance compared with the practice of the living constitution, +the “form” (to use again the sporting term), which has developed of itself +out of the experience of Time, the situation, and, above all, the race-properties +of the Nation. The more powerfully the <em>natural</em> form of the body politic has +built itself up, the more surely it works in unforeseen situations; indeed, +in the limit, it does not matter whether the actual leader is called King or +Minister or party-leader, or even (as in the case of Cecil Rhodes) that he has no +defined relation to the State. The nobility which managed Roman politics in +the period of the three Punic Wars had, from the point of view of constitutional +law, no existence whatever.⁠<a id="FNanchor_638" href="#Footnote_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a> The leader’s responsibility is always to a minority +that possesses the instincts of statesmanship and represents the rest of the nation +in the struggle of history.</p> + +<p>The fact, therefore, express and unequivocal, is that class-States—that is, +States in which particular classes rule—are the <em>only</em> States. This must not be +confused with the class-States to which the individual is merely <em>attached</em> in view +of belonging to an estate, as in the case of the older Polis, the Norman States of +England and Sicily, the France of the Constitution of 1791, and Soviet Russia +to-day. The true class-State is an expression of the general historical experience +<span class="pagenum" id="p370">[370]</span>that it is always a single social stratum which, constitutionally or otherwise, +provides the political leading. It is always a definite minority that represents +the world-historical tendency of a State; and, within that again, it is a more +or less self-contained minority that in virtue of its aptitudes (and often enough +against the spirit of the Constitution) actually holds the reins. And, if we +ignore, as exceptions proving the rule, revolutionary interregna and Cæsarian +conditions, in which individuals and fortuitous groupings maintain their +power merely by material means (and often without any aptitude for ruling), +it is always the minority <em>within an Estate</em> that rules by tradition. In by far the +greater number of cases this minority is one within the nobility—for example, +the “gentry” which governed the Parliamentary style of England, the <i lang="la">nobiles</i> +at the helm of Roman politics in Punic War times, the merchant-aristocracy of +Venice, the Jesuit-trained (nobles who conducted the diplomacy of the Papal +Curia in the Baroque).⁠<a id="FNanchor_639" href="#Footnote_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a> Similarly, we find the political aptitude in self-contained +groups within the religious Estate—not only in the Roman Catholic +Church, but also in Egypt and India and still more in Byzantium and Sassanid +Persia. In the Third Estate—though this seldom produces it, not being in +itself a life-unit—there are cases such as those of third-century Rome, where a +stratum of the plebs contains men trained in commerce, and France since 1789, +where an element of the bourgeoisie has been trained in law; in these cases, it +is ensured by a closed circle of persons possessing homogeneous practical gifts, +which constantly recruits itself and preserves in its midst the whole sum of +unwritten political tradition and experience.</p> + +<p>That is the organization of <em>actual</em> states in contradistinction to those conceived +on paper and in the minds of pedants. There is no best, or true, or right +State that could possibly be actualized according to plan. Every State that +emerges in history exists as it is but once and for a moment; the next moment it +has, unperceived, become different, whatever the rigidity of its legal-constitutional +crust. Therefore, words like “republic,” “absolutism,” “democracy,” +mean something different in every instance, and what turns them into catchwords +is their use as definite concepts by philosophers and ideologues. A history +of States is physiognomic and not systematic. Its business is not to show how +“humanity” advances to the conquest of its eternal rights, to freedom and +equality, to the evolving of a super-wise and super-just State, but to describe +the political units that really exist in the fact-world, how they grow and +flourish and fade, and how they are really nothing but actual life “in form.” +Let us make the attempt on this basis.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p371">[371]</span></p> + + +<h3 id="III_10"> + III +</h3> + +<p>History in the high style begins in every Culture with the feudal State, +which is not a State in the coming sense of the word, but an ordering of the +common life with reference to an <em>Estate</em>. The noblest fruit of the soil, its race +in the proudest sense, here builds itself up in a rank-order from the simple +knighthood to the <i lang="la">primus inter pares</i>, the feudal Overlord amongst his Peers. +This sets in simultaneously with the architecture of the great cathedrals and the +Pyramids—the stone and the blood elevated into symbols, the one <em>meaning</em>, +the other <em>being</em>. The idea of feudalism, which has dominated all Springtimes, +is the transition from the primitive, purely practical and factual, relationship of +potentate to those who obey him (whether they have chosen him or have been +subdued by him) into the <em>private-law</em> (and, therefore, deeply symbolical) +relation of the lord to the vassal. This relation rests entirely upon the ethic of +nobility, honour, and loyalty, and conjures up the cruellest conflicts between +duty to one’s lord and duty to one’s own family. The decadence of Henry the +Lion⁠<a id="FNanchor_640" href="#Footnote_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a> is a tragic example of it.</p> + +<p>The “State” exists here only to the extent of the limits of the feudal tie, +and it expands its domain by the entry of alien vassals therein. Service to, and +agency for, the ruler—originally personal and limited in time—very soon +became the permanent fief which, if it escheated, <em>had</em> to be reassigned (already +by 1000 the principle of the West was “No land without a lord”), and from that +presently passed to the stage of being hereditary (law of Emperor Conrad II, +28th May 1037). Thereby the formerly immediate subjects of the ruler were +mediatized, and henceforth they were only his subjects as being subjects of a +vassal of his. Nothing but the strong social interbonding of the Estate ensured +the cohesion of what must be called, even under these conditions, the State.</p> + +<p>The idea of power and booty are seen here in classic union. When, in 1066, +William and his Norman chivalry conquered England, the whole land was made +King’s property and fee, and it remains so in name to this day. Here is a true +Viking delight in “having,” the care of an Odysseus who begins by counting +his treasure.⁠<a id="FNanchor_641" href="#Footnote_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a> From this booty-sense of shrewd conquerors there came, quite +suddenly, the famous exchequer-practice and officialdom of the early Cultures. +It is well to distinguish these officials from the incumbents of the great confidential +offices which had arisen out of the older personal agency;⁠<a id="FNanchor_642" href="#Footnote_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> they were +<i lang="la">clerici</i> or clerks, and not <i lang="la">ministeriales</i> or ministers—“servants,” but in a prouder +sense now. The financial and clerical officialdom is an expression of Care, +and it develops in exact proportion with the development of the dynastic idea. +Thus in Egypt it reached an astonishingly high level at the very beginning of +<span class="pagenum" id="p372">[372]</span>the Old Kingdom.⁠<a id="FNanchor_643" href="#Footnote_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a> + The early Chinese official-State described in the <i>Tshou-li</i> +is so comprehensive and complicated that the authenticity of the book has +been doubted,⁠<a id="FNanchor_644" href="#Footnote_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a> but in spirit and tendency it corresponds exactly with that of +Diocletian, which enabled a feudal order to arise out of an immense fiscal +machinery.⁠<a id="FNanchor_645" href="#Footnote_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a> In the early Classical world it is markedly absent. “<i lang="la">Carpe diem</i>” +was the motto of Classical economics from the first to last, and in this domain as +in others Improvidence, the <i>autarkeia</i> of the Stoics, was elevated into a principle. +Even the best calculators were no exception—thus Eubulus in Athens, 330 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, +managed business with an eye to surpluses, but only to distribute them, when +gained, amongst the citizens.</p> + +<p>The extreme contrast to Eubulus’s finance is afforded by the canny Vikings +of the early West, who by the financial administration of their Norman states +laid the foundations of the Faustian economics that extend to-day over the +whole world. It is from the chequered table in the Norman counting-house +of Robert the Devil (1028–35) that we have the name of the English “Exchequer” +and hence the word “cheque.” Here also originated the words +“control,” “quittance,” “record.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_646" href="#Footnote_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a> Here it was that after 1066 England was +organized as booty, with ruthless reduction of the Anglo-Saxons, to serfdom, +and here too originated the Norman State of Sicily—for it was not upon +nothing that Frederick II of Hohenstaufen later built; his most personal work, +the constitutions of Melfi (1231) he did not create, but only (by methods borrowed +from the money-economics of high Arabian Civilization) polished and +perfected. From this centre the methodic and descriptive technique of finance +spread into the business world of Lombardy and so into all the trading cities +and administrations of the West.</p> + +<p>But in Feudalism build-up and breakdown lie close together. When the +primary estates were still in full bloom and vigour, the future nations, and +with them the germ of the State-idea proper, were stirring into life. The opposition +between temporal and spiritual power and that between crown and +vassals was cut across again and again by oppositions of nationhood—German-French +even from Otto the Great’s times; German-Italian, which rent Italy +between the Guelphs and Ghibellines and destroyed the German Empire; +French-English, which brought about the English dominion over western +France. Still, all this was far less important than the great decisions within +the feudal order itself, where the idea of nationality was unknown. England +was broken up into 60,251 fiefs, catalogued in the Domesday Book of 1084 +(consulted even to-day upon occasion), and the strictly organized central power +<span class="pagenum" id="p373">[373]</span>required allegiance to itself even from the sub-tenants of the peers, but all the +same it was less than a hundred and fifty years later that Magna Charta was +forced through (1215), and actual power transferred from the King to the +Parliament of the vassals—made up of great barons and ecclesiastics in the +Upper house, gentry and patricians in the Lower—which thenceforward +became the support and champion of <em>national</em> development. In France the +baronage, in conjunction with the clergy and the towns, forced the calling of the +States-General in 1302; the General Privilege of Saragossa in 1283 made Aragon +into a quasi-republic of nobles ruled by its Cortes, and in Germany a few decades +earlier a group of great vassals made the election of the German Kingship +dependent upon themselves as Electors.</p> + +<p>The mightiest expression that the feudal idea found for itself—not merely +in the West, but in any Culture—came out in the struggle between Empire +and Papacy, both of which dreamed of a consummation in which the entire +world was to become an immense feudal system, and so intimately enwove +themselves into the dream that, with the decay of feudalism, both together fell +from their heights in lamentable ruin.</p> + +<p>The idea of a Ruler whose writ should run throughout the whole historical +world, whose Destiny should be that of all mankind, has taken visible shape +in, so far, three instances—firstly, in the conception of the Pharaoh as Horus;⁠<a id="FNanchor_647" href="#Footnote_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a> +secondly, in the great Chinese imagining of the Ruler of the Middle, whose +domain is <i>tien-hia</i>, everything lying below the heavens;⁠<a id="FNanchor_648" href="#Footnote_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a> and, thirdly, in +early Gothic times. In 962 Otto the Great, answering to the deep mystical +sense and yearning for historical and spatial infinity that was sweeping through +the world of those days, conceived the idea of the “Holy Roman Empire, +German by nation.” But even earlier, Pope Nicolas I (860), still completely +involved in Augustinian—that is, Magian—lines of thought, had dreamed +of a Papal democracy which was to stand above the princes of this world, and +from 1059 Gregory VII with all the prime force of his Faustian nature set out to +actualize a papal world-dominion under the forms of a universal feudalism, with +kings as vassals. The Papacy itself, indeed, under its domestic aspect, constituted +the small feudal State of the Campagna, whose noble families controlled +the election of popes, and which very rapidly converted the college of cardinals +(to which the duty was entrusted from 1059 on) into a sort of noble oligarchy. +But under the broader aspect of external policy Gregory VII actually <em>obtained</em> +feudal supremacy over the Norman states of England and Sicily, both of which +were created with his support, and actually awarded the Imperial crown as Otto +<span class="pagenum" id="p374">[374]</span>the Great had awarded the tiara. But a little later Henry VI of Hohenstaufen +succeeded in the opposite sense; even Richard Cœur-de-Lion swore the vassal’s +oath to him for England, and the universal Empire was on the point of becoming +a fact when the greatest of all popes, Innocent III (1198–1216) made the papal +overlordship of the world real for a short time. England became a Papal fief +in 1213; Aragon and Leon and Portugal, Denmark and Poland and Hungary, +Armenia and the recently founded Latin Empire in Byzantium followed. But +with Innocent’s death disintegration set in within the Church itself, and +the great spiritual dignitaries, whom their investitures turned into vassals of +the Pope as overlord, soon followed the lay vassals’ example and set about +limiting him by means of representative institutions for their order.⁠<a id="FNanchor_649" href="#Footnote_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a> The +notion that a General Council stood higher than a pope was not of religious +origin, but arose primarily out of the feudal principle. Its tendency corresponded +precisely to that which the English magnates had made good in Magna +Charta. In the councils of Constance (1414) and Basel (1431) the last attempts +were made to turn the Church, under its temporal aspect, into a clerical feudalism, +in which an oligarchy of cardinals would have become the representative +of the whole Clerical Estate of the West and taken the place hitherto held by +the Roman nobility. But by that time the feudal idea had long taken second +place to that of the State, and so the Roman barons won the victory. The field of +candidature for the Papacy was limited to the narrowest environs of Rome, and +unlimited power over the organizations of the Church was <i lang="la">ipso facto</i> secured +to the centre. As for the Empire, it had long ago become a venerated shadow, +like the Egyptian and the Chinese.</p> + +<p>In comparison with the immense dynamism of these decisions, the building-up +of feudalism in the Classical world was slow, static, almost noiseless, +so that it is hardly recognizable save from the traces of transition. In the +Homeric epos as we have it now, every locality possesses its Basileus, who, it +is fairly evident, was once a great vassal—we can see in the figure of Agamemnon +the conditions in which the ruler of a wide region took the field with the +train of his peers. But in the Greek world the dissolution of the feudal world +was associated with the formation of the <em>city</em>-state, the political “point.” +In consequence, the hereditary court-offices, the <i>archai</i> and <i>timai</i>, the <i>prytaneis</i>, +the Archons, and perhaps the original Prætor,⁠<a id="FNanchor_650" href="#Footnote_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a> were all urban in nature; and the +<span class="pagenum" id="p375">[375]</span>great families therefore developed, not separately in their counties, as in Egypt, +China, and the West, but in the closest touch with the city, where they obtained +possession of the rights of the King, one after the other, until nothing was +left to the ruling house but that which could not be touched because of the +gods—namely, the title attaching to its sacrificial function (hence the <i lang="la">rex +sacrorum</i>). In the later parts of the Homeric epic (<i>c.</i> 800) it is the nobles who +invite the king to take his seat, and even unseat him. The Odyssey really +knows the kingship only as part of the saga—the actual Ithaca that it shows +us is a city dominated by oligarchs.⁠<a id="FNanchor_651" href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a> The Spartiates, like the Roman partriciate +of the Comitia Curiata, are the product of a feudal relation.⁠<a id="FNanchor_652" href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a> + In the <i>phiditiæ</i>⁠<a id="FNanchor_653" href="#Footnote_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a> +there are evident remains of the old open table of the noble, but the power of +the king has sunk to the shadowy dignity of the <i lang="la">rex sacrorum</i> of Rome, or the +“kings” of Sparta, who were liable to be imprisoned or removed at any time +by the Ephors. The essential similarity of these conditions forces us to presume +that in Rome the Tarquinian Tyrannis of 500 was preceded by a period of +oligarchical dominance, and this view is supported by the unquestionably +genuine tradition of the <i lang="la">Interrex</i>, a person appointed by the council of the +nobles (the Senate) from amongst its own members to act until it should please +them to elect a king again.</p> + +<p>Here, as elsewhere, there comes a time in which feudalism is falling into +decay, but the coming State is not yet completed, the nation not yet “in form.” +This is the fearful crisis that emerges everywhere in the shape of the Interregnum, +and forms the boundary <em>between the feudal union and the class-State</em>. In +Egypt feudalism was fully developed by about the middle of the Vth Dynasty. +The Pharaoh Asosi gave away his domains literally piece by piece to the vassals, +and, further, the rich fiefs of the priesthood were (exactly as in the West) free of +taxation and gradually became the permanent property (“mortmain,” as we +should say) of the great temples.⁠<a id="FNanchor_654" href="#Footnote_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a> With the Vth Dynasty (<i>c.</i> 2530 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>) the +“Hohenstaufen” age comes to an end. Under the shadow-kingship of the short-lived +VIth Dynasty the princes (<i>rpati</i>) and counts (<i>hetio</i>) become independent; +the high offices are all hereditary and the tomb-inscriptions show us more and +more proud stress upon ancient lineage. That which later Egyptian historians +have hidden under the reputed VIIth and VIIIth dynasties⁠<a id="FNanchor_655" href="#Footnote_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a> is really half a +century of anarchy and lawless conflicts between princes for each other’s domains +or for the Pharaoh-title. In China, even I-Wang (934–909) was obliged +by his vassals to give out all conquered lands, and to do so to sub-tenants +<span class="pagenum" id="p376">[376]</span>nominated by them. In 842 Li-Wang was forced, with his heir, to flee, and the +administration of the Empire was carried on by two individual princes. In this +interregnum began the fall of the House of Chóu and the decline of the Imperial +name into an honourable but meaningless title. It is the corresponding picture +to that of the Interregnum in Germany, which began in 1254 and brought the +Imperial power to its nadir of 1400 under Wenceslaus, simultaneously with the +Renaissance-style of the <i lang="it">condottieri</i> and the complete decay of the Papal power. +After the death of Boniface VIII, who in 1302 had once again asserted the feudal +power of the Papacy in the Bull <cite lang="la">Unam sanctam</cite> and had consequently been +arrested by the representatives of France, the Papacy experienced a century of +banishment, anarchy, and impotence, while in the following century the Norman +nobility of England for the most part perished in the contest of the houses +of York and Lancaster for the throne.</p> + + +<h3 id="IV_10"> + IV +</h3> + +<p>What this fall of Papacy and Empire meant was the victory of State over +Estate. At the root of the feudal system there had been the feeling that the +purpose of existence was that a “life” should be led in the light of what it +meant. History was exhaustively comprised in the destinies of noble blood. +But now the feeling sprang up that there was <em>something else</em> besides, something +to which even nobility was subordinate, and which it shared with all other +classes (whether of status or of vocation), something intangible, an idea. +Events came to be viewed, no longer from a frankly private-law standpoint, +but under a “public”-law aspect. The State might (and almost without exception +did) remain aristocratic to its core; its outward appearance might be +scarcely altered by the transition from the feudal group to the Class-State; +the idea that those outside the Estates possessed rights as well as duties might +be still unknown; <em>but</em> the feeling had become different, and the consciousness +that Life existed to be lived on the heights of history had given way to the +other sentiment, that it contained a <em>task</em>. The difference becomes very distinct +when we contrast the policy of Rainald van Dassel (d. 1167)—one of the +greatest German statesmen of all periods—with that of the Emperor Charles IV +(d. 1378), and consider in parallel therewith the transition in Classical feeling +from the “Themis” of the knightly age to the “Dike” of the growing Polis.⁠<a id="FNanchor_656" href="#Footnote_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a> +Themis involves only a claim, Dike implies a task as well.</p> + +<p>The State-idea in its sturdy youth is always—and self-evidently, with a +naturalness rooted deep in animality itself—bound up with the conception of +an individual ruler. The same holds good, with the same self-evidence, for +every roused crowd in every decisive situation—as every riotous assembly and +every moment of sudden danger demonstrates afresh.⁠<a id="FNanchor_657" href="#Footnote_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a> Such crowds are units +<span class="pagenum" id="p377">[377]</span>of feeling, but blind. They are “in form” for the onrush of events only when +they are in the hands of the leader, who suddenly appears in their midst, is +set at the head in a moment by that very unity of feeling, and finds an unconditional +obedience. This process repeats itself in the formation of the great +life-units that we call peoples and States, only more slowly and with surer +meaning. In the high Cultures it is sometimes set aside or set back in favour +of other modes of being “in form,” for the sake of a great symbol and artificially; +but even then under the mask of these forms we practically always find <i lang="la">de facto</i> +an individual rulership, whether it be that of a King’s adviser or a party leader; +and in every revolutionary upheaval the original state of things reappears.</p> + +<p>With this cosmic fact is bound up one of the most intimately inward traits +of all directional life, the <em>inherited will</em>, which presents itself with the force of +a natural phenomenon in every strong race and compellingly urges even the +momentary leader (often quite unconsciously) to uphold his rank for the duration +of his personal existence or, beyond it, for that of his blood streaming on +through children and grandchildren. The same deep and plantlike trait inspires +every real following, which feels in the continuance of the blood of leadership +both a surety for and a symbol of the continuance of its own. It is precisely in +revolutions that this primitive instinct comes out, full and strong and regardless +of all principles. Precisely because of it the France of 1800 saw not only Napoleon, +but also his hereditary position, as the true fulfilment of the Revolution. +Theorists who, like Marx and Rousseau, start from conceptual ideals instead +of from blood-facts have never grasped this immense force that dwells in the +historical world, and have in consequence labelled its manifested effects as damnable +and reactionary. But they are there, and with a force so insistent that +even the symbolism of the high Cultures can only override them temporarily +and artificially, as is shown in the engrossing of elective officers by particular +families in the Classical, and the nepotism of the Baroque popes in our own +case. Behind the fact that leadership is very often freely resigned, and the +saying that “merit should rule,” there is practically always the rivalry of +magnates, who have no objection in principle to hereditary rulership, but +prevent it in practice because each one of them secretly claims it for his own +blood. This state of active, creative jealousy is the foundation on which the +forms of Classical oligarchy are built up.</p> + +<p>The combination of both elements produces the idea of Dynasty. This is so +deeply rooted in the Cosmic and so closely interwoven into the factual web of +historical life that the State-ideas of each and all the Cultures are <em>modifications +of this one principle</em>, from the passionate affirmative of the Faustian to the resolute +negative of the Classical Soul. The ripening of the State-idea of a Culture is +associated with the city and even the adolescence of the city. Nations, historical +peoples, are town-building peoples.⁠<a id="FNanchor_658" href="#Footnote_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a> The <em>capital</em> takes the place of the +<span class="pagenum" id="p378">[378]</span>castle and the palace as the centre of high history, and in it the feeling of the +exercise of power, Themis, transforms itself into that of government, Dike. +Here feudal unity is inwardly overcome by national, even in the consciousness +of the First Estate itself, and here the bare fact of rulership elevates itself into +the symbol of <em>Sovereignty</em>.</p> + +<p>And so, with the sinking of feudalism, Faustian history becomes dynastic +history. From little centres where princely families have their seats (whence +they “spring,” as the phrase goes, reminding us of plant and property), the +shaping of nations proceeds—nations of strictly aristocratic constitution, but +yet so that the State conditions the being of the Estate. The genealogical +principle already ruling in the feudal nobility and the yeoman families, the +expression of the feeling for expanse and the will-to-history, has become so +powerful that the appearance of nations transcending the strong unities of +language and landscape is dependent upon the destinies of ruling houses. Marriages +and deaths sever or unite the blood of whole populations.⁠<a id="FNanchor_659" href="#Footnote_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a> Where a +Lotharingian and a Burgundian dynasty failed to take shape, there also nations +already embryonic failed to develop. The doom that overhung the Hohenstaufen +involved more than the imperial crown. For Germany and Italy it +meant for centuries a deep unsatisfied longing for a united German-Italian nation, +while the House of Habsburg, on the contrary, enabled, not a German, but an +Austrian nation to develop.</p> + +<p>In the Magian world, with its cavern-feeling, the dynastic principle was +quite otherwise constituted. The Classical princeps, the legitimate successor of +tyrants and tribunes, was the embodiment of the Demos. As Janus was the door +and Vesta the hearth, so Cæsar was the people. He was the last creation of +Orphic religiousness. The “Dominus et Deus,” on the contrary, was Magian, +a Shah participating in the divine Fire (the <i>hvareno</i> of the Mazdaist empire of +the Sassanids, which becomes the aureole in Pagan and Christian Byzantium), +which radiates about him and makes him <i lang="la">pius, felix, invictus</i> (the last-named, +from Commodus’s reign, his official title).⁠<a id="FNanchor_660" href="#Footnote_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a> In Byzantium in the third century +of our era the ruler-type underwent the same transition as was implied in the +taking-down of Augustus’s civil-service state to build Diocletian’s feudalism. +“The new creation begun by Aurelian and Probus and built up on the ruins by +Diocletian and Constantine was about as alien to the Classical world and the +principate as the empire of Charlemagne.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_661" href="#Footnote_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a> The Magian ruler governed the +visible portion of the general Consensus of the orthodox, which was Church, +<span class="pagenum" id="p379">[379]</span>State, and Nation in one,⁠<a id="FNanchor_662" href="#Footnote_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a> + as Augustine described it in his <i lang="la">Civitas Dei</i>. The +Western ruler is by the grace of God monarch in the <em>historical</em> world; his people +is subordinated to him because God has invested him with it. But in matters +of faith he is himself a subordinate—to God’s Vicar on earth, or to his own +conscience, as the case may be. That is the separation of State authority and +Church authority, the great Faustian conflict between Time and Space. When, +in 800, the Pope crowned the Emperor, he <em>chose</em> a new ruler for himself in order +that he himself might thrive. Whereas the Emperor in Byzantium was, according +to Magian world-feeling, his spiritual as well as his secular superior, an +Emperor in the Frank lands was his <em>servant</em> in spiritual matters, besides being +(perhaps) his arm in secular affairs. As an idea, the Papacy could arise only by +separation from the Caliphate, for the Pope is <em>included</em> in the Caliph.</p> + +<p>For this very reason, however, the choice of the Magian ruler cannot be +bound down to a genealogical succession-law. It issues from the consensus of +the ruling blood-kindred, out of whom the Holy Ghost speaks and designates +the Chosen One. When Theodosius died, in 550, a relative, the nun Pulcheria, +formally gave her hand to the old senator Marcianus, thereby incorporating +this statesman in the family and securing the throne to him and continuance to +the “dynasty”;⁠<a id="FNanchor_663" href="#Footnote_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a> and this act, like many similar occurrences in the Sassanid +and Abbassid houses, was taken as the outcome of a hint from above.</p> + +<p>In China, the Emperor-idea of the early Chóu period, which was strictly +bound up with feudalism, soon became a dream, which, rapidly and with increasing +distinctness, came to reflect a whole preceding world in the form of +three dynasties of Emperors and myth-Emperors more ancient still.⁠<a id="FNanchor_664" href="#Footnote_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a> But, for +the dynasties of the system of states that thereupon grew up (in which the +title King, <i>Wang</i>, came at last into perfectly general use) strict rules came into +force for royal successions, legitimacy—a notion quite alien to the early +time—became a power to conjure with,⁠<a id="FNanchor_665" href="#Footnote_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a> and extinction of lines, adoptions and +<i lang="fr">mésalliances</i> led, as in the Baroque of the West, to innumerable wars of succession.⁠<a id="FNanchor_666" href="#Footnote_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a> +Some principle of legitimacy, too, surely underlay the remarkable +<span class="pagenum" id="p380">[380]</span>fact that the rulers of the Egyptian XIIth dynasty, with whom the late period +of the Culture ended, had their sons crowned during their own lifetime.⁠<a id="FNanchor_667" href="#Footnote_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a> The +inward relationship between these three dynastic ideas is yet another proof that +Being in these three Cultures was akin.</p> + +<p>It requires a close insight into the political form-language of the Classical +world to perceive that here also the course of things was exactly the same, and +that it comprised not only the transition from feudal union to class-State, but +even the dynastic principle as well. Classical being, indeed, said no to everything +that might draw it into distances either of space or of time, and even in +the fact-world of history ringed itself with creations that had something of +the defensive in them. But all this narrowing and curtailing presupposes the +thing against which it is striving to maintain itself. The Dionysiac squandering, +and the Orphic negation, of the Classical body contained in the very +<em>form</em> of their protest the Apollinian ideal of perfect bodily being.</p> + +<p>Individual rulership and the will to transmit to heirs were unmistakably +taken for granted in the oldest kingship.⁠<a id="FNanchor_668" href="#Footnote_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a> But they had become questionable +even by 800, as the rôle of Telemachus in the older parts of the Odyssey indicates. +The royal title was frequently borne by great vassals and the most +conspicuous of the nobles. In Sparta and in Lycia there were two of them, and +in the Phæacian city of the epic and in many actual cities there were more. +Next comes the splitting-off of offices from dignities. Lastly, the kingship +itself becomes an office which the nobility confers (though at first, perhaps, +only upon members of the old royal family); thus in Sparta the Ephors, as +representing the First Estate, were in no wise limited in their choice by rule; +and in Corinth from about 750 the royal clan of the Bacchiadæ abolished hereditary +succession, and on each occasion set up a <i>prytaneus</i> with royal rank from +within their own body. The great offices, which likewise were hereditary at +first, came to be for one life only, then were limited to a term, and lastly became +annual, and, further, were so arranged that there were more holders than offices, +and the leadership was exercised by each in turn—the custom which, as is well +known, led to the disaster of Cannæ. These annual offices, from the Etruscan +annual dictature⁠<a id="FNanchor_669" href="#Footnote_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a> to the Doric ephorate (which is found in Heraclea and +Messene as well as Sparta) are firmly bound up with the essence of the Polis, +and they reach their full structure about 650. Exactly at the corresponding +date of the Western class-State (end of the fifteenth century), the hereditary +power of dynasties was being secured by the Emperor Maximilian and his +<span class="pagenum" id="p381">[381]</span>marriage-politics (against the claims of the Electors), by Ferdinand of Aragon, +Henry VII of England, and Louis XI of France.⁠<a id="FNanchor_670" href="#Footnote_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a></p> + +<p>But with the increasing emphasis upon the Classical here and now, the +priesthood, which had the beginnings of an Estate in it, became <i lang="la">pari passu</i> +a mere aggregate of city officials. The capital, so to call it, of the Homeric +kingship, instead of being the centre for the radiation of State influence in all +directions into the distance, contracted its magic circle until State and city +became identical. Thereby, of course, the nobility was fused with the patriciate, +and if even in the Gothic the representation of the young cities (for +example, the English Commons or the French States-General) was exclusively +by patricians, how much more so in the powerful city-state of the Classical! +Not indeed in idea, <em>but in fact</em>, it was a pure kingless aristocratic State. The +strictly Apollinian “form” of the growing Polis is called <em>oligarchy</em>.</p> + +<p>And thus, at the close of the early periods of both these Cultures, we see +two principles parallel and contrasted, the Faustian-genealogical and the +Apollinian-oligarchic; two kinds of constitutional law, of Dike. The one is +supported by an unmeasured sense of expanse, reaches back deep into the past +with form-tradition, thinks forward with the same intense will-to-endure into +the remotest future; but in the present, too, works for political effectiveness +over broad expanses by well-considered dynastic marriages and by the truly +Faustian, dynamic, and contrapuntal politics that we call <em>diplomacy</em>. The +other, wholly corporeal and statuesque, is self-limited by its policy of <i>autarkeia</i> +to the nearest and the most immediate present, and at every point stoutly +denies that which Western being affirms.</p> + +<p>Both the dynastic state and the city-state presuppose the city itself. But +there is this difference, that a seat of government in the West, though it may +be (and frequently is) far from being the greatest city of the land, is a force-centre +in a field of political tensions such that every occurrence, in however +remote a corner, vibrates generally throughout the whole—whereas in the +Classical, life huddles closer and closer until it reaches the grotesque phenomenon +of Synœcism—the very acme of the Euclidean will-to-form in the +political world. It is impossible to imagine the State unless and until the nation +sits physically concentrated in one heap, as one <em>body</em>; it must be <em>seen</em>, and even +seen “at a glance.” And while the Faustian tendency is more and more to diminish +the number of dynastic centres—so that even Maximilian I could see +<span class="pagenum" id="p382">[382]</span>looming in the distance a dynastically secure universal monarchy of his house—the +Classical world fell apart into innumerable petty points, which, almost as +soon as they came into existence, started to do that which for Classical mankind +was almost a necessity of thought and the purest expression of <i>autarkeia</i>—to +destroy one another.⁠<a id="FNanchor_671" href="#Footnote_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a></p> + +<p>Synœcism with its consequence, the creation of the Polis-type proper, +was exclusively the work of <em>aristocracy</em>. It was they that established the Classical +city-state, and for themselves alone; it was the drawing-together of country +nobility and patriciate that brought it into form. The vocational classes +were already on the spot, and the peasantry ceased to count from the class +point of view. And by the concentration of noble power at one point the +kingship of the feudal period was shattered.</p> + +<p>With these glimpses into Greece to go upon, we may venture, though under +all reserves of course, to outline the history of primitive Rome. The Roman +synœcism—the assembling of widely scattered noble families—is identical +with the “founding” of the city, an Etruscan undertaking of the beginning of +the seventh century.⁠<a id="FNanchor_672" href="#Footnote_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> Facing the royal stronghold of the Capitol, there had long +been two other settlements on the Palatine and the Quirinal. To the first +of these belonged the ancient goddess Diva Rumina⁠<a id="FNanchor_673" href="#Footnote_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a> and the Etruscan Ruma +clan;⁠<a id="FNanchor_674" href="#Footnote_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a> the god of the second was Quirinus Pater. From these comes the dual +name of Romans and “Quirites,” and the dual priesthoods of the Salii and +Luperci, which adhered to the two hills. Now, as the three blood-tribes +named Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres are in all probability common to all Etruscan +localities,⁠<a id="FNanchor_675" href="#Footnote_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a> they must have existed in both of those which concern us here; and +thus are explained, on the one hand, the number <em>six</em> of centuries of equites, of +military tribunes, of aristocratic Vestals, and, on the other, the number <em>two</em> +of the prætors (or consuls) who were, quite early, attached to the King as +representatives of the nobles and gradually deprived him of all influence. +Already by 600 the constitution of Rome must have been a strong oligarchy of +“Patres” with a shadow-kingship⁠<a id="FNanchor_676" href="#Footnote_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a> as figure-head. Thus both the older theory +of an expulsion of the kings, and the newer of a slow disintegration of the royal +power, can stand side by side after all, the former as referring to the fall of the +Tarquinian Tyrannis, which (as everywhere else in the Classical world—Pisistratus +in Athens, for example) had set itself up in opposition to the oligarchy +<span class="pagenum" id="p383">[383]</span>about the middle of the sixth century; the latter as referring to the slow +disintegration of the feudal power of the (may we say) Homeric kingship by +the aristocratic city-state, <em>before</em> the “foundation,” so-called—the crisis, +probably, in which the prætors emerged, as the Archons and Ephors emerged +elsewhere.</p> + +<p>This Polis was no less strictly aristocratic than the Western class-State, +with its nobility, clergy, and higher burgesses. The residue of the people +belonging to it was merely its <em>object</em>, but—in the West the object of its political +<em>care</em>, and in the Classical the object of its political <em>carelessness</em>. For here “<i lang="la">Carpe +diem</i>” was the motto of the oligarchy as well as of others. It proclaims itself +aloud in the poems of Theognis and the Song of Hybrias the Cretan. It made +Classical finance till right into its latest phases—from the piracy practised +by Polycrates upon his own people to the proscriptions of the Roman Triumvirs—into +a more or less hand-to-mouth seizing of resources for the moment. In +jurisprudence it emerges with unparalleled logic in the limitation of Roman +edict-law to the term of office of the one-year prætor.⁠<a id="FNanchor_677" href="#Footnote_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a> And, lastly, it is seen in +the ever-growing practice of filling military, legal, and administrative offices +(particularly the <em>more</em> important of them) by lot—a kind of homage to Tyche, +the goddess of the Moment.</p> + +<p>This was the Classical world’s manner of being politically “in form” and, +correspondingly, of thinking and feeling. There are no exceptions. The Etruscans +were as much under its domination as the Dorians and the Macedonians.⁠<a id="FNanchor_678" href="#Footnote_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a> +When Alexander and his successors dotted the Orient far and wide with their +Hellenistic cities, they did so without conscious choice, for they could not +imagine any other form of political organization. Antioch was to be Syria, and +Alexandria Egypt. The latter, under the Ptolemies and later under the Cæsars, +was, not indeed legally, but certainly in practice, a Polis on a vast scale—for +the country outside, long reverted to townless fellahdom and managed by +immemorial precedents, stood at its gates like an alien frontier.⁠<a id="FNanchor_679" href="#Footnote_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a> The Roman +Imperium was nothing but the last and greatest Classical city-state standing +on foundations of a colossal synœcism. Under Marcus Aurelius the rhetor +Aristides could say with perfect justification that it had “brought together +this world in the name of one city: wheresoever a man may be born in it, it is at +its centre that he dwells.” Even the conquered populations of the Empire—the +wandering desert-tribes, the upland-valley communities of the Alps—were +constituted as <i lang="la">civitates</i>. Livy thinks invariably in the forms of the city-state, +and for Tacitus provincial history simply does not exist. When, in +49, Pompey, withdrawing before Cæsar, gave up Rome as militarily unimportant +and betook himself to the East to create there a firm base of operations, he +<span class="pagenum" id="p384">[384]</span>was doomed. Giving up the city, he had, in the eyes of the ruling classes, +given up the State. To them Rome was all.⁠<a id="FNanchor_680" href="#Footnote_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a></p> + +<p>These city-states were in principle inextensible. Their number could increase, +but not their ambit. The notion that the transformation of the Roman +<i lang="la">clientela</i> into a voting <i lang="la">plebs</i>, and the creation of the country tribes, meant a +breach in the Polis-idea is incorrect. It was in Rome as in Attica—the whole +life of the State remained as before limited to one point, which was the Agora, +the Forum. However far away those to whom citizenship was granted might +live—in Hannibal’s day it might be anywhere in Italy, and later anywhere in +the world—the <em>exercise</em> of his political right depended upon <em>personal presence</em> in +the Forum. Hence the majority of the citizens were, not legally, but practically +without influence in political business.⁠<a id="FNanchor_681" href="#Footnote_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a> What citizenship meant for them, +therefore, was simply the duty of military service and the enjoyment of the city’s +domestic law.⁠<a id="FNanchor_682" href="#Footnote_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a> But even for the citizen coming to Rome, political power was +limited by a second and <em>artificial</em> synœcism which came into existence after, and +as the result of, enfranchisement of the peasant, and can only be understood +as an unconscious effort to maintain the idea of the Polis strictly unimpaired; +the new citizens were inscribed, regardless of their numbers, in a very few +tribes (eight, under the Lex Julia), and were always, therefore, in a minority +in the Comitia relatively to the citizens of the older franchise.</p> + +<p>And naturally so, for this <i lang="la">civitas</i> was regarded through and through as one +body, a σῶμα. That which did not belong to it was out of its law, <i lang="la">hostis</i>. The +gods and the heroes stood above, the slave (not quite to be called human, +according to Aristotle) below, this aggregate of persons.⁠<a id="FNanchor_683" href="#Footnote_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a> But the individual +was a ζῶον πολιτικόν in a sense that would be regarded by us, who think and +live in our expanse-feeling, as an utter slavery; he existed <em>only</em> by reason of his +membership of an individual Polis. Owing to this Euclidean feeling, the +nobility as a self-contained body was at first synonymous with the Polis—to +such an extent, indeed, that even in the Twelve Tables marriage between +patricians and plebeians was forbidden and the Spartan Ephors began their +<span class="pagenum" id="p385">[385]</span>term of office, according to ancient custom, with a declaration of war against +the Helots. The relation was reversed whenever in consequence of a revolution +the non-noble became <em>the</em> Demos—but its meaning remained. As in inward, +so also in outward relationships, the <em>body</em> politic was the foundation of all +events throughout Classical history. The cities, hundreds of them, lay in wait +for each other, each as self-gathered, politically and economically, as it was +possible to make it, ready to bite, letting fly on the smallest excuse, and having +as its war-aim, not the extension of its own state, but the extinction of the +other side’s. Wars ended with the destruction of the enemy’s city and the +killing or enslavement of his citizens, just as revolutions ended with the massacre +or expulsion of the losers and the confiscation of their property by the +victorious party. The natural interstate condition of the West is a close network +of diplomatic relations, which may be broken through by wars; but the +Classical law of nations assumes war as a normal condition, interrupted from +time to time by peace treaties, and a declaration of war merely re-established the +natural state of policy. Only so do the forty- and fifty-year peace treaties, +<i>spondai</i> (such as the famous one of Nicias in 421), become intelligible, as temporary +guarantee-treaties.</p> + +<p>These two State-forms, with the styles of policy appropriate to each, are +assured by the close of the Early period. The State-idea has triumphed over +the feudal union, but it is the Estates that carry that idea, and the nation +has political existence only as their sum.</p> + + +<h3 id="V_10"> + V +</h3> + +<p>With the beginning of the Late period there is a decisive turn, where city +and country are in equilibrium and the powers proper to the city, money and +brains, have become so strong that they feel themselves, as non-estate, an equal +match for the old Estates. It is the moment when the State-idea finally rises +superior to the Estates and begins to set up <em>in their place</em> the concept of the Nation.</p> + +<p>The State has fought and won to its rights along a line of advance from feudal +union to the aristocratic State. In the latter the Estates exist only with reference +to the State, instead of vice versa, but, on the other hand, the disposition of +things is such that the Government only meets the governed nation when and +in so far as the nation is class-ordered. Everyone belongs to the nation, but +only an élite to the classes, and these alone count politically.</p> + +<p>But the nearer the State approaches its pure form, and the more it becomes +<em>absolute</em>—that is, independent of any other form-ideal—the more heavily the +concept of the nation tells against that of class, and there comes a moment when +the nation is governed <em>as such</em>, and distinctions of “standing” become purely +social. Against this evolution—which is one of the necessities of the Culture, +inevitable, irrevocable—the old noble and priestly classes make one more +<span class="pagenum" id="p386">[386]</span>effort of resistance. For them, now, <em>everything</em> is at stake—the heroic and the +saintly, the old law, rank, blood—and, from their point of view, against what?</p> + +<p>In the West this struggle of the old Estates against the State-power took the +form of the <i>Fronde</i>. In the Classical world, where there was no dynasty to +represent the future and the aristocracy alone had political existence, we find +that a dynastic or quasi-dynastic embodiment of the State-idea actually <em>formed +itself</em>, and, supported by the non-privileged part of the nation, raised this latter +for the first time to power. That was the mission of the <i>Tyrannis</i>.</p> + +<p>In this change from the class-State to the absolute State, which allowed no +measures of validity but its own, the dynasties of the West—and those of +Egypt and of China likewise—called the non-estate to their aid, <em>thereby recognizing +it as a political quantity</em>. Herein lies the real importance of the struggle +against the Fronde, in which, initially, the powers of the greater cities could +not but see advantage to themselves, for here the ruler was standing forth in the +name of the State, the care of all, and he was fighting the nobility because it +wanted to uphold the <em>Estate</em> as a political magnitude.</p> + +<p>In the Polis, on the contrary, where the State consisted exclusively in the +form and embodied no hereditary head, the necessity of bringing out the unclassed +on behalf of the State-idea produced the Tyrannis, in which a family +or a faction of the nobility itself assumed the dynastic rôle, without which +action on the part of the Third Estate would have been impossible. Late +Classical historians were too remote from this process to seize its meaning, +and dealt with it merely in terms of externals of private life. In reality, the +Tyrannis was <em>the State</em>, and oligarchy opposed it under the banner of class. +It rested, therefore, upon the support of peasants and burghers—in Athens +(<i>c.</i> 580) the Diakrii and Paralii parties. Therefore, again, it backed the Dionysiac +and Orphic cults against the Apollinian; thus in Attica Pisistratus forced +the worship of Dionysus⁠<a id="FNanchor_684" href="#Footnote_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a> on the peasantry, in Sicyon Clisthenes forbade the +recital of the Homeric poems,⁠<a id="FNanchor_685" href="#Footnote_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a> and in Rome it was almost certainly in the time +of the Tarquins that the trinity Demeter (Ceres)-Dionysus-Kore was introduced.⁠<a id="FNanchor_686" href="#Footnote_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a> +Its temple was dedicated in 483 by Spurius Cassius, the same who +perished later in an attempt to reintroduce the Tyrannis. The Ceres temple +was the sanctuary of the Plebs, and its managers, the ædiles, were their trusted +spokesmen before the tribunate was ever heard of.⁠<a id="FNanchor_687" href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a> The Tyrants, like the +princes of the Western Baroque, were liberals in a broad sense of the word +that ceased to be possible for them in the subsequent stage of bourgeois dominance. +But the Classical also began at that time to pass round the word that +<span class="pagenum" id="p387">[387]</span>“money makes the man (χρήματ’ ἀνήρ).”⁠<a id="FNanchor_688" href="#Footnote_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a> + The sixth-century Tyrannis brought +the Polis-idea to its conclusions and created the constitutional concept of the +Citizen, the <i>Polites</i>, the <i>Civis</i>, the sum of these, irrespective of their class-provenance, +forming the <i>soma</i> of the city-state. When, therefore, the oligarchy +contrived to win after all—thanks once more to the Classical craving for the +present, and the consequent fear and hatred evoked by the quasi-will-to-duration +of the dynasts—the concept of the citizen was there, firmly established, +and the non-patrician had learned to regard <em>himself</em> as an estate <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> a “rest.” +He had become a political party—the word “democracy” (in its specifically +Classical sense) now acquired a really serious content—and what he set himself +to do was, no longer to come to the aid of the State, but <em>to be himself the +State</em> as the nobility had been before. He began to count—money and heads, +for the money-census and the general franchise are alike bourgeois weapons—whereas +an aristocracy does not count, but values, and votes not by heads, but by +classes. As the absolute State came out of Fronde and First Tyrannis, so it perished +in French Revolution and Second Tyrannis. In this second conflict, +which is already one of defence, the dynasty returns to the side of the nobility +in order to guard the State-idea against a new class-rule, that of the bourgeois.</p> + +<p>In Egypt, too, the period between Fronde and Revolution is hall-marked. +It is the Middle Kingdom. The XIIth Dynasty (2000–1788)—in particular +Amenemhet I and Sesostris I—had established the absolute State in severe +conflicts with the baronage. The first of these rulers, as a famous poem of the +time relates, barely escaped from a court conspiracy, and the biography of +Sinuhet⁠<a id="FNanchor_689" href="#Footnote_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a> shows us that after his death, which was kept secret for a time, rebellion +threatened. The third was murdered by palace officials. We learn from +the inscriptions in the family grave of the earl Chmenotep⁠<a id="FNanchor_690" href="#Footnote_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a> that the cities had +become rich and almost independent, and warred with each other. Certainly +they cannot have been smaller at that time than the Greek cities at the time of +the Persian Wars. It was on them and on a certain number of loyal magnates that +the dynasty rested.⁠<a id="FNanchor_691" href="#Footnote_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a> Finally, Sesostris III (1887–1850) succeeded in completely +abolishing feudal nobility. Thenceforward there was only a court-nobility +and a single, admirably ordered bureau-State;⁠<a id="FNanchor_692" href="#Footnote_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a> but already some lamented +that people of standing were reduced to misery and that the “sons of nobodies” +enjoyed rank and consideration.⁠<a id="FNanchor_693" href="#Footnote_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a> Democracy was beginning and the great +social evolution of the Hyksos period was brewing.</p> + +<p>The corresponding place in China is that of the Ming-Chu (or Pa, 685–591). +<span class="pagenum" id="p388">[388]</span>These were Protectors of princely origin, who exercised an unconstitutional, +but none the less real, power over a world of states weltering in anarchy, +and called congresses of princes for the restoration of order and the recognition +of stable political principles, even summoning the “Ruler of the Middle” +himself (now become totally unimportant) out of the house of Chóu. The +first was Hwang of Tsi (d. 645), who called the Diet of 659 and of whom +Confucius wrote that he had rescued China from a reversion to barbarism. Their +name Ming-dshu became later, like the word “tyrant,” a term of obloquy, +because later men were unwilling to see in the phenomenon anything but a +power unauthorized by law—but it is beyond all question that these great +diplomatists were an element working with a devoted care for the State and the +historical future against the old Estates, and supported by the young classes +of mind and money. It is a high Culture that speaks to us in the little that we +so far know about them from Chinese sources. Some were writers; others +selected philosophers to be their ministers. It is a matter of indifference whether +we mentally parallel them with Richelieu or with Wallenstein or with Periander—in +any case it is with them that the “people” first emerges as a political +quantity.⁠<a id="FNanchor_694" href="#Footnote_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a> It is the outlook and high diplomacy of genuine Baroque—the +absolute State sets itself up in principle as the opponent of the aristocratic +State, and wins through.</p> + +<p>In this lies the close parallelism of these events with the Fronde of Western +Europe. In France the Crown after 1614 ceased to summon the State-General, +this body having shown itself to be too strong for the united forces of State +and bourgeoisie. In England Charles I similarly tried to govern without +Parliament after 1628. In Germany, at the same time, the Thirty Years’ War +broke out. The magnitude of its religious significance is apt to overshadow +for us the other issue involved, and it must not be forgotten that it was also an +effort to bring to a decision the struggle between imperial power and the Fronde +of the <em>great</em> electors, and that between the individual princes and the lesser +Frondes of their local estate-assemblies. But the centre of world-politics then +lay in <em>Spain</em>. There, in conjunction with the high courtesies generally, the +diplomatic style of the Baroque had evolved in the cabinet of Philip II; and the +dynastic principle—which embodied the absolute State <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the Cortes—had +attained to its highest development in the course of the long struggle with +the House of Bourbon. The attempt to align England also in the Spanish system +had failed under Philip II, when Queen Mary, his wife, was disappointed of an +heir already expected and announced. But now, under Philip IV, the idea of a +universal monarchy spanning the oceans revived—no longer the mystic +dream-monarchy of the early Gothic, the “Holy Roman Empire, German by +nation,” but the tangible ideal of a world-dominion in Habsburg hands, which +<span class="pagenum" id="p389">[389]</span>was to centre in Madrid and to have the solid possession of India and America +and the already sensible power of money as its foundations. It was at this time, +too, that the Stuarts were tempted to secure their endangered position by +marrying the heir of the English and Scottish thrones to a Spanish Infanta; +but in the end Madrid preferred to link itself with its own collateral line in +Vienna, and so James I readdressed his marriage-alliance proposals to the +opposition party of the Bourbons. The futile complications of this family +policy contributed more than anything else to bind the Puritan movement and +the English Fronde into one great Revolution.</p> + +<p>In these great decisions the actual occupants of the thrones were—as in +“contemporary” China—only secondary figures compared with great individual +statesmen, in whose hands the fate of the West rested for whole decades. +Olivarez in Madrid and the Spanish Ambassador Oñate in Vienna were then the +most powerful personages in Europe. Their opponents were Wallenstein, +standing for the Empire-idea in Germany, and Richelieu, standing for the +absolute State in France—and these were succeeded a little later by Mazarin +in France, Cromwell in England, Oldenbarneveldt in Holland, Oxenstierna +in Sweden. Not until the Great Elector of Brandenburg do we meet again a +monarch having political importance of his own.</p> + +<p>Wallenstein, unconsciously, began where the Hohenstaufen had stopped. +Since the death of Frederick II, in 1250, the power of the Estates of the Empire +had become unlimited, and it was against them, and as champion of an absolute +emperor’s state, that he fought during the first tenure of command. +Had he been a greater diplomatist, had he been clearer and above all more +resolute (for actually he was timid in the presence of decisive turnings), and had +he, in particular, taken the trouble as Richelieu did to bring the person of the +monarch under his influence—then probably it would have been all up with +princedom within the Empire. He saw in these princes rebels, to be unseated +and dispossessed of their lands; at the peak of his power (end of 1629), when +militarily he held Germany in the hollow of his hand, he said aloud in conversation +that the Emperor ought to be master in the Empire as the Kings +of France and Spain were masters of their own. His army, which was “self-supporting” +and by reason of its numbers also independent of the Estates, was +the first instance in German history of an Imperial army of European significance; +in comparison with it Tilly’s army of the Fronde (for that was what +the League really was) counted for little. When Wallenstein, in 1628, leaguered +before Stralsund, visualizing a Habsburg sea-power in the Baltic wherewith to +take the Bourbon system in the rear—and just then Richelieu was besieging +La Rochelle, with better fortune—hostilities between himself and the League +had become almost unavoidable. He absented himself from the Diet of Regensburg +in 1630, saying that its seat “would presently be in Paris.” This was the +most serious political error of his life, for in his absence the Frondist Electors +<span class="pagenum" id="p390">[390]</span>defeated the Emperor by threatening to displace him in favour of Louis XIII, +and forced him to dismiss his general. And with that, though it did not realize +the consequence of the step, the central power in Germany gave away its army. +Henceforth Richelieu supported the greater Fronde in Germany with the +object of breaking the Spanish power there, while on the other side Olivarez, +and Wallenstein as soon as he regained his power, allied themselves with the +French aristocrats, who thereupon took the offensive under the Queen-mother +and Gaston of Orléans. But the Imperial power had missed its grand chance. +The Cardinal won in both games. In 1632 he executed the last of the Montmorencys⁠<a id="FNanchor_695" href="#Footnote_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a> +and brought the Catholic Electors of Germany into open alliance +with France. And thenceforward Wallenstein, becoming unsure of his own +final purposes, learned more and more against the Spanish idea, thinking that +he could keep the Empire-idea clear of it, and so <i lang="la">ipso facto</i> approached nearer +and nearer to the standpoint of the Estates—like Marshal Turenne in the +French Fronde a few years later. <em>This was the decisive turn in later German history.</em> +With Wallenstein’s secession the absolute emperor-state became impossible, +and his murder in 1634 did not remedy matters, for the Emperor had no substitute +to take his place.</p> + +<p>And yet it was just then that the conjuncture was favourable once more. +For in 1640 the decisive conflict between Crown and estates broke out simultaneously +in Spain, France, and England. In almost every Spanish province the +Cortes rose against Olivarez; Portugal, and with it India and Africa, fell away +for ever, and it took years to regain even Catalonia and Naples. In England—just +as in the Thirty Years’ War—the constitutional conflict between the +Crown and the gentry who dominated the Commons was carefully separated +from the religious side of the Revolution, deep as was the interpenetration +of the two. But the growing resistance that Cromwell encountered in the +lower class in particular—which drove him, all unwillingly, into military +dictatorship—and the later popularity of the restored monarchy show the +extent to which, over and above all religious differences, aristocratic interest +had been concerned in bringing about the fall of the dynasty.</p> + +<p>At the very time of Charles I’s trial and execution an insurrection in Paris was +forcing the French Court to flee. Men shouted for a republic and built barricades. +Had Cardinal de Retz been more of a Cromwell, victory of the Estates +over Mazarin would have been at least a possibility. But the issue of this +grand general crisis of the West was determined by the weight and the destinies +of a few personalities, and took shape in such a way that it was in England +<em>alone</em> that the Fronde (represented by Parliament) subjected the State and the +kingship to its control—confirming this control, in the “glorious Revolution” +of 1688, so permanently that even to-day essential parts of the old Norman +State continue established. In France and Spain the kingship won unqualified +<span class="pagenum" id="p391">[391]</span>victory. In Germany the Peace of Westphalia placed the Fronde of the greater +princes in an English relation towards the Emperor and in the French relation +towards the lesser Fronde of the local princes. In the Empire as such, the +Estates ruled; in its provinces, the Dynasty. Thenceforth the Imperial dignity, +like the English kingship, was a name, surrounded by relics of Spanish stateliness +dating from the early Baroque; while the individual princes, like the leading +families of the English aristocracy, succumbed to the model of Paris and +their duodecimo absolutism was, politically and socially, bound in the Versailles +style. So, in this field and in that, the decision fell in favour of the Bourbons +and against the Habsburgs, a decision already visible to all men in the +Peace of the Pyrenees of 1659.</p> + +<p>With this epochal turn the State, which as a possibility is inherent in every +Culture, was actualized and attained to such a height of “condition” as could +neither be surpassed nor for long maintained. Already there is a quiet breath +of autumn in the air when Frederick the Great is entertaining at Sans Souci. +These are the years too, in which the great special arts attain to their last, +most refined, and most intellectual maturity—side by side with the fine +orators of the Athenian Agora there are Zeuxis and Praxiteles, side by side +with the filigree of Cabinet-diplomacy the music of Bach and Mozart.</p> + +<p>This cabinet-politics has itself become a high art, an artistic satisfaction +to all who have a finger in it, marvellous in its subtlety and elegance, courtly, +refined, working mysteriously at great distances—for already Russia, the +North American colonies, even the Indian states are put into play in order by +the mere weight of surprising combinations to bring about decisions at quite +other points on the globe. It is a game with strict rules, a game of intercepted +letters and secret confidants, of alliances and congresses within a system of +governments which even then was called (with deep meaning) the “concert” +of the powers—full of <i lang="fr">noblesse</i> and <i lang="fr">esprit</i>, to use the phrases of the period, a +mode of keeping history “in form” never and nowhere else imagined, or even +imaginable.</p> + +<p>In the Western world, whose sphere of influence is already almost the sphere +itself, the period of the absolutist State covers scarcely a century and a half—from +1660, when Bourbon triumphed over Habsburg in the Peace of the Pyrenees +and the Stuarts returned to England, to the Coalition Wars directed +against the French Revolution, in which London triumphed over Paris, or, +if one prefers it so, over that Congress of Vienna in which the old diplomacy, +that of blood and not money, gave the world its grand farewell performance. +Corresponding periods are the Age of Pericles between the First and the Second +Tyrannis, and the Tshun-tsiu, “Spring and Autumn,” as the Chinese call the +time, between the Protectors and the “Contending States.”</p> + +<p>In this last phase of dignified politics with forms traditional but not popular, +familiar but not smiled at, the culminating points are marked by the extinction +<span class="pagenum" id="p392">[392]</span>of the two Habsburg lines in quick succession and the diplomatic and warlike +events that throng in 1700–10 round the Spanish, and in 1740–60 round the +Austrian succession.⁠<a id="FNanchor_696" href="#Footnote_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a> It is the climax also of the genealogical principle. <i lang="la">Bella +gerant alii; tu, felix Austria, nube!</i> was indeed “an extension of war by other +means.” The phrase indeed was coined long before (in connexion with +Maximilian I), but it was not until now that it reached its fullest effects. +Fronde Wars pass over into Succession Wars, decided upon in cabinets and +fought out chivalrously by small armies and according to strict conventions.⁠<a id="FNanchor_697" href="#Footnote_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a> +What was contended for was the heritage of half the world which the marriage-politics +of early Baroque had brought together in Habsburg hands. The State +is still “well up to form”; the nobility has become a loyal aristocracy of +court and service, carrying on the wars of the Crown and organizing its administration. +Side by side with the France of Louis XIV, there presently arose +in Prussia a masterpiece of State organization. From the conflicts of the Great +Elector with his Estates (1660) to the death of Frederick the Great (who received +Mirabeau in audience three years before the Fall of the Bastille) Prussia’s +road is the same as France’s, and the outcome in each case is a State which was +in every point the opposite of the English order.</p> + +<p>For the situation was otherwise in the Empire and in England. There the +Frondes had won, and the nations were governed, not absolutely, but aristocratically. +But between England and the Empire, again, there was the immense +difference that England, as an island, could largely dispense with governmental +watchfulness, and that her peers in the Upper House and her gentry +in the Lower founded their actions on the self-evidentness of England’s greatness;⁠<a id="FNanchor_698" href="#Footnote_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a> +whereas in the Empire the upper stratum of the land-princes—with +the Diet at Regensburg as their Upper House—were chiefly concerned with +educating into distinct “peoples” the fragments of the nation that had accidentally +fallen to their respective hands, and with marking off their scattered +bits of fatherland as strictly as possible from other “peoples’” bits. In place +of the world-horizon that there had been in Gothic days, provincial horizon +was cultivated by thought and deed. The idea of the Nation itself was abandoned +<span class="pagenum" id="p393">[393]</span>to the realm of dreams—that <em>other</em> world which is not of race but of +language, not of Destiny but of Causality. And in it arose the idea, and finally +the fact, of the “people” as conceived by poets and thinkers, who founded +themselves a republic in the clouds of verse and logic and at last came to believe +that politics consisted in idealistic writing and reading and speaking, and not +in deed and resolve—so that even to-day real deeds and resolves are confused +with mere expressions of inclination.</p> + +<p>In England the victory of the gentry and the Declaration of Rights (1689) in +reality put an end to the State. Parliament put William III on his throne, just +as later it prevented George I and George II from vacating theirs, in the interest +of its class. The word “State,” which had been current as early as the Tudors, +fell into disuse—it has become impossible to translate into English either +Louis XIV’s “<i lang="fr">L’état c’est moi</i>” or Frederick the Great’s “<i lang="de">Ich bin der erste Diener +meiner Staates</i>.” On the other hand, the word “society” established itself as +the expression of the fact that the nation was “in form” under the class- and +not under the state-régime; the same word that with a significant misunderstanding +Rousseau and the Continental rationalists generally took over to +express the hatred of the Third Estate for authority.⁠<a id="FNanchor_699" href="#Footnote_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a> But in England authority +as “the Government” was clear-cut and well understood. From George I +onwards its centre was the Cabinet, a body which constitutionally did not +exist at all⁠<a id="FNanchor_700" href="#Footnote_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a> and factually was an executive committee of the faction of the +nobility in command for the time being. Absolutism existed, but it was the +absolutism of a class-delegation. The idea of “<i lang="fr">lèse-majeste</i>” was transferred to +Parliament, as the immunity of the Roman kings passed to the tribunes. The +genealogical principle is there, too, but it is expressed in the family relations +within the higher nobility and the influence of the same upon the parliamentary +situation. Even in 1902 Lord Salisbury acted as a Cecil in proposing his nephew +Balfour as his successor as against Joseph Chamberlain. The noble factions +of Tory and Whig separated themselves more and more distinctly, very often, +indeed, within the same family, according to whether the “power-” outweighed +the “booty-” outlook—that is, according as land was valued above money⁠<a id="FNanchor_701" href="#Footnote_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a>—or +vice versa, a contrast that even in the eighteenth century was expressed +within the higher bourgeoisie by the words “respectable” and “fashionable,” +standing for two opposed conceptions of the gentleman. The State’s care for +all is frankly replaced by class-interest. It is for this that the individual claims +his freedom—that is what “freedom” means in English—but the insular +existence and the build of “society” have created such relations that in the +<span class="pagenum" id="p394">[394]</span>last resort everyone <em>who belongs to it</em> (which is a matter of moment in a status-dictatorship) +finds his interests represented by those of one or the other noble +party.</p> + +<p>This steadiness of last, deepest, and ripest form, which springs from the +historical feeling of Western mankind, was denied to the Classical. Tyrannis +vanished. Strict oligarchy vanished. The Demos which the politics of the +sixth century had created as the sum of all men belonging to the Polis burst +into factions and spasmodic shocks of noble <i>versus</i> non-noble, and conflicts +began within states, <em>and between states</em>, in which each party tried to exterminate +the other lest it should itself be exterminated. When in 511—that is, still in +the age of the Tyrants—Sybaris was annihilated by the Pythagoreans, the +event, the first of its kind, shocked the entire Classical world; even in distant +Miletus mourning was worn. But now the elimination of a Polis or a party +was so usual that a regular form and choice of methods—corresponding to the +typical peace-treaties of Western Baroque—arose for the disposal of the +vanquished—for example, the inhabitants might be massacred or sold into +slavery, the houses razed or divided as spoil. The will to absolutism is there—after +the Persian Wars it is universal, in Rome and Sparta no less than in +Athens—but the <em>willed</em> narrowness of the Polis, the point-politic, and the +<em>willed</em> brevity of office-holding and immediacy of schemes made it impossible +ever to reach a firm decision as to who should be “the State.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_702" href="#Footnote_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a> The high craft +of diplomacy, which in the West was practised by cabinets inspired by a tradition, +was here handicapped by an amateurism founded not on any accidental +inadequacy of persons—the men were available—but solely in the political +form itself. The course of this form from the First to the Second Tyrannis is +unmistakable and corresponds to the same evolution in all other Late periods; +but the specifically Classical style of it appears in the disorder and subjection +to incidentals which naturally and inevitably followed from a life that could +not and would not dissociate itself from the moment.</p> + +<p>The most important example of this is the evolution of Rome during the +fifth century—a period over which hitherto historians have wrangled, +precisely because they have tried to find in it a consistency that can no more +have existed there than anywhere else in the Classical State. A further source +of misunderstanding is that the conditions of that development have been regarded +as something quite primitive, whereas in fact even the city of the +Tarquins must have already been in a very advanced state, and primitive Rome +lay much further back. The relations of the fifth century are on a small scale +in comparison with those of Cæsar’s age, but they were not antiquated. Because +written tradition is defective (as it was everywhere save in Athens), the +literary movement which followed the Punic Wars set itself to fill the blanks +with poetry and in particular (as was to be expected in the Hellenistic age) +<span class="pagenum" id="p395">[395]</span>with the evocation of an idyllic past, as, for example, in the story of Cincinnatus. +And modern scholarship, though it has ceased to believe these legends, +has nevertheless remained under the influence of the taste that inspired their +invention, and continues to look at the conditions of the time through its +eyes—the more readily as Greek and Roman history are treated as two separate +worlds, and the evil practice of identifying the beginning of history with the +beginning of sure documentation is followed as usual. In truth, the conditions +of 500 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> are anything but Homeric. The trace of its walls shows that Rome +under the Tarquins was, with Capua, the greatest city in Italy and bigger than +the Athens of Themistocles.⁠<a id="FNanchor_703" href="#Footnote_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a> A city that concludes commercial treaties with +Carthage is no peasant commune. And it follows that the population in the +four city tribes of 471 must have been very numerous, probably greater than +the whole total of the sixteen country tribes scattered insignificantly in space.</p> + +<p>The great success of the landowning nobility in overthrowing a Tyrannis +that was almost certainly very popular, and establishing unrestricted senatorial +rule, was nullified again by a series of violent events about 471—the replacement +of the family tribes by four great city-wards, the representation of these +by tribunes (who were sacrosanct—i.e., who enjoyed a <em>royal</em> privilege that +no single official of the aristocratic administration possessed) and lastly the +liberation of the small peasantry from the <i lang="la">clientela</i> of the nobility.</p> + +<p>The Tribunate was the happiest inspiration, not only of this period, but +of the Classical Polis generally. It was <em>the Tyrannis raised to the position of an +integral part of the Constitution</em>, and set in parallel, moreover, with the old oligarchical +offices, all of which continued in being. This meant that the social +revolution also was carried out in <em>legal forms</em>, so that what was elsewhere a +wild discharge in shock and countershock became here a forum-contest, limited +as a rule to debate and vote. There was no need to evoke the tyrant, for he was +there already. The Tribune possessed rights inherent in position, not rights +arising out of an office, and with his immunity he could carry out revolutionary +acts that would have been inconceivable without street-fighting in any other +Polis. This creation was an incident, but no other of its creations helped Rome +to rise as this did. In Rome alone the transition from the First to the Second +Tyrannis, and the further development therefrom till beyond the days of Zama, +<span class="pagenum" id="p396">[396]</span>was accomplished, not indeed without shocks, but at any rate without catastrophe. +The Tribune was the link between the Tarquins and Cæsar. With +the Lex Hortensia of 287 he became all-powerful, <em>he is the Second Tyrannis in +constitutional “form.”</em> In the second century, tribunes caused consuls and censors +to be arrested. The Gracchi were tribunes, Cæsar assumed the perpetual tribunate, +and in the principate of Augustus the tribunician dignity was the +essential element of his position, the only one in virtue of which he possessed +sovereign rights.</p> + +<p>The crisis of 471 was not unique but generically Classical. Its target was the +oligarchy, which even now, within the Demos created by the Tyrannis, strove +to be the impulsive force in affairs. It was no longer, as in Hesiod’s day, the +oligarchy as estate <i>versus</i> non-estate, but the <em>oligarchic party against a second party</em>—both +in the cadre of the absolute state, which as such was not brought into +the controversy. In Athens, 487 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, the archons were overthrown and their +rights transferred to the college of strategi.⁠<a id="FNanchor_704" href="#Footnote_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a> In 461 the Areopagus, the Athenian +equivalent of the Senate, was overthrown. In Sicily (where relations with +Rome were close) the democracy triumphed at Acragas (Agrigentum) in 471, at +Syracuse in 465, at Rhegium and Messana in 461. In Sparta the kings Cleomenes +(488) and Pausanias (470) tried in turn, without success, to free the Helots—in +Roman terms, the Clientela—and thereby to acquire for the kingship, +<i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the oligarchic Ephors, the importance of the tribunate in Rome. The +missing element in this case, which was present (though overlooked by our +scholars) in that of Rome, was the population-strength of the mercantile city +that gives such movements both weight and leadership; it was on this that +even the great Helot rising of 464 broke down (an event which probably inspired +the Roman legends of a secession of the Plebs to the Mons Sacer).</p> + +<p>In a Polis, the country nobility and the patriciate fuse (that is the object of +synœcism, as we have seen), but not so the burgher and the peasant. So far as +concerns their struggle with the oligarchy these are a single party—namely, +the democratic—but otherwise they are <em>two</em>. This is what comes to expression +in the next crisis. In this (<i>c.</i> 450) the Roman patriciate sought to re-establish +its power <em>as a party</em>—for so we must interpret the introduction of the Decemvirs +and the abolition of the Tribunate; the legislation of the Twelve Tables by +which the plebs, which had recently attained political existence, was denied +“Connubium” and “Commercium”; and above all the creation of the small +country tribes in which the influence of the old families (not legally but in +fact) predominated and which (in the Comitia Tributa now set up alongside the +old Centuriata) enjoyed the unchallengeable majority of 16 to 4. This, of +course, meant the disfranchisement of the townspeople by the peasantry, and +there can be no doubt that it was a move of the Patrician party to make effective +<span class="pagenum" id="p397">[397]</span>in one common blow the common antipathy of the countryside and themselves +towards the money economics of the city.</p> + +<p>The counterstroke came quickly; it is recognizable in the number <em>ten</em> of the +tribunes who appear after the withdrawal of the Decemvirs,⁠<a id="FNanchor_705" href="#Footnote_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a> but there were +other events too that cannot but have belonged with it—the attempt of Sp. +Mælius to set up a Tyrannis (439), the setting-up of Consular Tribunes by the +army in place of the civil officials (438), and the Lex Canuleia (445) which +made an end of the prohibition of connubium between patricians and plebeians.</p> + +<p>There can be no doubt, of course, that there were factions within both the +patrician and the plebeian parties which would have liked to upset this fundamental +trait of the Roman Polis, the opposition of Senate and Tribunate, by +abolishing the one or the other; but the form turned out to be so right that it +was never seriously challenged. With the enforcement by the Army of plebeian +eligibility to the highest offices (399) the contest took a quite different turn. +The fifth century may be summed up, under the aspect of internal politics, as +that of the struggle for lawful Tyrannis; thenceforward the polarity of the +constitution was admitted, and the parties contended no longer for the abolition, +but for the capture, of the great offices. This was the substance of the revolution +that took place in the period of the Samnite Wars. From 287 the Plebes had the +entrée to <em>all</em> offices, and the proposals of the tribunes, when approved by them, +automatically became law; on the other hand, it was thenceforward always +practicable for the Senate by corruption or otherwise to induce some one tribune +to exercise his veto and thus to deprive the institution of its power. It was +in the <em>struggle of two competent authorities</em> that the juristic subtlety of the Romans +was developed. Elsewhere decisions were usually by way of fist and bludgeon—the +technical word is “Cheirocracy”—but in this “best” period of Roman +constitutional law, the fourth century, the habit was formed of using the +weapons of thesis and interpretation, a mode of contest in which the slightest +points of legal wording could be decisive.</p> + +<p>But Rome was unique in all Classical history in this equilibrium of Senate +and Tribunate. Everywhere else it was a matter not of swaying balance, but of +sheer alternatives, namely Oligarchy <em>or</em> Ochlocracy. The absolute Polis and +the Nation which was identical with it were accepted as given premisses, but +of the inward forms none possessed stability. The victory of one party meant +the abolition of all the institutions of the other, and people became accustomed +to regard nothing as either venerable enough or useful enough to be exempt +from the chances of the day’s battle. Sparta’s “form,” so to say, was senatorial, +Athens’s tribunician, and by the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, +<span class="pagenum" id="p398">[398]</span>in 431, the idea that forms must be alternative was so firmly fixed that only +radical solutions were henceforth possible.</p> + +<p>With this, the future was set for Rome. It was the one state in which +political passions had persons only, and no longer institutions, as their target; +the only one which was firmly in “form.” <i lang="la">Senatus Populusque Romanus</i>—that +is, <i>Senate and Tribunate</i>—was the form of forged bronze that no party would +henceforward batter, whereas all the rest, with the narrowness of their individual +power-horizons in the world of Classical states, were only able to prove once +more the fact that domestic politics exist simply in order that foreign politics +may be possible.</p> + + +<h3 id="VI_7"> + VI +</h3> + +<p>At this point, when the Culture is beginning to turn itself into the Civilization, +the non-Estate intervenes in affairs decisively—and for the first time—as +an independent force. Under the Tyrannis and the Fronde, the State has +invoked its aid against the Estates proper, and it has for the first time learned +to feel itself a power. Now it employs its strength <em>for itself</em>, and does so as a +class standing for its freedom against the rest. It sees in the absolute State, in +the Crown, in rooted institutions, the natural allies of the old Estates and the +true and last representatives of symbolic tradition. This is the difference +between the First and the Second Tyrannis, between Fronde and Bourgeois +Revolution, between Cromwell and Robespierre.</p> + +<p>The State, with its heavy demands on each individual in it, is felt by urban +reason as a burden. So, in the same phase, the great forms of the Baroque arts +begin to be felt as restrictive and become Classicist or Romanticist—that is, +sickly or unformed; German literature from 1770 is one long revolt of strong +individual personalities against strict poetry. The idea of the whole nation +being “in training” or “in form” for anything becomes intolerable, for the +individual himself inwardly is no longer in condition. This holds good in +morals, in arts, and in modes of thought, but most of all in politics. Every +bourgeois revolution has as its scene the great city, and as its hall-mark the +incomprehension of old symbols, which it replaces by tangible interests and the +craving (or even the mere wish) of enthusiastic thinkers and world-improvers +to see their conceptions actualized. Nothing now has value but that which +can be justified by reason. But, deprived thus of the exaltation of a form that +is essentially symbolical and works metaphysically, the national life loses the +power of keeping its head up in the being-streams of history. Follow the desperate +attempts of the French Government—the handful of capable and +farsighted men under the mediocre Louis XVI—to keep their country in +“condition” when, after the death of Vergennes in 1787, the whole gravity of +the external situation had become manifest. With the death of this diplomatist +France disappeared for years from the political combinations of Europe; +<span class="pagenum" id="p399">[399]</span>at the same time the great reform that the Crown had carried through against +all resistances—above all, the general administrative reform of that year, +based on the freest self-management—remained completely ineffective, because +in view of the pliancy of the State, the question of the moment for the Estates +became, suddenly, the question of power.⁠<a id="FNanchor_706" href="#Footnote_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a> As a century before and a century +afterwards, European war was drawing visibly nearer with an inexorable +necessity, but no one now took any notice of the external situation. The +nobility as an Estate had rarely, but the bourgeoisie as an Estate had never, +thought in terms of foreign policy and world-history. Whether the State in +its new form would be able to hold its own at all amongst the other States, no +one asked. All that mattered was whether it secured men’s “rights.”</p> + +<p>But the bourgeoisie, the class of urban “freedom,” strong as its class-feeling +remained for generations (in West Europe even beyond 1848), was at no time +wholly master of its actions. For, first of all, it became manifest in every +critical situation that its unity was a <em>negative</em> unity, only really existent in +moments of opposition to something, anything, else—“Tiers État” and “Opposition” +are almost synonymous—and that when something constructive of +its own had to be done, the interests of the various groups pulled all ways. +To be free from something—that, all wanted. But the intellectual desired +the State as an actualization of “justice” against the force of historical facts; +or the “rights of man”; or freedom of criticism as against the dominant religion. +And Money wanted a free path to business success. There were a good +many who desired rest and renunciation of historical greatness, or wished this +and that tradition and its embodiments, on which physically or spiritually +they lived, to be spared. But there was another element, now and henceforth, +that had not existed in the conflicts of the Fronde (the English Civil War included) +or the first Tyrannis, but this time stood for a power—namely, that +which is found in all Civilizations under different contemptuous labels—dregs, +<i lang="fr">canaille</i>, mob, <i lang="de">Pöbel</i>—but with the same tremendous connotation. +In the great cities, which alone now spoke the decisive words—the open land +can at most accept or reject <i lang="fr">faits accomplis</i>, as our eighteenth century proves⁠<a id="FNanchor_707" href="#Footnote_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a>—a +mass of rootless fragments of population stands outside all social linkages. +These do not feel themselves as attached either to an Estate or to a vocational +class, nor even to the real working-class, although they are obliged to work. +<span class="pagenum" id="p400">[400]</span>Elements drawn from all classes and conditions belong to it instinctively—uprooted +peasantry, literates, ruined business men, and above all (as the age of +Catiline shows with terrifying clarity) derailed nobles. Their power is far in +excess of their numbers, for they are always on the spot, always on hand at the +big decisions, ready for anything, devoid of all respect for orderliness, even +the orderliness of a revolutionary party. It is from them that events acquire the +destructive force which distinguishes the French Revolution from the English, +and the Second Tyrannis from the First. The bourgeoisie looks at these masses +with real uneasiness, defensively, and seeks to separate itself from them—it +was to a defensive act of this category, the 13th Vendémiaire, that Napoleon +owed his rise.⁠<a id="FNanchor_708" href="#Footnote_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a> But in the pressure of facts the separating frontier cannot be +drawn; wherever the bourgeoisie throws into the scale against the older orders +its feeble weight of aggressiveness—feeble in relative numbers and feeble +because its inner cohesion is risked at every moment—this mass has forced +itself into their ranks, pushed to the front, imparted most of the drive that wins +the victory, and very often managed to secure the conquered position for itself—not +seldom with the continued idealistic support of the educated who are +intellectually captivated, or the material backing of the money powers, which +seek to divert the danger from themselves on to the nobility and the clergy.</p> + +<p>There is another aspect, too, under which this epoch has its importance—in +it for the first time abstract truths seek to intervene in the world of facts. +The capital cities have become so great, and urban man so superior and influential +over the waking-consciousness of the whole Culture (<em>this influence is what we call +Public Opinion</em>) that the powers of the blood and the tradition inherent in the +blood are shaken in their hitherto unassailable position. For it must be remembered +that the Baroque State and the absolute Polis in their final development +of form are thoroughly living expressions of a <em>breed</em>, and that history, so +far as it accomplishes itself in these forms, possesses the full pulse of that breed. +Any theory of the State that may be fashioned here is one that is deduced from +the facts, that bows to the greatness of the facts. The idea of the State had +finally mastered the blood of the first Estate, and put it wholly and without +reserve at the State’s service. “Absolute” means that the great being-stream is +<em>as a unit</em> in form, possesses <em>one</em> kind of pulse and instinct, whether the manifestations +of that pulse be diplomatic or strategic flair, dignity of moral and manners, +or fastidious taste in arts and thoughts.</p> + +<p>As the contradictory to this grand fact, now, Rationalism appears and +spreads, that which has been described above⁠<a id="FNanchor_709" href="#Footnote_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a> as the <em>community of waking-consciousness +in the educated</em>, whose religion is criticism and whose numina are +<span class="pagenum" id="p401">[401]</span>not deities but concepts. Now begins the influence of books and general +theories upon politics—in the China of Lao-tse as in the Athens of the Sophists +and the Europe of Montesquieu—and the public opinion formed by them +plants itself in the path of diplomacy as a political magnitude of quite a new +sort. It would be absurd to suppose that Pisistratus or Richelieu or even +Cromwell determined their actions under the influence of abstract systems, but +after the victory of “Enlightenment” that is what actually happens.</p> + +<p>Nevertheless the historical rôle of the great concepts of the Civilization is +very different from the complexion that they presented in the minds of the +ideologues who conceived them. The effect of a truth is always quite different +from its tendency. In the world of facts, truths are simply <em>means</em>, effective in +so far as they dominate spirits and therefore determine actions. Their historical +position is determined not by whether they are deep, correct, or even merely +logical, but by whether they <em>tell</em>. We see this in the phrase “catchword,” +“<i lang="de">Schlagwort</i>.” What certain symbols, livingly experienced, are for the Springtime +religions—the Holy Sepulchre for the Crusader, the Substance of Christ +for the times of the Council of Nicæa—that two or three inspiriting word-sounds +are for every Civilized revolution. It is only the catchwords that +are facts—the residue of the philosophical or sociological system whence they +come does not matter to history. But, <em>as</em> catchwords, they are for about two +centuries powers of the first rank, stronger even than the pulse of the blood, +which in the petrifying world of the outspread cities is beginning to be dulled.</p> + +<p>But—the critical spirit is only one of the two tendencies which emerge +out of the chaotic mass of the Non-Estate. Along with abstract concepts +abstract Money,—money divorced from the prime values of the land—along +with the study the counting-house, appear as political forces. The two are inwardly +cognate and inseparable—the old opposition between priest and noble +continued, acute as ever, in the bourgeois atmosphere and the city framework.⁠<a id="FNanchor_710" href="#Footnote_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a> +Of the two, moreover, it is the Money that, as pure fact, shows itself unconditionally +superior to the ideal truths, which so far as the fact-world is +concerned exist (as I have just said) only as catchwords, as means. If by +“democracy” we mean the form which the Third Estate as such wishes to +impart to public life as a whole, it must be concluded that democracy and +plutocracy are the same thing under the two aspects of wish and actuality, +theory and practice, knowing and doing. It is the tragic comedy of the world-improvers’ +and freedom-teachers’ desperate fight against money that they are +<i lang="la">ipso facto</i> assisting money to be effective. Respect for the big number—expressed +in the principles of equality for all, natural rights, and universal suffrage—is +just as much a class-ideal of the unclassed as freedom of public +opinion (and more particularly freedom of the press) is so. These are ideals, +but in actuality the freedom of public opinion involves the preparation of public +<span class="pagenum" id="p402">[402]</span>opinion, which costs money; and the freedom of the press brings with it the +question of possession of the press, which again is a matter of money; and with +the franchise comes electioneering, in which he who pays the piper calls the +tune. The representatives of the ideas look at one side only, while the representatives +of money operate with the other. The concepts of Liberalism and +Socialism are set in effective motion only by money. It was the Equites, the +big-money party, which made Tiberius Gracchus’s popular movement possible +at all; and as soon as that part of the reforms that was advantageous to themselves +had been successfully legalized, they withdrew and the movement +collapsed. Cæsar and Crassus financed the Catilinarian movement, and so +directed it against the Senatorial party instead of against property. In England +politicians of eminence laid it down as early as 1700 that “on ’Change one deals +in votes as well as in stocks, and the price of a vote is as well known as the price +of an acre of land.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_711" href="#Footnote_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a> When the news of Waterloo reached Paris, the price of +French government stock rose⁠<a id="FNanchor_712" href="#Footnote_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a>—the Jacobins had destroyed the old obligations +of the blood and so had emancipated money; now it stepped forward as +lord of the land.⁠<a id="FNanchor_713" href="#Footnote_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a> There is no proletarian, not even a Communist, movement +that has not operated in the interest of money, in the directions indicated by +money, and for the time permitted by money—and that, without the idealist +amongst its leaders having the slightest suspicion of the fact.⁠<a id="FNanchor_714" href="#Footnote_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a> Intellect rejects, +money directs—so it runs in every last act of a Culture-drama, when the +megalopolis has become master over the rest. And, in the limit, intellect has +no cause of complaint. For, after all, it <em>has</em> won its victory—namely, in its +own realm of truths, the realm of books and ideals that is not of this world. +Its conceptions have become venerabilia of the beginning Civilization. But +Money wins, through these very concepts, in <em>its</em> realm, which is <em>only</em> of this +world.</p> + +<p>In the Western world of States, it was in England that both sides of Third-Estate +politics, the ideal and the real, graduated. Here alone it was possible for +the Third Estate to avoid the necessity of marching against an absolute State +in order to destroy it and set up its own dominion on the ruins. For here it +could grow up into the strong form of the First Estate, where it found a fully +developed form of interest-politics, and from whose methods it could borrow +for its own purposes a traditional tactic such as it could hardly wish to improve +<span class="pagenum" id="p403">[403]</span>upon. Here was the home of Parliamentarism, genuine and quite inimitable, +which had insular position instead of the state as its starting-point, and the +habits of the First and not the Third Estate as its background. Further, there +was the circumstance that this form had grown up in the full bloom of Baroque +and, therefore, had Music in it. The Parliamentary style was completely +identical with that of cabinet-diplomacy;⁠<a id="FNanchor_715" href="#Footnote_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a> and in this <em>anti-democratic</em> origin lay +the secret of its successes.</p> + +<p>But it was on British soil, too, that the rationalistic catchwords had, one +and all, sprung up, and their relation to the principles of the Manchester +School was intimate—Hume was the teacher of Adam Smith. “Liberty” +self-evidently meant intellectual <em>and</em> trade freedom. An opposition between +fact-politics and enthusiasm for abstract truths was as impossible in the England +of George III as it was inevitable in the France of Louis XVI. Later, Edmund +Burke could retort upon Mirabeau that “we demand our liberties, not as rights +of man, but as rights of Englishmen.” France received her revolutionary ideas +without exception from England, as she had received the style of her absolute +monarchy from Spain. To both she imparted a brilliant and irresistible shape +that was taken as a model far and wide over the Continent, but of the practical +employment of either she had no idea. The successful utilization of the bourgeois +catchwords⁠<a id="FNanchor_716" href="#Footnote_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a> in politics presupposes the shrewd eye of a ruling class for +the intellectual constitution of the stratum which intends to attain power, +but will not be capable of wielding it when attained. Hence in England it was +successful. But it was in England too that money was most unhesitatingly +used in politics—not the bribery of individual high personages which had +been customary in the Spanish or Venetian style, but the “nursing” of the +democratic forces themselves. In eighteenth-century England, first the Parliamentary +elections and then the decisions of the elected Commons were systematically +managed by money;⁠<a id="FNanchor_717" href="#Footnote_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a> England, too, discovered the ideal of a +Free Press, and discovered along with it that the press serves him who owns +it. It does not spread “free” opinion—it generates it.</p> + +<p>Both <em>together</em> constitute liberalism (in the broad sense); that is, freedom +from the restrictions of the soil-bound life, be these privileges, forms, or feelings—freedom +of the intellect for every kind of criticism, freedom of money for +every kind of business. But both, too, unhesitatingly aim at the domination +<span class="pagenum" id="p404">[404]</span>of a <em>class</em>, a domination which recognizes no overriding supremacy of the +State. Mind and money, being both inorganic, want the State, not as a matured +form of high symbolism to be venerated, but as an engine to serve a +purpose. Thus the difference between these forces and those of Frondism is +fundamental, for the latter’s reaction had been a defence of the old Gothic +against the intrusive Baroque way of living and being “in form,”—and now +both these are on the defensive together and almost indistinguishable. Only +in England (it must be emphasized again and again) the Fronde had disarmed, +not only the State in open battle, but also the Third Estate by its inward +superiority, and so attained to the one kind of first-class form that democracy +is capable of working up to, a form neither planned nor aped, but naturally +matured, the expression of an old breed and an unbroken sure tact that +can adapt itself to the use of every new means that the changes of Time +put into its hands. Thus it came about that the English Parliament, while +taking part in the Succession-Wars of the Absolute States, handled them as +economic wars with business aims. The mistrust felt for high form by the inwardly +formless Non-Estate is so deep that everywhere and always it is ready +to rescue its freedom—<em>from</em> all form—by means of a dictatorship, which +acknowledges no rules and is, therefore, hostile to all that has grown up, which, +moreover, in virtue of its mechanizing tendency, is acceptable to the taste both of +intellect and of money—consider, for example, the structure of the state-machine +of France which Robespierre began and Napoleon completed. Dictatorship +in the interests of a class-ideal appealed to Rousseau, Saint-Simon, +Rodbertus, and Lassalle as it had to the Classical ideologues of the fourth +century—Xenophon in the Cyropædia and Isocrates in the Nicocles.⁠<a id="FNanchor_718" href="#Footnote_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a></p> + +<p>But the well-known saying of Robespierre that “the Government of the +Revolution is the despotism of freedom against tyranny” expresses more than +this. It lets out the deep fear that shakes every multitude which, in the presence +of grave conjunctures, feels itself “not up to form.” A regiment that is +shaken in its discipline will readily concede to accidental leaders of the moment +powers of an extent and a kind which the legitimate command could never +acquire, and which <em>if</em> legitimate would be utterly intolerable. But this, on a +larger scale, is the position of every commencing Civilization. Nothing reveals +more tellingly the decline of political form than that upspringing of formless +powers which we may conveniently designate, from its most conspicuous +example, <em>Napoleonism</em>. How completely the being of Richelieu or of Wallenstein +was involved in the unshakable antecedents of their period! And how instinct +with form, under all its outer unform, was the English Revolution! Here, just +the reverse; the Fronde fights <em>about</em> the form, the absolute State <em>in</em> the form, +<span class="pagenum" id="p405">[405]</span>but the bourgeoisie <em>against</em> the form. The mere abolition of an order that had +become obsolete was no novelty—Cromwell and the heads of the First Tyrannis +had done that. But, that behind the ruins of the visible there is no longer +the substance of an invisible form; that Robespierre and Napoleon find nothing +either around or in them to provide the <em>self-evident</em> basis essential to any new +creation; that for a government of high tradition and experience they have +no choice but to substitute an accidental régime, whose future no longer rests +secure on the qualities of a slowly and thoroughly trained minority, but depends +entirely on the chance of the adequate successor turning up—such +are the distinguishing marks of this turning of the times, and hence comes the +immense superiority that is enjoyed for generations still by those states which +manage to retain a tradition longer than others.</p> + +<p>The First Tyrannis had completed the Polis with the aid of the non-noble; +the latter now destroyed it with the aid of the Second Tyrannis. As an idea, it +perishes in the bourgeois revolutions of the fourth century, for all that it may +persist as an arrangement or a habit or an instrument of the momentary powers +that be. Classical man never ceased, in fact, to think and live politically in its +form. But never more was it for the multitude a symbol to be respected and +venerated, any more than the Divine Right of Kings was venerated in the West +after Napoleon had almost succeeded in making his own dynasty “the oldest +in Europe.”</p> + +<p>Further, in these revolutions too, as ever in Classical history, there were +only local and temporary solutions—nothing resembling the splendid sweep +of the French Revolution from the Bastille to Waterloo—and the scenes in +them were more atrocious still, for the reason that in this Culture, with its +basically Euclidean feeling, the only possible way seemed to be that of physical +collision of party against party, and the only possible end for the loser, not +functional incorporation in the victor’s system as in the West, but destruction +root and branch. At Corcyra (427) and Argos (370) the possessing classes +were slaughtered <i lang="fr">en masse</i>; in Leontini (422) they were expelled from the city +by the lower classes, which carried on affairs for a while with slaves until, in +fear of an avenging return, they evacuated altogether and migrated to Syracuse. +The refugees from hundreds of these revolutions inundated the cities, recruited +the mercenary armies of the Second Tyrannis, and infested the routes by land +and sea. The readmission of such exiled fractions is a standing feature in the +peace-terms offered by the Diadochi and later by the Romans. But the Second +Tyrannis itself secured its positions by acts of this kind. Dionysius I (407–367) +secured his hegemony over Syracuse—the city in whose higher society, along +with that of Athens, centred the ripest culture of Hellas, the city where +Æschylus had produced his Persian trilogy in 470—by wholesale executions +of educated people and confiscations of their property; this he followed up by +entirely rebuilding the population, in the upper levels by granting large properties +<span class="pagenum" id="p406">[406]</span>to his adherents, and in the lower by raising masses of slaves to the citizenship +and distributing amongst them (as was not uncommon) the wives and +daughters of the victims.⁠<a id="FNanchor_719" href="#Footnote_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a></p> + +<p>After the characteristically Classical fashion, the type of these revolutions +was such as to produce always an increase of number, never of extent. Multitudes +of them happened, but each proceeded purely for itself and at one point +of its own, and it is only the fact that they were contemporary with one another +that gives them the character of a collective phenomenon, which marks an +epoch. Similarly with Napoleonism; here again, a formless regimen for the +first time raised itself above the framework of the State, yet without being +able to attain to complete inward detachment therefrom. It supported itself +on the Army, which, <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the nation that had lost its “form,” began to +feel itself as an independent power. That is the brief road from Robespierre to +Bonaparte—with the fall of the Jacobins the centre of gravity passed from the +administration to the ambitious generals. How deeply this new tendency +implanted itself in the West may be seen from the example of Bernadotte and +Wellington, and even more from the story of Frederick William III’s “call to +my People” in 1813—in this case the continuance of the dynasty would +have been challenged by the military had not the King stiffened himself to +break with Napoleon.⁠<a id="FNanchor_720" href="#Footnote_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a></p> + +<p>This anti-constitutionality of the Second Tyrannis declared itself also in +the position taken by Alcibiades and Lysander in the armed forces of their +respective cities during the latter stages of the Peloponnesian War, a position +incompatible with the basic form of the Polis. The first-named, destitute as an +exile of official position, and against the will of the home authorities, exercised +from 411 the <i lang="la">de facto</i> command of the Athenian Navy; the second, though +not even a Spartiate, felt himself entirely independent at the head of an army +devoted to his person. In the year 408 the contest of the two powers for the +supremacy over the Ægean world took the form of a contest between these two +individuals.⁠<a id="FNanchor_721" href="#Footnote_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a> Shortly after this, Dionysius of Syracuse built up the first large-scale +professional army and introduced engines of war (artillery)⁠<a id="FNanchor_722" href="#Footnote_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a>—a new +form which served as a model for the Diadochi and Rome also. Thereafter +the spirit of the army was a political power on its own account, and it became a +serious question how far the State was master, and how far tool, of its army. +<span class="pagenum" id="p407">[407]</span>The fact that the government of Rome was exclusively in the hands of a military +committee⁠<a id="FNanchor_723" href="#Footnote_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a> from 390 to 367⁠<a id="FNanchor_724" href="#Footnote_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a> + reveals pretty clearly that the army had +a policy of its own. It is well known that Alexander, the Romanticist of the +Second Tyrannis, fell more and more under the influence of his generals, who +not only compelled the retreat from India but also disposed of his inheritance +amongst themselves as a matter of course.</p> + +<p>This is essentially Napoleonism, and so is the extension of <em>personal</em> rule over +regions united by ties neither national nor jural, but merely military and administrative. +But extension was just what was essentially incompatible with +the Polis. The Classical State is the one State that was incapable of any organic +widening, and the conquests of the Second Tyrannis therefore resolved themselves +into a <em>juxtaposition of two political units</em>, the Polis and the subjugated +territory, the cohesion of which was initially accidental and perpetually in +danger. Thus arose that strange picture of the Hellenistic-Roman world, the +true significance of which is not even yet recognized—<em>a circle of border-regions</em>, +and within them a congeries of Poleis to which, small as they were, the conception +of the State proper, the <i lang="la">res publica</i>, continued to be bound as exclusively +as ever. In this middle (indeed, so far as concerned each individual, hegemony +was in one point) was the theatre of all real politics. The “<i lang="la">orbis terrarum</i>”—a +significant expression—was merely a means or object to it. The Roman +notions of “<i lang="la">imperium</i>”—dictatorial powers of administration outside the city +moat (which were automatically extinguished when its holder entered the +Pomœrium)—and of “<i lang="la">provincia</i>” as the opposite of “<i lang="la">res publica</i>,” express the +common Classical instinct, which knew only the city’s body as the State and +political subject, and the “outside” only in relation to it, as object to it. +Dionysius made his city of Syracuse into a fortress surrounded by a “scrap-heap +of states,” and extended his field of power thence, over Upper Italy and the +Dalmatian coast, into the northern Adriatic, where he possessed Ancona and +Hatria at the mouth of the Po. Philip of Macedon, following the example of his +teacher Jason of Pheræ (murdered in 370), adopted the reverse plan, placing +his centre of gravity in the periphery (that is, practically in the army) and +thence exercising a hegemony over the Hellenic world of States. Thus Macedonia +came to extend to the Danube, and after Alexander’s death there were +added to this outer circle the empires of the Seleucids and the Ptolemies—each +<span class="pagenum" id="p408">[408]</span>governed from a Polis (Antioch, Alexandria), but through the intermediary +of existing native machinery, which, be it said, was at its lowest better +than any Classical administration of it could have been. Rome herself in the +same period (<i>c.</i> 326–265) built up her Middle-Italian territory as a <em>border state</em>, +secured in all directions by a system of colonies, allies, and settlements with +Latin right. Then, from 237, we find Hamilcar Barca winning for Carthage, a +city old established in the Classical way of life, an empire in Spain; C. Flaminius +(225) conquering the Po Valley for Rome; and finally Cæsar making his Gallic +empire. These were the foundations upon which rested, first, the Napoleonic +struggles of the Diadochi in the East, then those of Scipio and Hannibal in the +West—the limits of the Polis outgrown in both cases—and lastly the Cæsarian +struggles of the Triumvirs, who supported themselves on the total of <em>all</em> +the border states and used their means, in order to be—“the first in Rome.”</p> + + +<h3 id="VII_5"> + VII +</h3> + +<p>In Rome the strong and happily conceived form of the State that was +reached about 340 kept the social revolution within constitutional limits. +A Napoleonic figure like Appius Claudius the Censor of 310, who built the first +aqueduct and the Appian Way, and ruled in Rome almost as a tyrant, very +soon failed when he tried to eliminate the peasantry by means of the great-city +masses and so to impart the one-sided Athenian direction to politics—for +that was his aim in taking up the sons of slaves into the Senate, in reorganizing +the Centuries on a money instead of a land-assessment basis,⁠<a id="FNanchor_725" href="#Footnote_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a> and in distributing +freedmen and landless men amongst the country tribes, so that they might +outvote the rustics (as they were always able to do, since the latter rarely attended). +But his successors in the censorship lost no time in reversing this, and +relegated the landless to the great city-tribes again. The non-estate itself, well +led by a minority of distinguished families, saw its aim (as has been said before) +not in the destruction, but in the acquisition, of the senatorial organs of +administration. In the end, it forced its way into all offices (even, by the Lex +Ogulnia, of 300, into the politically important priesthoods of the Pontifices +and Augurs), and by the outbreak of 287 it secured force of law for <i lang="la">plebiscita</i> +even without the Senate’s approval.</p> + +<p>The practical result of this freedom-movement was precisely the reverse of +that which ideologues would have expected—there were no idealogues in +Rome. The greatness of its success robbed the non-estate of its object and +thereby deprived it of its driving force, for positively, when not “in opposition,” +it was null. After 287 the state-form existed for the purpose of being +politically <em>used</em>, and used, too, in a world in which only the states of the great +fringe—Rome, Carthage, Macedonia, Syria, and Egypt—really counted. +It had ceased to be in any danger of becoming the passive of “peoples’-rights” +<span class="pagenum" id="p409">[409]</span>activities. And it was precisely this security that formed the basis on which the +one people that had remained “in form” rose to its grandeur.</p> + +<p>On the one hand, it had developed within the Plebs, formless and long +weakened in its race-impulses by the mass-intake of freedmen,⁠<a id="FNanchor_726" href="#Footnote_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a> an upper stratum +distinguished by great practical aptitudes, rank, and wealth, which joined +forces with a corresponding stratum within the patriciate. Hence there came +into existence a very narrow circle of men of the strongest race-quality, dignified +life, and broad political outlook, in whom the whole stock of experience +in governing and generalship and negotiation was concentrated and transmitted; +who regarded the direction of the State as the one profession worthy of their +status, considered themselves as inheritors of a privilege to exercise it, and +educated their children solely in the art of ruling and the convictions of a +measurelessly proud tradition. This nobility, which as such had no constitutional +existence, found its constitutional engine in the Senate, which had +originally been a body representing the interests of the patricians (that is, the +“Homeric” aristocracy), but in which from the middle of the fourth century +ex-consuls—men who had both ruled and commanded—sat as life-members, +forming a close group of eminent talents that dominated the assembly and, +through it, the State. Even by 279 the Senate appeared to Cineas, the ambassador +of Pyrrhus, like a council of kings, and finally its kernel was a small +group of leading men, holding the titles “<i lang="la">princeps</i>” and “<i lang="la">clarissimus</i>,” men +in every respect—rank, power, and public dignity—the peers of those who +reigned over the empires of the Diadochi.⁠<a id="FNanchor_727" href="#Footnote_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a> There came into being a government +such as no megalopolis in any other Culture whatsoever has possessed, +and a tradition to which it would be impossible to find parallels save perhaps +in the Venice and the Papal Curia of the Baroque, and there under a wholly +different set of conditions. Here were no theories such as had been the ruin of +Athens, none of the provincialism that had made Sparta in the long run contemptible, +but simply a praxis in the grand style. If “Rome” is a perfectly +unique and marvellous phenomenon in world-history, it is due, not to the Roman +<span class="pagenum" id="p410">[410]</span>“people,” which in itself, like any other, was raw material without form, +but to this class which brought Rome into condition and kept her so, willy-nilly—with +the result that this particular stream of being, which in 350 was +still without importance save to middle Italy, gradually drew into its bed the +entire history of the Classical, and made the last great period of that history a +<em>Roman</em> period.</p> + +<p>It was the very perfection of political <em>flair</em> that was displayed by this small +circle (which possessed no sort of public rights) in managing the democratic +forms created by the Revolution—forms that here as elsewhere derive all +value from the use that is made of them. The only factor in them that if +mishandled would have been dangerous in an instant—namely, the interpenetration +of two mutually exclusive powers—was handled so superbly +<em>and so quietly</em> that it was always the higher experience that gave the note, while +the people remained throughout convinced that decisions were made by, and +in the sense desired by, itself. <em>To be popular, and yet historically successful in the +highest degree</em>—here is the secret of this policy, and for that matter the only +possibility of policy existing at all in such times, an art in which the Roman +régime has remained unequalled to this day.</p> + +<p>Nevertheless, on the other side of the picture, the result of the Revolution +was the <em>emancipation of Money</em>. Thenceforward money was master in the Comitia +Centuriata. That which called itself “<i lang="la">populus</i>” there became more and more +a tool in the hands of big money, and it required all the tactical superiority of +the ruling circles to maintain a counterpoise in the Plebs, and to keep effective +a representation of the yeomanry, under the leadership of the noble families, in +the thirty-one country tribes from which the great city mass continued to be +excluded. Hence the drastic energy with which the arrangements made by +Appius Claudius were revoked. The natural alliance between high finance +and the mass, though we see it actually at work later (under the Gracchi and +Marius) for the destruction of the tradition of the blood,⁠<a id="FNanchor_728" href="#Footnote_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a> was at any rate +made impossible for many generations. Bourgeoisie and yeomanry, money and +landowning, maintained a reciprocal equilibrium of separate organisms, and +were held together and made efficient by the State-idea (of which the nobility +was the incarnation) until this inward form fell to pieces, and the two tendencies +broke apart in enmity. The First Punic War was a traders’ war and directed +against the agrarian interest, and, therefore, the consul Appius Claudius (a +descendant of the great Censor) laid the decision of the matter in 284 before the +Comitia Centuriata. The conquest of the Po plain, on the other hand, was in +the interests of the peasantry and it was, therefore, in the Comita Tributa that +it was carried by the Tribune C. Flaminius—the first genuinely Cæsarian type +in Roman history, builder of the Via Flaminia and the Circus Flaminius. +But when in pursuance of his policy he (as Censor in 220) forbade the Senators +<span class="pagenum" id="p411">[411]</span>to engage in trade, and also at the same time made the old noble centuries +accessible to plebeians, he was practically benefiting only the new financial +nobility of the First Punic War period, and thus (entirely in spite of himself) +he became the creator of <em>high finance organized as an Estate</em>—that is, that of the +Equites, who a century later put an end to the great age of the nobility. Henceforth, +when Hannibal (before whom Flaminius had fallen on the field of battle) +had been disposed of, money steadily became, even for the government as such, +the “<i lang="la">ultima ratio</i>” in the accomplishment of its policy—the last true State-policy +that the Classical world was to know.</p> + +<p>When the Scipios and their circle had ceased to be the governing influence, +nothing remained but the private policies of individuals, who followed their +own interests without scruple, and looked upon the “<i lang="la">orbis terrarum</i>” as passive +booty. The historian Polybius (who belonged to that circle) regarded Flaminius +as a mere demagogue and traced to him all the misfortunes of the Gracchan +period. He was wholly in error as to Flaminius’s intentions, but he was right +as to his effect. Flaminius—like the elder Cato, who with the blind zeal of +the agrarian overthrew the great Scipio on account of his world-policy—achieved +the reverse of what he intended. Money stepped into the place of +blood-leadership, and money took less than three generations to exterminate the +yeomanry.</p> + +<p>If it was an improbable piece of good luck in the destinies of the Classical +peoples that Rome was the only city-state to survive the Revolution with an +unimpaired constitution, it was, on the contrary, almost a miracle that in our +West—with its genealogical forms deep-rooted in the idea of duration—violent +revolution broke out at all, even in one place—namely, Paris. It was +not the strength, but the weakness of French Absolutism which brought the +English ideas, in combination with the power of money, to the point of an +explosion which gave living form to the catchwords of the “Enlightenment,” +which bound together virtue and terror, freedom and despotism, and which +echoed still even in the minor catastrophes of 1830 and 1848 and the more +recent Socialistic longing for catastrophe.⁠<a id="FNanchor_729" href="#Footnote_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a> In England itself, when the aristocracy +<span class="pagenum" id="p412">[412]</span>ruled more absolutely than ever in France, there was certainly a small +circle round Fox and Sheridan which was enthusiastic for the ideas of the +Revolution—all of which were of English provenance—and men talked of +universal suffrage and Parliamentary reform.⁠<a id="FNanchor_730" href="#Footnote_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a> But that was quite enough to +induce both parties, under the leadership of a Whig (the younger Pitt), to take +the sharpest measures to defeat any and every attempt to interfere in the slightest +degree with the aristocratic régime for the benefit of the bourgeoisie. The +English nobility let loose the twenty-year war against France, and mobilized +all the monarchs of Europe to bring about in the end, not the fall of Napoleon, +but the fall of the Revolution—the Revolution that had had the naïve daring +to introduce the opinions of private English thinkers into practical politics, and +so to give a position to the Tiers État of which the consequences were all the +better foreseen in the English lobbies for having been overlooked in the Paris +salons.⁠<a id="FNanchor_731" href="#Footnote_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a></p> + +<p>What was called “Opposition” in England was—the attitude of one +aristocratic party while the other was running the Government. It did not +mean there, as it meant all over the Continent, professional criticism of the work +which it was someone else’s profession to do, but the practical endeavour to +force the activity of Government into a form in which the opposition was +ready and fit at any moment to take it over. But this Opposition was at once—and +in complete ignorance of its social presuppositions—taken as a model for +that which the educated in France and elsewhere aimed at creating, namely, +a class-domination of the Tiers État under the eyes of a dynasty, no very +clear idea being formed as to the latter’s future. The English dispositions were, +from Montesquieu onwards, lauded with enthusiastic misunderstanding—although +these Continental countries, not being islands, lacked the first condition +precedent for an “English” evolution. Only in one point was England +really a model. When the bourgeoisie had got so far as to turn the absolute +state back again into an Estate-state, they found over there a picture which in +fact had never been other than it was. True, it was the aristocracy alone +who ruled in it—but at least it was not the Crown.</p> + +<p>The result of the turn, and the basic form of the Continental States at the +<span class="pagenum" id="p413">[413]</span>beginning of the Civilization, is “Constitutional Monarchy,” the extremest +possibility of which appears as what we call nowadays a Republic. It is necessary +to get clear, once and for all, of the mumblings of the doctrinaires who +think in timeless and therefore unreal concepts and for whom “Republic” is a +form-in-itself. The republican ideal of the nineteenth century has no more +resemblance to the Classical <i lang="la">res publica</i>, or even to Venice or the original Swiss +cantons, than the English constitution to a “constitution” in the Continental +sense. That which <em>we</em> call republic is a <em>negation</em>, which of inward necessity +postulates that the thing denied is an ever-present possibility. It is non-monarchy +in forms borrowed from the monarchy. The genealogical feeling is +immensely strong in Western mankind; it strains its conscience so far as to +pretend that Dynasty determines its political conduct even when Dynasty +no longer exists at all. The historical is embodied therein, and unhistorically +we cannot live. It makes a great difference whether, as in the case of the +Classical world, the dynastic principle conveys absolutely nothing to the inner +feelings of a man, or, as in the case of the West, it is real enough to need six +generations of educated people to fight it down in themselves. Feeling is the +secret enemy of all constitutions that are plans and not growths; they are in +last analysis nothing but defensive measures born of fear and mistrust. The +urban conception of freedom—freedom <em>from</em> something—narrows itself to a +merely anti-dynastic significance, and republican enthusiasm lives only on this +feeling.</p> + +<p>Such a negation inevitably involves a preponderance of theory. While +Dynasty and its close congener Diplomacy conserve the old tradition and pulse, +Constitutions contain an overweight of systems, bookishness, and framed +concepts—such as is entirely unthinkable in England, where nothing negative +and defensive adheres to the form of government. It is not for nothing that +the Faustian is <i lang="fr">par excellence</i> the reading and writing Culture. The printed book +is an emblem of temporal, the Press of spatial, infinity. In contrast with the +immense power and tyranny of these symbols, even the Chinese Civilization +seems almost empty of writing. In Constitutions, literature is put into the +field against knowledge of men and things, language against race, abstract +right against successful tradition—regardless of whether a nation involved +in the tide of events is still capable of work and “maintaining its form.” +Mirabeau was quite alone and unsuccessful in combating the Assembly, which +“confused politics with fiction.” Not only the three doctrinaire constitutions +of the age—the French of 1791, the German of 1848 and 1919—but +practically all such attempts shut their eyes to the great Destiny in the fact-world +and imagine that that is the same as defeating it. In lieu of unforeseen +happenings, the incidents of strong personality and imperious circumstances, +it is Causality that is to rule—timeless, just, unvarying, rational cohesion +of cause and effect. It is symptomatic that no written constitution knows of +money as a political force. It is pure theory that they contain, one and all.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p414">[414]</span></p> + +<p>This rift in the essence of constitutional monarchy is irremediable. Here +actual and conceptual, work and critique, are frontally opposed, and it is their +mutual attrition that constitutes what the average educated man calls internal +politics. Apart from the cases of Prussia-Germany and Austria—where +constitutions did come into existence at first,⁠<a id="FNanchor_732" href="#Footnote_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a> but in the presence of the older +political traditions were never very influential—it was only in England that +the practice of government kept itself homogeneous. Here, race held its own +against principle. Men had more than an inkling that real politics, politics +aiming at historical success, is a matter of training and not of shaping. This +was no aristocratic prejudice, but a cosmic fact that emerges much more distinctly +in the experience of any English racehorse-trainer than in all the +philosophical systems in the world. Shaping can refine training, but not replace +it. And thus the higher society of England, Eton and Balliol, became +training-grounds where politicians were worked up with a consistent sureness +the like of which is only to be found in the training of the Prussian officer-corps—trained, +that is, as connoisseurs and masters of the underlying pulse +of things (not excluding the hidden course of opinions and ideas). Thus +prepared, they were able, in the great flood of bourgeois-revolutionary principles +that swept over the years after 1832, to preserve and control the being-stream +which they directed. They possessed “training,” the suppleness and collectedness +of the rider who, with a good horse under him, feels victory coming nearer +and nearer. They allowed the great principles to move the mass because they +knew well that it is money that is the “wherewithal” by which motion is +imparted to these great principles, and they substituted, for the brutal methods +of the eighteenth century, methods more refined and not less effective—one +of the simpler of these being to threaten their opponents with the cost of a new +election. The doctrinaire constitutions of the Continent saw only the one side +of the fact democracy. Here, where there was no constitution, but men were in +“condition,” it was seen as a whole.</p> + +<p>A vague feeling of all this was never quite lost on the Continent. For the +absolute State of the Baroque there had been a perfectly clear form, but for +“constitutional monarchy” there were only unsteady compromises, and Conservative +and Liberal parties were distinguished—not, as in England after +Canning, by the possession of different but well-tested modes of government, +applied turn-and-turn-about to the actual work of governing—but according +to the direction in which they respectively desired to alter the constitution—namely, +towards tradition or towards theory. Should the Parliament serve the +Dynasty, or vice versa?—that was the bone of contention, and in disputing +over it it was forgotten that <em>foreign</em> policy was the final aim. The “Spanish” +and the misnamed “English” sides of a constitution would not and could not +grow together, and thus it befell that during the nineteenth century the diplomatic +<span class="pagenum" id="p415">[415]</span>service outwards and the Parliamentary activity inwards developed in +two divergent directions. Each became in fundamental feeling alien to, and +contemptuous of, the other. Life fretted itself to soreness in a form that it +had not developed out of itself. After Thermidor, France succumbed to the +rule of the Bourse, mitigated from time to time by the setting up of a military +dictature (1800, 1851, 1871, 1918). Bismarck’s creation was in fundamentals +of a dynastic nature, with a parliamentary component of decidedly subordinate +importance, and in it the inner friction was so strong as to monopolize the +available political energy, and finally, after 1916, to exhaust the organism +itself. The Army had its own history, with a great tradition going back to +Frederick William I,⁠<a id="FNanchor_733" href="#Footnote_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a> and so also had the administration. In them was the +source of Socialism as one kind of true political “training,” diametrically +opposed to the English⁠<a id="FNanchor_734" href="#Footnote_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a> but, like it, a full expression of strong race-quality. +The officer and the official were trained high. But the necessity of breeding up +a corresponding political type was not recognized. Higher policy was handled +“administratively” and minor policy was hopeless squabbling. And so army +and administration finally became aims in themselves, after Bismarck’s disappearance +had removed the one man who even without a supply of real politicians +to back him (this tradition alone could have produced) was big enough +to treat both as tools of policy. When the issue of the World War removed the +upper layers, nothing remained but parties educated for opposition only, and +these brought the activity of Government down to a level hitherto unknown +in any Civilization.</p> + +<p>But to-day Parliamentarism is in full decay. It was a <em>continuation of the +Bourgeois Revolution by other means</em>, the revolution of the Third Estate of 1789 +brought into legal form and joined with its opponent the Dynasty as one +governmental unit. Every modern election, in fact, is a civil war carried on by +ballot-box and every sort of spoken and written stimulus, and every great +party-leader is a sort of Napoleon. In this form, meant to remain infinitely +valid, which is peculiar to the Western Culture and would be nonsensical and +impossible in any other, we discern once more our characteristic tendency to +infinity, historical foresight⁠<a id="FNanchor_735" href="#Footnote_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a> and forethought, and <em>will to order the distant future</em>, +in this case according to bourgeois standards of the present.</p> + +<p>All the same, Parliamentarism is not a summit as the absolute Polis and the +Baroque State were summits, but a brief transition—namely, between the +<span class="pagenum" id="p416">[416]</span>Late-Culture period with its mature forms and the age of great individuals in a +formless world. It contains, like the houses and furniture of the first half of +the nineteenth century, a residue of good Baroque. The parliamentary habit is +English Rococo—but, no longer un-self-conscious and in the blood, but +superficial-initiative and at the mercy of goodwill. Only in the brief periods +of first enthusiasms has it an appearance of depth and duration, and then only +because in the flush of victory respect for one’s newly-won status makes it +incumbent to adopt the high manners of the defeated class. To preserve the +form, even when it contradicts the advantage, is the convention which makes +parliamentarism <em>possible</em>. But when this convention comes to be fully observed, +<em>the very fact that it is so means that the essence of parliamentarism has already been +evaporated</em>. The Non-Estate falls apart again into its natural interest-groups, +and the passion of stubborn and victorious defence is over. And as soon as the +form ceases to possess the attractiveness of a young ideal that will summon men +to the barricades, unparliamentary methods of attaining an object without +(and even in spite of) the ballot-box will make their appearance—such as +money, economic pressure, and, above all, the strike. Neither the megalopolitan +masses nor the strong individuals have any real respect for this form +without depth or past, and when the discovery is made that it is <em>only</em> a form, +it has already become a mark and shadow. With the beginning of the twentieth +century Parliamentarism (even English) is tending rapidly towards taking up +itself the rôle that it once assigned to the kingship. It is becoming an impressive +spectacle for the multitude of the Orthodox, while the centre of gravity of +big policy, already <i lang="la">de jure</i> transferred from the Crown to the people’s representatives, +is passing <i lang="la">de facto</i> from the latter to unofficial groups and the will of +unofficial personages. The World War almost completed this development. +There is no way back to the old parliamentarism from the domination of Lloyd +George and the Napoleonism of the French militarists. And for America, +hitherto lying apart and self-contained, rather a region than a State, the parallelism +of President and Congress which she derived from a theory of Montesquieu +has, with her entry into world politics, become untenable, and must in +times of real danger make way for formless powers such as those with which +Mexico and South America have long been familiar.</p> + + +<h3 id="VIII_2"> + VIII +</h3> + +<p>With this enters the age of gigantic conflicts, in which we find ourselves +to-day. It is the <em>transition from Napoleonism to Cæsarism</em>, a general phase of +evolution, which occupies at least two centuries and can be shown to exist in +all the Cultures. The Chinese call it Shan-Kwo, the “period of the Contending +States” (480–230, corresponding to the Classical 300–50).⁠<a id="FNanchor_736" href="#Footnote_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a> At the beginning +<span class="pagenum" id="p417">[417]</span>are reckoned seven great powers, which, first planlessly, but later with clearer +and clearer purpose, tend to the inevitable final result of this close succession +of vast wars and revolutions. A century later there are still five. In 441 the +ruler of the Chóu dynasty became a state-pensioner of the “Eastern Duke,” +and the remains of territory that he possessed ceased accordingly to figure in +later history. Simultaneously began in the unphilosophical north-west⁠<a id="FNanchor_737" href="#Footnote_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a> +the swift rise of the “Roman” state of Tsin, which extended its influence westward +and southward over Tibet and Yunnan and enclosed the other states in a +great arc. The focus of the opposition was in the kingdom of Tsu in the Taoist +south,⁠<a id="FNanchor_738" href="#Footnote_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a> whence the Chinese Civilization pressed slowly outwards into the still +little-known lands south of the great river. Here we have in fact the opposition +of Rome and the Hellenistic—on the one side, hard, clear will-to-power; +on the other, the tendency to dreaming and world-improvement. In 368–320 +(corresponding to the Second Punic War) the contest intensified itself into an +uninterrupted struggle of the whole Chinese world, fought with mass armies, +for which the population was strained to the extreme limit. “The allies, whose +lands were ten times as great as those of Tsin, in vain rolled up a million men—Tsin +had ever reserves in hand still. From first to last a million men fell,” +writes Sze-ma-tsien. Su-tsin, who began by being Chancellor of Tsin, but later +became a supporter of the League of Nations (<i>hoh-tsung</i>) idea and went over to +the Opposition, worked up two great coalitions (333 and 321), which, however, +collapsed from inward disunity at the first battles. His great adversary, the +Chancellor Chang-I, resolutely Imperialist, was in 311 on the point of bringing +the Chinese world to voluntary subjection when a change of occupancy of the +throne caused his combination to miscarry. In 294 began the campaigns of +Pe-Ki.⁠<a id="FNanchor_739" href="#Footnote_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a> It was in the prestige of his victories that the King of Tsin took the +mystic Emperor-title of the legendary age,⁠<a id="FNanchor_740" href="#Footnote_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a> which openly expressed the claim +to world-rule, and was at once imitated by the ruler of Tsi in the east.⁠<a id="FNanchor_741" href="#Footnote_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a> With +this began the second maximum phase of the decisive struggles. The number +<span class="pagenum" id="p418">[418]</span>of independent states grew steadily less. In 255 even the home state of Confucius, +Lu, vanished, and in 249 the Chóu dynasty came to an end. In 246 the +mighty Wang-Cheng became, at the age of thirteen, Emperor of Tsin, and in +241, with the aid of his Chancellor Lui-Shi (the Chinese Mæcenas⁠<a id="FNanchor_742" href="#Footnote_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a>), he fought +out to victory the last bout that the last opponent, the Empire of Tsu, ventured +to challenge. In 221, sole ruler in actual fact, he assumed the title Shi (Augustus). +This is the beginning of the Imperial age in China.</p> + +<p>No era confronts its mankind so distinctly with the alternative of <em>great form</em> +or <em>great individual powers</em> as this “Period of the Contending States.” In the degree +in which the nations cease to be politically in “condition,” in that degree +possibilities open up for the energetic private person who means to be politically +creative, who will have power at any price, and who as a phenomenon of force +becomes the Destiny of an entire people or Culture. Events have become +unpredictable on the basis of form. Instead of the given tradition that can +dispense with genius (because it is itself cosmic force at highest capacity), we +have now the accident of great fact-men. The accident of their rise brings a +weak people (for example, the Macedonians), to the peak of events overnight, +and the accident of their death (for example, Cæsar’s) can immediately plunge +a world from personally secured order into chaos.</p> + +<p>This indeed had been manifested earlier in critical times of transition. The +epoch of the Fronde, the Ming-shu, the First Tyrannis, when men were not in +form, but fought about form, has always thrown up a number of great figures +who grew too big for definition and limitation in terms of office. The change +from Culture to Civilization, with its typical Napoleonism, does so too. But +with this, which is the preface to unredeemed historical formlessness, dawns +the real day of the great individual. For us this period attained almost to its +climax in the World War; in the Classical World it began with Hannibal, +who challenged Rome in the name of Hellenism (to which inwardly he belonged), +but went under because the Hellenistic East, in true Classical fashion, +apprehended the meaning of the hour too late, or not at all. With his downfall +began that proud sequence that runs from the Scipios through Æmilius Paullus, +Flamininus, the Catos, the Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla to Pompey, Cæsar, and +Augustus. In China, correspondingly, during the period of the “Contending +States,” a like chain of statesmen and generals centred on Tsin as the Classical +figures centred on Rome. In accordance with the complete want of understanding +of the political side of Chinese history that prevails, these men are usually +described as Sophists.⁠<a id="FNanchor_743" href="#Footnote_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a> They were so, but only in the same sense as leading +<span class="pagenum" id="p419">[419]</span>Romans of the same period were Stoics—that is, as having been educated in +the philosophy and rhetoric of the Greek East. All were finished orators and +all from time to time wrote on philosophy, Cæsar and Brutus no less than +Cato and Cicero, but they did so not as professional philosophers, but because +<i lang="la">otium cum dignitate</i> was the habit of cultivated gentlemen. In business hours +they were masters of fact, whether on battle-field or in high politics, and precisely +the same is true of the Chancellors Chang-I and Su-tsin;⁠<a id="FNanchor_744" href="#Footnote_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a> the dreaded +diplomatist Fan-Sui who overthrew Pe-Ki, the general; Wei-Yang the legislator +of Tsin; Lui-Shi, the first Emperor’s Mæcenas, and others.</p> + +<p>The Culture had bound up all its forces in strict form. Now they were +released, and “Nature”—that is, the cosmic—broke forth immediate. +The change from the absolute State to the battling Society of nations that +marks the beginning of every Civilization may mean for idealists and ideologues +what they like—in the world of facts it means the transition from government +in the style and pulse of a strict tradition to the <i lang="la">sic volo, sic jubeo</i> of the unbridled +personal régime. The maximum of symbolic and <em>super</em>-personal form coincides +with that of the Late period of the Culture—in China about 600, in the Classical +about 450, for ourselves about 1700. The minimum in the Classical lies in +the time of Sulla and Pompey, and for us will be reached (and possibly passed) +in the next hundred years. Great interstate and internal conflicts, revolutions +of a fearful kind, interpenetrate increasingly, but the questions at issue in all +of them without exception are (consciously and frankly or not) questions of +unofficial, and eventually purely personal, power. It is historically of no +importance what they themselves aimed at theoretically, and we need not know +the catchwords under which the Chinese and Arabian revolutions of this stage +broke out, nor even whether there were such catchwords. None of the innumerable +revolutions of this era—which more and more become blind outbreaks of +uprooted megalopolitan masses—has ever attained, or ever had the possibility +of attaining, an aim. What stands is only the <em>historical fact</em> of an accelerated +demolition of ancient forms that leaves the path clear for Cæsarism.</p> + +<p>But the same is true also of the wars, in which the armies and their tactical +<span class="pagenum" id="p420">[420]</span>methods become more and more the creation, not of the epoch, but of uncontrolled +individual captains, who in many cases discovered their genius very +late and by accident. While in 300 there were <em>Roman</em> armies, in 100 there were +the armies of Marius and Sulla and Cæsar; and Octavian’s army, which was +composed of Cæsar’s veterans, led its general much more than it was led by +him. But with this the methods of war, its means, and its aims assumed raw-natural +and ferocious forms,⁠<a id="FNanchor_745" href="#Footnote_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a> very different from those prevailing before. Their +duels were not eighteenth-century Trianon duels, encounters in knightly forms +with fixed rules to determine when a man might declare himself exhausted, +what maximum of force might be employed, and what conditions the chivalry +permitted a victor to impose. They were ring-battles of infuriated men with +fists and teeth, fought to the bodily collapse of one and exploited without +reserve or restraint by the victor. The first great example of this “return to +Nature” is afforded by the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic armies, which, +instead of artificial manœuvres with small bodies, practised the mass-onset +without regard to losses and thereby shattered to atoms the refined strategy of +the Rococo. To bring the whole muscular force of a nation on to the battlefields +by the universal-service system was an idea utterly alien to the age of +Frederick the Great.⁠<a id="FNanchor_746" href="#Footnote_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a></p> + +<p>Similarly, in every Culture, the technique of war hesitatingly followed the +advance of craftsmanship, until at the beginning of the Civilization it suddenly +takes the lead, presses all mechanical possibilities of the time relentlessly into +its service, and under pressure of military necessity even opens up new domains +hitherto unexploited—but at the same time renders largely ineffectual the +personal heroism of the thoroughbred, the ethos of the noble, and the subtle +intellect of the Late Culture. In the Classical world, where the Polis made +mass-armies essentially impossible—for relatively to the general smallness of +Classical forms, tactical included, the numbers of Cannæ, Philippi, and Actium +were enormous and exceptional—the second Tyrannis (Dionysius of Syracuse +leading) introduced mechanical technique into warfare, and on a large scale.⁠<a id="FNanchor_747" href="#Footnote_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a> +<span class="pagenum" id="p421">[421]</span>Then for the first time it became possible to carry out sieges like those of Rhodes +(305), Syracuse (213), Carthage (146), and Alesia (52), in which also the +increasing importance of rapidity, even for Classical strategy, became evident. +It was in line with this tendency that the Roman legion, the characteristic +structure of which developed only in the Hellenistic age, worked like a machine +as compared with the Athenian and Spartan militias of the fifth century. In +China, correspondingly, iron was worked up for cutting and thrusting weapons +from 474, light cavalry of the Mongolian model displaced the heavy war-chariot, +and fortress warfare suddenly acquired outstanding importance.⁠<a id="FNanchor_748" href="#Footnote_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a> +The fundamental craving of Civilized mankind for speed, mobility, and mass-effects +finally combined, in the world of Europe and America, with the Faustian +will to domination over Nature and produced dynamic methods of war that +even to Frederick the Great would have seemed like lunacy, but to us of to-day, +in close proximity to our technics of transportation and industry, are perfectly +natural. Napoleon horsed his artillery and thereby made it highly mobile +(just as he broke up the mass army of the Revolution into a system of self-contained +and easily moved corps), and already at Wagram and Borodino it had +augmented its purely physical effectiveness to the point of what we should +call rapid-fire and drum fire.⁠<a id="FNanchor_749" href="#Footnote_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a> The second stage is—most significantly—marked +by the American Civil War of 1861–5—which even in the numbers of +troops it involved far surpassed the order of magnitude of the Napoleonic +Wars⁠<a id="FNanchor_750" href="#Footnote_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a> and in which for the first time the railway was used for large troop-movements, +the telegraph-network for messages, and a steam fleet, keeping the +sea for months on end, for blockade, and in which armoured ships, the torpedo, +rifled weapons, and monster artillery of extraordinary range were discovered.⁠<a id="FNanchor_751" href="#Footnote_751" class="fnanchor">[751]</a>⁠<a id="FNanchor_752" href="#Footnote_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a> +The third stage is that of the World War, preluded by the Russo-Japanese conflict;⁠<a id="FNanchor_753" href="#Footnote_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a> +here submarine and aircraft were set to work, speed of invention became +<span class="pagenum" id="p422">[422]</span>a new arm in itself, and the extent (though most certainly not the intensity) +of the means used attained a maximum. But to this expenditure of force there +corresponds everywhere the ruthlessness of the decisions. At the very outset +of the Chinese Shan-Kwo period we find the utter annihilation of the State of +Wu—an act which in the preceding Chun-tsiu period chivalry would have +made impossible. Even in the peace of Campo Formio Napoleon outraged the +<i lang="fr">convenances</i> of the eighteenth century, and after Austerlitz he introduced the +practice of exploiting military success without regard to any but material +restrictions. The last step still possible is being taken in the peace treaty of the +Versailles type, which deliberately avoids finality and settlement, and keeps +open the possibility of setting up new conditions at every change in the situation. +The same evolution is seen in the chain of the three Punic Wars. The +idea of wiping out one of the leading great powers of the world—which +eventually became familiar to everyone through Cato’s deliberately dry insistence +on his “<i lang="la">Ceterum censeo Carthaginem esse delendam</i>”—never crossed the +mind of the victor of Zama and, for all the wild war-ethics of the Classical +Poleis, it would have seemed to Lysander, as he stood victorious in Athens, an +impiety towards every god.</p> + +<p>The Period of the Contending States begins for the Classical world with the +battle of Ipsus (301) which established the trinity of Eastern great powers, +and the Roman victory over the Etruscans and Samnites at Sentinum (295), +which created a mid-Italian great power by the side of Carthage. Then, however, +the characteristic Classical preference for things near and in the present resulted +in eyes’ being shut while Rome won, first the Italian south in the Pyrrhic adventure, +then the sea in the first Punic War, and then the Celtic north through +C. Flaminius. The significance even of Hannibal (probably the only man of his +time who clearly saw the trend of events) was ignored by all, the Romans +themselves not excepted. It was at <em>Zama</em>, and not merely later at Magnesia +and Pydna, that the Hellenistic Eastern powers were defeated. All in vain the +great Scipio, truly anxious in the presence of the destiny to which a Polis +overloaded with the tasks of a world-dominion was marching, sought +thereafter to avoid all conquest. In vain his entourage forced through the +Macedonian War, against the will of every party, merely in order that the +East could thenceforth be ignored as harmless. Imperialism is so necessary a +product of any Civilization that when a people refuses to assume the rôle of +master, it is seized and pushed into it. The Roman Empire was <em>not</em> conquered—the +“<i lang="la">orbis terrarum</i>” condensed itself into that form and forced the Romans +to give it their name. It is all very Classical. While the Chinese states defended +even the mere remnants of their independence with the last bitterness, +Rome after 146 only took upon herself to transform the Eastern land-masses into +provinces because there was no other resource against anarchy left. And even +this much resulted in the inward form of Rome—the last which had remained +<span class="pagenum" id="p423">[423]</span>upright—melting in the Gracchan disorders. And (what is unparalleled +elsewhere) it was not between states that the final rounds of the battle for +Imperium were fought, but between the parties of a city—the form of the +Polis allowed of no other outcome. Of old it had been Sparta <i>versus</i> Athens, +now it was Optimate <i>versus</i> Popular Party. In the Gracchan revolution, which +was already (134) heralded by a first Servile War, the younger Scipio was +secretly murdered and C. Gracchus openly slain—the first who as Princeps +and the first who as Tribune were political centres in themselves amidst a +world become formless. When, in 104, the urban masses of Rome for the first +time lawlessly and tumultuously invested a private person, Marius, with Imperium, +the deeper importance of the drama then enacted is comparable with +that of the assumption of the mythic Emperor-title by the ruler of Tsin in 288. +The inevitable product of the age, Cæsarism, suddenly outlines itself on the +horizon.</p> + +<p>The heir of the Tribune was Marius, who like him linked mob and high +finance and in 87 murdered off the old aristocracy in masses. The heir of the +Princeps was Sulla, who in 82 annihilated the class of the great merchants by +his proscriptions. Thereafter the final decisions press on rapidly, as in China +after the emergence of Wang Cheng. Pompey the Princeps and Cæsar the +Tribune—tribune not in office, but in attitude—were still party-leaders, +but nevertheless, already at Lucca, they were arranging with Crassus and each +other for the first partition of the world amongst themselves. When the heirs +of Cæsar fought his murderers at Philippi, both had ceased to be more than +groups. By Actium the issue was between individuals, and Cæsarism will out, +even in such a process as this.</p> + +<p>In the corresponding evolution within the Arabian world it is, of course, +the Magian Consensus that takes the place of the bodily Polis as the basic +form in and through which the facts accomplish themselves; and this form, +as we have seen, excluded any separation of political and religious tendencies +to such an extent that even the urban bourgeois urge towards freedom (marking, +here as elsewhere, the beginning of the Period of Contending States) presents +itself in orthodox disguise, and so has hitherto almost escaped notice.⁠<a id="FNanchor_754" href="#Footnote_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a> It +appeared as a will to break loose from the Caliphate, which the Sassanids, and +Diocletian following them, had created in the forms of the feudal state. From +the times of Justinian and Chosroës Nushirvan this had had to meet the onset +of Frondeurs—led by the heads of the Greek and Mazdaist Churches, the +nobility, both Persian-Mazdaist (above all Irak) and Greek (particularly the +Asiatic), and the high chivalry of Armenia, which was divided into two parts +by the difference of religion. The absolutism almost attained in the seventh +<span class="pagenum" id="p424">[424]</span>century was then suddenly destroyed by the attack of Islam. In its <em>political</em> +beginnings Islam was strictly aristocratic; the handful of Arabian families⁠<a id="FNanchor_755" href="#Footnote_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a> +who everywhere kept the leading in their hands, very soon formed in the +conquered territories a new higher nobility of strong breed and immense self-sufficingness +which thrust the dynasty down to the same level as its English +“contemporaries” thrust theirs. The Civil War between Othman and Ali +(656–661) was the expression of a true Fronde, and its movements were all +in the interests of two clans and their respective adherents. The Islamic Whigs +and Tories of the eighth century, like the English of the eighteenth, <em>alone</em> +practised high politics, and their coteries and family quarrels are more important +to the history of the time than any events in the reigning house of the +Ommaiyads (661–750).</p> + +<p>But with the fall of the gay and enlightened dynasty that has resided in +Damascus—that is, West-Aramæan and Monophysite Syria—the natural +centre of gravity of the Arabian Culture reappeared; it was the East-Aramæan +region. Once the basis of Sassanid and now of Abbassid power, but always—irrespective +of whether its shaping was Persian or Arabian, or its religion +Mazdaist, Nestorian, or Islamic—it expressed one and the same grand line +of development and was the exemplar for Syria as for Byzantium alike. From +Kufa the movement started which led to the downfall of the Ommaiyads and +their <i lang="fr">ancien régime</i>, and the character of this movement—of which the whole +extent has never to this day been observed—was that <em>of a social revolution directed +against the primary orders of society and the aristocratic tradition</em>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_756" href="#Footnote_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a> It began among the +Mavali, the small bourgeoisie in the East, and directed itself with bitter +hostility against the Arabs, not <i>qua</i> champions of Islam but <i>qua</i> new nobility. +The recently converted Mavali, almost all former Mazdaists, took Islam more +seriously than the Arabs themselves, who represented also a class-ideal. Even +in the army of Ali the wholly democratic and Puritan Qaraites had split off,⁠<a id="FNanchor_757" href="#Footnote_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a> +and in their ranks we see for the first time the combination of fanatic sectarianism +and Jacobinism. Here and now there emerged not only the Shiite tendency, +but also the first impulses towards the Communistic Karramiyya movement, +which can be traced to Mazdak⁠<a id="FNanchor_758" href="#Footnote_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a> and later produced the vast outbreaks under +Babek. The Abbassids were anything but favourites with the insurgents of +Kufa, and it was only owing to their great diplomatic skill that they were +first allowed a footing as officers and then—almost like Napoleon—were +able to enter into the heritage of a Revolution that had spread over the whole +<span class="pagenum" id="p425">[425]</span>East. After their victory they built Baghdad—a resurrected Ctesiphon, +symbol of the downfall of feudal Arabism—and this first world-city of the +new Civilization became from 800 to 1050 the theatre of the events which led +from Napoleonism to Cæsarism, <em>from the Caliphate to the Sultanate</em>, which, in +Baghdad no less than in Byzantium, is the Magian type of power without form—here +also the only kind of power still possible.</p> + +<p>We have to recognize quite clearly, then, that in the Arabian world as +elsewhere democracy was a class-ideal—the outlook of townsmen and the +expression of their will to be free from the old linkages with land, be it a +desert or plough-land. The “no” which answered the Caliph-tradition could +disguise itself in very numerous forms, and neither free-thought nor constitutionalism +in our sense was necessary to it. <em>Magian mind and Magian money are +“free” in quite a different way.</em> The Byzantine monkhood was liberal to the +point of turbulence, not only against court and nobility, but also against the +higher ecclesiastical powers, which had developed a hierarchy (corresponding +to the Gothic) even before the Council of Nicæa. The consensus of the Faithful, +the “people” in the most daring sense, was looked upon as willed by God +(“Nature,” Rousseau would have said), as <em>equal</em> and free from all powers of the +blood. The celebrated scene in which the Abbot Theodore of Studion adjured +the Emperor Leo V to obey (813) is a Storming of the Bastille in Magian forms.⁠<a id="FNanchor_759" href="#Footnote_759" class="fnanchor">[759]</a> +Not long afterwards there began the revolt of the Paulicians, very pious and in +social matters wholly radical,⁠<a id="FNanchor_760" href="#Footnote_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a> who set up a state of their own beyond the +Taurus, ravaged all Asia Minor, defeated one Imperial levy after another, and +were not subjugated till 874. This corresponds in every way to the communistic-religious +movement of the Karramiyya, which extended from the Tigris to +Merv and whose leader Babek succumbed only after a twenty years’ struggle +(817–837);⁠<a id="FNanchor_761" href="#Footnote_761" class="fnanchor">[761]</a> + and the other like outbreak of the Carmathians⁠<a id="FNanchor_762" href="#Footnote_762" class="fnanchor">[762]</a> in the West +(890–904), whose liaisons reached from Arabia into all the Syrian cities and +who propagated rebellion as far as the Persian coast. But, besides these, there +were still other disguises of the political party-battle. When now we are told +that the Byzantine army was Iconoclast and that the military party was consequently +opposed by an Iconodule monkish party, we begin to see the passions +of the century of the image-controversy (740–840) in quite a new light, and +to understand that the end of the crisis (843)—the final defeat of the Iconoclasts +and <em>simultaneously</em> of the free-church monkish policy—signifies a Restoration +in the 1815 sense of the word.⁠<a id="FNanchor_763" href="#Footnote_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a> And, lastly, this period is the time of the +<span class="pagenum" id="p426">[426]</span>fearful slave-rebellion in Irak—the kernel of the Abbassids’ realm—which +throws sudden light upon a series of other social upheavals. Ali, the Spartacus +of Islam, founded in 869, south of Baghdad, a veritable Negro state out of the +masses of runaways, built himself a capital, Muktara, and extended his power +far in the directions of Arabia and Persia alike, where he gained the support of +whole tribes. In 871 Basra, the first great port of the Islamic world, inhabited +by nearly a million souls, was taken, deluged in massacre, and burnt. Not till +883 was this slave-state destroyed.</p> + +<p>Thus slowly the Sassanid-Byzantine forms were hollowed out, and in the +place of the ancient traditions of the higher officialdom and nobility there arose +the inconsequent and wholly personal power of incidental geniuses—<em>the +Sultanate</em>. For this is the specifically Arabian form, and it appears simultaneously +in Byzantium and Baghdad and takes its steady course from the Napoleonic +beginnings about 800 to the completed Cæsarism of the Seljuk Turks about +1050. This form is purely Magian, belongs only to that Culture, and is incomprehensible +without the most fundamental axioms of its soul. The Caliphate, +a synthesis of political (not to say cosmic) beat and style, was not +abolished—for the Caliph as the representative of God recognized by the +Consensus of the elect is sacred—but he was deprived of all powers that +Cæsarism needed to possess, just as Pompey and Augustus in fact, and Sulla and +Cæsar in fact and in name, abstracted these powers from the old constitutional +forms of Rome. In the end there remained to the Caliph about as much power +as the Senate and the Comitias had under Tiberius. The whole richness of +being in high form—in law, costume, ethic—that had once been a symbol, +was now mere trappings covering a formless and purely factual régime.</p> + +<p>So we find by the side of Michael III (842–867) Bardas, and by Constantine +VII (912–959) Romanos—the latter even formally Co-Emperor.⁠<a id="FNanchor_764" href="#Footnote_764" class="fnanchor">[764]</a> In 867 +the ex-groom Basileios, a Napoleonic figure, overthrew Bardas and founded +the sword-dynasty of the Armenians (to 1081), in which generals instead of +Emperors mostly ruled—force-men like Romanos, Nicephorus, and Bardas +Phocas. The greatest amongst them was John Tzimisces (969–976) in Armenian +Kiur Zan. In Baghdad it was the <em>Turks</em> who played the Armenian rôle; in +842 the Caliph Vathek invested one of their leaders for the first time with the +title of Sultan. From 862 the Turkish prætorians held the ruler in tutelage, and +in 945 Achmed, the founder of the Sultan-dynasty of the Buyids, formally +restricted the Abbassid Caliph to his religious dignities. And then there set in, +in both the world-cities, an unrestrained competition between the mighty +provincial families for possession of the supreme power. In the case of the +Christian we find, indeed, Basileios II and others challenging the great latifundia +lords, but this does not in the least mean social purposes in the legislator. +<span class="pagenum" id="p427">[427]</span>It was an act of self-defence on the part of the momentary potentate +against possible heirs, and closely analogous, therefore, to the proscriptions of +Sulla and the Triumvirs. Half Asia Minor belonged to the Dukas, Phocas, and +Skleros connexions; the Chancellor Basileios, who could keep an army on pay +out of his own fabulous resources, has long ago been compared with Crassus.⁠<a id="FNanchor_765" href="#Footnote_765" class="fnanchor">[765]</a> +But the imperial age proper begins only with the Seljuk Turks.⁠<a id="FNanchor_766" href="#Footnote_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a> Their leader +Togrulbek won Irak in 1043 and Armenia in 1049, and in 1055 forced the Caliph +to grant him the <em>hereditary</em> Sultanate. His son Alp Arslan conquered Syria and, +by the victory of Manzikert, gained eastern Asia Minor. The remnant of the +Byzantine Empire thenceforward possessed no importance to, or influence on, +the further destinies of the Turkish Islamic Imperium.</p> + +<p>This is the phase, too, which in Egypt is concealed under the name of the +“Hyksos.” Between the XIIth and the XVIIIth Dynasties lay two centuries,⁠<a id="FNanchor_767" href="#Footnote_767" class="fnanchor">[767]</a> +which began with the collapse of the <i lang="fr">ancien régime</i> which had culminated with +Sesostris III,⁠<a id="FNanchor_768" href="#Footnote_768" class="fnanchor">[768]</a> and ended with the beginning of the New Empire. The numbering +of the dynasties itself suffices to disclose something catastrophic. In the +lists of kings the names appear successive or parallel, usurpers of obscurest +origin, generals, people with strange titles, often reigning only a few days. +With the very first king of the XIIIth Dynasty the high-Nile records at Semne +break off, and with his successor the archives at Kahun come to an end. It is +the time out of which the Leiden Papyrus portrays the great social revolution.⁠<a id="FNanchor_769" href="#Footnote_769" class="fnanchor">[769]</a> +<span class="pagenum" id="p428">[428]</span>The fall of the Government and the victory of the mass is followed by outbreaks +of the army and the rise of ambitious soldiers. In Egypt from about 1680 +appears the name of the “Hyksos,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_770" href="#Footnote_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a> a designation with which the historians +of the New Empire, who no longer understood or wished to understand the +meaning of the epoch, covered up the shame of these years. These Hyksos, +there can be no doubt whatever, played the part that the Armenians played in +Byzantium; and in the Classical world too, the destinies of the Cimbri and +Teutones, would have gone the same way had they defeated Marius and his +legions of city <i lang="fr">canaille</i>; they would have filled the armies of the Triumvirs +again and again, and in the end probably set up barbarian chieftains in their +place—for the case of Jugurtha shows the lengths to which foreigners dared +to go with the Rome of those days. The provenance or constitution of the +intruders does not matter—they might be body-guards, insurgent slaves, +Jacobins, or purely alien tribes. What does matter is what they were for the +Egyptian world in that century of theirs. In the end they set up a state in the +Western Delta and built a capital, Auaris, for it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_771" href="#Footnote_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a> One of their leaders, Khyan +by name, who styled himself, not Pharaoh, but “Embracer of the Country” and +“prince of the young men” (names as essentially revolutionary as the <i lang="la">Consul +sine collega</i> or <i lang="la">dictator prepetuus</i> of Cæsar’s time) a man probably of the stamp of +John Tzimisces, ruled over all Egypt and spread his renown as far as Crete and +the Euphrates. But after him began a fight of all the districts for the Imperium, +and out of that fight Amasis and the Theban dynasty eventually emerged victorious.</p> + +<p>For us this time of Contending States began with Napoleon and his violent-arbitrary +government by order. His head was the first in our world to make +effective the notion of a military and at the same time popular world-domination—something +altogether different from the Empire of Charles V and even +the British Colonial Empire of his own day. If the nineteenth century has been +relatively poor in great wars—and revolutions—and has overcome its worst +crises diplomatically by means of congresses, this has been due precisely to the +continuous and terrific war-preparedness which has made disputants, fearful at +the eleventh hour of the consequences, postpone the definitive decision again +and again, and led to the substitution of chess-moves for war. For this is the +century of gigantic permanent armies and universal compulsory service. We +ourselves are too near to it to see it under this terrifying aspect. In all world-history +there is no parallel. Ever since Napoleon, hundreds of thousands, and +<span class="pagenum" id="p429">[429]</span>latterly millions, of men have stood ready to march, and mighty fleets renewed +every ten years have filled the harbours. It is a war without war, a war of +overbidding in equipment and preparedness, a war of figures and tempo and +technics, and the diplomatic dealings have been not of court with court, but of +headquarters with headquarters. The longer the discharge was delayed, the +more huge became the means and the more intolerable the tension. This is the +Faustian, the dynamic, form of “the Contending States” during the first century +of that period, but it ended with the explosion of the World War. For the +demand of these four years has been altogether too much for the principle of +universal service—child of the French Revolution, revolutionary through and +through, as it is in this form—and for all tactical methods evolved from it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_772" href="#Footnote_772" class="fnanchor">[772]</a> +The place of the permanent armies as we know them will gradually be taken +by professional forces of volunteer war-keen soldiers; and from millions we +shall revert to hundreds of thousands. But <i lang="la">ipso facto</i> this second century will +be one of <em>actually</em> Contending States. <em>These</em> armies are not substitutes for war—they +are <em>for</em> war, and they want war. Within two generations it will be +they whose will prevails over that of all the comfortables put together. In +these wars of theirs for the heritage of the whole world, continents will be +staked, India, China, South Africa, Russia, Islam called out, new technics and +tactics played and counterplayed. The great cosmopolitan foci of power will +dispose at their pleasure of smaller states—their territory, their economy and +their men alike—all that is now merely province, passive object, means to +end, and its destinies are without importance to the great march of things. +We ourselves, in a very few years, have learned to take little or no notice of +events that before the War would have horrified the world; who to-day seriously +thinks about the millions that perish in Russia?</p> + +<p>Again and again between these catastrophes of blood and terror the cry +rises up for reconciliation of the peoples and for peace on earth. It is but +the background and the echo of the grand happening, but, as such, so necessary +that we have to assume its existence even if, as in Hyksos Egypt, in Baghdad +and Byzantium, no tradition tells of it. Esteem as we may the wish towards +all this, we must have the courage to face facts as they are—that is the hall-mark +of men of race-quality and it is by the being of these men that <em>alone</em> +history is. Life if it would be great, is hard; it lets choose <em>only</em> between victory +and ruin, not between war and peace, and to the victory belong the sacrifices +of victory. For that which shuffles querulously and jealously by the side of the +events is only literature,—written or thought or lived literature—mere +truths that lose themselves in the moving crush of facts. History has never +deigned to take notice of these propositions. In the Chinese world Hiang-Sui +tried, as early as 535, to found a peace league. In the period of the Contending +States, imperialism (<i>Lien-heng</i>) was opposed by the League of Nations idea +<span class="pagenum" id="p430">[430]</span>(<i>Hoh-tsung</i>),⁠<a id="FNanchor_773" href="#Footnote_773" class="fnanchor">[773]</a> + particularly in the southern regions, but it was foredoomed like +every half-measure that steps into the path of a whole, and it had vanished +even before the victory of the North. But both tendencies alike rejected the +political taste of the Taoists, who, in those fearful centuries, elected for intellectual +self-disarmament, thereby reducing themselves to the level of mere +material to be used up by others and for others in the grand decisions. Even +Roman politics—deliberately improvident as the Classical spirit was in all +other respects—at least made one attempt to bring the whole world into one +system of equal co-ordinated forces which should do away with all necessity +for further wars—that is, when at the fall of Hannibal Rome forwent the +chance of incorporating the East. But reluctance was useless; the party of the +younger Scipio went over to frank Imperialism in order to make an end of +chaos, although its clear-sighted leader foresaw therein the doom of his city, +which possessed (and in a high degree) the native Classical incapacity for +organizing anything whatever. The way from Alexander to Cæsar is unambiguous +and unavoidable, and the strongest nation of any and every Culture, +consciously or unconsciously, willing or unwilling, has had to tread it.</p> + +<p>From the rigour of these facts there is no refuge. The Hague Conference of +1907 was the prelude of the World War; the Washington Conference of 1921 +will have been that of other wars. The history of these times is no longer an +intellectual match of wits in elegant forms for pluses and minuses, from which +either side can withdraw when it pleases. The alternatives now are to stand +fast or to go under—there is no middle course. The only moral that the logic +of things permits to us now is that of the climber on the face of the crag—a +moment’s weakness and all is over. To-day all “philosophy” is nothing +but an inward abdication and resignation, or a craven hope of escaping +realities by means of mysticisms. It was just the same in Roman times. Tacitus +tells us⁠<a id="FNanchor_774" href="#Footnote_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a> how the famous Musonius Rufus tried, by exhortations on the blessings +of peace and the evils of war, to influence the legions that in 70 stood +before the gates of Rome, and barely escaped alive from their blows. The military +commander Avidius Cassius called the Emperor Marcus Aurelius a “philosophical +old woman.”</p> + +<p>In these conditions so much of old and great traditions as remains, so much +of historical “fitness” and experience as has got into the blood of the twentieth-century +nations, acquires an unequalled potency. For us <em>creative</em> piety, or (to +use a more fundamental term) the pulse that has come down to us from first +origins, adheres only to forms that are older than the Revolution and Napoleon,⁠<a id="FNanchor_775" href="#Footnote_775" class="fnanchor">[775]</a> +forms which grew and were not made. Every remnant of them, however tiny, +that has kept itself alive in the being of any self-contained minority whatever +<span class="pagenum" id="p431">[431]</span>will before long rise to incalculable values and bring about historical effects +which no one yet imagines to be possible. The traditions of an old monarchy, +of an old aristocracy, of an old polite society, in so much as they are still healthy +enough to keep clear of professional or professorial politics, in so far as they +possess honour, abnegation, discipline, the genuine sense of a great mission +(<em>race-quality</em>, that is, and training), sense of duty and sacrifice—can become a +centre which holds together the being-stream of an entire people and enables it +to outlast this time and make its landfall in the future. To be “in condition” +is everything. It falls to us to live in the most trying times known to the history +of a great Culture. The last race to keep its form, the last living tradition, +the last leaders who have both at their back, will pass through and +onward, victors.</p> + + +<h3 id="X"> + X {sic} +</h3> + +<p>By the term “Cæsarism” I mean that kind of government which, irrespective +of any constitutional formulation that it may have, is in its inward self +a return to thorough formlessness. It does not matter that Augustus in Rome, +and Hwang-ti in China, Amasis in Egypt and Alp Arslan in Baghdad disguised +their position under antique forms. The spirit of these forms was dead,⁠<a id="FNanchor_776" href="#Footnote_776" class="fnanchor">[776]</a> and +so all institutions, however carefully maintained, were thenceforth destitute +of all meaning and weight. Real importance centred in the wholly personal +power exercised by the Cæsar, or by anybody else capable of exercising it in his +place. It is the <i lang="fr">récidive</i> of a form-fulfilled world into primitivism, into the +cosmic-historyless. Biological stretches of time once more take the place +vacated by historical periods.⁠<a id="FNanchor_777" href="#Footnote_777" class="fnanchor">[777]</a></p> + +<p>At the beginning, where the Civilization is developing to full bloom (to-day), +there stands the miracle of the Cosmopolis, the great petrifact, a symbol of +the formless—vast, splendid, spreading in insolence. It draws within itself +the being-streams of the now impotent countryside, human masses that are +wafted as dunes from one to another or flow like loose sand into the chinks +of the stone. Here money and intellect celebrate their greatest and their last +triumphs. It is the most artificial, the cleverest phenomenon manifested in +the light-world of human eyes—uncanny, “too good to be true,” standing +already almost beyond the possibilities of cosmic formation.</p> + +<p>Presently, however, the idea-less facts come forward again, naked and +gigantic. The eternal-cosmic pulse has finally overcome the intellectual +tensions of a few centuries. In the form of democracy, money has won. There +has been a period in which politics were almost its preserve. But as soon as +it has destroyed the old orders of the Culture, the chaos gives forth a new and +<span class="pagenum" id="p432">[432]</span>overpowering factor that penetrates to the very elementals of Becoming—the +Cæsar-men. Before them the money collapses. <em>The Imperial Age, in every +Culture alike, signifies the end of the politics of mind and money</em>. The powers of the +blood, unbroken bodily forces, resume their ancient lordship. “Race” springs +forth, pure and irresistible—the strongest win and the residue is their spoil. +They seize the management of the world, and the realm of books and problems +petrifies or vanishes from memory. From now on, new destinies in the style +of the pre-Culture time are possible afresh, and visible to the consciousness +without cloaks of causality. There is no inward difference more between the +lives of Septimius Severus and Gallienus and those of Alaric and Odoacer. +Rameses, Trajan, Wu-ti belong together in a uniform up-and-down of historyless +time-stretches.⁠<a id="FNanchor_778" href="#Footnote_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a></p> + +<p>Once the Imperial Age has arrived, there are no more political problems. +People manage with the situation as it is and the powers that be. In the period +of Contending States, torrents of blood had reddened the pavements of all +world-cities, so that the great truths of Democracy might be turned into +actualities, and for the winning of rights without which life seemed not worth +the living. Now these rights are won, but the grandchildren cannot be moved, +even by punishment, to make use of them. A hundred years more, and even the +historians will no longer understand the old controversies. Already by Cæsar’s +time reputable people had almost ceased to take part in the elections.⁠<a id="FNanchor_779" href="#Footnote_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a> It +embittered the life of the great Tiberius that the most capable men of his time +held aloof from politics, and Nero could not even by threats compel the Equites +to come to Rome in order to exercise their rights. This is the end of the great +politics. The conflict of intelligences that had served as substitute for war +must give place to war itself in its most primitive form.</p> + +<p>It is, therefore, a complete misunderstanding of the meaning of the period to +presume, as Mommsen did,⁠<a id="FNanchor_780" href="#Footnote_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a> a deep design of subdivision in the “dyarchy” +fashioned by Augustus, with its partition of powers between Princeps and +Senate. A century earlier this constitution would have been a real thing, but +that would in itself suffice to make it impossible for such an idea to have entered +the heads of the present force-men. Now it meant nothing but the attempt of +a weak personality to deceive itself as to inexorable facts by mantling them in +empty forms. Cæsar saw things as they were and was guided in the exercise +of his rulership by definite and unsentimental practical considerations. The +legislation of his last months was concerned wholly with transitional provisions, +<span class="pagenum" id="p433">[433]</span>none of which were intended to be permanent. This precisely is what has +generally been overlooked. He was far too deep a judge of things to anticipate +development or to settle its definitive forms at this moment, with the Parthian +War impending. But Augustus, like Pompey before him, was not the master +of his following, but thoroughly dependent upon it and its views of things. +The form of the Principate was not at all his discovery, but the doctrinaire +execution of an obsolete party-ideal that Cicero—another weakling—had +formulated.⁠<a id="FNanchor_781" href="#Footnote_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a> When, on the 13th January 27, Augustus gave back the state-power +to the “Senate and People” of Rome—a scene all the more meaningless +because of its sincerity—he kept the Tribunate for himself. In fact, this was +the one element of the polity that could manifest itself in actuality. The Tribune +was the legitimate successor of the Tyrant,⁠<a id="FNanchor_782" href="#Footnote_782" class="fnanchor">[782]</a> and as long ago as 122 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> Caius +Gracchus had put into the title a connotation limited no longer by the legal +bounds of the office, but only by the personal talents of the incumbent. From +him it is a direct line through Marius and Cæsar to the young Nero, who set +himself to defeat the political purposes of his mother Agrippina. The Princeps,⁠<a id="FNanchor_783" href="#Footnote_783" class="fnanchor">[783]</a> +on the other hand, was thenceforth only a costume, a rank—very likely a +fact in society, certainly not a fact in politics. And this, precisely, was the +conception invested with light and glamour by the theory of Cicero, and +<em>already</em>—and by him of all people—associated with the Divus-idea.⁠<a id="FNanchor_784" href="#Footnote_784" class="fnanchor">[784]</a> The +“co-operation” of the Senate and People, on the contrary, was an antiquated +ceremonial, with about as much life in it as the rites of the Fratres Arvales—also +restored by Augustus. The great parties of the Gracchan age had long +become retinues—Cæsarians and Pompeians—and finally there only remained +on the one side the formless omnipotence, the plain brutal “fact,” the Cæsar—or +whoever managed to get the Cæsar under his influence—and on the other +side the handful of narrow ideologues who concealed dissatisfaction under +philosophy and thenceforward sought to advance their ideals by conspiracy. +What these Stoics were in Rome, the Confucians were in China—and, seen +thus, the episode of the “Burning of the Books,” decreed by the Chinese Augustus +in 212, begins to be intelligible through the reproach of immense vandalism +that the minds of later literates fastened upon it. But, after all, these Stoic +enthusiasts for an ideal that had become impossible had killed Cæsar:⁠<a id="FNanchor_785" href="#Footnote_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a> to the +<span class="pagenum" id="p434">[434]</span>Divus-cult they opposed a Cato- and Brutus-cult; the philosophers in the Senate +(which by then was only a noble club) never wearied of lamenting the +downfall of “freedom” and fomenting conspiracies such as Piso’s in 65. Had +this been the state of things at Nero’s death, it would have been Sulla over +again; and that is why Nero put to death the Stoic Thrasea Pætus, why Vespasian +executed Helvidius Priscus, and why copies of the history of Cremutius +Cordus, which lauded Brutus as the last of the Romans, were collected and burnt +in Rome. These were acts of defensive State necessity <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> blind ideology—acts +such as those we know of Cromwell and Robespierre—and it was in +exactly the same position that the Chinese Cæsars found themselves <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the +school of Confucius, which had formerly worked out their ideal of a state-constitution +and now had no notion of enduring the actuality. This great +Burning of the Books was nothing but the destruction of one part of the politico-philosophical +literature and the abolition of propaganda and secret organizations.⁠<a id="FNanchor_786" href="#Footnote_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a> +This defensive lasted in both Imperia for a century, and then even +reminiscences of party-political passions faded out and the two philosophies +became the ruling world-outlook of the Imperial age in its maturity.⁠<a id="FNanchor_787" href="#Footnote_787" class="fnanchor">[787]</a> But the +world was now the theatre of <em>tragic family-histories</em> into which state-histories +were dissolved; the Julian-Claudian house destroyed Roman history, and the +house of Shi-hwang-ti (even from 206 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>) destroyed Chinese, and we darkly discern +something of the same kind in the destinies of the Egyptian Queen +Hatshepsut and her brothers (1501–1447). It is the last step to the definitive. +With world-peace—<em>the peace of high policies</em>—the “sword side”⁠<a id="FNanchor_788" href="#Footnote_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a> of being +retreats and the “spindle side” rules again; henceforth there are only <em>private</em> +histories, private destinies, private ambitions, from top to bottom, from the +miserable troubles of fellaheen to the dreary feuds of Cæsars for the private +possession of the world. The wars of the age of world-peace are private wars, +more fearful than any State wars because they are formless.</p> + +<p>For world-peace—which has often existed in fact—involves the private +renunciation of war on the part of the immense majority, but along with this +it involves an unavowed readiness to submit to being the booty of others who +do <em>not</em> renounce it. It begins with the State-destroying wish for universal +reconciliation, and it ends in nobody’s moving a finger so long as misfortune +only touches his neighbour. Already under Marcus Aurelius each city and +each land-patch was thinking of itself, and the activities of the ruler were his +<span class="pagenum" id="p435">[435]</span>private affair as other men’s were theirs. The remoter peoples were as indifferent +to him and his troops and his aims as they were to the projects of Germanic +war-bands. On this <em>spiritual</em> premiss a second Vikingism develops. The +state of being “in form” passes from nations to bands and retinues of adventurers, +self-styled Cæsars, seceding generals, barbarian kings, and what not—in +whose eyes the population becomes in the end merely a part of the landscape. +There is a deep relation between the heroes of the Mycenæan primitive age and +the soldier-emperors of Rome, and between, say, Menes and Rameses II. In our +Germanic world the spirits of Alaric and Theodoric will come again—there +is a first hint of them in Cecil Rhodes—and the alien executioners of the +Russian preface, from Jenghiz Khan to Trotski (with the episode of Petrine +Tsarism between them) are, when all is said and done, very little different from +most of the pretenders of the Latin-American republics, whose private struggles +have long since put an end to the form-rich age of the Spanish Baroque.</p> + +<p>With the formed state, high history also lays itself down weary to sleep. +Man becomes a plant again, adhering to the soil, dumb and enduring. The +timeless village and the “eternal” peasant⁠<a id="FNanchor_789" href="#Footnote_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a> reappear, begetting children and +burying seed in Mother Earth—a busy, not inadequate swarm, over which +the tempest of soldier-emperors passingly blows. In the midst of the land lie +the old world-cities, empty receptacles of an extinguished soul, in which a +historyless mankind slowly nests itself. Men live from hand to mouth, with +petty thrifts and petty fortunes, and endure. Masses are trampled on in the +conflicts of the conquerors who contend for the power and the spoil of this +world, but the survivors fill up the gaps with a primitive fertility and suffer on. +And while in high places there is eternal alternance of victory and defeat, those +in the depths pray, pray with that mighty piety of the Second Religiousness that +has overcome all doubts for ever.⁠<a id="FNanchor_790" href="#Footnote_790" class="fnanchor">[790]</a> There, in the souls, world-peace, the peace +of God, the bliss of grey-haired monks and hermits, is become actual—and +there alone. It has awakened that depth in the endurance of suffering which +the historical man in the thousand years of his development has never known. +Only with the end of grand History does holy, still Being reappear. It is a +drama noble in its aimlessness, noble and aimless as the course of the stars, the +rotation of the earth, and alternance of land and sea, of ice and virgin forest +upon its face. We may marvel at it or we may lament it—but it is there.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p436"></a><a id="p437"></a><a id="p438"></a><a id="p439"></a>[439]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XII"> + CHAPTER XII + <br> + <span class="subtitle">THE STATE + <br> + (C) + <br> + PHILOSOPHY OF POLITICS</span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>To Politics as an idea we have given more thought than has been good for us, +since, correspondingly, we have understood all the less about the observation of +Politics as a reality. The great statesmen are accustomed to act immediately +and on the basis of a sure flair for facts. This is so self-evident, to them, that it +simply never enters their heads to reflect upon the basic general principles of +their action—supposing indeed that such exist. In all ages they have known +what they had to do, and any theory of this knowledge has been foreign to +both their capacities and their tastes. But the professional thinkers who have +turned their attention to the <i lang="fr">faits accomplis</i> of men have been so remote, inwardly, +from these actions that they have just spun for themselves a web of +abstractions—for preference, abstraction-myths like justice, virtue, freedom—and +then applied them as criteria to past and, especially, future historical +happening. Thus in the end they have forgotten that concepts are only concepts, +and brought themselves to the conclusion that there is a political science +whereby we can form the course of the world according to an ideal recipe. +As nothing of the kind has ever or anywhere happened, political doing has +come to be considered as so trivial in comparison with abstract thinking that +they debate in their books whether there is a “genius of action” at all.</p> + +<p>Here, on the contrary, the attempt will be made to give, instead of an ideological +system, a <em>physiognomy</em> of politics as it has actually been practised in the +course of general history, and not as it might or ought to have been practised. +The problem was, and is, to penetrate to the final meaning of great events, to +“see” them, to feel and to transcribe the symbolically important in them. +The projects of world-improvers and the actuality of History have nothing +to do with one another.⁠<a id="FNanchor_791" href="#Footnote_791" class="fnanchor">[791]</a></p> + +<p>The being-streams of humanity are called History when we regard them as +movement, and family, estate, people, nation, when we regard them as the +<span class="pagenum" id="p440">[440]</span>object moved.⁠<a id="FNanchor_792" href="#Footnote_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a> + Politics is the way in which this fluent Being maintains itself, +<em>grows</em>, triumphs over other life-streams. <em>All living is politics</em>, in every trait of +instinct, in the inmost marrow.⁠<a id="FNanchor_793" href="#Footnote_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a> That which we nowadays like to call life-energy +(vitality), the “it” in us that at all costs strives forward and upward, +the blind cosmic drive to validity and power that at the same time remains +plantwise and racewise, bound up with the earth, the “home”-land; the +directedness, the need to actualize—it is this that appears in every higher +mankind, as its political life, seeking naturally and inevitably the great +decisions that determine whether it shall be, or shall suffer, a Destiny. For it +grows or <em>it dies out</em>; there is no third possibility.</p> + +<p>For this reason the nobility, as expression of a strong race-quality, is the +truly political Order, and training and not shaping is the truly political sort of +education. Every great politician, a centre of forces in the stream of happening, +has something of the noble in his feeling of self-vocation and inward obligation. +On the other hand, all that is microcosmic and “intellect” is unpolitical, +and so there is a something of priestliness in all program-politics and ideology. +The best diplomats are the children; in their play, or when they want something, +a cosmic “it” that is bound up in the individual being breaks out immediately +and with the sure tread of the sleep-walker. They do not learn, but +unlearn, this art of early years as they grow older—hence the rarity in the +world of adults of the Statesman.</p> + +<p>It is only in and between these being-streams that fill the field of the high +Culture that high policy exists. They are only possible, therefore, in the plural. +A people <em>is</em>, really, only in relation to peoples.⁠<a id="FNanchor_794" href="#Footnote_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a> But the natural, “race,” relation +between them is for that very reason a relation of war—this is a fact that +no truths avail to alter. War is the primary politics of <em>everything</em> that lives, and +so much so that in the deeps battle and life are one, and being and will-to-battle +expire together. Old Germanic words for this, like “<i>orrusta</i>” and “<i>orlog</i>,” +mean seriousness and destiny in contrast to jest and play—and the contrast is +one of intensity, not of qualitative difference. And even though all high +politics tries to be a substitution of more intellectual weapons for the sword and +though it is the ambition of the statesman at the culminations of all the Cultures +to feel able to dispense with war, yet the primary relationship between diplomacy +and the war-art endures. The character of battle is common to both, +and the tactics and stratagems, and the necessity of material forces in the +background to give weight to the operations. The aim, too, remains the same—namely, +the growth of one’s own life-unit (class or nation) at the cost of the +other’s. And every attempt to eliminate the “race” element only leads to its +transfer to other ground; instead of the conflict of states we have that of +<span class="pagenum" id="p441">[441]</span>parties, or that of areas, or (if there also the will to growth is extinct) that of +the adventurers’ retinues, to whose doings the rest of the population unresistingly +adjusts itself.</p> + +<p>In every war between life-powers the question at issue is which is to govern +the whole. It is always a life, never a system, law, or program that gives the +beat in the stream of happening.⁠<a id="FNanchor_795" href="#Footnote_795" class="fnanchor">[795]</a> To be the centre of action and effective focus +of a multitude,⁠<a id="FNanchor_796" href="#Footnote_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a> to make the inward form of one’s own personality into that +of whole peoples and periods, to be history’s commanding officer, with the +aim of bringing one’s own people or family or purposes to the top of events—that +is the scarce-conscious but irresistible impulse in every individual being +that has a historical vocation in it. There is only <em>personal</em> history, and consequently +only <em>personal</em> politics. The struggle of, not principles but men, not +ideals but race-qualities, for executive power is the alpha and omega. Even +revolutions are no exception, for the “sovereignty of the people” only expresses +the fact that the ruling power has assumed the title of people’s leader +instead of that of king. The method of governing is scarcely altered thereby, +and the position of the governed not at all. And even world-peace, in every +case where it has existed, has been nothing but the slavery of an entire humanity +under the regimen imposed by a few strong natures determined to rule.</p> + +<p>The conception of executive power implies that the life-unit—even in the +case of the animals—is subdivided into subjects and objects of government. +This is so self-evident that no mass-unit has ever for a moment, even in the +severest crises (such as 1789), lost the sense of this inner structure of itself. +Only the incumbent vanishes, not the office, and if a people does actually, in +the tide of events, lose all leadership and float on haphazard, it only means that +control has passed to outside hands, that it has become <em>in its entirety</em> the mere +object.</p> + +<p>Politically gifted <em>peoples</em> do not exist. Those which are supposed to be +so are simply peoples that are firmly in the hands of a ruling minority and in +consequence feel themselves to be in good form. The English as a people are +just as unthinking, narrow, and unpractical in political matters as any other +nation, but they possess—for all their liking for public debate—a <em>tradition of +confidence</em>. The difference is simply that the Englishman is the object of a +regimen of very old and successful habits, in which he acquiesces because experience +has shown him their advantage. From an acquiescence that has the +outward appearance of agreement, it is only one step to the conviction that this +government depends upon his will, although paradoxically it is the government +that, for technical reasons of its own, unceasingly hammers the notion into +his head. The ruling class in England has developed its aims and methods +<span class="pagenum" id="p442">[442]</span>quite independently of the “people,” and it works with and within an unwritten +constitution of which the refinements—which have arisen from practice and +are wholly innocent of theory—are to the uninitiated as opaque as they are +unintelligible. But the courage of a troop depends on its confidence in the +leadership, and confidence means involuntary abstention from criticism. It is +the officer who makes cowards into heroes, or heroes into cowards, and this +holds good equally for armies, peoples, classes, and parties. <em>Political talent in a +people</em> is nothing but confidence in its leading. But that confidence has to be +acquired; it will ripen only in its own good time, and success will stabilize it +and make it into a tradition. What appears as a lack of the feeling of certainty +in the ruled is really lack of leadership-talent in the ruling classes, which +generates that sort of uninstinctive and meddlesome criticism which by its +very existence shows that a people has got “out of condition.”</p> + + +<h3 id="II_11"> + II +</h3> + +<p>How is politics <em>done?</em> The born statesman is above all a valuer—a valuer of +men, situations, and things. He has the “eye” which unhesitatingly and +inflexibly embraces the round of possibilities. The judge of horses takes in an +animal with one glance and knows what prospects it will have in a race. To +do the correct thing without “knowing” it, to have the hands that imperceptibly +tighten or ease the bit—his talent is the very opposite to that of the +man of theory. The secret pulse of all being is one and the same in him and in +the things of history. They sense one another, they exist for one another. +The fact-man is immune from the risk of practising sentimental or program +politics. He does not believe in the big words. Pilate’s question is +constantly on his lips—truths? The born statesman stands beyond true and +false. He does not confuse the logic of events with the logic of systems. +“Truths” or “errors”—which here amount to the same—only concern him +as intellectual currents, and in respect of <em>workings</em>. He surveys their potency, +durability, and direction, and duly books them in his calculations for the +destiny of the power that he directs. He has convictions, certainly, that are +dear to him, but he has them as a private person; no real politician ever felt +himself tied to them when in action. “The doer is always conscienceless; no +one has a conscience except the spectator,” said Goethe, and it is equally true +of Sulla and Robespierre as it is of Bismarck and Pitt. The great Popes and the +English party-leaders, so long as they had still to strive for the mastery of +things, acted on the same principles as the conquerors and upstarts of all ages. +Take the dealings of Innocent III, who very nearly succeeded in creating a +world-dominion of the Church, and deduce therefrom the catechism of success; +it will be found to be in the extremest contradiction with all religious moral. +Yet without it there could have been no bearable existence for any Church, not +to mention English Colonies, American fortunes, victorious revolutions, or, +<span class="pagenum" id="p443">[443]</span>for that matter, states or parties or peoples in general. It is <em>life</em>, not the individual, +that is conscienceless.</p> + +<p>The essential, therefore, is to understand the time <em>for</em> which one is born. +He who does not sense and understand its most secret forces, who does not feel +in himself something cognate that drives him forward on a path neither hedged +nor defined by concepts, who believes in the surface, public opinion, large +phrases and ideals of the day—he is not of the stature for its events. He is +in their power, not they in his. Look not back to the past for measuring-rods! +Still less sideways for some system or other! There are times, like our own +present and the Gracchan age, in which there are two most deadly kinds of +idealism, the reactionary and the democratic. The one believes in the reversibility +of history, the other in a teleology of history. But it makes no difference +to the inevitable failure with which both burden a nation over whose destiny +they have power, whether it is to a memory or to a concept that they sacrifice it. +The genuine statesman is incarnate history, its directedness expressed as individual +will and its organic logic as character.</p> + +<p>But the true statesman must also be, in a large sense of the word, an educator—not +the representative of a moral or a doctrine, but an exemplar in +doing.⁠<a id="FNanchor_797" href="#Footnote_797" class="fnanchor">[797]</a> It is a patent fact that a religion has never yet altered the style of an +existence. It penetrated the waking-consciousness, the <em>intellectual</em> man, it +threw new light on another world, it created an immense happiness by way of +humanity, resignation, and patience unto death, but over the forces of life it +possessed no power. In the sphere of the living only the great personality—the +“it,” the race, the cosmic force bound up in that personality—has been +creative (not shaping, but breeding and training) and has effectively modified +the type of entire classes and peoples. It is not “the” truth or “the” good or +“the” upright, but “the” Roman or “the” Puritan or “the” Prussian that is a +fact. The sum of honour and duty, discipline, resolution, is a thing not learned +from books, but <em>awakened</em> in the stream of being by a living exemplar; and that +is why Frederick William I was one of those educators, great for all time, +whose personal race-forming conduct does not vanish in the course of the +generations. The genuine statesman is distinguished from the “mere politician”—the +player who plays for the pleasure of the game, the <i lang="fr">arriviste</i> +on the heights of history, the seeker after wealth and rank—as also from the +schoolmaster of an ideal, by the fact that he dares to demand sacrifices—<em>and</em> +obtains them, because his feeling that he is necessary to the time and the nation +is shared by thousands, transforms them to the core, and renders them capable +of deeds to which otherwise they could never have risen.⁠<a id="FNanchor_798" href="#Footnote_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p444">[444]</span></p> + +<p>Highest of all, however, is not action, but the <em>ability to command</em>. It is this +that takes the individual up out of himself and makes him the centre of a world +of action. There is one kind of commanding that makes obedience a proud, free, +and noble habit. That kind Napoleon, for example, did <em>not</em> possess. A residue +of subaltern outlook in him prevented him from training men to be men and not +bureau-personnel, and led him to govern through edicts instead of through +personalities; as he did not understand this subtlest tact of command and, therefore, +was obliged to do everything really decisive himself, he slowly collapsed +from inability to reconcile the demands of his position with the limit of human +capabilities. But one who, like Cæsar or Frederick the Great, possesses this last +and highest gift of complete humanity feels—on a battle-evening when +operations are sweeping to the willed conclusion, and the victory is turning +out to be conclusive of the campaign; or when the last signature is written that +rounds off a historical epoch—a wondrous sense of power that the man of +truths can never know. There are moments—and they indicate the maxima +of cosmic flowings—when the individual feels himself to be identical with +Destiny, the centre of the world, and his own personality seems to him almost +as a covering in which the history of the future is about to clothe itself.</p> + +<p>The first problem is to make oneself somebody; the second—less obvious, +but harder and greater in its ultimate effects—<em>to create a tradition</em>, to bring on +others so that one’s work may be continued with one’s own pulse and spirit, +to release a current of like activity that does not need the original leader to +maintain it in form. And here the statesman rises to something that in the +Classical world would doubtless have been called divinity. He becomes the +creator of a new life, the <em>spirit</em>-ancestor of a young race. He himself, as a unit, +vanishes from the stream after a few years. But a minority called into being by +him takes up his course and maintains it indefinitely. This cosmic something, +this soul of a ruling stratum, an individual <em>can</em> generate and leave as a heritage, +and throughout history it is this that has produced the durable effects. The +great statesman is rare. Whether he comes, or wins through, too soon or too +late, incident determines. Great individuals often destroy more than they have +built up—by the gap that their death makes in the flow of happening. But +<em>the creation of tradition means the elimination of the incident</em>. A tradition breeds a +high average, with which the future can reckon—no Cæsar, but a Senate, no +Napoleon, but an incomparable officer-corps. A strong tradition attracts +talents from all quarters, and out of small gifts produces great results. The +schools of painting of Italy and Holland are proof of this, no less than the +Prussian army and the diplomacy of the Roman Curia. It was the great flaw in +Bismarck, as compared with Frederick William I, that he could achieve, but +could not form a tradition; that he did not parallel Moltke’s officer-corps by a +corresponding race of politicians who would identify themselves in feeling +with his State and its new tasks, would constantly take up good men from below +<span class="pagenum" id="p445">[445]</span>and so provide for the continuance of the Bismarckian action-pulse for ever. +If this creation of a tradition does not come off, then instead of a homogeneous +ruling stratum we have a congeries of heads that are helpless when confronted +by the unforeseen. If it does, we have a <em>Sovereign People</em> in the one sense of the +phrase that is worthy of a people and possible in the world of fact—a highly +trained, self-replenishing minority with sure and slowly ripened traditions, +which attracts every talent into the charmed circle and uses it to the full, and +<i lang="la">ipso facto</i> keeps itself in harmony with the remainder of the nation that it rules. +Such a minority slowly develops into a true “breed,” even when it had begun +merely as a party, and the sureness of its decisions comes to be that of blood, +not of reason. But this means that what happens in it happens “of itself” and +does not need the Genius. <em>Great politics</em>, so to put it, <em>takes the place of the great +politician</em>.</p> + +<p>What, then, <em>is</em> politics? It is the art of the possible—an old saying, and +almost an all-inclusive saying. The gardener can obtain a plant from the seed, +or he can improve its stock. He can bring to bloom, or let languish, the dispositions +hidden in it, its growths and colour, its flower and fruit. On his +eye for possibilities—and, therefore, necessities—depends its fulfilment, its +strength, its whole Destiny. But the basic form and direction of its being, the +stages and tempo and direction thereof, are <em>not</em> in his power. It must accomplish +them or it decays, and the same is true of the immense plant that we call a +“Culture” and the being-streams of human families that are bound up in its +form-world. The great statesman is the gardener of a people.</p> + +<p>Every doer is born in a time and for a time, and thereby the ambit of <em>his</em> +attainable achievement is fixed. For his grandfather, for his grandson, the +data, and therefore the task and the object, are not the same. The circle is +further narrowed by the limits of his personality, the properties of his people, +the situation, and the men with whom he has to work. It is the hall-mark of +the high politician that he is rarely caught out in a misappreciation of this +limit, and equally rarely overlooks anything realizable within it. With this—one +cannot too often repeat, especially to Germans—goes a sure discrimination +between what “ought” to be and what <em>will</em> be. The basic forms of the state +and of political life, the direction and the degree of their evolution, are given +values unalterably dependent on the given time. They are the track of political +success and not its goal. On the other hand the worshippers of political ideals +create out of nothing. Their intellectual freedom is astounding, but their castles +of the mind, built of airy concepts like wisdom and righteousness, liberty and +equality, are in the end all the same; they are built from the top storey downwards. +The master of fact, for his part, is content to direct imperceptibly that +which he sees and accepts as plain reality. This does not seem very much, yet it +is the very starting-point of freedom, in a grand sense of the word. The knack +lies in the little things, the last careful touch of the helm, the fine sensing of the +<span class="pagenum" id="p446">[446]</span>most delicate oscillations of collective and individual souls. The art of the +statesman consists not only in a clear idea of the main lines drawn undeviably +before him, <em>but also</em> in the sure handling of the single occurrences and the single +persons, encountered along those lines, which can turn an impending disaster +into a decisive success. The secret of all victory lies in the organization of the +non-obvious. An adept in the game can, like Talleyrand, go to Vienna as +ambassador of the vanquished party and make himself master of the victor. +At the Lucca meeting, Cæsar, whose position was wellnigh desperate, not only +made Pompey’s power serviceable to his own ends, but undermined it at the +same time, and without his opponent’s becoming aware of the fact. But the +domain of the possible has dangerous edges, and if the finished tact of the great +Baroque diplomatists almost always managed to keep clear, it is the very +privilege of the ideologues to be always stumbling over it. There have been +turns in history in which the statescraftman has let himself drift with the +current awhile, in order not to lose the leadership. Every situation has its +elastic limit, and in the estimation of that limit not the smallest error is permissible. +A revolution that reaches explosion-point is always a proof of lack +of the political pulse in the governors <em>and</em> in their opponents.</p> + +<p>Further, the necessary must be done <em>opportunely</em>—namely, while it is a +present wherewith the governing power can buy confidence in itself, whereas +if it has to be conceded as a sacrifice, it discloses a weakness and excites contempt. +Political forms are living forms whose changes inexorably follow a +definite direction, and to attempt to prevent this course or to divert it towards +some ideal is to confess oneself “out of condition.” The Roman nobility +possessed this congruence of pulse, the Spartan did not. In the period of mounting +democracy we find again and again (as in France before 1789 and Germany +before 1918) the arrival of a fatal moment when it is too late for the necessary +reform to be given as a free gift; <em>then</em> that which should be refused with the +sternest energy is given as a <em>sacrifice</em>, and so becomes the sign of dissolution. But +those who fail to detect the first necessity in good time will all the more certainly +fail to misunderstand the second situation. Even a journey to Canossa +can be made too soon or too late—the timing may settle the future of whole +peoples, whether they shall be Destiny for others, or themselves the objects of +another’s Destiny. But the declining democracy also repeats the same error of +trying to hold what was the ideal of yesterday. This is the danger of our +twentieth century. On the path towards Cæsarism there is ever a Cato to be +found.</p> + +<p>The influence that a statesman—even one in an exceptionally strong position—possesses +over the <em>methods</em> of politics is very small, and it is one of the +characteristics of the high-grade statesman that he does not deceive himself on +this matter. His task is to work in and with the historical form that he finds +in existence; it is only the theorist who enthusiastically searches for more +<span class="pagenum" id="p447">[447]</span>ideal forms. But to be politically “in form” means necessarily, amongst other +things, an unconditional <em>command of the most modern means</em>. There is no choice +about it. The means and methods are premisses pertaining to the time and belong +to the inner form of the time—and one who grasps at the inapposite, who +permits his taste or his feelings to overpower the pulse in him, loses at once his +grip of realities. The danger of an aristocracy is that of being conservative in +its means, the danger of a democracy is the confusion of formula and form. +The means of the present are, and will be for many years, parliamentary—elections +and the press. He may think what he pleases about them, he may +respect them or despise them, but he <em>must command them</em>. Bach and Mozart +<em>commanded</em> the musical means of their times. This is the hall-mark of mastery +in any and every field, and statecraft is no exception. Now, the publicly +visible outer form thereof is not the essential but merely the disguise, and consequently +it may be altered, rationalized, and brought down to constitutional +texts—without its actualities being necessarily affected in the slightest—and +hence the ambitions of all revolutionaries expend themselves in playing +the game of rights, principles, and franchises on the surface of history. But the +statesman knows that the extension of a franchise is quite unimportant in +comparison with the technique—Athenian or Roman, Jacobin or American or +present-day German—of <em>operating</em> the votes. How the English constitution +reads is a matter of small import compared with the fact that it is managed by a +small stratum of high families, so that an Edward VII is simply a minister of his +Ministry. And as for the modern Press, the sentimentalist may beam with +contentment when it is constitutionally “free”—but the realist merely asks +at whose disposal it is.</p> + +<p>Politics, lastly, is the form in which is accomplished the history of a nation +within a plurality of nations. The great art is to maintain one’s own nation +inwardly “in form” for events outside; this is the natural relation of home +and foreign politics, holding not only for Peoples and States and Estates, but +for living units of every kind, down to the simplest animal swarms and down +into the individual bodies. And, as between the two, <em>the first exists exclusively +for the second and not vice versa</em>. The true democrat is accustomed to treat home +politics as an end in itself; the rank and file of diplomats think solely of foreign +affairs; but just because of this the individual successes of either “cut no ice.” +No doubt, the political master exhibits his powers most obviously in the tactics +of home reform; in his economic and social activities; in his cleverness in +maintaining the public form of the whole, the “rights and liberties,” both in +tune with the tastes of the period and <em>at the same time</em> effective; and in the education +of the feelings without which it is impossible for a people to be “in +condition”—namely, trust, respect for the leading, consciousness of power, contentment, +and (when necessary) enthusiasm. But the value of all this depends +upon its relation to this basic fact of higher history—that a people is not alone +<span class="pagenum" id="p448">[448]</span>in the world, and that its future will be decided by its force-relationships towards +other peoples and powers and not by its mere internal ordering. And, since the +ordinary man is not so long-sighted, it is the ruling minority that must possess +this quality on behalf of the rest, and not unless there is such a minority does the +statesman find the instrument wherewith he can carry his purposes into effect.⁠<a id="FNanchor_799" href="#Footnote_799" class="fnanchor">[799]</a></p> + + +<h3 id="III_11"> + III +</h3> + +<p>In the early politics of all Cultures the governing powers are pre-established +and unquestioned. The whole being is strictly in patriarchal and symbolic +form. The connexions with the mother soil are so strong, the feudal tie, and +even its successor the aristocratic state, so self-evident to the life held in their +spell, that politics in a Homeric or Gothic age is limited to plain action +within the cadre of the given forms. In so far as these forms change, they do +so more or less spontaneously, and the idea that it is a <em>task</em> of politics to bring +about the changes never definitely emerges into anyone’s mind, even if a kingdom +be overthrown or a nobility reduced to subjection. There is only class-politics, +Imperial- or Papal- or vassal-politics. Blood and race speak in actions +undertaken instinctively or half-consciously—even the priest behaves, <i>qua</i> +politician, as the man of race. The “problems” of the State are not yet awakened. +The sovereignty, the primary orders, the entire early form-world, are +God-given, and it is on them as premisses, not about them as objects of dispute, +that the organic minorities fight their battles. These minorities we call <em>Factions</em>.</p> + +<p>It is of the essence of the Faction that it is wholly inaccessible to the idea +that the order of things can be changed to a plan. Its object is to win for itself +status, power, or possessions within this order—like all growing things in a +growing world. There are groups in which relationships of houses, honour +and loyalty, bonds of union of almost mythic inwardness, play a part, and +from which abstract ideas are totally excluded. Such were the factions of the +Homeric and Gothic periods, Telemachus and the suitors in Ithaca, the Blues +and Greens under Justinian, the Guelphs and Ghibellines, the Houses of Lancaster +and York, the Protestants,⁠<a id="FNanchor_800" href="#Footnote_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a> the Huguenots, and even later the motive +forces of Fronde and First Tyrannis. Machiavelli’s book rests entirely on this +spirit.</p> + +<p>The change sets in as soon as, with the great city, the Non-Estate, the +bourgeoisie, takes over the leading rôle.⁠<a id="FNanchor_801" href="#Footnote_801" class="fnanchor">[801]</a> Now it is the reverse, the political +<em>form</em> becomes the object of conflict, the problem. Heretofore it was ripened, +<span class="pagenum" id="p449">[449]</span>now it must needs be shaped. Politics becomes awake, not merely comprehended, +but reduced to comprehensible ideas. The powers of intellect and +money set themselves up against blood and tradition. In place of the organic +we have the organized; <em>in place of the Estate, the Party</em>. A party is not a growth +of race, but an aggregate of heads, and therefore as superior to the old estates +in intellect as it is poorer in instinct. It is the mortal enemy of naturally +matured class-ordering, the mere existence of which is in contradiction with +its essence. Consequently, the notion of party is always bound up with the +unreservedly negative, disruptive, and socially levelling notion of <em>equality</em>. +Noble ideals are no longer recognized, but only vocational interests.⁠<a id="FNanchor_802" href="#Footnote_802" class="fnanchor">[802]</a> It is +the same with the freedom-idea, which is likewise a negative.⁠<a id="FNanchor_803" href="#Footnote_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a> <em>Parties are +a purely urban phenomenon.</em> With the emancipation of the city from the country, +everywhere (whether we happen to know it evidentially or not) Estate politics +gives way to party politics—in Egypt at the end of the Middle Kingdom, in +China with the Contending States, in Baghdad and Byzantium with the Abbassid +period. In the capitals of the West the parties form in the parliamentary +style, in the city-states of the Classical they are forum-parties, and we recognize +parties of the Magian style in the Mavali and the monks of Theodore of Studion.⁠<a id="FNanchor_804" href="#Footnote_804" class="fnanchor">[804]</a></p> + +<p>But always it is the Non-Estate, the unit of protest against the essence of +Estate, whose leading minority—“educated” and “well-to-do”—comes +forward as a party with a program, consisting of aims that are not felt but +defined, and of the rejection of everything that cannot be rationally grasped. +<em>At bottom, therefore, there is only one party</em>, that of the bourgeoisie, the liberal, and +it is perfectly conscious of its position as such. It looks on itself as coextensive +with “the people.” Its opponents (above all, the genuine Estates—namely, +“squire and parson”) are enemies and traitors to “the people,” and its opinions +are the “voice of the people”—which is inoculated by all the expedients of +party-political nursing, oratory in the Forum, press in the West, until these +opinions do fairly represent it.</p> + +<p>The prime Estates are nobility and priesthood. The prime Party is that +of money and mind, the liberal, the megalopolitan. Herein lies the profound +justification, in <em>all</em> Cultures, of the ideas of Aristocracy and Democracy. Aristocracy +despises the mind of the cities, Democracy despises the boor and hates +the countryside.⁠<a id="FNanchor_805" href="#Footnote_805" class="fnanchor">[805]</a> It is the difference between Estate politics and party politics, +<span class="pagenum" id="p450">[450]</span>class-consciousness and party inclination, race and intellect, growth and +construction. Aristocracy in the completed Culture, and Democracy in the +incipient cosmopolitan Civilization, stand opposed till both are submerged in +Cæsarism. As surely as the nobility is <em>the</em> Estate (and the Tiers État never manages +to get itself into real form in this fashion), so surely the nobility fails +to feel as a party, though it may organize itself as one.</p> + +<p>It has in fact no choice but to do so. All modern constitutions repudiate the +Estates and are built on the Party as self-evidently the basic form of politics. +The nineteenth century—correspondingly, therefore, the third century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>—is +the heyday of party politics. Its democratic character compels the formation +counter-parties, and whereas formerly, as late even as the eighteenth century, +the “Tiers” constituted itself in imitation of the nobility as an Estate, now there +arises the <em>defensive</em> figure of the Conservative party, copied from the Liberal,⁠<a id="FNanchor_806" href="#Footnote_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a> +dominated completely by the latter’s forms, bourgeois-ized without being +bourgeois, and obliged to fight with rules and methods that liberalism has +laid down. It has the choice of handling these means better than its adversary⁠<a id="FNanchor_807" href="#Footnote_807" class="fnanchor">[807]</a> +or of perishing; but it is of the intimate structure of an Estate that it does not +understand the situation and challenges the form instead of the foe, and is thus +involved in that use of extreme methods which we see dominating the inner +politics of whole states in the early phases of every Civilization, and delivering +them helpless into the hands of the enemy. The compulsion that there is upon +every party to be bourgeois, at any rate in appearance, turns to sheer caricature +when below the bourgeoisie of education and possessions the Residue also +organizes itself as a party. Marxism, for example, is in theory a negation of +bourgeoisie, but as a party it is in attitude and leadership essentially middle-class. +There is a continuous conflict between its will—which necessarily +steps outside the bounds of party politics and therefore of constitutionalism +(both being exclusively liberal phenomena), and can in honesty only be called +civil war—and the appearances which it feels obliged, in justice to itself, +to keep up. But for Marxism, again, these appearances are indispensable, at +this particular period, if durable success is to be attained. A noble party in a +parliament is inwardly just as spurious as a proletarian. Only the bourgeoisie +is in its natural place there.</p> + +<p>In Rome, from the introduction of the Tribunes, in 471, to the recognition +of their legislative omnipotence, in the revolution of 287,⁠<a id="FNanchor_808" href="#Footnote_808" class="fnanchor">[808]</a> patricians and +plebeians had fought their fight essentially as Estates, classes. But thereafter +these opposite terms possessed hardly more than genealogical significance, +and there developed instead parties, to which the terms liberal and conservative +<span class="pagenum" id="p451">[451]</span>respectively may quite reasonably be applied—namely, the Populus,⁠<a id="FNanchor_809" href="#Footnote_809" class="fnanchor">[809]</a> + supreme +in the forum, and the nobility, with its fulcrum in the Senate. The latter had +transformed itself (about 287) from a family council of the old clans into a state +council of the administrative aristocracy. The associations of the Populus +are with the property-graded Comitia Centuriata and the big-money group of +the Equites, those of the nobility with the yeomanry that was influential in the +Comitia Tributa. Think on the one hand of the Gracchi and Marius, and on +the other of C. Flaminius, and a little penetration will disclose the complete +change in the position of the Consuls and the Tribunes. They are no longer the +chosen trustees of the first and third Estates, with lines of conduct determined +by that fact, but they represent party, and on occasion change it. There were +“liberal” consuls like the Elder Cato and “conservative” Tribunes like the +Octavius who opposed Ti. Gracchus. Both parties put up candidates at elections, +and used every sort of demagogic operation to get them in—and when +money had failed to win an election, it got to work afterwards with (increasing) +success upon the person elected.</p> + +<p>In England Tories and Whigs constituted themselves, from the beginning of +the nineteenth century, as parties, both becoming in form bourgeois and both +taking up the liberal program literally, whereby public opinion as usual was +completely convinced and set at rest.⁠<a id="FNanchor_810" href="#Footnote_810" class="fnanchor">[810]</a> This was a master-stroke, delivered at +the correct moment, and prevented the formation of a party hostile to the +Estate-principle such as arose in France in 1789. The members of the lower +House, hitherto emissaries of the ruling stratum, became popular representatives, +but still continued to depend financially upon it. The leading remained +in the same hands, and the opposition of the parties, which from 1830 assumed +the titles of Liberal and Conservative almost as a matter of course, was always +one of pluses and minuses, never of blank alternatives. In these same years +the literary freedom-movement of “young Germany” changed into a party-movement, +and in America under Andrew Jackson the National-Whig and +Democratic parties organized themselves as opposites, and open recognition +was given to the principle that elections were a business, and state offices from +top to bottom the “spoils of the victors.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_811" href="#Footnote_811" class="fnanchor">[811]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p452">[452]</span></p> + +<p>But the form of the governing minority <em>develops steadily from that of the Estate, +through that of the Party, towards that of the Individual’s following</em>. The outward +sign of the end of Democracy and its transition into Cæsarism is not, for +example, the disappearance of the party of the Tiers État, the Liberal, but the +disappearance of party itself as a form. The sentiments, the popular aim, the +abstract ideals that characterize all genuine party politics, dissolve and are +supplanted by <em>private</em> politics, the unchecked will-to-power of the race-strong +few. An Estate has instincts, a party has a program, but a following has a +master. That was the course of events from Patricians and Plebeians, through +Optimates and Populares, to Pompeians and Cæsarians. The period of real +party government covers scarcely two centuries, and in our own case is, since +the World War, well on the decline. That the entire mass of the electorate, +actuated by a common impulse, should send up men who are capable of managing +their affairs—which is the naïve assumption in all constitutions—is a +possibility only in the first rush, and presupposes that not even the rudiments +of organization by definite groups exists. So it was in France in 1789 and in +1848. An assembly has only to <em>be</em>, and tactical units will form at once within +it, whose cohesion depends upon the will to <em>maintain</em> the dominant position +once won, and which, so far from regarding themselves as the mouthpieces of +their constituents, set about making all the expedients of agitation amenable +to their influence and usable for their purposes. A tendency that has organized +itself in the people, has already <i lang="la">ipso facto</i> become the <em>tool</em> of the organization, +and continues steadily along the same path until the organization also becomes +in turn the tool of the leader. The will-to-power is stronger than any theory. +In the beginning the leading and the apparatus come into existence for the sake +of the program. Then they are held on to defensively by their incumbents for +the sake of power and booty—as is already universally the case to-day, for +thousands in every country live on the party and the offices and functions that +it distributes. Lastly the program vanishes from memory, and the organization +works for its own sake alone.</p> + +<p>With the elder Scipio or Quinctius Flamininus comradeship on campaign is +still the implication when we speak of their “friends.” But the younger Scipio +went further and his “Cohors Amicorum” was no doubt the first example of +an organized following whose activity extended to the law-courts and the +elections.⁠<a id="FNanchor_812" href="#Footnote_812" class="fnanchor">[812]</a> In the same way the old purely <em>patriarchal and aristocratic relation of +loyalty</em> between patron and client evolved into a community of interest based on +very material foundations, and even before Cæsar there were written compacts +between candidates and electors with specific provisions as to payment and +performances. On the other side, just as in present-day America,⁠<a id="FNanchor_813" href="#Footnote_813" class="fnanchor">[813]</a> clubs and +<span class="pagenum" id="p453">[453]</span>election committees were formed, which so controlled or frightened the mass +of the electors of their wards as to be able to do election business with the +great leaders, the pre-Cæsars, as one power with another. Far from this being +the shipwreck of democracy, it is its very meaning and necessary issue, and the +lamentations of unworldly idealists over this destruction of their hopes only +show their blind ignorance of the inexorable duality of truths and facts and of +the intimate linkage of intellect and money.</p> + +<p>Politico-social theory is only one of the bases of party politics, but it is a +necessary one. The proud series that runs from Rousseau to Marx has its antitype +in the line of the Classical Sophists up to Plato and Zeno. In the case of +China the characteristics of the corresponding doctrines have still to be extracted +from Confucian and Taoist literature; it suffices to name the Socialist +Moh-ti. In the Byzantine and Arabian literature of the Abbassid period—in +which radicalism, like everything else, is orthodox-religious in constitution—they +hold a large place, and they were driving forces in all the crises of the +ninth century. That they existed in Egypt and in India also is proved by the +spirit of events in the Hyksos time and in Buddha’s. Literary form is not +essential to them—they are just as effectively disseminated by word of +mouth, by sermon and propaganda in sects and associations, which indeed is +the standard method at the close of the Puritan movements (Islam and Anglo-American +Christianity amongst them).</p> + +<p>Whether these doctrines are “true” or “false” is—we must reiterate and +emphasize—a question without meaning for political history. The refutation +of, say, Marxism belongs to the realm of academic dissertation and public +debates, in which everyone is always right and his opponent always wrong. +But whether they are <em>effective</em>—from when, and for how long, the belief that +actuality can be ameliorated by a system of concepts is a real force that politics +must reckon with—that does matter. We of to-day find ourselves in a period +of boundless confidence in the omnipotence of reason. Great general ideas of +freedom, justice, humanity, progress are sacrosanct. The great theories are +gospels. Their power to convince does not rest upon logical premisses, for the +mass of a party possesses neither the critical energy nor the detachment seriously +to test them, but upon the sacramental hypostasis in their keywords. At the +same time, the spell is limited to the populations of the great cities and the +period of Rationalism as the “educated man’s religion.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_814" href="#Footnote_814" class="fnanchor">[814]</a> On a peasantry it +has no hold, and even on the city masses its effect lasts only for a certain time. +But <em>for</em> that time it has all the irresistibleness of a new revelation. They are +converted to it, hang fervently upon the words and the preachers thereof, go to +<span class="pagenum" id="p454">[454]</span>martyrdom on barricades and battle-field and gallows; their gaze is set upon a +political and social other-world, and dry sober criticism seems base, impious, +worthy of death.</p> + +<p>But for this very reason documents like the <cite lang="fr">Contrat Social</cite> and the <cite>Communist +Manifesto</cite> are engines of highest power in the hands of forceful men who have +come to the top in party life and know how to form and to use the convictions +of the dominated masses.⁠<a id="FNanchor_815" href="#Footnote_815" class="fnanchor">[815]</a></p> + +<p>The power that these abstract ideals possess, however, scarcely extends in +time beyond the two centuries that belong to party politics, and their end comes +not from refutation, but from boredom—which has killed Rousseau long since +and will shortly kill Marx. Men finally give up, not this or that theory, but +the belief in theory of any kind and with it the sentimental optimism of an +eighteenth century that imagined that unsatisfactory actualities could be +improved by the application of concepts. When Plato, Aristotle, and their +contemporaries defined and blended the various kinds of Classical constitution +so as to obtain a wise and beautiful resultant, all the world listened, and +Plato himself tried to transform Syracuse in accordance with an ideological +recipe—and sent the city downhill to its ruin.⁠<a id="FNanchor_816" href="#Footnote_816" class="fnanchor">[816]</a> It appears to me equally certain +that it was philosophical experimentation of this kind that put the Chinese +southern states out of condition and delivered them up to the imperialism of +Tsin.⁠<a id="FNanchor_817" href="#Footnote_817" class="fnanchor">[817]</a> The Jacobin fanatics of liberty and equality delivered France, from the +Directory onward, into the hands of Army and Bourse for ever, and every +Socialistic outbreak only blazes new paths for Capitalism. But when Cicero +wrote his <cite lang="la">De re publica</cite> for Pompey, and Sallust his two comminations for Cæsar, +nobody any longer paid attention. In Tiberius Gracchus we may discover +perhaps an influence derived from the Stoic enthusiast Blossius, who later +committed suicide after having similarly brought Aristonicus of Pergamum to +ruin;⁠<a id="FNanchor_818" href="#Footnote_818" class="fnanchor">[818]</a> but in the first century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> theories had become a threadbare school-exercise, +and thenceforward power and power alone mattered.</p> + +<p>For us, too—let there be no mistake about it—the age of theory is drawing +to its end. The great systems of Liberalism and Socialism all arose between +about 1750 and 1850. That of Marx is already half a century old, and it has +had no successor. Inwardly it means, with its materialist view of history, that +Nationalism has reached its extreme logical conclusion; it is therefore an +end-term. But, as belief in Rousseau’s Rights of Man lost its force from (say) +<span class="pagenum" id="p455">[455]</span>1848, so belief in Marx lost its force from the World War. When one contrasts +the devotion unto death that Rousseau’s ideas found in the French Revolution +with the attitude of the Socialists of 1918, who had to keep up before and in +their adherents a conviction that they themselves no longer possessed—for +the sake, not of the idea, but of the power that depended on it—one discerns +also the stretches of the road ahead, where what still remains of program is +doomed to fall by the way as being henceforth a mere handicap in the struggle +for power. Belief in program was the mark and the <em>glory</em> of our grandfathers—in +our grandsons it will be a proof of provincialism. In its place is developing +even now the seed of a new resigned piety, sprung from tortured conscience +and spiritual hunger, whose task will be to found a new Hither-side that looks +for secrets instead of steel-bright concepts and in the end will find them in the +deeps of the “Second Religiousness.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_819" href="#Footnote_819" class="fnanchor">[819]</a></p> + + +<h3 id="IV_11"> + IV +</h3> + +<p>This is the one side, the verbal side, of the great fact Democracy. It remains +now to consider the other, the decisive side, that of race.⁠<a id="FNanchor_820" href="#Footnote_820" class="fnanchor">[820]</a> Democracy would +have remained in minds and on paper had there not been amongst its champions +true master-natures for whom—unconscious though they may be, and often have +been, of the fact—the people is nothing but an object and the ideal nothing +but a means. All, even the most irresponsible, methods of demagogy—which +inwardly is exactly the same as the diplomacy of the <i lang="fr">ancien régime</i>, but designed +for application to masses instead of to princes and ambassadors, to wild opinions +and sentiments and will-outbursts instead of to choice spirits, an orchestra of +brass instead of old chamber-music—have been worked out by honest but +practical democrats, and it was from them that the parties of tradition learnt +them.</p> + +<p>It is characteristic, however, of the course of democracy, that the authors +of popular constitutions have never had any idea of the actual workings of their +schemes—neither the authors of the “Servian” Constitution in Rome nor the +National Assembly in Paris. Since these forms of theirs are not, like feudalism, +the result of growth, but of thought (and based, moreover, not on deep knowledge +of men and things, but on abstract ideas of right and justice), a gulf opens +between the intellectual side of the laws and—the practical habits that silently +form under the pressure of them, and either adapt them to, or fend them off +from, the rhythm of actual life. Only experience has ever taught the lesson, +and only at the end of the whole development has it been assimilated, that the +rights of the people and the influence of the people are two different things. +The more nearly universal a franchise is, the <em>less</em> becomes the power of the electorate.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p456">[456]</span></p> + +<p>In the beginning of a democracy the field belongs to intellect alone. History +has nothing nobler and purer to show than the night session of the 4th August +1789 and the Tennis-Court Oath, or the assembly in the Frankfurt Paulskirche +on the 18th May 1848—when men, with power in their very hands, debated +general truths so long that the forces of actuality were able to rally and thrust +the dreamers aside. But, meantime, that other democratic quantity lost no +time in making its appearance and reminding men of the fact that one can +make use of constitutional rights only when one has money.⁠<a id="FNanchor_821" href="#Footnote_821" class="fnanchor">[821]</a> That a franchise +should work even approximately as the idealist supposes it to work presumes +the absence of any organized leadership operating on the electors (in <em>its</em> interest) +to the extent that its available money permits. As soon as such leadership +does appear, the vote ceases to possess anything more than the significance of +a censure applied by the multitude to the individual organizations, over whose +structure it possesses in the end not the slightest positive influence. So also +with the ideal thesis of Western constitutions, the fundamental right of the +mass to choose its own representatives—it remains pure theory, for in actuality +every developed organization recruits itself.⁠<a id="FNanchor_822" href="#Footnote_822" class="fnanchor">[822]</a> Finally the feeling emerges +that the universal franchise contains no effective rights at all, not even that +of choosing between parties. For the powerful figures that have grown up on +their soil control, through money, all the intellectual machinery of speech and +script, and are able, on the one hand, to guide the individual’s opinions as they +please <em>above</em> the parties, and, on the other, through their patronage, influence, +and legislation, to create a firm body of whole-hearted supporters (the “Caucus”) +which excludes the rest and induces in it a vote-apathy which at the last +it cannot shake off even for the great crises.</p> + +<p>In appearance, there are vast differences between the Western, parliamentary, +democracy and the democracies of the Egyptian, Chinese, and Arabian Civilizations, +to which the idea of a universal popular franchise is wholly alien. +But in reality, for us in this age of ours, the mass is “in form” as an <em>electorate</em> +in exactly the same sense as it used to be “in form” as a collectivity of obedience—namely, +as an <em>object for a subject</em>—as it was “in form” in Baghdad as +the sects, and in Byzantium in its monks, and elsewhere again as a dominant +army or a secret society or a “state within a state.” Freedom is, as always, +purely <em>negative</em>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_823" href="#Footnote_823" class="fnanchor">[823]</a> It consists in the repudiation of tradition, dynasty, Caliphate; +but the executive power passes, at once and undiminished, from these institutions +to new forces—party leaders, dictators, presidents, prophets, and their +<span class="pagenum" id="p457">[457]</span>adherents—towards which the multitude continues to be unconditionally the +passive object.⁠<a id="FNanchor_824" href="#Footnote_824" class="fnanchor">[824]</a> “Popular self-determination” is a courteous figure of speech—in +reality, under a universal-inorganic franchise, election has soon ceased to +possess its original meaning. The more radical the political elimination of the +matured old order of Estates and callings, the more formless and feckless the +electoral mass, the more completely is it delivered into the hands of the new +powers, the party leaders, who dictate their will to the people through all +the machinery of intellectual compulsion; fence with each other for primacy +by methods which in the end the multitude can neither perceive nor comprehend; +and treat public opinion merely as a weapon to be forged and used for +blows at each other. But this very process, viewed from another angle, is seen +as an irresistible tendency driving every democracy further and further on the +road to suicide.⁠<a id="FNanchor_825" href="#Footnote_825" class="fnanchor">[825]</a></p> + +<p>The fundamental rights of a Classical people (demos, populus) extended to +the holding of the highest state and judicial offices.⁠<a id="FNanchor_826" href="#Footnote_826" class="fnanchor">[826]</a> For the exercise of these +the people was “in form” in its Forum, where the Euclidean point-mass was +corporeally assembled, and there it was the object of an influencing process in +the Classical style; namely, by bodily, near, and sensuous means—by a +rhetoric that worked upon every ear <em>and eye</em>; by devices many of which to us +would be repellent and almost intolerable, such as rehearsed sob-effects and the +rending of garments;⁠<a id="FNanchor_827" href="#Footnote_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a> by shameless flattery of the audience, fantastic lies +about opponents; by the employment of brilliant phrases and resounding +cadenzas (of which there came to be a perfect repertory for this place and purpose) +by games and presents; by threats and blows; but, above all, by money. +We have its beginnings in the Athens of 400,⁠<a id="FNanchor_828" href="#Footnote_828" class="fnanchor">[828]</a> and its appalling culmination +<span class="pagenum" id="p458">[458]</span>in the Rome of Cæsar and Cicero. As everywhere, the elections, from being +nominations of class-representatives, have become the battle-ground of party +candidates, an arena ready for the intervention of money, and, from Zama +onwards, of ever bigger and bigger money. “The greater became the wealth +which was capable of concentration in the hands of individuals, the more +the fight for political power developed into a question of money.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_829" href="#Footnote_829" class="fnanchor">[829]</a> It is +unnecessary to say more. And yet, in a deeper sense, it would be wrong to +speak of corruption. It is not a matter of degeneracy, it is the democratic +ethos itself that is foredoomed of necessity to take such forms when it reaches +maturity. In the reforms of the Censor Appius Claudius (310), who was beyond +doubt a true Hellenist and constitutional ideologue of the type of Madame +Roland’s circle, there was certainly no question but that of the franchise as +such, and not at all of the arts of gerrymandering—but the effect was simply to +prepare the way for those arts. Not in the scheme as such, but from the first +applications of it, race-quality emerged, and very rapidly it forced its way to +complete dominance. And, after all, in a dictatorship of money it is hardly +fair to describe the employment of money as a sign of decadence.</p> + +<p>The career of office in Rome from the time when its course took form as a +series of elections, required so large a capital that every politician was the +debtor of his entire entourage. Especially was this so in the case of the ædileship, +in which the incumbent had to outbid his predecessors in the magnificance {sic} +of his public games, in order later to have the votes of the spectators. (Sulla +failed in his first attempt on the prætorship precisely because he had not previously +been ædile.) Then again, to flatter the crowd of loafers it was necessary +to show oneself in the Forum daily with a brilliant following. A law forbade +the maintenance of paid retainers, but the acquisition of persons in high society +by lending them money, recommending them for official and commercial employments, +and covering their litigation expenses, in return for their company +in the Forum and their attendance at the daily levee, was more expensive still. +Pompey was <i lang="la">patronus</i> to half the world. From the peasant of Picenum to the +kings of the Orient, he represented and protected them all, and this was his +political capital which he could stake against the non-interest-bearing loans of +Crassus and the “gilding”⁠<a id="FNanchor_830" href="#Footnote_830" class="fnanchor">[830]</a> of every ambitious fellow by the conqueror of +Gaul. Dinners were offered to the electors of whole wards,⁠<a id="FNanchor_831" href="#Footnote_831" class="fnanchor">[831]</a> or free seats for +the gladiatorial shows, or even (as in the case of Milo) actual cash, delivered +at home—out of respect, Cicero says, for traditional morals. Election-capital +rose to American dimensions, sometimes hundreds of millions of sesterces; +vast as was the stock of cash available in Rome, the elections of 54 locked +up so much of it that the rate of interest rose from four to eight per cent. Cæsar +<span class="pagenum" id="p459">[459]</span>paid out so much as ædile that Crassus had to underwrite him for twenty millions +before his creditors would allow him to depart to his province, and in +his candidature for the office of Pontifex Maximus he so overstrained his credit +that failure would have ruined him, and his opponent Catulus could seriously +offer to buy him off. But the conquest and exploitation of Gaul—this also an +undertaking motived by finance—made him the richest man in the world. +In truth, Pharsalus was won there in advance.⁠<a id="FNanchor_832" href="#Footnote_832" class="fnanchor">[832]</a> For it was for <em>power</em> that +Cæsar amassed these milliards, like Cecil Rhodes, and not because he delighted +in wealth like Verres or even like Crassus, who was first and foremost a financier +and only secondarily a politician. Cæsar grasped the fact that on the soil of +a democracy constitutional rights signify nothing without money and everything +with it. When Pompey was still dreaming that he could evoke legions +by stamping on the ground, Cæsar had long since condensed the dream to +reality with his money. It must be clearly understood, however, that he +did not introduce these methods but found them in existence, that he made +himself master of them but never identified himself with them. For practically +a century parties grouped on principles had been dissolving into personal followings +grouped upon men who pursued private political aims and were expert in +handling the political weapons of their time.</p> + +<p>Amongst these means, besides money, was influence upon the courts. Since +Classical assemblies voted, but did not debate, the trial before the rostra was +<em>a form of party battle</em> and the school of schools for political persuasiveness. The +young politician began his career by indicting and if possible annihilating +some great personage,⁠<a id="FNanchor_833" href="#Footnote_833" class="fnanchor">[833]</a> as the nineteen-year-old Crassus annihilated the renowned +Papirius Carbo, the friend of the Gracchi, who had later gone over to +the Optimates. This was why Cato was tried no less than forty-four times, +though acquitted in every case. The legal side of the question was entirely +subordinate in these affairs.⁠<a id="FNanchor_834" href="#Footnote_834" class="fnanchor">[834]</a> The decisive factors were the party affinities +<span class="pagenum" id="p460">[460]</span>of the judges, the number of patrons, and the size of the crowd of backers—the +number of the witnesses was really only paraded in order to bring the +financial and political power of the plaintiff into the limelight. The intention +in all Cicero’s oratory against Verres was to convince the judges, under the veil +of fine ethical passion, that the condemnation of the accused was <em>in the interests +of their order</em>. Given the general outlook of the Classical, the courts self-evidently +existed to serve private and party interests. Democratic complainants +in Athens were accustomed at the end of their speeches to remind the jurymen +from the people that they would forfeit their fees by acquitting the wealthy +defendant.⁠<a id="FNanchor_835" href="#Footnote_835" class="fnanchor">[835]</a> The tremendous power of the Roman Senate consisted mainly +in their occupancy of every seat of the judicial (jurors’) bench, which placed +the destinies of every citizen at their mercy; hence the far-reachingness of the +Gracchan law of 122 which handed over the judicature to the Equites and delivered +over the nobility—that is, the official class—to the financial world.⁠<a id="FNanchor_836" href="#Footnote_836" class="fnanchor">[836]</a> +In 83 Sulla, simultaneously with his proscription of the financial magnates, +restored the judicature to the Senate, <em>as political weapon</em>, of course, and the +final duel of the potentates finds one more expression in the ceaseless changing +of the judges selected.</p> + +<p>Now, whereas the Classical, and supremely the Forum of Rome, drew the +mass of the people together as a visible body in order to compel it to make +that use of its rights which was desired of it, the “contemporary” English-American +politics have created <em>through the press</em> a force-field of world-wide +intellectual and financial tensions in which every individual unconsciously takes +up the place allotted to him, so that he must think, will, and act as a ruling +personality somewhere or other in the distance thinks fit. This is dynamics +against statics, Faustian against Apollinian world-feeling, the passion of the +third dimension against the pure sensible present. Man does not speak to man;⁠<a id="FNanchor_837" href="#Footnote_837" class="fnanchor">[837]</a> +the press and its associate, the electrical news-service, keep the waking-consciousness +of whole peoples and continents under a deafening drum-fire of +theses, catchwords, standpoints, scenes, feelings, day by day and year by year, +so that every Ego becomes a mere function of a monstrous intellectual Something. +Money does not pass, politically, from one hand to the other. It does +not turn itself into cards and wine. It is turned into <em>force</em>, and its quantity +determines the intensity of its working influence.</p> + +<p>Gunpowder and printing belong together—both discovered at the culmination +of the Gothic, both arising out of Germanic technical thought—as <em>the two</em> +grand means of Faustian distance-tactics. The Reformation in the beginning of +<span class="pagenum" id="p461">[461]</span>the Late period witnessed the first flysheets and the first field-guns, the French +Revolution in the beginning of the Civilization witnessed the first tempest of +pamphlets of the autumn of 1788 and the first mass-fire of artillery at Valmy. +But with this the printed word, produced in vast quantity and distributed over +enormous areas, became an uncanny weapon in the hands of him who knew how +to use it. In France it was still in 1788 a matter of expressing private convictions, +but England was already past that, and deliberately seeking to produce +impressions on the reader. The war of articles, flysheets, spurious memoirs, +that was waged from London on French soil against Napoleon is the first great +example. The scattered sheets of the Age of Enlightenment transformed themselves +into “the Press”—a term of most significant anonymity. Now the +<em>press campaign</em> appears as the prolongation—or the preparation—of war by +other means, and in the course of the nineteenth century the strategy of outpost +fights, feints, surprises, assaults, is developed to such a degree that a war may +be lost ere the first shot is fired—because the Press has won it meantime.</p> + +<p>To-day we live so cowed under the bombardment of this intellectual artillery +that hardly anyone can attain to the inward detachment that is required for a +clear view of the monstrous drama. The will-to-power operating under a pure +democratic disguise has finished off its masterpiece so well that the object’s +sense of freedom is actually flattered by the most thorough-going enslavement +that has ever existed. The liberal bourgeois mind is <em>proud</em> of the abolition of +censorship, the last restraint, while the dictator of the press—Northcliffe!—keeps +the slave-gang of his readers under the whip of his leading articles, +telegrams, and pictures. <em>Democracy has by its newspaper completely expelled the book +from the mental life of the people.</em> The book-world, with its profusion of standpoints +that compelled thought to select and criticize, is now a real possession +only for a few. The people reads the <em>one</em> paper, “its” paper, which forces +itself through the front doors by millions daily, spellbinds the intellect from +morning to night, drives the book into oblivion by its more engaging layout, +and if one or another specimen of a book does emerge into visibility, forestalls +and eliminates its possible effects by “reviewing” it.</p> + +<p>What is truth? For the multitude, that which it continually reads and hears. +A forlorn little drop may settle somewhere and collect grounds on which to +determine “the truth”—but what it obtains is just <em>its</em> truth. The other, the +public truth of the moment, which alone matters for effects and successes in +the fact-world, is to-day a product of the Press. What the Press wills, is true. +Its commanders evoke, transform, interchange truths. Three weeks of press +work, and the truth is acknowledged by everybody.⁠<a id="FNanchor_838" href="#Footnote_838" class="fnanchor">[838]</a> Its bases are irrefutable for +<span class="pagenum" id="p462">[462]</span>just so long as money is available to maintain them intact. The Classical +rhetoric, too, was designed for effect and not content—as Shakespeare brilliantly +demonstrates in Antony’s funeral oration—but it did limit itself to +the bodily audience and the moment. What the dynamism of our Press wants is +<em>permanent</em> effectiveness. It must keep men’s minds continuously under its influence. +Its arguments are overthrown as soon as the advantage of financial +power passes over to the counter-arguments and brings these still oftener to +men’s eyes and ears. At that moment the needle of public opinion swings +round to the stronger pole. Everybody convinces himself at once of the new +truth, and regards himself awakened out of error.</p> + +<p>With the political press is bound up the need of universal school-education, +which in the Classical world was completely lacking. In this demand there is an +element—quite unconscious—of desiring to shepherd the masses, as the +object of party politics, into the newspaper’s power-area. The idealist of the +early democracy regarded popular education, without <i lang="fr">arrière pensée</i>, as enlightenment +pure and simple, and even to-day one finds here and there weak heads +that become enthusiastic on the Freedom of the Press—but it is precisely this +that smooths the path for the coming Cæsars of the world-press. Those who +have learnt to read succumb to their power, and the visionary self-determination +of Late democracy issues in a thorough-going determination of the people +by the powers whom the printed word obeys.</p> + +<p>In the contests of to-day tactics consists in depriving the opponent of this +weapon. In the unsophisticated infancy of its power the newspaper suffered +from official censorship which the champions of tradition wielded in self-defence, +and the bourgeoisie cried out that the freedom of the spirit was in +danger. Now the multitude placidly goes its way; it has definitively won for +itself this freedom. But in the background, unseen, the new forces are fighting +one another by buying the press. Without the reader’s observing it, the paper, +<em>and himself with it</em>, changes masters.⁠<a id="FNanchor_839" href="#Footnote_839" class="fnanchor">[839]</a> Here also money triumphs and forces the +free spirits into its service. No tamer has his animals more under his power. +Unleash the people as reader-mass and it will storm through the streets and hurl +itself upon the target indicated, terrifying and breaking windows; a hint to the +press-staff and it will become quiet and go home. The Press to-day is an army +with carefully organized arms and branches, with journalists as officers, and +readers as soldiers. But here, as in every army, the soldier obeys blindly, and +war-aims and operation-plans change without his knowledge. The reader +<span class="pagenum" id="p463">[463]</span>neither knows, nor is allowed to know, the purposes for which he is used, nor +even the rôle that he is to play. A more appalling caricature of freedom of +thought cannot be imagined. Formerly a man did not dare to think freely. +Now he dares, but cannot; his will to think is only a willingness to think to +order, and this is what he feels as <em>his</em> liberty.</p> + +<p>And the other side of this belated freedom—it is permitted to everyone to +say what he pleases, <em>but</em> the Press is free to take notice of what he says or not. +It can condemn any “truth” to death simply by not undertaking its communication +to the world—a terrible censorship of silence, which is all the more +potent in that the masses of newspaper readers are absolutely unaware that it +exists.⁠<a id="FNanchor_840" href="#Footnote_840" class="fnanchor">[840]</a> Here, as ever in the birth-pangs of Cæsarism, emerges a trait of the +buried springtime.⁠<a id="FNanchor_841" href="#Footnote_841" class="fnanchor">[841]</a> The arc of happening is about to close on itself. Just as in +the concrete and steel buildings the expression-will of early Gothic once more +bursts forth, but cold, controlled, and Civilized, so the iron will of the Gothic +Church to power over souls reappears as—the “freedom of democracy.” The +age of the “book” is flanked on either hand by that of the sermon and that of +the newspaper. Books are a personal expression, sermon and newspaper obey +an impersonal <em>purpose</em>. The years of Scholasticism afford the only example in +world-history of an intellectual discipline that was applied universally and +permitted no writing, no speech, no thought to come forth that contradicted +the <em>willed</em> unity. This is spiritual dynamics. Classical, Indian, or Chinese +mankind would have been horrified at this spectacle. But the same things +recur, and as a <em>necessary</em> result of the European-American liberalism—“the +despotism of freedom against tyranny,” as Robespierre put it. In lieu of stake +and faggots there is the great silence. The dictature of party leaders supports +itself upon that of the Press. The competitors strive by means of money to detach +readers—nay, peoples—<i lang="fr">en masse</i> from the hostile allegiance and to bring +them under their own mind-training. And all that they learn in this mind-training, +is what it is considered that they should know—a higher will puts +together the picture of their world for them. There is no need now, as there +was for Baroque princes, to impose military-service liability on the subject—one +whips their souls with articles, telegrams, and pictures (Northcliffe!) +until they <em>clamour</em> for weapons and force their leaders into a conflict to which +they <em>willed</em> to be forced.</p> + +<p>This is the end of Democracy. If in the world of truths it is <em>proof</em> that decides +all, in that of facts it is <em>success</em>. Success means that one being triumphs over +the others. Life has won through, and the dreams of the world-improvers have +turned out to be but the tools of <em>master-natures</em>. In the Late Democracy, <em>race</em> +bursts forth and either makes ideals its slaves or throws them scornfully into +the pit. It was so, too, in Egyptian Thebes, in Rome, in China—but in no +<span class="pagenum" id="p464">[464]</span>other Civilization has the will-to-power manifested itself in so inexorable +a form as in this of ours. The thought, and consequently the action, of the +mass are kept under iron pressure—for which reason, and for which reason +only, men are permitted to be readers and voters—that is, in a dual slavery—while +the parties become the obedient retinues of a few, and the shadow of +coming Cæsarism already touches them. As the English kingship became in +the nineteenth century, so parliaments will become in the twentieth, a solemn +and empty pageantry. As then sceptre and crown, so now peoples’ rights are +paraded for the multitude, and all the more punctiliously the less they really +signify—it was for this reason that the <em>cautious</em> Augustus never let pass an +opportunity of emphasizing old and venerated customs of Roman freedom. +But the power is migrating even to-day, and correspondingly elections are +degenerating for us into the farce that they were in Rome. Money organizes the +process in the interests of those who possess it,⁠<a id="FNanchor_842" href="#Footnote_842" class="fnanchor">[842]</a> and election affairs become a +preconcerted game that is staged as popular self-determination. If election was +originally <em>revolution in legitimate forms</em>,⁠<a id="FNanchor_843" href="#Footnote_843" class="fnanchor">[843]</a> it has exhausted those forms, and what +takes place is that mankind “elects” its Destiny again by the primitive methods +of bloody violence when the politics of money become intolerable.</p> + +<p>Through money, democracy becomes its own destroyer, after money has +destroyed intellect. But, just <em>because</em> the illusion that actuality can allow itself +to be improved by the ideas of any Zeno or Marx has fled away; because men +have learned that in the realm of reality one power-will <em>can be overthrown only by +another</em> (for that is the great human experience of Contending States periods); +there wakes at last a deep yearning for all old and worthy tradition that still +lingers alive. Men are tired to disgust of money-economy. They hope for +salvation from somewhere or other, for some real thing of honour and chivalry, +of inward nobility, of unselfishness and duty. And now dawns the time when +the form-filled powers of the blood, which the rationalism of the Megalopolis +has suppressed, reawaken in the depths. Everything in the order of dynastic +tradition and old nobility that has saved itself up for the future, everything that +there is of high money-disdaining ethic, everything that is intrinsically sound +enough to be, in Frederick the Great’s words, the <em>servant</em>—the hard-working, +self-sacrificing, caring <em>servant</em>—of the State, all that I have described elsewhere +in one word as Socialism in contrast to Capitalism⁠<a id="FNanchor_844" href="#Footnote_844" class="fnanchor">[844]</a>—all this becomes suddenly +the focus of immense life-forces. Cæsarism <em>grows</em> on the soil of Democracy, but +its roots thread deeply into the underground of blood tradition. The Classical +<span class="pagenum" id="p465">[465]</span>Cæsar derived his power from the Tribunate, and his dignity and therewith his +permanency from his being the Princeps. Here too the soul of old Gothic +wakens anew. The spirit of the knightly orders overpowers plunderous Vikingism. +The mighty ones of the future may possess the earth as their private +property—for the great political form of the Culture is irremediably in ruin—but +it matters not, for, formless and limitless as their power may be, it has a +task. And this task is the unwearying care for this world as it is, which is the +very opposite of the interestedness of the money-power age, and demands +high honour and conscientiousness. But for this very reason there now +sets in the final battle between Democracy and Cæsarism, between the leading +forces of dictatorial money-economics and the <em>purely political</em> will-to-order of +the Cæsars. And in order to understand this <em>final battle between Economics and +Politics</em>, in which the latter <em>reconquers</em> its realm, we must now turn our glance +upon the physiognomy of economic history.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p466"></a><a id="p467"></a><a id="p468"></a><a id="p469"></a>[469]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIII"> + CHAPTER XIII + <br> + <span class="subtitle">THE FORM-WORLD OF ECONOMIC LIFE + <br> + (A) + <br> + MONEY</span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>The standpoint from which to comprehend the economic history of great +Cultures is not to be looked for on economic ground. Economic thought and +action are a side of life that acquires a false appearance when regarded as a +self-contained <em>kind</em> of life. Least of all is the secure standpoint to be had on the +basis of the present-day world-economics, which for the last 150 years has been +mounting fantastically, perilously, and in the end almost desperately—an +economics, moreover, that is exclusively Western-dynamic, anything but common-human.</p> + +<p>That which we call national economy to-day is built up on premisses that +are openly and specifically English. The industry of machines, which is unknown +to all other Cultures, stands in the centre as though it were a matter of +course and, without men being conscious of the fact, completely dominates the +formulation of ideas and the deduction of so-called laws. Credit-money, in the +special form imparted to it by the relations of world-trade and export-industry +in a peasantless England, serves as the foundation whereupon to define words +like capital, value, price, property—and the definitions are then transferred +without more ado to other Culture-stages and life-cycles. The insular position +of England has determined a conception of politics, and of its relation to economics, +that rules in all economic theories. The creators of this economic +<em>picture</em> were David Hume⁠<a id="FNanchor_845" href="#Footnote_845" class="fnanchor">[845]</a> + and Adam Smith.⁠<a id="FNanchor_846" href="#Footnote_846" class="fnanchor">[846]</a> Everything that has since been +written about them or against them always presupposes the critical structure +and methods of their systems. This is as true of Carey and List as it is of Fourier +and Lassalle. As for Smith’s greatest adversary, Marx, it matters little how +loudly one protests against English capitalism when one is thoroughly imbued +with its images; the protest is itself a recognition, and its only aim is, through +a new kind of accounting, to confer upon objects the advantage of being subjects.</p> + +<p>From Adam Smith to Marx it is nothing but self-analysis of the economic +thinking of a single Culture on a particular development-level. Rationalistic +through and through, it starts from Material and its conditions, needs, and +<span class="pagenum" id="p470">[470]</span>motives, instead of from the <em>Soul</em>—of generations, Estates, and peoples—and +its creative power. It looks upon men as constituent parts of situations, and +knows nothing of the big personality and history-shaping will, of individuals +or of groups, the will that sees in the facts of economics not ends but means. It +takes economic life to be something that can be accounted for without remainder +by visible causes and effects, something of which the structure is quite mechanical +and completely self-contained and even, finally, something that stands in +some sort of causal relation to religion and politics—these again being considered +as individual self-contained domains. As this outlook is the systematic +and not the historical, the timeless and universal validity of its concepts and +rules is an article of faith, and its ambition is to establish the one and only correct +method of applying “the” science of management. And accordingly, +wherever its truths have come into contact with the facts, it has experienced a +complete fiasco—as was the case with the prophecies of bourgeois theorists +concerning the World War,⁠<a id="FNanchor_847" href="#Footnote_847" class="fnanchor">[847]</a> and with those of proletarian theorists on the +induction of the Soviet economy.</p> + +<p>Up to now, therefore, there has been no national economy, in the sense of a +morphology of the economic <em>side</em> of life and more particularly of that side in the +life of the high Cultures, with their formations—concordant as to stage, +tempo, and duration—of economic styles. Economics has no system, but a +physiognomy. To fathom the secret of its inner form, its <em>soul</em>, demands the +physiognomic flair. To succeed in it it is necessary to be a “judge” of it as +one is a “judge” of men or of horses, and requires even less “knowledge” than +that which a horseman needs to have of zoölogy. But this faculty of “judgment” +can be awakened, and the way to awaken it is through the sympathetic +outlook on history which gives a shrewd idea of the race-instincts, which +are at work in the economic as in other constituents of active existence, symbolically +shaping the external position—the economic “stuff,” the need—in +harmony with their own inner character. <em>All economic life is the expression of +a soul-life.</em></p> + +<p>This is a new, a German, outlook upon economics, an outlook from beyond +all Capitalism and Socialism—both of which were products of the jejune +rationality of the eighteenth century, and aimed at nothing but a material +analysis and subsequent synthesis of the economic surface. All that has been +taught hitherto is no more than preparatory. Economic thought, like legal,⁠<a id="FNanchor_848" href="#Footnote_848" class="fnanchor">[848]</a> +stands now on the verge of its true and proper development, which (for us, as +for the Hellenistic-Roman age) sets in only where art and philosophy have +irrevocably passed away.</p> + +<p>The attempt which follows is meant only as a flying survey of the possibilities +here available.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p471">[471]</span></p> + +<p>Economics and politics are sides of the <em>one</em> livingly flowing current of being, +and not of the waking-consciousness, the intellect.⁠<a id="FNanchor_849" href="#Footnote_849" class="fnanchor">[849]</a> In each of them is manifested +the pulse of the cosmic flowings that are occluded in the sequent generations +of individual existences. They may be said, not to <em>have</em> history, but +to <em>be</em> history. Irreversible Time, the When, rules in them. They belong, both +of them, to race and not, as religion and science belong, to language with its +spatial-causal tensions; they regard facts, not truths. There are economic +<em>Destinies</em> as there are political, whereas in scientific doctrines, as in religious, +there is <em>timeless connexion of cause and effect</em>.</p> + +<p>Life, therefore, has a political and an economic kind of “condition” of +fitness for history. They overlie, they support, they oppose each other, but the +political is unconditionally the first. Life’s will is to preserve itself and to prevail, +or, rather, to make itself stronger in order that it may prevail. But in the +economic state of fitness the being-streams are fit as <em>self</em>-regarding, whereas in a +political they are fit as <em>other</em>-regarding. And this holds good all along the series, +from the simplest unicellular plant to swarms and to peoples of the highest free +mobility in space. Nourishment and winning-through—the difference of +dignity between the two sides of life is recognizable in their relation to death. +There is no contrast so profound as that between <em>hunger-death and hero-death</em>. +Economically life is in the widest sense threatened, dishonoured, and <em>debased</em> +by hunger—with which is to be included stunting of possibilities, straitened +circumstances, darkness, and pressure not less than starvation in the literal +sense. Whole peoples have lost the tense force of their race through the gnawing +wretchedness of their living. Here men die <em>of</em> something and not <em>for</em> something. +Politics sacrifices men for an idea, they fall for an idea; but economy +merely wastes them away. <em>War is the creator, hunger the destroyer, of all great things.</em> +In war life is elevated by death, often to that point of irresistible force +whose mere existence guarantees victory, but in the economic life hunger +awakens the ugly, vulgar, and wholly unmetaphysical sort of fearfulness for +one’s life under which the higher form-world of a Culture miserably collapses +and the naked struggle for existence of the human beasts begins.</p> + +<p>The double sense of all history that is manifested in man and woman has been +discussed in an earlier chapter.⁠<a id="FNanchor_850" href="#Footnote_850" class="fnanchor">[850]</a> There is a private history which <em>represents</em> “life +in space” as a procreation-series of the generations, and a public history that +<em>defends and secures it</em> as a political “in-form”-ness—the “spindle side” and +the “sword side” of being. They find expression in the ideas of Family and of +State, but also in the primary form of the house⁠<a id="FNanchor_851" href="#Footnote_851" class="fnanchor">[851]</a> wherein the good spirits of the +marriage-bed—the Genius and the Juno of every old Roman dwelling—were +protected by that of the door, the Janus. To this private history of the family +<span class="pagenum" id="p472">[472]</span>the economic now attached itself. The duration of a flourishing life is inseparable +from its strength; its secret of begetting and conceiving is seen at its +purest in the being of breed-strong peasant stock that is rooted, healthy and +fruitful, in its soil. And as in the form of the body the organ of sex is bound up +with that of the circulation,⁠<a id="FNanchor_852" href="#Footnote_852" class="fnanchor">[852]</a> so the middle of the house in <em>another</em> sense is formed +by the sacred hearths, the Vesta.</p> + +<p>For this very reason the significance of economic history is something quite +different from that of political. In the latter the foreground is taken up by the +great individual destinies, which fulfil themselves indeed in the binding forms +of their epoch, but are nevertheless, each in itself, strictly personal. The +concern of the former, and of family history, is the course of development of the +form-<em>language</em>; everything once-occurring and personal is an unimportant private-destiny, +and only the basic form common to the million cases matters. +But even so economics is only a foundation, for Being that is in any way meaningful. +What really signifies is not <em>that</em> an individual or a people is “in condition,” +well nourished and fruitful, but <em>for what</em> he or it is so; and the higher +man climbs historically, the more conspicuously his political and religious +will to inward symbolism and force of expression towers above everything +in the way of form and depth that the economic life as such possesses. It +is only with the coming of the Civilization, when the whole form-world +begins to ebb, that mere life-preserving begins to outline itself, nakedly and +insistently—this is the time when the banal assertion that “hunger and love” +are the driving forces of life ceases to be ashamed of itself; when life comes to +mean, not a waxing in strength for the task, but a matter of “happiness of the +greatest number,” of comfort and ease, of “<i lang="la">panem et circenses</i>”; and when, in +the place of grand politics, we have economic politics as an end in itself.</p> + +<p>Since economics belongs to the race side of life, it possesses, like politics, a +customary ethic and not a moral—yet again the distinction of nobility and +priesthood, facts and truths. A vocation-class, like an Estate, possesses a +<em>matter-of-course</em> feeling for (not good and evil, but) good and bad. Not to have +this feeling is to be void of honour, law. For those engaged <em>in</em> the economic +life, too, honour stands as central criterion, with its tact and fine flair for what +is “the right thing”—something quite separate from the sin-idea underlying +the religious contemplation <em>of</em> the world. There exist, not only a very definite +vocational honour amongst merchants, craftsmen, and peasants, but equally +definite gradations downward for the shopkeeper, the exporter, the banker, +the contractor, and even, as we all know, for thieves and beggars, in so far as +two or three of them feel themselves as fellow practitioners. No one has +stated or written out these customary-ethics, but they exist, and, like class-ethics +everywhere and always, they are binding only within the circle of membership. +Along with the noble virtues of loyalty and courage, chivalry and +<span class="pagenum" id="p473">[473]</span>comradeship, which are found in every vocational society, there appear clean-cut +notions of the ethical value of industry, of success, of work, and an astonishing +sense of distinction and apartness. This sort of thing a man <em>has</em>—and +without knowing much about it, for custom is evidenced to consciousness +only when it is infringed—while, on the contrary, the prohibitions of religion +which are timeless, universally valid, but never realizable ideals, must be, +learned before a man can know or attempt to follow them.</p> + +<p>Religious-ascetic fundamentals such as “selfless,” “sinless,” are without +meaning in the economic life. For the true saint economics in itself is sinful,⁠<a id="FNanchor_853" href="#Footnote_853" class="fnanchor">[853]</a> +and not merely taking of interest or pleasure in riches or the envy of the poor. +The saying concerning the “lilies of the field” is for deeply religious (and +philosophical) natures unreservedly true. The whole weight of their being +lies outside economics and politics and all other facts of “this world.” We see +it in Jesus’s times and St. Bernard’s and in the Russian soul of to-day; we see it +too in the way of life of a Diogenes and a Kant. For its sake men choose voluntary +poverty and itinerancy and hide themselves in cells and studies. Economic +activity is <em>never</em> found in a religion or a philosophy, always only in the political +organism of a <em>church</em> or the social organism of a theorizing fellowship; it is ever +a compromise with “this world” and an index of the presence of a will-to-power.⁠<a id="FNanchor_854" href="#Footnote_854" class="fnanchor">[854]</a></p> + + +<h3 id="II_12"> + II +</h3> + +<p>That which may be called the economic life of the plant is accomplished on +and in it without its being itself anything but the theatre and will-less object of +a natural process.⁠<a id="FNanchor_855" href="#Footnote_855" class="fnanchor">[855]</a> This element underlies the economy of the human body also, +still unalterably vegetal and dreamy, pursuing its will-less (in this respect almost +alien) existence in the shape of the circulatory organs. But when we come to +the animal body freely mobile in space, being is not alone—it is accompanied +by waking-being, the comprehending apprehension, and, therefore, the compulsion +to <em>provide by independent</em> thought for the preservation of life. Here begins +<span class="pagenum" id="p474">[474]</span>life-anxiety, leading to touch and scent, sight and hearing with ever-sharper +senses; and presently to movements in space for the purpose of searching, +gathering, pursuing, tricking, stealing, which develop in many species of +animals (such as beavers, ants, bees, numerous birds and beasts of prey) into a +rudimentary economy-technique which presupposes a process of reflection +and, therefore, a certain emancipation of understanding from sensation. Man +is genuinely man inasmuch as his understanding has freed itself from sensation +and, as thought, intervened creatively in the relations between microcosm and +macrocosm.⁠<a id="FNanchor_856" href="#Footnote_856" class="fnanchor">[856]</a> Quite animal still is the trickery of woman towards man, and +equally so the peasant’s shrewdness in obtaining small advantages—both +differing in no wise from the slyness of the fox, both consisting in the ability +to see into the secret of the victim at <em>one glance</em>. But on the top of this there +supervenes, now, the economic <em>thought</em> that sows a field, tames animals, changes +and appreciates and exchanges things, and finds a thousand ways and means of +better preserving life and transforming a dependence upon the environment into +a mastery over it. That is the underlayer of all Cultures. Race makes use of an +economic thought that can become so powerful as to detach itself from given +purposes, build up castles of abstraction, and finally lose itself in Utopian expanses.</p> + +<p>All higher economic life develops itself on and over a peasantry. Peasantry, +<i lang="la">per se</i>, does not presuppose any basis but itself.⁠<a id="FNanchor_857" href="#Footnote_857" class="fnanchor">[857]</a> It is, so to say, race-in-itself, +plantlike and historyless,⁠<a id="FNanchor_858" href="#Footnote_858" class="fnanchor">[858]</a> producing and using wholly for itself, with an outlook +on the world that sweepingly regards every other economic existence as incidental +and contemptible. To this <em>producing</em> kind of economy there is presently +opposed an <em>acquisitive</em> kind, which makes use of the former as an object—as a +source of nourishment, tribute, or plunder. Politics and trade are in their beginnings +quite inseparable, both being masterful, personal, warlike, both with +a hunger for power and booty that produces quite another outlook upon the +world—an outlook not from an angle into it, but from above down on its +tempting disorder, an outlook which is pretty candidly expressed in the choice +of the lion and the bear, the hawk and the falcon, as armorial badges. Primitive +war is always also booty-war, and primitive trade intimately related to plunder +and piracy. The Icelandic sagas narrate how, often, the Vikings would agree +with a town population for a market-peace of a fortnight, after which weapons +were drawn and booty-making started.</p> + +<p>Politics and trade in developed form—the art of achieving material successes +over an opponent by means of intellectual superiority—are both a +replacement of war by other means. Every kind of diplomacy is of a business +<span class="pagenum" id="p475">[475]</span>nature, every business of a diplomatic, and both are based upon penetrative +judgment of men and physiognomic tact. The adventure-spirit in great seafarers +like the Phœnicians, Etruscans, Normans, Venetians, Hanseatics, the spirit of +shrewd banking-lords like the Fugger and the Medici and of mighty financiers +like Crassus and the mining and trust magnates of our own day, must possess the +strategic talent of the <em>general</em> if its operations are to succeed. Pride in the +clan-house, the paternal heritage, the family tradition, develops and counts in +the economic sphere as in the political; the great fortunes are like the kingdoms +and have their history,⁠<a id="FNanchor_859" href="#Footnote_859" class="fnanchor">[859]</a> and Polycrates and Solon, Lorenzo de’ Medici and +Jürgen Wullenweber are far from being the only examples of political ambitions +developing out of commercial.</p> + +<p>But the genuine prince and statesman wants to rule, and the genuine merchant +only wants to be wealthy, and here the acquisitive economy divides to +pursue aim and means separately.⁠<a id="FNanchor_860" href="#Footnote_860" class="fnanchor">[860]</a> One may aim at booty for the sake of power, +or at power for the sake of booty. The great ruler, too, the Hwang-ti, the +Tiberius, the Frederick II—has the will to wealth, the will to be “rich in land +and subjects,” but it is with and under a sense of high responsibilities. A man +may lay hands on the treasurers of the whole world with a good conscience, +not to say as a matter of course: he may lead a life of radiant splendour or even +dissipation—if only he feels himself (Napoleon, Cecil Rhodes, the Roman Senate +of the third century) to be the engine of a mission. When he feels so, the idea of +private property can scarcely be said to exist so far as he is concerned.</p> + +<p>He who is out for purely economic advantages—as the Carthaginians were +in Roman times and, in a far greater degree still, the Americans in ours—is +correspondingly incapable of purely political <em>thinking</em>. In the decisions of high +politics he is ever deceived and made a tool of, as the case of Wilson shows—especially +when the absence of statesmanlike instinct leaves a chair vacant +for moral sentiments. This is why the great economic groupings of the present +day (for example, employers’ and employees’ unions) pile one political failure +on another, unless indeed they find a real political politician as leader, and +he—makes use of them. Economic and political thinking, in spite of a high +degree of consonance of form, are in direction (and therefore in all tactical details) +basically different. Great business successes⁠<a id="FNanchor_861" href="#Footnote_861" class="fnanchor">[861]</a> awaken an unbridled sense of +<em>public</em> power—in the very word “capital” one catches an unmistakable undertone +of this. But it is only in a few individuals that the colour and direction of +their willing and their criteria of situations of things undergo change. Only +<span class="pagenum" id="p476">[476]</span>when a man has really ceased to feel his enterprise as “his own business,” and +its aim as the simple amassing of property, does it become possible for the +captain of industry to become the statesman, the Cecil Rhodes. But, conversely, +the men of the political world are exposed to the danger of their will and +thought for historical tasks degenerating into mere provision for their private +life-upkeep; then a nobility can become a robber-order, and we see emerging the +familiar types of princes and ministers, demagogues and revolution-heroes, +whose zeal exhausts itself in lazy comfortableness and the piling-up of immense +riches—there is little to choose in this respect between Versailles and the +Jacobin Club, business bosses and trade-union leaders, Russian governors and +Bolshevists. And in the maturity of democracy the politics of those who have +“got there” is identical, not merely with business, but with speculative business +of the dirtiest great-city sort.</p> + +<p>All this, however, is the very manifestation of the hidden course of a high +Culture. In the beginning appear the primary orders, nobility and priesthood, +with their symbolism of Time and Space. The political life, like the religious +experience, has its fixed place, its ordained adepts, and its allotted aims for +facts and truths alike, in a well-ordered society,⁠<a id="FNanchor_862" href="#Footnote_862" class="fnanchor">[862]</a> and down below, the economic +life moves unconscious along a sure path. Then the stream of being becomes +entangled in the stone structures of the town, and intellect and money thenceforward +take over its historical guidance. The heroic and the saintly with their +youthful symbolic force become rarer, and withdraw into narrower and narrower +circles. Cool bourgeois clarity takes their place. At bottom, the concluding +of a system and the concluding of a deal call for one and the same kind of +professional intelligence. Scarcely differentiated now by any measure of +symbolic force, political and economic life, religious and scientific experience +make each other’s acquaintance, jostle one another, commingle. In the frictions +of the city the stream of being loses its strict rich form. Elementary economic +factors come to the surface and interplay with the remains of form-imbued +politics, just as sovereign science at the same time adds religion to its stock of +objects. Over a life of economics political self-satisfaction spreads a critical-edifying +world-sentiment. But out of it all emerge, in place of the decayed +Estates, the individual life-courses, big with true political or religious force, +that are to become destiny for the whole.</p> + +<p>And thus we begin to discern the morphology of economic history. First +there is a <em>primitive economy</em> of “man,” which—like that of plants and animals—follows +a biological⁠<a id="FNanchor_863" href="#Footnote_863" class="fnanchor">[863]</a> time-scale in the development of its forms. It completely +dominates the primitive age, and it continues to move on, infinitely +slowly and confusedly, underneath and between the high Cultures. Animals +and plants are brought into it and transformed by taming and breeding, selection +<span class="pagenum" id="p477">[477]</span>and sowing; fire and metals are exploited, and the properties of inorganic +nature made by technical processes serviceable for the conduct of life. All this +is perfused with political-religious ethic and meaning, without its being possible +distinctly to separate Totem and Taboo, hunger, soul-fear, sex-love, art, war, +sacrificial rites, belief, and experience.</p> + +<p>Wholly different from this, both in idea and in evolution, and sharply +marked off in tempo and duration, are the <em>economic histories of the high Cultures</em>, +each of which has its own economic style. To feudalism belongs the economy +of the townless countryside. With the State ruled radially from cities appears +the urban economy of money, and this rises, with the oncoming of the Civilization, +into the dictature of money, simultaneously with the victory of world-city +democracy. Every Culture has its own independently developed form-world. +Bodily money of the Apollinian style (that is, the stamped coin) is as antithetical +to relational money of the Faustian-dynamic style (that is, the booking +of credit-units) as the Polis is to the State of Charles V. But the economic life, +just like the social, forms itself pyramidally.⁠<a id="FNanchor_864" href="#Footnote_864" class="fnanchor">[864]</a> In the rustic underground a +thoroughly primitive condition maintains itself almost unaffected by the Culture. +The Late urban economy, which is already the activity of a resolute +minority, looks down with steady contempt upon the pristine land-economy +that continues all around it, while the latter in turn glares sulkily at the intellectualized +style that prevails within the walls. Finally the cosmopolis brings +in a Civilized world-economy, which radiates from very small nuclei within a +few centres, and subjects the rest to itself as a provincial economy, while in +the remoter landscapes thoroughly primitive (“patriarchal”) custom often +prevails still. With the growth of the cities the way of life becomes ever more +artificial, subtle and complex. The great-city worker of Cæsar’s Rome, of +Haroun-al-Raschid’s Baghdad, and of the present-day Berlin feels as self-evidently +necessary much that the richest yeoman deep in the country regards +as silly luxury, but this self-evident standard is hard to reach and hard to maintain. +In every Culture the quantum of work grows bigger and bigger till at the +beginning of every Civilization we find an intensity of economic life, of which +the tensions are even excessive and dangerous, and which it is impossible to +maintain for a long period. In the end a rigid, permanent-set condition is +reached, a strange hotch-potch of refined-intellectual and crude-primitive +factors, such as the Greeks found in Egypt and we have found in modern India +and China—unless, of course, the crust is being disintegrated from below by +the pressure of a young Culture, like the Classical in Diocletian’s time.</p> + +<p>Relatively to this economic movement, men are economically “in form” +as an economic <em>class</em>, just as they are in form for world-history as a political +Estate. Each individual has an economic position <em>within the economic order</em> just +as he has a grade of some sort in the <em>society</em>. Now, both these kinds of allegiances +<span class="pagenum" id="p478">[478]</span>make claims upon the feelings, thoughts, and relations all at once. A life +insists on being, and on meaning something as well, and the confusion of our +ideas is made worse confounded by the fact that, to-day, as in Hellenistic times, +political parties, in their desire to ameliorate the <em>upkeep</em>-standards of certain +economic groups, have elevated these groups to the dignity of a political +Estate, as Marx, for instance, elevated the class of factory-workers.</p> + +<p>Confusion—for the first and genuine Estate is nobility. From it the officer +and the judge and all concerned in the highest duties of government and administration +are direct derivatives. They are Estate-like formations that +<em>mean</em> something. So, too, the body of scholars and scientists belongs to the +priesthood⁠<a id="FNanchor_865" href="#Footnote_865" class="fnanchor">[865]</a> and has a very sharply definite kind of class-exclusiveness. But the +grand symbolism of the Estates goes out with castle and cathedral. The <i lang="fr">Tiers</i>, +already, is the Non-Estate, the remainder, a miscellaneous and manifold congeries, +which means very little as such save in the moments of political protest, +so that the importance it creates <em>for itself</em> is a party importance. The individual +is conscious of himself not <em>as</em> a bourgeois, but <em>because</em> he is a “liberal” and thus +part and parcel of a great thing, not indeed as representing it in his person, but +as <em>adhering</em> to it from conviction. In consequence of this weakness of its social +“form,” the economic “form” of the bourgeoisie becomes all the more relatively +conspicuous in its callings, guilds and unions. In the cities, at any rate, +a man is primarily designated according to the way in which he makes his +living.</p> + +<p>Economically, the first (and anciently almost the only) mode of life is that +of the peasant,⁠<a id="FNanchor_866" href="#Footnote_866" class="fnanchor">[866]</a> which is pure <em>production</em>, and therefore the pre-condition of +every other mode. Even the primary Estates, too, in early times, base their +way of life entirely upon hunting, stock-keeping, and agricultural landowning, +and even in Late periods land is regarded by nobles and priests as the only +truly honourable kind of property. In opposition to it stands trade, the mode +of the acquisitive <em>middleman</em> or intervener,⁠<a id="FNanchor_867" href="#Footnote_867" class="fnanchor">[867]</a> powerful out of all proportion to its +numbers, already indispensable even in quite early conditions—a refined +parasitism, completely unproductive and, therefore, land-alien and far-ranging, +“free,” and unhampered spiritually, too, by the ethic and the practice of the +countryside, a life sustaining itself on another life. Between the two, now, +a third kind of economy, the <em>preparatory</em> economy of technics, grows up in numberless +crafts, industries, and callings, which creatively apply reflections upon +<span class="pagenum" id="p479">[479]</span>nature and whose honour and conscience are bound up in achievement.⁠<a id="FNanchor_868" href="#Footnote_868" class="fnanchor">[868]</a> + Its +oldest guild, which reaches back into the sheer primitive and fills the picture +of this primitive with its dark sagas and rites and notions, is the guild of the +smiths, who—as the result of their proud aloofness from the peasantry and +the fear that hangs about them, and leads to their being venerated and banned +by turns—have often become true tribes with a race of their own, as in the +case of the Abyssinian Falasha or “Black Jews.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_869" href="#Footnote_869" class="fnanchor">[869]</a></p> + +<p>In these three economics of production, preparation, and distribution, as in +everything else belonging to politics and life at large, there are <em>the subjects and +objects of leading</em>—in this case, whole groups that dispose, decide, organize, +discover; and other whole groups whose function is simply to execute. The +grading may be hard and definite or it may be scarcely perceptible,⁠<a id="FNanchor_870" href="#Footnote_870" class="fnanchor">[870]</a> promotion +may be impossible or unimpeded, the relative dignity of the task may be almost +equal throughout a long scale of slow transitions or different beyond comparison. +Tradition and law, talent and possessions, population numbers, +cultural level, and economic situation may effectively override this basic +antithesis of subjects and objects—but it exists, it is as much a premiss as life +itself, and it is unalterable. Nevertheless, economically <em>there is no worker-class</em>; +that is an invention of theorists who have fixed their eyes on the position of +factory-workers in England—an industrial, peasantless land in a transitional +phase—and then extended the resultant scheme so confidently over all the +Cultures and all the ages that the politicians have taken it up and used it as a +means of building themselves parties. In actuality there is an almost uncountable +number of purely serving activities in workshop and counting-houses, office +and cargo-deck, roads, mine-shafts, fields, and meadows. This counting-up, +portering, running of errands, hammering, serving, and minding often enough +lacks that element which elevates life above mere upkeep and invests work with +the dignity and the delight attaching, for example, to the status-duties of +the officer and the savant, or the personal triumphs of the engineer, the manager, +and the merchant—but, even apart from that, all these things are quite +<span class="pagenum" id="p480">[480]</span>incapable of being compared amongst themselves. The brain or brawn of the +work, its situation in village or in megalopolis, the duration and intensity of +the doing of it, bring it to pass that farm-labourers, bank clerks, and tailors’ +hands live in perfectly different economic worlds, and it is only, I repeat, the +party politics of quite Late phases that lures them by means of catchwords into +a protest-combination, with the intention of making use of its aggregate mass. +The classical slave, on the contrary, is such chiefly in terms of constitutional +law—that is, so far as the body-Polis was concerned, he simply did not exist⁠<a id="FNanchor_871" href="#Footnote_871" class="fnanchor">[871]</a>—but +economically he might be land-worker or craftsman, or even director or +wholesale merchant with a huge capital (<i lang="la">peculium</i>), with palaces and country +villas and a host of subordinates—freemen included. And what he could +become, over and above this, in late Roman times will appear in the sequel.</p> + + +<h3 id="III_12"> + III +</h3> + +<p>With the oncoming of Spring there begins in every Culture an economic life +of settled form.⁠<a id="FNanchor_872" href="#Footnote_872" class="fnanchor">[872]</a> The life of the population is entirely that of the peasant on the +open land. The experience of the town has not yet come. All that elevates +itself from amongst the villages, castles, palaces, monasteries, temple-closes, +is not a city, but a <em>market</em>, a mere meeting-point of yeomen’s interests, which +also acquired, and at once, a certain religious and political meaning, but certainly +cannot be said to have had a special life of its own. The inhabitants, +even though they might be artisans or traders, would still <em>feel</em> as peasants, and +even in one way or another work as such.</p> + +<p>That which separates out from a life in which everyone is alike producer and +consumer is <em>goods</em>, and traffic in goods is the mark of all early intercourse, whether +the object be brought from the far distance or merely shifted about within the +limits of the village or even the farm. A piece of goods is that which adheres +by some quiet threads of its essence to the life that has produced it or the life +that uses it. A peasant drives “his” cow to market, a woman puts away +“her” finery in the cupboard. We say that a man is endowed with this world’s +“goods”; the word “pos<em>session</em>” takes us back right into the plantlike origin +of property, into which this particular being—no other—has grown, from +the roots up.⁠<a id="FNanchor_873" href="#Footnote_873" class="fnanchor">[873]</a> Exchange in these periods is a process whereby goods pass from +one circle of life into another. They are valued with reference to life, according +to a sliding-scale of <em>felt</em> relation to the moment. There is neither a conception +of value nor a kind or amount of goods that constitutes a general measure—for +<span class="pagenum" id="p481">[481]</span>gold and coin are goods too, whose rarity and indestructibility causes them +to be highly prized.⁠<a id="FNanchor_874" href="#Footnote_874" class="fnanchor">[874]</a></p> + +<p>Into the rhythm and course of this barter the dealer only comes as an intervener.⁠<a id="FNanchor_875" href="#Footnote_875" class="fnanchor">[875]</a> +In the market the acquisitive and the creative economics encounter +one another, but even at places where fleets and caravans unload, trade only +appears as the <em>organ</em> of countryside traffic.⁠<a id="FNanchor_876" href="#Footnote_876" class="fnanchor">[876]</a> It is the “eternal” form of economy, +and is even to-day seen in the immemorially ancient figure of the pedlar of the +country districts remote from towns, and in out-of-the-way suburban lanes +where small barter-circles form naturally, and in the private economy of savants, +officials, and in general everyone not actively part of the daily economic +life of the great city.</p> + +<p>With the soul of the town a quite other kind of life awakens.⁠<a id="FNanchor_877" href="#Footnote_877" class="fnanchor">[877]</a> As soon as +the market has become the town, it is not longer a question of mere centres for +goods-streams traversing a purely peasant landscape, but of a second world +within the walls, for which the merely producing life “out there” is nothing +but object and means, and out of which another stream begins to circle. The +decisive point is this—the true urban man is <em>not</em> a producer in the prime terrene +sense. He has not the inward linkage with soil or with the goods that pass +through his hands. He does not live with these, but looks at them from outside +and appraises them in relation to his own life-upkeep.</p> + +<p>With this goods become wares, exchange turnover, <em>and in place of thinking in +goods we have thinking in money</em>.</p> + +<p>With this a purely extensional something, a form of limit-defining, is abstracted +from the visible objects of economics just as mathematical thought +abstracts something from the mechanistically conceived environment. Abstract +<span class="pagenum" id="p482">[482]</span>money corresponds exactly to abstract number.⁠<a id="FNanchor_878" href="#Footnote_878" class="fnanchor">[878]</a> + Both are entirely inorganic. +The economic picture is reduced exclusively to quantities, whereas the important +point about “goods” had been their quality. For the early-period peasant +“his” cow is, first of all, just what it is, a unit being, and only secondarily an +object of exchange; but for the economic outlook of the true townsman the +only thing that exists is an abstract money-value which at the moment happens +to be in the shape of a cow that can always be transformed into that of, say, +a bank-note. Even so the genuine engineer sees in a famous waterfall not a +unique natural spectacle, but just a calculable quantum of unexploited energy.</p> + +<p>It is an error of all modern money-theories that they start from the value-token +or even the material of the payment-medium instead of from the form of +economic thought.⁠<a id="FNanchor_879" href="#Footnote_879" class="fnanchor">[879]</a> In reality, money, like number and law, is a <em>category of +thought</em>. There is a monetary, just as there is a juristic and a mathematical and +a technical, thinking of the world-around. From the sense-experience of a +house we obtain quite different abstracts, according as we are mentally appraising +it from the point of view of a merchant, a judge, or an engineer, and with +reference to a balance-sheet, a lawsuit, or a danger of collapse. Next of kin to +thinking in money, however, is mathematics. To think in terms of business is +to calculate. The money-value is a numerical value measured by a unit of +reckoning.⁠<a id="FNanchor_880" href="#Footnote_880" class="fnanchor">[880]</a> This exact “value-in-itself,” like number-in-itself, the man of the +town, the man without roots, is the first to imagine; for peasants there are only +ephemeral felt values in relation to now this and now that object of exchange. +What he does not use, or does not want to possess, has “no value” for him. +Only in the economy-picture of the real townsman are there objective values +and kinds of values which have an existence apart from his private needs, as +thought-elements of a generalized validity, although in actuality every individual +has his proper system of values and his proper stock of the most varied +kinds of value, and feels the ruling prices of the market as “cheap” or “dear” +with reference to these.⁠<a id="FNanchor_881" href="#Footnote_881" class="fnanchor">[881]</a></p> + +<p>Whereas the earlier mankind <em>compares</em> goods, and does so not by means of +the reason only, the later <em>reckons</em> the values of wares, and does so by rigid unqualitative +<span class="pagenum" id="p483">[483]</span>measures. Now gold is no longer measured against the cow, but +the cow against the gold, and the result is expressed by an abstract number, +the price. Whether and how this measure of value finds symbolic expression +in a value-sign—as the written, spoken, or represented number-sign is, in a +sense, number—depends on the economic style of the particular Culture, each +of which produces a different sort of money. The common condition for the +appearance of this is the existence of an urban population that thinks economically +in terms of it, and it is its particular character that settles whether the +value-token shall serve also as payment-medium; thus the Classical coin and +<em>probably</em> the Babylonian silver did so serve, whereas the Egyptian <i>deben</i> (raw +copper weighed out in pounds) was a measure of exchange, but neither token +nor payment-medium. The Western and the “contemporary” Chinese bank-note,⁠<a id="FNanchor_882" href="#Footnote_882" class="fnanchor">[882]</a> +again, is a medium, but not a measure. In fact we are accustomed to +deceive ourselves thoroughly as to the rôle played by coins of precious metal in +<em>our</em> sort of economy; they are just wares fashioned in imitation of the Classical +custom, and hence, measured against book-values of credit money, they have +a “price.”</p> + +<p>The outcome of this way of thinking is that the old <em>possession</em>, bound up with +life and the soil, gives way to the <em>fortune</em>, which is essentially mobile and +qualitatively undefined: it does not <em>consist in</em> goods, but it is <em>laid out in</em> them. +Considered by itself, it is a purely numerical quantum of money-value.⁠<a id="FNanchor_883" href="#Footnote_883" class="fnanchor">[883]</a></p> + +<p>As the seat of this thinking, the city becomes the money-market, the centre +of values, and a stream of money-values begins to infuse, intellectualize, and +command the stream of goods. <em>And with this the trader, from being an organ of +economic life, becomes its master.</em> Thinking in money is always, in one way or +another, trade or business thinking. It presupposes the productive economy +of the land, and, therefore, is always primarily acquisitive, for there is no +third course. The very words “acquisition,” “gain,” “speculation,” point to +a profit tricked off from the goods <i lang="fr">en route</i> to the consumer—an <em>intellectual +plunder</em>—and for that reason are inapplicable to the early peasantry. Only by +attuning ourselves exactly to the spirit and economic outlook of the true townsman +can we realize what they mean. He works not for needs, but for sales, for +“money.” The business view gradually infuses itself into every kind of activity. +The countryman, inwardly bound up with traffic in goods, was at once giver +and taker, and even the trader of the primitive market was hardly an exception +to this rule. But with money-traffic there appears between producer and consumer, +as though between two separate worlds, the third party, the <em>middleman</em>, +whose thought is dominated <i lang="la">a priori</i> by the business side of life. He forces +the producer to offer, and the consumer to inquire of him. He elevates mediation +<span class="pagenum" id="p484">[484]</span>to a monopoly and thereafter to economic primacy, and forces the other two +to be “in form” in <em>his</em> interest, to prepare the wares according to <em>his</em> reckonings, +and to cheapen them under the pressure of <em>his</em> offers.</p> + +<p>He who commands this mode of thinking is the master of money.⁠<a id="FNanchor_884" href="#Footnote_884" class="fnanchor">[884]</a> In all +the Cultures evolution takes this road. Lysias informs us in his oration against +the corn-merchants that the speculators at the Piræus frequently spread reports +of the wreck of a grain-fleet or of the outbreak of war, in order to produce a +panic. In Hellenistic-Roman times it was a widespread practice to arrange for +land to go out of cultivation, or for imports to be held in bond, in order to force +up prices. In the Egyptian New Empire wheat-corners in the American style +were made possible by a bill-discounting that is fully comparable with the +banking operations of the West.⁠<a id="FNanchor_885" href="#Footnote_885" class="fnanchor">[885]</a> Cleomenes, Alexander the Great’s administrator +for Egypt, was able by book transactions to get the whole corn-supply +into his own hands, thereby producing a famine far and wide in Greece and +raking in immense gains for himself. To think economically on any terms but +these is simply to become a mere pawn in the money-operations of the great +city. This style of thought soon gets hold of the waking-consciousness of the +entire urban population and, therefore, of everyone who plays any serious part +in the conduct of economic history. “Peasant” and “burgher” stand not only +for the difference of country and city, but for that of possessions and money as +well. The splendid Culture of Homeric and Provençal princely courts was +something that waxed and waned with the men themselves—we can often, +even to-day, see it in the life of old families in their country-seats—but the +more refined culture of the bourgeoisie, its “comfort,” is something coming +from outside, something that can be paid for.⁠<a id="FNanchor_886" href="#Footnote_886" class="fnanchor">[886]</a> All highly developed economy +is urban economy. World-economy itself, the characteristic economy of all +Civilizations, ought properly to be called world-city-economy. The destinies +even of this world-economy are now decided in a few places, the “money-markets” +of the world⁠<a id="FNanchor_887" href="#Footnote_887" class="fnanchor">[887]</a>—in Babylon, Thebes, and Rome, in Byzantium and +Baghdad, in London, New York, Berlin, and Paris. The residue is a starveling +provincial economy that runs on in its narrow circles without being conscious +of its utter dependence. Finally, money is the form of intellectual energy in +which the ruler-will, the political and social, technical and mental, creative +power, the craving for a full-sized life, are concentrated. Shaw is entirely +right when he says: “The universal regard for money is the one hopeful fact +<span class="pagenum" id="p485">[485]</span>in our civilization ... the two things [money and life] are inseparable: +money is the counter that enables life to be distributed socially: it <em>is</em> life....”⁠<a id="FNanchor_888" href="#Footnote_888" class="fnanchor">[888]</a> +What is here described as Civilization, then, is the stage of a Culture at which +tradition and personality have lost their immediate effectiveness, and every +idea, to be actualized, has to be put into terms of money. At the beginning a +man was wealthy because he was powerful—now he is powerful because he +has money. Intellect reaches the throne only when money puts it there. +Democracy is the completed equating of money with political power.</p> + +<p>Through the economic history of every Culture there runs a desperate conflict +waged by the soil-rooted tradition of a race, by its <em>soul</em>, against the spirit of +money. The peasant-wars of the beginning of a Late period (in the Classical, +700–500; in the Western, 1450–1650; in the Egyptian, end of Old Kingdom) +are the first reaction of the blood against the money that is stretching forth its +hand from the waxing cities over the soil.⁠<a id="FNanchor_889" href="#Footnote_889" class="fnanchor">[889]</a> Stein’s warning that “he who +mobilizes the soil dissolves it into dust” points to a danger common to <em>all</em> +Cultures; if money is unable to attack possession, it insinuates itself into the +thoughts of the noble and peasant possessors, until the inherited possession +that has grown with the family’s growth begins to seem like resources merely +“put into” land and soil and, so far as their essence is concerned, mobile.⁠<a id="FNanchor_890" href="#Footnote_890" class="fnanchor">[890]</a> +Money aims at mobilizing <em>all</em> things. World-economy is the actualized +economy of values that are completely detached in thought from the land, and +made fluid.⁠<a id="FNanchor_891" href="#Footnote_891" class="fnanchor">[891]</a> The Classical money-thinking, from Hannibal’s day, transformed +whole cities into coin and whole populations into slaves and thereby converted +both into money that could be brought from everywhere to Rome, and used +outwards from Rome as a power.</p> + +<p>The Faustian money-thinking “opens up” whole continents, the water-power +<span class="pagenum" id="p486">[486]</span>of gigantic river-basins, the muscular power of the peoples of broad +regions, the coal measures, the virgin forests, the laws of Nature, and transforms +them all into financial energy, which is laid out in one way or in another—in +the shape of press, or elections, or budgets, or armies—for the realization +of masters’ plans. Ever new values are abstracted from whatever world-stock +is still, from the business point of view, unclaimed, “the slumbering spirits of +gold,” as John Gabriel Borkman says; and what the things themselves are, +apart from this, is of no economic significance at all.</p> + + +<h3 id="IV_12"> + IV +</h3> + +<p>As every Culture has its own mode of thinking in money, so also it has its +proper money-symbol through which it brings to visible expression its principle +of valuation in the economic field. This something, a sense-actualizing of the +thought, is in importance fully the equal of the spoken, written, or drawn figures +and other symbols of the mathematic. Here lies a deep and fruitful domain of +inquiry, so far almost unexplored. Not even the basic notions have been correctly +enunciated, and it is therefore quite impossible to-day to translate intelligibly +the money-idea that underlay the barter and the bill business of +Egypt, the banking of Babylonia, the book-keeping of China, and the capitalism +of the Jews, Parsees, Greeks, and Arabs from Haroun-al-Raschid’s day. All that +is possible is to set forth the essential opposition of Apollinian and Faustian +money—the one, <em>money as magnitude</em>, and the other, <em>money as function</em>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_892" href="#Footnote_892" class="fnanchor">[892]</a></p> + +<p>Economically, as in other ways, Classical man saw his world-around as a +sum of bodies that changed their place, travelled, drove or hit or annihilated +one another, as in Democritus’s description of Nature. Man was a body among +bodies, and the Polis as sum thereof a body of higher order. All the needs of +life consisted in corporeal quantities, and money, too, therefore represented such +a body, in the same way as an Apollo-statue represented a god. About 650, +simultaneously with the stone body of the Doric temple and the free statue +true-modelled in the round, appeared the <em>coin</em>, a metal weight of beautiful +impressed form. Value as a magnitude had long existed—in fact as long as +this Culture itself. In Homer, a talent is a little aggregate of gold, in bullion +and decorative objects, of a definite total weight. The Shield of Achilles represents +“two talents” of gold, and even as late as Roman times it was usual to +specify silver and gold vessels by weight.⁠<a id="FNanchor_893" href="#Footnote_893" class="fnanchor">[893]</a></p> + +<p>The discovery of the Classically formed money-body, however, is so extraordinary +that we have not even yet grasped it in its deep and purely Classical +significance. We regard it as one of the “achievements of humanity,” and so +we strike these coinages everywhere, just as we put statues in our streets and +squares. So much and no more it is within our power to do; we can imitate +<span class="pagenum" id="p487">[487]</span>the shape, but we cannot impart the same economic significance thereto. The +coin <em>as money</em> is a purely Classical phenomenon—only possible in an environment +conceived wholly on Euclidean ideas, but there creatively dominant +over all economic life. Notions like income, resources, debt, capital, meant in +the Classical cities something quite different from what they mean to us. They +meant, not economic energy radiating from a point, but a sum of valuable +objects in hand. Wealth was always a mobile <em>cash-supply</em>, which was altered +by addition and subtraction of valuable objects and had nothing at all to do with +possessions in land—for in Classical thinking the two were completely separate. +Credit consisted in the lending of cash in the expectation that the loan +would be repaid in cash. Catiline was poor because, in spite of his wide estates,⁠<a id="FNanchor_894" href="#Footnote_894" class="fnanchor">[894]</a> +he could find nobody to lend him the cash that he needed for his political +aims; and the immense debts of Roman politicians⁠<a id="FNanchor_895" href="#Footnote_895" class="fnanchor">[895]</a> had for their ultimate +security, not their equivalent in land, but the definite prospect of a province to +be plundered of its movable assets.⁠<a id="FNanchor_896" href="#Footnote_896" class="fnanchor">[896]</a></p> + +<p>In the light of this, and only in the light of this, we begin to understand certain +phenomena such as the mass-execution of the wealthy under the Second +Tyrannis, and the Roman proscriptions (with the object of seizing a large part +of the cash current in the community), and the melting down of the Delphian +temple-treasure by the Phocians in the Sacred War, of the art-treasures of +Corinth by Mummius, and of the last votive offerings in Rome by Cæsar, in +Greece by Sulla, in Asia Minor by Brutus and Cassius, without regard to artistic +value when the noble stuffs and metals and ivory were needed.⁠<a id="FNanchor_897" href="#Footnote_897" class="fnanchor">[897]</a> The captured +statues and the vessels borne in the triumphs were, in the eyes of the spectators, +sheer cash, and Mommsen⁠<a id="FNanchor_898" href="#Footnote_898" class="fnanchor">[898]</a> could attempt to determine the site of Varus’s +disaster by the places in which coin-hoards were unearthed—for the Roman +veteran carried his whole property in precious metal on his person. Classical +wealth does not consist in having possessions, but piling money; a Classical +money-market was not a centre of credit like the bourses of our world and of +<span class="pagenum" id="p488">[488]</span>ancient Thebes, but a city in which an important part of the world’s cash was +actually collected. It may be taken that in Cæsar’s time much more than half +of the Classical world’s gold was in Rome.</p> + +<p>But when, from about Hannibal’s time, this world advanced into the state +of unlimited plutocracy, the naturally limited mass of precious metals and +materially valuable works of art in its sphere of control became hopelessly +inadequate to cover needs, and a veritable craving set in for new bodies capable +of being used as money. Then it was that men’s eyes fell upon the slave, who +was another sort of body, but a thing and not a person⁠<a id="FNanchor_899" href="#Footnote_899" class="fnanchor">[899]</a> and capable, therefore, +of being thought of as money. From that point Classical slavery became unique +of its kind in all economic history. The properties of the coin were extended to +apply to living objects, and the stock of men in the regions “opened up” to the +plunderings of proconsuls and tax-farmers became as interesting as the stock of +metal. A curious sort of double valuation developed. The slave had a market +price, although ground and soil had not. He served for the accumulation of +great uninvested fortunes, and hence the enormous slave-masses of the Roman +period, which are entirely inexplicable by any other sort of necessity. So long as +man needed only as many slaves as he could gainfully employ, their number was +small and easily covered by the prisoners of war and judgment-debtors.⁠<a id="FNanchor_900" href="#Footnote_900" class="fnanchor">[900]</a> It +was in the sixth century that Chios made a beginning with the importation of +bought slaves (Argyronetes). The difference between these and the far more +numerous paid labourers was originally of a political and legal, not an economic +kind. As the Classical economy was static and not dynamic, and was ignorant +of the systematic opening-up of energy-sources, the slaves of the Roman age +did not exist to be exploited in work, but were employed—more or less—so +that the greatest possible number of them could be maintained. Specially +presentable slaves possessing particular qualifications of one sort or another were +preferred, because for equal cost of maintenance they represented a better asset; +they were loaned as cash was loaned; and they were allowed to have businesses +on their account, so that they could become rich;⁠<a id="FNanchor_901" href="#Footnote_901" class="fnanchor">[901]</a> free labour was undersold—all +this so as to cover at any rate the upkeep of this capital.⁠<a id="FNanchor_902" href="#Footnote_902" class="fnanchor">[902]</a> The bulk of +them cannot have been employed at all. They answered their purpose by simply +existing, as a stock of money in hand which was not bound up to a natural limit +<span class="pagenum" id="p489">[489]</span>like the stock of metal available in those days. And through that very fact the +need of slaves grew and grew indefinitely and led, not only to wars that were +undertaken simply for slave-getting, but to slave-hunting by private entrepreneurs +all along the Mediterranean coasts (which Rome winked at) and to a new +way of making the proconsuls’ fortunes, which consisted in bleeding the +population of a region and then selling it into slavery for debt. The market of +Delos must have dealt with ten thousand slaves a day. When Cæsar went to +Britain, the disappointment caused in Rome by the money-poverty of the +Britons was compensated by the prospect of rich booty in slaves. When, for +example, Corinth was destroyed, the melting-down of the statues for coinage +and the auctioning of the inhabitants at the slave-mart were, for Classical minds, +one and the same operation—the transformation of corporeal objects into +money.</p> + +<p>In extremest contrast to this stands the symbol of Faustian money—money +as Function, the value of which lies in its effect and not its mere existence. +The specific style of this economic thinking appears already in the way in which +the Normans of <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1000 organized their spoils of men and land into an economic +force.⁠<a id="FNanchor_903" href="#Footnote_903" class="fnanchor">[903]</a> Compare the pure book-valuation of these ducal officials (commemorated +in our words “cheque,” “account,” and “checking”)⁠<a id="FNanchor_904" href="#Footnote_904" class="fnanchor">[904]</a> with +the “contemporary” gold talent of the Iliad, one meets at the very outset of +the Culture the rudiments of its modern credit-system, which is the outcome +of confidence in the force and durability of its economic mode, and with which +the idea of money in our sense is almost identical. These financial methods, +transplanted to the Roman Kingdom of Sicily by Roger II, were developed by +the Hohenstaufen Emperor Frederick II (about 1230) into a powerful system +far surpassing the original in dynamism and making him the “first capitalist +power of the world”;⁠<a id="FNanchor_905" href="#Footnote_905" class="fnanchor">[905]</a> and while this fraternization of mathematical thinking-power +and royal will-to-power made its way from Normandy into France and +was applied on the grand scale to the exploitation of conquered England (to +this day English soil is nominally royal demesne) its Sicilian side was imitated +by the Italian city-republics, and (as their ruling patricians soon took the +methods of the civic economy into use for their private book-keeping,) spread +over the commercial thought and practice of the whole Western world. Little +later, the Sicilian methods were adopted by the Order of the Teutonic Knights +and by the dynasty of Aragon, and it is probably to these origins that we +should assign the model accountancy of Spain in the days of Philip II, and of +Prussia in those of Frederick William I.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p490">[490]</span></p> + +<p>The decisive event, however, was the invention—“contemporary” with +that of the Classical coin about 650—of double-entry book-keeping by Fra +Luca Pacioli in 1494. Goethe calls this in <cite lang="de">Wilhelm Meister</cite> “one of the finest +discoveries of the human intellect,” and indeed its author may without hesitation +be ranked with his contemporaries Columbus and Copernicus. To the +Normans we owe our modes of reckoning and to the Lombards our book-keeping. +These, be it observed, were the same two Germanic stocks which created +the two most suggestive juristic works of the early Gothic,⁠<a id="FNanchor_906" href="#Footnote_906" class="fnanchor">[906]</a> and whose longing +into distant seas gave the impulses for the two discoveries of America. +“Double-entry book-keeping is born of the same spirit as the system of Galileo +and Newton.... With the same means as these, it orders the phenomenon +into an elegant system, and it may be called the first Cosmos built up on the +basis of a mechanistic thought. Double-entry book-keeping discloses to us the +Cosmos of the economic world by the same method as later the Cosmos of the +stellar universe was unveiled by the great investigation of natural philosophy.... +Double-entry book-keeping rests on the basic principle, logically carried +out, of comprehending all phenomena purely as quantities.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_907" href="#Footnote_907" class="fnanchor">[907]</a></p> + +<p><em>Double-entry book-keeping is a pure Analysis of the space of values, referred to a +co-ordinate system, of which the origin is the “Firm.”</em> The coinage of the Classical +world had only permitted of arithmetical compilations with value-<em>magnitudes</em>. +Here, as ever, Pythagoras and Descartes stand opposed. It is legitimate for us +to talk of the “integration” of an undertaking, and the graphic curve is the +same optical auxiliary to economics as it is to science. The Classical economy-world +was ordered, like the cosmos of Democritus, according to <em>stuff and form</em>. +A stuff, in the form of a coin, carries the economic movement and presses +against the demand-unit of equal value-quantity at the place of use. <em>Our</em> +economy-world is ordered by <em>force and mass</em>. A field of money-tensions lies in +space and assigns to every object, irrespective of its specific kind, a positive or +negative effect-value,⁠<a id="FNanchor_908" href="#Footnote_908" class="fnanchor">[908]</a> which is represented by a book-entry. “<i lang="la">Quod non est in +libris, non est in mundo.</i>” But the symbol of the functional money thus imagined, +that which <em>alone</em> may be compared with the Classical coin, is not the actual +book-entry, nor yet the share-voucher, cheque, or note, <em>but the act by which the +function is fulfilled in writing</em>, and the rôle of the value-paper is merely to be the +<em>generalized historical evidence</em> of this act.</p> + +<p>Yet side by side with this the West, in its unquestioning admiration of the +Classical, has gone on striking coins, not merely as tokens of sovereignty, but +in the belief that this evidenced money was money corresponding in reality to +<span class="pagenum" id="p491">[491]</span>the economics in thought. In just the same way, even within the Gothic age, +we took over Roman law with its equating of things to bodily magnitudes, and +the Euclidean mathematic, which was built upon the concept of number as +magnitude. And so it befell that the evolution of these three intellectual form-worlds +of ours proceeded, not like the Faustian music in a pure and flowerlike +unfolding, but in the shape of a <em>progressive emancipation from the notion of magnitude</em>. +The mathematic had already achieved this by the close of the Baroque age.⁠<a id="FNanchor_909" href="#Footnote_909" class="fnanchor">[909]</a> The +jurisprudence, on the other hand, has not yet even recognized its coming task,⁠<a id="FNanchor_910" href="#Footnote_910" class="fnanchor">[910]</a> +but this century is going to set it, and to demand that which for Roman jurists +was the self-evident basis of law, namely, the inward congruence of economic +and legal thought and an equal practical familiarity with both. The conception +of money that was symbolized in the coin agreed precisely with the Classical +thing-law, but with us there is nothing remotely like such an agreement. Our +whole life is disposed dynamically, not statically and Stoically; therefore our +essentials are forces and performances, relations and capacities—organizing +talents and intuitive intellects, credit, ideas, methods, energy-sources—and +not mere existence of corporeal things. The “Romanist” thing-thought of our +jurists, and the theory of money that consciously or unconsciously starts from +the coin, are equally alien to our life. The vast metallic hoard to which, in +imitation of the Classical, we were continually adding till the World War came, +has indeed made a rôle for itself off the main road, but with the inner form, tasks, +and aims of modern economy it has <em>nothing</em> to do; and if as the result of the +war it were to disappear from currency altogether, nothing would be altered +thereby.⁠<a id="FNanchor_911" href="#Footnote_911" class="fnanchor">[911]</a></p> + +<p>Unhappily, the modern national economics were founded in the age of Classicism. +Just as statues and vases and stiff dramas alone counted as true art, so +also finely stamped coins alone counted as true money. What Josiah Wedgwood +(1758) aimed at with his delicately toned reliefs and cups, that also, at bottom, +Adam Smith aimed at in his theory of value—namely, the pure present of +tangible magnitudes. For it is entirely consonant with the illusion that money +<span class="pagenum" id="p492">[492]</span>and pieces of money are the same, to measure the value of a thing against the +magnitude of a quantity of work. Here work is no longer an <em>effecting</em> in a world +of effects, a working which can differ infinitely from case to case as to inward +worth and intensity and range, which propagates itself in wider and wider circles +and like an electric field may be measured but not marked off—but the <em>result</em> +of the effecting, considered entirely materially, <em>that which is worked-up</em>, a tangible +thing showing nothing noteworthy about it except just its extent.</p> + +<p>In reality, the economy of the European-American Civilization is built up +on work of a kind in which distinctions go entirely according to the inner +quality—more so than ever in China or Egypt, let alone the Classical World. +It is not for nothing that we live in a world of economic dynamism, where the +works of the individual are not additive in the Euclidean way, but functionally +related to one another. The purely executive work (which alone Marx takes +into account) is in reality nothing but the function of an inventive, ordering, +and organizing work; it is from this that the other derives its meaning, relative +value, and even possibility of being done at all. The whole world-economy +since the discovery of the steam-engine has been the creation of a quite small +number of superior heads, without whose high-grade work everything else +would never have come into being. But this achievement is of creative thinking, +not a quantum,⁠<a id="FNanchor_912" href="#Footnote_912" class="fnanchor">[912]</a> and its value is not to be weighed against a certain number +of coins. Rather it <em>is</em> itself money—Faustian money, namely, which is not +minted, but <em>thought of as an efficient centre</em> coming up out of a life—and it is the +inward quality of that life which elevates the thought to the significance of a +fact. <em>Thinking in money generates money</em>—that is the secret of the world-economy. +When an organizing magnate writes down a million on paper, that million +exists, for the personality as an economic centre vouches for a corresponding +heightening of the economic energy of his field. This, and nothing else, is the +meaning of the word “Credit” for us. But all the gold pieces in the world would +not suffice to invest the actions of the manual worker with a meaning, and +therefore a value, if the famous “expropriation of the expropriators” were to +eliminate the superior capacities from their creations; were this to happen, +these would become soulless, will-less, empty shells. Thus, in fact, Marx is +just as much a Classical, just as truly a product of the Romanist law-thought +as Adam Smith; he sees only the completed magnitude, not the function, and +he would like to separate the means of production from those whose minds, by +the discovery of methods, the organization of efficient industries, and the +acquisition of outlet-markets, alone turn a mass of bricks and steel into a factory, +and who, if their forces find no field of play, do not occur.⁠<a id="FNanchor_913" href="#Footnote_913" class="fnanchor">[913]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p493">[493]</span></p> + +<p>If anyone seeks to enunciate a theory of modern work, let him begin by +thinking of this basic trait of all life. There are subjects and objects in every +kind of life as lived, and the more important, the more rich in form, the life is, +the clearer the distinction between them. As every stream of Being consists of +a minority of leaders and a huge majority of led, so <em>every sort of economy consists +in leader-work and executive work</em>. The frog’s perspective of Marx and the social-ethical +ideologues shows only the aggregate of last small things, but these only +exist at all in virtue of the first things, and the spirit of this world of work +can be grasped only through a grasp of its highest possibilities. The inventor +of the steam-engine and not its stoker is the determinant. The <em>thought</em> is what +matters.</p> + +<p>And, similarly, thinking in money has subjects and objects: those who +by force of their personality generate and guide money, and those who +are maintained by money. Money of the Faustian brand is the <em>force</em> distilled +from economy-dynamics of the Faustian brand, and it appertains to the +destiny of the individual (on the economic side of his life-destiny) that he is +inwardly constituted to represent a part of this force, or that he is, on the +contrary, nothing but mass to it.</p> + + +<h3 id="V_11"> + V +</h3> + +<p>The word “Capital” signifies the centre of this thought—not the aggregate +of values, but that which <em>keeps them in movement as such</em>. Capitalism comes into +existence only with the world-city existence of a Civilization, and it is confined +to the very small ring of those who represent this existence by their persons and +intelligence; its opposite is the provincial economy. It was the unconditional +supremacy achieved by the coin in Classical life (including the political side +of that life) that generated the static capital, the ἀφορμή or starting-point, that +by its existence drew to itself, in a sort of magnetic attraction, things and again +things <i lang="fr">en masse</i>. It was the supremacy of book-values, whose abstract system +was quickly detached from personality by double-entry book-keeping and +worked forward by virtue of its own inward dynamism, that produced the +modern capital that spans the whole earth with its field of force.⁠<a id="FNanchor_914" href="#Footnote_914" class="fnanchor">[914]</a></p> + +<p>Under the influence of its own sort of capital the economic life of the Classical +world took the form of a gold-stream that flowed from the provinces to +Rome and back, and was ever seeking new areas whose stock of worked-up +gold had not yet been “opened up.” Brutus and Cassius carried the gold of +<span class="pagenum" id="p494">[494]</span>Asia Minor on long mule-trains to the battle-field of Philippi—one can imagine +what sort of an economic operation the plunder of a camp after a battle must +have been—and even C. Gracchus, almost a century earlier, alluded to the +amphoræ that went out from Rome to the provinces full of wine and came back +full of gold. This hunt for the gold possessions of alien peoples corresponds +exactly to the present-day hunt for coal, which in its deeper meaning is not a +thing, but a store of energy.</p> + +<p>But, equally, the Classical craving for the near and present could not but +match the Polis-ideal with an <em>economic ideal of Autarkeia</em>, an economic atomization +corresponding to the political. Each of these tiny life-units desired to have +an economic stream wholly of its own, wholly self-contained, circling independently +of all others and <em>within the radius of visibility</em>. The polar opposite of +this is the Western notion of the <em>Firm</em>, which is thought of as an entirely impersonal +and incorporeal centre of force, from which activity streams out in all +directions to an indefinite distance, and which the proprietor by his ability to +think in money does not <em>represent</em>, but <em>possesses and directs</em>—that is, has in his +power—like a little cosmos. The duality of firm and proprietor would have +been utterly unimaginable for the Classical mind.⁠<a id="FNanchor_915" href="#Footnote_915" class="fnanchor">[915]</a></p> + +<p>Consequently, as the Western Culture presents a maximum, so the Classical +shows a minimum, of <em>organization</em>. For this was completely absent even as an +idea from Classical man. His finance was one of provisional expedients made +rule and habit. The wealthy burgher of Athens and Rome could be burdened +with the equipment of war-ships. The political power of the Roman ædile +(and his debts) rested on the fact that he not only produced the games and the +streets and the buildings, but paid for them too—of course, he could recoup +himself later by plundering his province. Sources of income were thought of +only when the need of income presented itself, and then drawn upon, without +any regard for the future, as the moment required—even at the cost of entirely +destroying them. Plunder of the treasures of one’s own temples, sea-piracy +against one’s own city, confiscation of the wealth of one’s own fellow-citizens +were everyday methods of finance. If surpluses were available, they were +distributed to the citizens—a proceeding to which plenty of people besides +Eubulus of Athens owed their popularity.⁠<a id="FNanchor_916" href="#Footnote_916" class="fnanchor">[916]</a> Budgets were as unknown as any +other part of financial policy. The “economic management” of Roman provinces +was a system of robbery, public and private, practised by senators and +financiers without the slightest consideration as to whether the exported values +could be replaced. Never did Classical man think of systematically intensifying +his economic life, but ever looked to the result of the moment, the tangible +quantum of cash. Imperial Rome would have gone down in ruin had it not +<span class="pagenum" id="p495">[495]</span>been fortunate enough to possess in old Egypt a Civilization that had for a +thousand years thought of <em>nothing</em> but the organization of its economy. The +Roman neither comprehended nor was capable of copying this style of life,⁠<a id="FNanchor_917" href="#Footnote_917" class="fnanchor">[917]</a> +but the accident that Egypt provided the political possessor of this fellah-world +with an inexhaustible source of gold rendered it unnecessary for him to make a +<em>settled habit</em> of proscription at home; the last of these financial operations in +massacre-form was that of 43, shortly before the incorporation of Egypt.⁠<a id="FNanchor_918" href="#Footnote_918" class="fnanchor">[918]</a> The +amassed gold of Asia Minor that Brutus and Cassius were then bringing up, +which meant an army and the dominion of the world, made it necessary to put +to the ban some two thousand of the richest inhabitants of Italy, whose heads +were brought to the Forum in sacks for the offered rewards. It was no longer +possible to spare even relatives, children, and grey-heads, or people who had +never concerned themselves with politics. It was enough that they possessed +a stock of cash and that the yield would otherwise have been too small.</p> + +<p>But with the extinction of the Classical world-feeling in the early Imperial +age, this mode of thinking in money disappeared also. <em>Coins again became wares</em>—because +men were again living the peasant life⁠<a id="FNanchor_919" href="#Footnote_919" class="fnanchor">[919]</a>—and this explains the +<span class="pagenum" id="p496">[496]</span>immense outflow of gold into the farther East after Hadrian’s reign, which has +hitherto been unaccountable. And as economic life in forms of gold-streams was +extinguished in the upheaval of a young Culture, so also the slave ceased to be +money, and the ebb of the gold was paralleled by that mass-emancipation of +the slaves which numerous Imperial laws, from Augustus’s reign onwards, +tried in vain to check—till under Diocletian, in whose famous maximum +tariff⁠<a id="FNanchor_920" href="#Footnote_920" class="fnanchor">[920]</a> money-economy was no longer the standpoint, the type of the Classical +slave had ceased to exist.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="p497"></a><a id="p498"></a><a id="p499"></a>[499]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIV"> + CHAPTER XIV + <br> + <span class="subtitle">THE FORM-WORLD OF ECONOMIC LIFE + <br> + (B) + <br> + THE MACHINE</span> + </h2> +</div> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Technique is as old as free-moving life itself. Only the plant—so far as we +can see into Nature—is the mere theatre of technical processes. The animal, +in that it moves, has a technique of movement so that it may nourish and protect +itself.</p> + +<p>The original relation between a waking-microcosm and its macrocosm—“Nature”—consists +in a touch through the senses⁠<a id="FNanchor_921" href="#Footnote_921" class="fnanchor">[921]</a> which rises from mere +<em>sense-impressions</em> to sense-<em>judgment</em>, so that already it works critically (that is, +separatingly) or, what comes to the same thing, <em>causal-analytically</em>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_922" href="#Footnote_922" class="fnanchor">[922]</a> The stock +of what has been determined then is enlarged into a system, as complete as may +be, of the most primary experiences—identifying marks⁠<a id="FNanchor_923" href="#Footnote_923" class="fnanchor">[923]</a>—a spontaneous +method by which one is enabled to feel at home in one’s world; in the case of +many animals this has led to an amazing richness of experience that no human +science has transcended. But the primary waking-being is always an <em>active</em> one, +remote from mere theory of all sorts, and thus it is in the minor technique of +everyday life, and upon things <em>in so far as they are dead</em>,⁠<a id="FNanchor_924" href="#Footnote_924" class="fnanchor">[924]</a> that these experiences +are involuntarily acquired. This is the difference between Cult and Myth,⁠<a id="FNanchor_925" href="#Footnote_925" class="fnanchor">[925]</a> for +at this level there is no boundary line between religion and the profane—all +waking-consciousness <em>is</em> religion.</p> + +<p>The decisive turn in the history of the higher life occurs when the <em>determination</em> +of Nature (in order to be guided by it) changes into a <em>fixation</em>—that +is, a purposed alteration of Nature. With this, technique becomes more +or less sovereign and the instinctive prime-experience changes into a definitely +“conscious” prime-<em>knowing</em>. Thought has emancipated itself from sensation. +It is the <em>language of words</em> that brings about this epochal change. The liberation +of speech from speaking⁠<a id="FNanchor_926" href="#Footnote_926" class="fnanchor">[926]</a> gives rise to a stock of signs for communication-speech +which are much more than identification-marks—they are <em>names</em> bound up with +a sense of meaning, whereby man has the secret of numina (deities, nature-forces) +in his power, and <em>number</em> (formulæ, simple laws), whereby the inner +form of the actual is abstracted form the accidental-sensuous.⁠<a id="FNanchor_927" href="#Footnote_927" class="fnanchor">[927]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="p500">[500]</span></p> + +<p>With that, the system of identification-marks develops into a theory, a +<em>picture</em> which detaches itself from the technique of the day⁠<a id="FNanchor_928" href="#Footnote_928" class="fnanchor">[928]</a>—whether this be a +day of high-level Civilized technics or a day of simplest beginnings—by way of +<em>abstraction</em>, as a piece of waking-consciousness uncommitted to activity. One +“knows” what one wants, but much must have happened for one to have that +knowledge, and we must make no mistake as to its character. By numerical +experience man is enabled to switch the secret on and off, but he has not discovered +it. The figure of the modern sorcerer—a switchboard with levers and +labels at which the workman calls mighty effects into play by the pressure of a +finger without possessing the slightest notion of their essence—is only the +symbol of human technique in general. The picture of the light-world around +us—in so far as we have developed it critically, analytically, as theory, as +picture—is nothing but a switchboard of the kind, on which particular things +are so labelled that by (so to say) pressing the appropriate button particular +effects follow with certainty. The secret itself remains none the less oppressive +on that account.⁠<a id="FNanchor_929" href="#Footnote_929" class="fnanchor">[929]</a> But through this technique the waking-consciousness does, +all the same, intervene masterfully in the fact-world. Life <em>makes use</em> of thought +as an “open sesame,” and at the peak of many a Civilization, in its great cities, +there arrives finally the moment when technical critique becomes tired of being +life’s servant and makes itself tyrant. The Western Culture is even now experiencing +an orgy of this unbridled thought, and on a tragic scale.</p> + +<p>Man has listened-in to the march of Nature and made notes of its indices. +He begins to imitate it by means and methods that utilize the laws of the cosmic +pulse. He is emboldened to play the part of God, and it is easy to understand +how the earliest preparers and experts of these artificial things—for it was +here that art came to be, <em>as counter-concept to nature</em>—and how in particular the +guardians of the smith’s art, appeared to those around them as something +uncanny and were regarded with awe or horror as the case might be. The stock +of such discoveries grew and grew. Often they were made and forgotten and +made again, were imitated, shunned, improved. But in the end they constituted +for whole continents a store of <em>self-evident</em> means—fire, metal-working, instruments, +arms, ploughs, boats, houses, animal-taming, and husbandry. +Above all, the metals, to whose site in the earth primitive man is led by some +uncannily mystical trait in him. Immemoriably old trade-routes lead to ore-deposits +that are kept secret, through the life of the settled countryside and +over frequented seas, and along these, later, travel cults and ornaments and +<span class="pagenum" id="p501">[501]</span>persistent legends of islands of tin and lands of gold. The primary trade of all +is the metal trade, and with it the economics of production and of work are +joined intrusively by a third—alien, venturesome, free-ranging over the lands.</p> + +<p>On this foundation, now, arises the technique of the higher Cultures, expressive +in quality and colour and passion of the whole soul of these major +entities. It need hardly be said that Classical man, who felt himself and his +environment alike Euclidean, set himself <i lang="la">a priori</i> in hostile opposition to the +very idea of technique. If by “Classical” technique we mean something that +(along with the rest that we comprehend in the adjective) rose with determined +effort above the universal dead perfection of the Mycenæan age, then there was +no Classical technique.⁠<a id="FNanchor_930" href="#Footnote_930" class="fnanchor">[930]</a> Its triremes were glorified row-boats, its catapults +and onagers mere substitutes for arms and fists—not to be named in the same +breath with the war-engines of Assyria and China—and as for Hero and his +like, it was flukes and not discoveries that they achieved. They lacked the +inner weight, the fatedness of their moment, the deep necessity. Here and there +men played with data (and why not?) that probably came from the East, +but no one devoted serious attention to them and, above all, no one made a +real effort to introduce them into the ensemble-picture of life.</p> + +<p>Very different is the Faustian technics, which with all its passion of the +third dimension, and from earliest Gothic days, thrusts itself upon Nature, with +the firm resolve to <em>be its master</em>. Here, and only here, is the connexion of insight +and utilization a matter of course.⁠<a id="FNanchor_931" href="#Footnote_931" class="fnanchor">[931]</a> + Theory is working hypothesis⁠<a id="FNanchor_932" href="#Footnote_932" class="fnanchor">[932]</a> from the +outset. The Classical investigator “contemplated” like Aristotle’s deity, the +Arabian sought as alchemist for magical means (such as the Philosophers’ +Stone) whereby to possess himself of Nature’s treasures <em>without effort</em>,⁠<a id="FNanchor_933" href="#Footnote_933" class="fnanchor">[933]</a> but the +Western strives to <em>direct</em> the world according to his will.</p> + +<p>The Faustian inventor and discoverer is a unique type. The primitive force +of his will, the brilliance of his visions, the steely energy of his practical ponderings, +must appear queer and incomprehensible to anyone at the standpoint of +another Culture, but for us they are in the blood. Our whole Culture has a +discoverer’s soul. To <em>dis</em>-cover that which is not seen, to draw it into the +light-world of the inner eye so as to master it—that was its stubborn passion +from the first days on. All its great inventions slowly ripened in the deeps, +<span class="pagenum" id="p502">[502]</span>to emerge at last with the necessity of a Destiny. All of them were very nearly +approached by the high-hearted, happy research of the early Gothic monks.⁠<a id="FNanchor_934" href="#Footnote_934" class="fnanchor">[934]</a> +Here, if anywhere, the religious origins of all technical thought are manifested.⁠<a id="FNanchor_935" href="#Footnote_935" class="fnanchor">[935]</a> +These meditative discoverers in their cells, who with prayers and fastings +<em>wrung</em> God’s secret out of him, felt that they were <em>serving</em> God thereby. Here is +the Faust-figure, the grand symbol of a true discovering Culture. The <i lang="la">Scientia +experimentalis</i>, as Roger Bacon was the first to call nature-research, the <em>insistent</em> +questioning of Nature with levers and screws, began that of which the issue +lies under our eyes as a countryside sprouting factory-chimneys and conveyor-towers. +But for all of them, too, there was the truly Faustian danger of the +Devil’s having a hand in the game,⁠<a id="FNanchor_936" href="#Footnote_936" class="fnanchor">[936]</a> the risk that he was leading them in spirit +to that mountain on which he promises all the power of the earth. This is the +significance of the <i lang="la">perpetuum mobile</i> dreamed of by those strange Dominicans +like Petrus Peregrinus, which would wrest the almightiness from God. Again +and again they succumbed to this ambition; they forced this secret out of +God in order themselves to be God. They listened for the laws of the cosmic +pulse in order to overpower it. And so they created the <em>idea of the machine</em> as a +small cosmos obeying the will of man alone. But with that they overpassed +the slender border-line whereat the reverent piety of others saw the beginning +of sin, and on it, from Roger Bacon to Giordano Bruno, they came to grief. +Ever and ever again, true belief has regarded the machine as of the Devil.</p> + +<p>The passion of discovery declares itself as early as the Gothic architecture—compare +with this the deliberate form-poverty of the Doric!—and is manifest +throughout our music. Book-printing appeared, and the long-range weapon.⁠<a id="FNanchor_937" href="#Footnote_937" class="fnanchor">[937]</a> +On the heels of Columbus and Copernicus come the telescope, the microscope, +the chemical elements, and lastly the immense technological corpus of the +early Baroque.</p> + +<p>Then followed, however, simultaneously with Rationalism, the discovery +of the steam-engine, which upset everything and transformed economic life +from the foundations up. Till then nature had rendered services, but now she +was tied to the yoke as <em>a slave</em>, and her work was as though in contempt measured +by a standard of horse-power. We advanced from the muscle-force of the +<span class="pagenum" id="p503">[503]</span>Negro, which was set to work in organized routines, to the organic reserves of +the Earth’s crust, where the life-forces of millennia lay stored as coal; and +to-day we cast our eyes on inorganic nature, where water-forces are already +being brought in to supplement coal. As the horse-powers run to millions and +milliards, the numbers of the population increase and increase, on a scale that +no other Culture ever thought possible. This growth is a <em>product of the Machine</em>, +which insists on being used and directed, and to that end centuples the forces of +each individual. For the sake of the machine, human life becomes precious. +<em>Work</em> becomes the great word of ethical thinking; in the eighteenth century +it loses its derogatory implication in all languages. The machine works and +forces the man to co-operate. The entire Culture reaches a degree of activity +such that the earth trembles under it.</p> + +<p>And what now develops, in the space of hardly a century, is a drama of +such greatness that the men of a future Culture, with other soul and other +passions, will hardly be able to resist the conviction that “in those days” +nature herself was tottering. The politics stride over cities and peoples; even +the economics, deeply as they bite into the destinies of the plant and animal +worlds, merely touch the fringe of life and efface themselves. But this technique +will leave traces of its heyday behind it when all else is lost and forgotten. For +this Faustian passion has altered the Face of the Earth.</p> + +<p>This is the outward- and upward-straining life-feeling—true descendant, +therefore, of the Gothic—as expressed in Goethe’s Faust monologue when the +steam-engine was yet young. The intoxicated soul wills to fly above space and +Time. An ineffable longing tempts him to indefinable horizons. Man would +free himself from the earth, rise into the infinite, leave the bonds of the body, +and circle in the universe of space amongst the stars. That which the glowing +and soaring inwardness of St. Bernard sought at the beginning, that which +Grünewald and Rembrandt conceived in their backgrounds, and Beethoven in +the trans-earthly tones of his last quartets, comes back now in the intellectual +intoxication of the inventions that crowd one upon another. Hence the +fantastic traffic that crosses the continents in a few days, that puts itself across +oceans in floating cities, that bores through mountains, rushes about in subterranean +labyrinths, uses the steam-engine till its last possibilities have been +exhausted, and then passes on to the gas-engine, and finally raises itself above +the roads and railways and flies in the air; hence it is that the spoken word is +sent in one moment over all the oceans; hence comes the ambition to break all +records and beat all dimensions, to build giant halls for giant machines, vast +ships and bridge-spans, buildings that deliriously scrape the clouds, fabulous +forces pressed together to a focus to obey the hand of a child, stamping and +quivering and droning works of steel and glass in which tiny man moves as +unlimited monarch and, at the last, feels nature as beneath him.</p> + +<p>And these machines become in their forms less and ever less human, more +<span class="pagenum" id="p504">[504]</span>ascetic, mystic, esoteric. They weave the earth over with an infinite web of +subtle forces, currents, and tensions. Their bodies become ever more and more +immaterial, ever less noisy. The wheels, rollers, and levers are vocal no more. +All that matters withdraws itself into the interior. Man has felt the machine +to be devilish, and rightly. It signifies in the eyes of the believer the deposition +of God. It delivers sacred Causality over to man and by him, with a sort +of foreseeing omniscience is set in motion, silent and irresistible.</p> + + +<h3 id="II_13"> + II +</h3> + +<p>Never save here has a microcosm felt itself superior to its macrocosm, but +here the little life-units have by the sheer force of their intellect made the unliving +dependent upon themselves. It is a triumph, so far as we can see, unparalleled. +Only this our Culture has achieved it, and perhaps only for a few +centuries.</p> + +<p>But for that very reason Faustian man has become <em>the slave of his creation</em>. +His number, and the arrangement of life as he lives it, have been driven by the +machine on to a path where there is no standing still and no turning back. +The peasant, the hand-worker, even the merchant, appear suddenly as inessential +in comparison with the <em>three great figures that the Machine has bred and +trained up in the cause of its development: the entrepreneur, the engineer, and the factory-worker</em>. +Out of a quite small branch of manual work—namely, the preparation-economy—there +has grown up (<em>in this one Culture alone</em>) a mighty tree that +casts its shadow over all the other vocations—namely, <em>the economy of the machine-industry</em>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_938" href="#Footnote_938" class="fnanchor">[938]</a> +It forces the entrepreneur not less than the workman to obedience. +<em>Both</em> become slaves, and not masters, of the machine, that now for the first +time develops its devilish and occult power. But although the Socialistic +theory of the present day has insisted upon looking only at the latter’s contribution +and has claimed the word “work” for him alone, it has all become +possible only through the sovereign and decisive achievement of the former. +The famous phrase concerning the “strong arm” that bids every wheel cease +from running is a piece of wrong-headedness. To stop them—yes! but it does +not need a worker to do that. To keep them running—no! The centre of this +<span class="pagenum" id="p505">[505]</span>artificial and complicated realm of the Machine is the organizer and manager. +The mind, not the hand, holds it together. But, for that very reason, to preserve +the ever endangered structure, <em>one</em> figure is even more important than all +the energy of enterprising master-men that make cities to grow out of the ground +and alter the picture of the landscape; it is a figure that is apt to be forgotten +in this conflict of politics—the <em>engineer</em>, the priest of the machine, the man +who knows it. Not merely the importance, but the very existence of the +industry depends upon the existence of the hundred thousand talented, rigorously +schooled brains that command the technique and develop it onward +and onward. The quiet engineer it is who is the machine’s master and destiny. +His thought is as possibility what the machine is as actuality. There have been +fears, thoroughly materialistic fears, of the exhaustion of the coal-fields. But +so long as there are worthy technical path-finders, dangers of this sort have no +existence. When, and only when, the crop of recruits for this army fails—this +army whose thought-work forms one inward unit with the work of the +machine—the industry must flicker out in spite of all that managerial energy +and the workers can do. Suppose that, in future generations, the most gifted +minds were to find their soul’s health more important than all the powers of +this world; suppose that, under the influence of the metaphysic and mysticism +that is taking the place of rationalism to-day, the very élite of intellect that is +now concerned with the machine comes to be overpowered by a growing sense +of its <em>Satanism</em> (it is the step from Roger Bacon to Bernard of Clairvaux)—then +nothing can hinder the end of this grand drama that has been a play of +intellects, with hands as mere auxiliaries.</p> + +<p>The Western industry has diverted the ancient traditions of the other Cultures. +The streams of economic life move towards the seats of King Coal and +the great regions of raw material. Nature becomes exhausted, the globe +sacrificed to Faustian thinking in energies. The <em>working</em> earth is the Faustian +aspect of her, the aspect contemplated by the Faust of Part II, the supreme +transfiguration of enterprising work—and contemplating, he dies. Nothing +is so utterly antipodal to the motionless satiate being of the Classical Empire. +It is the engineer who is remotest from the Classical law-thought, and he will +see to it that his economy has <em>its own</em> law, wherein forces and efficiencies will +take the place of Person and Thing.</p> + + +<h3 id="III_13"> + III +</h3> + +<p>But titanic, too, is the onslaught of money upon this intellectual force. +Industry, too, is earth-bound like the yeoman. It has its station, and its materials +stream up out of the earth. Only high finance is <em>wholly</em> free, wholly +intangible. Since 1789 the banks, and with them the bourses, have developed +themselves on the credit-needs of an industry growing ever more enormous, as a +power on their own account, and they will (as money wills in every Civilization) +<span class="pagenum" id="p506">[506]</span>to be the only power. The ancient wrestle between the productive and the acquisitive +economies intensifies now into a silent gigantomachy of intellects, +fought out in the lists of the world-cities. This battle is the despairing struggle +of technical thought to maintain its liberty against money-thought.⁠<a id="FNanchor_939" href="#Footnote_939" class="fnanchor">[939]</a></p> + +<p>The dictature of money marches on, tending to its material peak, in the +Faustian Civilization as in every other. And now something happens that is +intelligible only to one who has penetrated to the essence of money. If it were +anything tangible, then its existence would be for ever—but, as it is a form of +thought, <em>it fades out as soon as it has thought its economic world to finality</em>, and has +no more material upon which to feed. It thrust into the life of the yeoman’s +countryside and set the earth a-moving; its thought transformed every sort of +handicraft; to-day it presses victoriously upon industry to make the productive +work of entrepreneur and engineer and labourer alike its spoil. The machine +with its human retinue, the real queen of this century, is in danger of succumbing +to a stronger power. But with this, money, too, is at the end of its success, +and the last conflict is at hand in which the Civilization receives its conclusive +form—the conflict <em>between</em> money and blood.</p> + +<p>The coming of Cæsarism breaks the dictature of money and its political +weapon democracy. After a long triumph of world-city economy and its interests +over political creative force, the political side of life manifests itself after all as +the stronger of the two. The sword is victorious over the money, the master-will +subdues again the plunderer-will. If we call these money-powers “Capitalism,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_940" href="#Footnote_940" class="fnanchor">[940]</a> +then we may designate as Socialism the will to call into life a mighty +politico-economic order that transcends all class interests, a system of <em>lofty</em> +thoughtfulness and duty-sense that keeps the whole in fine condition for the +decisive battle of its history, and this battle is also the battle of money and law.⁠<a id="FNanchor_941" href="#Footnote_941" class="fnanchor">[941]</a> +The <em>private</em> powers of the economy want free paths for their acquisition of great +resources. No legislation must stand in their way. They want to make the +laws themselves, in their interests, and to that end they make use of the tool +they have made for themselves, democracy, the subsidized party. Law needs, +in order to resist this onslaught, a high tradition and an ambition of strong +families that finds its satisfaction not in the heaping-up of riches, but in the +tasks of true rulership, above and beyond all money-advantage. <em>A power can be +overthrown only by another power</em>, not by a principle, and no power that can confront +<span class="pagenum" id="p507">[507]</span>money is left but this one. Money is overthrown and abolished only by blood. +<em>Life</em> is alpha and omega, the cosmic onflow in microcosmic form. It is <em>the</em> fact +of facts within the world-as-history. Before the irresistible rhythm of the +generation-sequence, everything built up by the waking-consciousness in its +intellectual world vanishes at the last. Ever in History it is life and life only—race-quality, +the triumph of the will-to-power—and not the victory of truths, +discoveries, or money that signifies. <em>World-history is the world court</em>, and it has +ever decided in favour of the stronger, fuller, and more self-assured life—decreed +to it, namely, the right to exist, regardless of whether its right would +hold before a tribunal of waking-consciousness. Always it has sacrificed truth +and justice to might and race, and passed doom of death upon men and peoples +in whom truth was more than deeds, and justice than power. And so the +drama of a high Culture—that wondrous world of deities, arts, thoughts, +battles, cities—closes with the return of the pristine facts of the blood eternal +that is one and the same as the ever-circling cosmic flow. The bright imaginative +Waking-Being submerges itself into the silent service of Being, as the +Chinese and Roman empires tell us. Time triumphs over Space, and it is Time +whose inexorable movement embeds the ephemeral incident of the Culture, on +this planet, in the incident of Man—a form wherein the incident life flows on +for a time, while behind it all the streaming horizons of geological and stellar +histories pile up in the light-world of our eyes.</p> + +<p>For us, however, whom a Destiny has placed in this Culture and at this +moment of its development—the moment when money is celebrating its last +victories, and the Cæsarism that is to succeed approaches with quiet, firm step—our +direction, willed and obligatory at once, is set for us within narrow +limits, and on any other terms life is not worth the living. We have not the +freedom to reach to this or to that, but the freedom to do the necessary or to do +nothing. And a task that historic necessity has set <em>will</em> be accomplished with +the individual or against him.</p> + +<p class="center"> +<i lang="la">Ducunt Fata volentem, nolentem trahunt.</i> +</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-i">[index i]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX"> + INDEX + </h2> +</div> + +<p class="center">Prepared by <span class="smcap">David M. Matteson</span></p> + +<ul class="index"> + <li class="ifrst">Abbassids, court life, <a href="#p197">197</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Syncretism, <a href="#p313">313</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Third Estate and rule, <a href="#p424">424</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Abraham, Judah’s silver pieces, <a href="#p237">237</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Absolutism. <i>See</i> Dynastic idea; Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Abu Bekr, Puritanism, <a href="#p304">304</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Abu Hanifah, as jurist, <a href="#p75">75</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Academy, style, <a href="#p345">345</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Achikar, as Arabian, <a href="#p208">208</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Achmed, and Caliph, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Acosta, Uriel, expulsion, <a href="#p317">317</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Acragas, democratic triumph, <a href="#p396">396</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Actium, battle, importance, <a href="#p191">191</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cæsarism, <a href="#p423">423</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Activity, waking-being and willed, <a href="#p133">133</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Actuality, and abstract thought, <a href="#p144">144</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Adiabene, Jewish state, <a href="#p175">175</a>, <a href="#p198">198</a>, <a href="#p209">209</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Adrianople, battle, effect, <a href="#p40">40</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Adventism, as type of second religiousness, <a href="#p311">311</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Æchylus, and being, <a href="#p272">272</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and religion, <a href="#p282">282</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ælius, <cite lang="la">Tripertita</cite>, <a href="#p66">66</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Agamemnon, as feudal, <a href="#p374">374</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Agathocles, and Mamertines, <a href="#p160">160</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Syracuse massacre, <a href="#p406">406</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Agis III, revolution, <a href="#p65">65</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Agriculture, effect on man, <a href="#p89">89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">farmhouse as symbol, <a href="#p90">90</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">modern, as technic, <a href="#p479">479</a> n., <a href="#p485">485</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Ahuramazda, as deity, <a href="#p207">207</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Spenta Mainyu and Vohu Mano, <a href="#p244">244</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Akhenaton, religiousness, <a href="#p313">313</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">revolution, <a href="#p353">353</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Akiba, legends, <a href="#p250">250</a>.</li> + + <li class="indx">Aksakov, Ivan, on Petersburg, <a href="#p193">193</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Al Alblaq, castle, <a href="#p198">198</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Alaric, historyless, <a href="#p432">432</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Albegensians, Manichæans, <a href="#p260">260</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Albert of Saxony, as scientist, <a href="#p301">301</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Albertus Magnus, <a href="#p291">291</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">philosophy, <a href="#p172">172</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Devil-cult, and technique, <a href="#p502">502</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Alcibiades, and army, <a href="#p406">406</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Alcmæonidæ, and Athenian history, <a href="#p336">336</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Alesia, siege, <a href="#p421">421</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Alexander the Great, as follower, <a href="#p88">88</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">political character of empire, <a href="#p174">174</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">divine descent, <a href="#p314">314</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and polis, <a href="#p383">383</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">control by generals, <a href="#p407">407</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Macedonians</li> + + <li class="indx">Alexandria, as world-city, <a href="#p99">99</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">outbreaks, <a href="#p198">198</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">as polis, <a href="#p383">383</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Alfonso X of Castile, work on planets, <a href="#p316">316</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Al Ghazali, deification, <a href="#p314">314</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and science, <a href="#p315">315</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ali, war with Othman, <a href="#p424">424</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">power, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Alien, and “proper” in sensation, <a href="#p6">6</a></li> + + <li class="indx">“All,” as word, <a href="#p141">141</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Al Maimun, Rationalism, <a href="#p306">306</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Al Manzor, Christian, <a href="#p260">260</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Alp Arslan, power, <a href="#p427">427</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Alphabet. <i>See</i> Writing</li> + + <li class="indx">Amasis, rise, <a href="#p428">428</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Amenemhet I, absolutism, <a href="#p387">387</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Amenhotep (Amenophis) IV, city, <a href="#p101">101</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">religiousness, <a href="#p313">313</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">revolution, <a href="#p353">353</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Amenophis IV. <i>See</i> Amenhotep</li> + + <li class="indx">American Revolution, effect in France, <a href="#p411">411</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">cause, loyalists, <a href="#p411">411</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Americans, as race, Indian influence, <a href="#p119">119</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as people, creation of events, <a href="#p165">165</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">language and nation, <a href="#p183">183</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and predestination, <a href="#p305">305</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Civil War, <a href="#p356">356</a>, <a href="#p369">369</a> n., <a href="#p421">421</a>, <a href="#p488">488</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">fate of government, <a href="#p416">416</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">basis of reverence for constitution, <a href="#p430">430</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">no yeomanry, <a href="#p449">449</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">party and political machine, <a href="#p450">450–452</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economics and politics, <a href="#p475">475</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ammonius Saccas, conversion, <a href="#p176">176</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Amoraim, period, <a href="#p71">71</a>, <a href="#p250">250</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and commentary, <a href="#p247">247</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Amos, as Arabian prophet, <a href="#p205">205</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Analysis, and double-entry book-keeping, <a href="#p490">490</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Anastasius I, demonstration against, <a href="#p381">381</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Ancestral worship, Chinese, time-mythology, <a href="#p286">286</a>, <a href="#p351">351</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ancient History, as term, <a href="#p28">28</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Angelico, Fra, frescoes and the Devil, <a href="#p292">292</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Animal, essential character, microcosm in macrocosm, <a href="#p3">3</a>, <a href="#p4">4</a>, <a href="#p15">15</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cosmic beat and tension, <a href="#p4">4</a>, <a href="#p5">5</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cosmic organs, blood, sex, <a href="#p5">5</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">microcosmic organ, sense, <a href="#p5">5</a>, <a href="#p6">6</a>, <a href="#p115">115</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">sense and understanding, <a href="#p6">6</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">sight as supreme sense, <a href="#p6">6</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">being and waking-being, <a href="#p7">7</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and language, <a href="#p131">131–134</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and art, <a href="#p133">133</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">involuntary technique, <a href="#p499">499</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Anselm, Saint, Arabian contemporaries, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Anti-Semitism, rationale, <a href="#p317">317–321</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Antioch, as un-Classical, <a href="#p101">101</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">as capital city, <a href="#p191">191</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as polis, <a href="#p383">383</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Antiochus Epiphanes, persecution, <a href="#p210">210</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Antony, Mark, Actium, <a href="#p191">191</a>, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on Cicero, <a href="#p433">433</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Aphrahat, epistles, <a href="#p252">252</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-ii">[ii]</span>Aphrodisias, Pagan conversion, <a href="#p259">259</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Apocalyptic, predecessors of Mohammed, <a href="#p204">204</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">related Arabian, <a href="#p204">204–207</a>, <a href="#p209">209</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian development, <a href="#p208">208</a>, <a href="#p245">245</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish law and the prophets, <a href="#p209">209</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">end of Jewish, <a href="#p211">211</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Arabian awakening, <a href="#p212">212</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jesus’ teaching, <a href="#p217">217</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Resurrection, <a href="#p218">218</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Paul’s attitude, <a href="#p221">221</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as vision of fable, <a href="#p237">237</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">basis of writing, <a href="#p245">245</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Religion</li> + + <li class="indx">Apocrypha, elimination, <a href="#p71">71</a>, <a href="#p248">248</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Apollinaris, Monophysite, <a href="#p257">257</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Apollonian cult, and body, <a href="#p283">283</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Tyrannis, <a href="#p386">386</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Apollonius, as biographer, <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Apologists, period, <a href="#p71">71</a>, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Apostles, fictitious authorships, <a href="#p72">72</a> n. <i>See also</i> Gospels</li> + + <li class="indx">Appius Claudius. <i>See</i> Claudius</li> + + <li class="indx">Arabian Culture, historic, <a href="#p27">27</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">problems of study, <a href="#p38">38</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as discovery, <a href="#p42">42</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to other Cultures, midmost, <a href="#p42">42</a>, <a href="#p87">87</a>, <a href="#p190">190</a>, <a href="#p235">235</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">landscape, <a href="#p42">42</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Islam, Civilization and Crusades, <a href="#p43">43</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">pre-cultural law, <a href="#p75">75</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">pre-cultural tribal association, <a href="#p175">175</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">pseudomorphosis, <a href="#p189">189</a>, <a href="#p191">191</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ignorance of inner form, partial study, <a href="#p190">190</a>, <a href="#p191">191</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">feudalism, <a href="#p196">196–200</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Scholasticism and Mysticism, <a href="#p200">200</a>, <a href="#p250">250</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">scientific beginnings, <a href="#p200">200</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">space-concept, cavern, <a href="#p233">233</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">time-concept, ordained period, eras, <a href="#p238">238–240</a>, <a href="#p249">249</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">future of nations, <a href="#p323">323</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cognate family, <a href="#p330">330</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dynastic idea, <a href="#p330">330</a> n., <a href="#p378">378</a>, <a href="#p379">379</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">style of priesthood, <a href="#p325">325</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation of primary estates, <a href="#p353">353</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">political periods from feudalism to Cæsarism, <a href="#p423">423–427</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">political theory, <a href="#p453">453</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Cultures; Islam; Jews; Pseudomorphosis; Religion; Roman law</li> + + <li class="indx">Aragon, control by nobility, <a href="#p373">373</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Aramaic, and Christianity, <a href="#p225">225</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Jewish church-language, <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Archæans, as name, <a href="#p161">161</a>, <a href="#p164">164</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Archaeology, as Western trait, <a href="#p79">79</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Archimedes, futility, <a href="#p17">17</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Architecture, Mexican, <a href="#p45">45</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">foreign effects of Western, <a href="#p46">46</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural mixture, <a href="#p87">87</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Minoan and Mycenæan houses, <a href="#p88">88</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cosmic and microcosmic, <a href="#p92">92</a>, <a href="#p93">93</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and dwelling-house, <a href="#p120">120</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as religious and ornament, <a href="#p123">123</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">secular buildings and style, <a href="#p123">123</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Romanesque soul, <a href="#p180">180</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">basilica and mosque, <a href="#p230">230</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Art</li> + + <li class="indx">Archons, urban, <a href="#p374">374</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">overthrow, <a href="#p398">398</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Areopagus, overthrow, <a href="#p396">396</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Argos, massacre, <a href="#p405">405</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Aristides, on Roman polis, <a href="#p383">383</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Aristocracy of intellect, as term, <a href="#p166">166</a> n. <i>See also</i> Nobility</li> + + <li class="indx">Aristonicus, and Blossius, <a href="#p454">454</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Aristotle, universe, <a href="#p58">58</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and polis, <a href="#p173">173</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">on Calani, <a href="#p175">175</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and commentary, <a href="#p247">247</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">“Theology,” <a href="#p248">248</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Rationalism, <a href="#p305">305</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">corpus, <a href="#p346">346</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Arius, and substance controversy, <a href="#p256">256</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Armenia, conversion as state, <a href="#p177">177</a>, <a href="#p253">253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">devil-worshippers, <a href="#p236">236</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">nobility, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">sword-dynasty, <a href="#p426">426</a>, <a href="#p428">428</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Army, Byzantine system, <a href="#p199">199</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">professional, rise as political power, <a href="#p406">406</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> War</li> + + <li class="indx">Arnold of Brescia, and reform, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Art, late Minoan and early Mycenæan, <a href="#p87">87–89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">expression-language and communication-language, <a href="#p116">116</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">taboo and totem sides, in research, <a href="#p118">118</a>, <a href="#p120">120</a>, <a href="#p121">121</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in animals, <a href="#p133">133</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and understanding, <a href="#p133">133</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">forms, <a href="#p331">331</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">lack of Classical financial value, destruction, <a href="#p487">487</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as counter-concept to native, <a href="#p500">500</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Architecture; Ornament</li> + + <li class="indx">Aryan. <i>See</i> Indogermanic</li> + + <li class="indx">Asceticism. <i>See</i> Monasticism</li> + + <li class="indx">Asclepiades, work, <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Asclepiodotus, as Pagan missionary, <a href="#p259">259</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Asoka, religiousness, <a href="#p313">313</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Sudra, <a href="#p333">333</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Asosi, as feudal, <a href="#p375">375</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Assuan documents, <a href="#p209">209</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Assyrians, as rulers, <a href="#p40">40</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Astrakan, Judaic conversion, <a href="#p259">259</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Astrology, and Arabian time-concept, <a href="#p238">238</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as late Classical fad, <a href="#p310">310</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Astronomy, Chaldean, <a href="#p206">206</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Asvagosha, Mahayana doctrine, <a href="#p313">313</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Atargatis, cult, <a href="#p201">201</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Athanasius, and Western dogma, <a href="#p230">230</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and substance controversy, <a href="#p256">256</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and reform, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Athens, and Alcmæonidæ, <a href="#p336">336</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i>: Sparta, <a href="#p368">368</a>, Tyrannis, <a href="#p386">386</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">overthrow of oligarchy, <a href="#p396">396</a>, <a href="#p397">397</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Athos, monasteries as Buddhistic, <a href="#p314">314</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Atreus, tomb, <a href="#p89">89</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Auaris, as capital, <a href="#p428">428</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Augustine, Saint, and Grace, <a href="#p59">59</a>, <a href="#p241">241</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on Classical religion as true, <a href="#p204">204</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Manichæan, <a href="#p227">227</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dualism, <a href="#p234">234</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">community of the elect, <a href="#p243">243</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on ruler, <a href="#p379">379</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Augustus, principate and monarchy, <a href="#p50">50</a>, <a href="#p349">349</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and dyarchy, <a href="#p432">432</a>, <a href="#p433">433</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Aulard, F. Alphonse, on French Revolution, <a href="#p399">399</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Aurelian, State religion, <a href="#p253">253</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Aureole, significance, <a href="#p378">378</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Aurignacian Man, conditions, <a href="#p34">34</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Austria, national origin, <a href="#p182">182</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">annihilation, <a href="#p183">183</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Holy Roman Empire</li> + + <li class="indx">Autarkeia, Rationalism, <a href="#p307">307</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Authority, and authorship, <a href="#p248">248</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-iii">[iii]</span>Authorship, and authority, <a href="#p248">248</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Avicenna, Spinoza as heir, <a href="#p321">321</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Avidius Cassius, on Marcus Aurelius, <a href="#p430">430</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Axum, ignored history, <a href="#p190">190</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">feudalism, <a href="#p197">197</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Himaryites, <a href="#p197">197</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">stelæ, <a href="#p234">234</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">State religion, <a href="#p253">253</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Aztecs, rule, <a href="#p45">45</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and jurisprudence, <a href="#p66">66</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and woman, <a href="#p328">328</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Baal cults, in Syncretism, <a href="#p201">201</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Baal Shem, Gnosis, <a href="#p228">228</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Messiah, <a href="#p311">311</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Babek, outbreaks, <a href="#p424">424</a>, <a href="#p425">425</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Babylon, as world-city, <a href="#p99">99</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Babylonian Culture, beginning, achievements, rulers, <a href="#p39">39</a>, <a href="#p40">40</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and early Jewish law, <a href="#p75">75</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Arabian Culture, <a href="#p189">189</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Chaldean, <a href="#p205">205</a> n., <a href="#p206">206</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">astrology, <a href="#p238">238</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Bacchiadæ, and succession, <a href="#p380">380</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bach, John Sebastian, Exekias as contemporary, <a href="#p135">135</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Bacon, Roger, philosophy, <a href="#p172">172</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and the Devil, <a href="#p290">290</a> n., <a href="#p502">502</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as scientist, <a href="#p301">301</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and technique, <a href="#p502">502</a>, <a href="#p502">502</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Baghdad, as Islam, <a href="#p95">95</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as world-city, <a href="#p99">99</a>, <a href="#p425">425</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">plan, <a href="#p100">100</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Balkuwara Palace, <a href="#p100">100</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Banausos, notion, <a href="#p332">332</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bank-note, status, <a href="#p483">483</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Banking, cultural basis, <a href="#p493">493</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Bantu language, <a href="#p142">142</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Baptism, as impersonal, <a href="#p293">293</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Luther’s concept, <a href="#p299">299</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Barcochebas, rising, <a href="#p319">319</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bardas, power, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bardas Phocas, power, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bardesanes, period and task, <a href="#p250">250</a>, <a href="#p257">257</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and substance, <a href="#p255">255</a>, <a href="#p256">256</a>, <a href="#p258">258</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Baroque, as microcosmic and urban, <a href="#p92">92</a>, <a href="#p93">93</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">science and Gothic religiousness, <a href="#p270">270</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">contemporary Jewish period, <a href="#p316">316</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">political aspect, <a href="#p391">391</a>, <a href="#p405">405</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fifty-year periods, <a href="#p392">392</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Barrack-state, <a href="#p366">366</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Barter, in early Culture, <a href="#p97">97</a>, <a href="#p480">480</a>, <a href="#p481">481</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bartolus, as jurist, <a href="#p77">77</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Baruch Apocalypse, fictitious, <a href="#p72">72</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">dualism, <a href="#p234">234</a>, <a href="#p248">248</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Basel, Council of, and feudalism, <a href="#p374">374</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Basileios I, power, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Basileios II, and rule, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Basileios, chancellor, power, <a href="#p427">427</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Basileus, as feudal, <a href="#p374">374</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Basilica, and mosque, <a href="#p230">230</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Basilides, and substance, <a href="#p256">256</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Basques, race, <a href="#p165">165</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Basra, Ali’s capture, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bavaria, as State, <a href="#p182">182</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Baxter, Jedediah H., on American race, <a href="#p119">119</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bayle, Pierre, on understanding, <a href="#p13">13</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Beast-deities, Classical, <a href="#p276">276</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Mycenæan and Egyptian, <a href="#p276">276</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Beat, and tension, <a href="#p4">4</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and being, <a href="#p7">7</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cosmic, in crowd, <a href="#p18">18</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Being</li> + + <li class="indx">Beatification, scientific, <a href="#p346">346</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Become, and understanding, <a href="#p14">14</a>, <a href="#p15">15</a>. <i>See also</i> Microcosm</li> + + <li class="indx">Becoming, and understanding, <a href="#p14">14</a>, <a href="#p15">15</a>. <i>See also</i> Cosmic</li> + + <li class="indx">Behistun Inscription, <a href="#p166">166</a>, <a href="#p207">207</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Being, as cosmic, and waking-being, <a href="#p7">7</a>, <a href="#p11">11</a>, <a href="#p13">13</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">peasant as, <a href="#p89">89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and race, <a href="#p113">113</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">upward series of utterances, <a href="#p116">116</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and totem, <a href="#p117">117</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and religion, <a href="#p265">265</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and faith, <a href="#p271">271</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and moral negations, <a href="#p272">272–274</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and truths, <a href="#p274">274</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and nobility, <a href="#p335">335</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and idea of property, <a href="#p343">343</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ultimate triumph, <a href="#p435">435</a>, <a href="#p507">507</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and economics, <a href="#p470">470</a>, <a href="#p471">471</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Cosmic; History; Politics; Race; Sex; Time; Waking-being; War</li> + + <li class="indx">Bel temple, Palmyra, inscriptions, <a href="#p206">206</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Belhomme, Jacques, and aristocrats, <a href="#p402">402</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Belisarius, as feudal lord, <a href="#p350">350</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Beloch, Julius, on migrant minority, <a href="#p164">164</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Benedictines, as rural, <a href="#p91">91</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bernadotte, Jean B. J., and Désirée Clary, <a href="#p329">329</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise, <a href="#p406">406</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bernard of Clairvaux, Arabian contemporaries, <a href="#p250">250</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on love of God, <a href="#p266">266</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and compassion, <a href="#p273">273</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Mary-cult, <a href="#p288">288</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and contrition, <a href="#p298">298</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bible, fixation of canon, <a href="#p71">71</a>, <a href="#p248">248</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fictitious authorship, <a href="#p72">72</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">law of early books, <a href="#p75">75</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise of fetishism, <a href="#p299">299</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Christianity; New Testament; Old Testament; Sacred books</li> + + <li class="indx">Biography, in Western Culture, <a href="#p29">29</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and contrition, <a href="#p294">294</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Biology, and primitive history, <a href="#p48">48</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and post-Civilization history, <a href="#p48">48</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bismarck, Fürst von, dynastic government, <a href="#p415">415</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">flaw in leadership, <a href="#p444">444</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Blackstone, Sir William, Commentaries as Germanic, <a href="#p78">78</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Blake, William, “tiger” expression, <a href="#p128">128</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Blood system, cosmic organ, <a href="#p5">5</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Blossius, influence, <a href="#p454">454</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Blumenbach, Johann F., race classification, <a href="#p125">125</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Boar’s-head attack, <a href="#p199">199</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Boas, Franz, on American race, <a href="#p119">119</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Boccaccio, Giovanni, and Classicism, <a href="#p291">291</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Bodin, Jean, and law of nature, <a href="#p78">78</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Body, in Roman law, <a href="#p67">67</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical concept and Western law, <a href="#p81">81</a>, <a href="#p82">82</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Classical cults, <a href="#p283">283</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and polis, <a href="#p384">384</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Classical money concept, <a href="#p486">486</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-iv">[iv]</span>Böhme, Jakob, and Western religious beginnings, <a href="#p282">282</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Boghaz, Keüi, archives, <a href="#p167">167</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bogomils, iconoclasm, <a href="#p304">304</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bollandists, and orders and schools, <a href="#p346">346</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bolshevism, Tolstoi’s relation, as pseudomorphosis, <a href="#p195">195</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural basis of fury, <a href="#p321">321</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Bonaventura, Saint, and Devil-cult, <a href="#p291">291</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Boniface, Saint, as missionary, <a href="#p56">56</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Boniface VIII, pope, and Jacopone, <a href="#p296">296</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><cite lang="la">Unam sanctam</cite>, <a href="#p376">376</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Book, expulsion by newspaper, <a href="#p461">461</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as personal expression, <a href="#p463">463</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Book-keeping, double-entry as Western symbol, <a href="#p490">490</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Booty, and power, <a href="#p344">344</a>, <a href="#p345">345</a>, <a href="#p347">347</a>, <a href="#p371">371</a>, <a href="#p372">372</a>, + <a href="#p474">474</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Borchardt, Ludwig, erroneous chronology, <a href="#p39">39</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Borkman, John G., on resources, <a href="#p486">486</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bosch, Hieronymus, paintings and the Devil, <a href="#p298">298</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Bourbons, and world-history, <a href="#p182">182</a>, <a href="#p336">336</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bourse, as cultural phenomenon, <a href="#p484">484</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Boxer Rebellion, cultural basis, <a href="#p321">321</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Bracton, Henry de, as jurist, <a href="#p76">76</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Brahmanism, Sankhara and Neo-Brahmanism, <a href="#p315">315</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Breed. <i>See</i> Race</li> + + <li class="indx">Brentano, Clemens, “playing” with expression, <a href="#p137">137</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Breughel, Pieter, and the Devil, <a href="#p289">289</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Brunhilde, as destiny, <a href="#p329">329</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bruno, Giordano, and machine and Devil, <a href="#p502">502</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Brutus, M. Junius, as ideologue, <a href="#p433">433</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Buch, Christian L. von, theory, <a href="#p31">31</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Buddhism, and Indian philosophy, <a href="#p49">49</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and landscape, in China, <a href="#p57">57</a>, <a href="#p312">312</a>, <a href="#p315">315</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sport, <a href="#p103">103</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and depopulation, <a href="#p106">106</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Rationalism, <a href="#p305">305</a>, <a href="#p307">307</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">expansion, <a href="#p308">308</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Hinayana and Mahayana, <a href="#p312">312</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Syncretism, <a href="#p313">313</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">deification of Buddha, <a href="#p314">314</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Neo-Brahmanism, <a href="#p315">315</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and political theory, <a href="#p453">453</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bunyan, John, and concepts, <a href="#p303">303</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Burdach, Konrad, on Renaissance and Gothic, <a href="#p291">291</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Burghers. <i>See</i> Democracy; Town</li> + + <li class="indx">Buridan, Jean, as scientist, <a href="#p301">301</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Burkard of Worms, and Devil-cult, <a href="#p290">290</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Burke, Edmund, on rights, <a href="#p403">403</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Burning of the Books, and Cæsarism, <a href="#p433">433</a>, <a href="#p434">434</a>, <a href="#p463">463</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Bylini, hero-tales, <a href="#p192">192</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Byzantine Empire, and inter-Cultures, <a href="#p89">89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cult and nationality, State religion, <a href="#p176">176</a>, <a href="#p178">178</a>, <a href="#p230">230</a>, <a href="#p243">243</a>, <a href="#p253">253</a>, + <a href="#p258">258</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">capital city as symbol, <a href="#p191">191</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and feudalism, army system, <a href="#p198">198</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">literature and Arabian literature, <a href="#p304">304</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Crusades, <a href="#p319">319</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nobility and priesthood, <a href="#p353">353</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Sassanid pattern, <a href="#p378">378</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">class-basis of political associations, <a href="#p381">381</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">revolution in, <a href="#p425">425</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Cæsarism in, <a href="#p426">426</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Arabian Culture, Pseudomorphosis; Religion</li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Cæsar, C. Julius, ahistoric, <a href="#p24">24</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">monarchy and principate, <a href="#p50">50</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">divine descent, <a href="#p314">314</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">demagogy, money and power, <a href="#p402">402</a>, <a href="#p457">457</a> n., <a href="#p458">458</a>, <a href="#p459">459</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Gallic conquests, <a href="#p408">408</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Triumvirate and Cæsarism, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and forms, <a href="#p431">431</a> n., <a href="#p432">432</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">killing by ideologues, <a href="#p433">433</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">tact of command, <a href="#p444">444</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">at Lucca, <a href="#p446">446</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cæsarism, and second religiousness, <a href="#p310">310</a>, <a href="#p386">386</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and emperor-cult, <a href="#p313">313</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">transit to, as cultural destiny, <a href="#p416">416</a>, <a href="#p429">429</a>, <a href="#p434">434</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">era of great fact-men, <a href="#p418">418</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">defined, formless strife for personal power, <a href="#p418">418</a>, <a href="#p431">431</a>, <a href="#p434">434</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">character of war, <a href="#p419">419–422</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ruthless peace, <a href="#p422">422</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical evolution, <a href="#p422">422</a>, <a href="#p423">423</a>, <a href="#p430">430</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in Arabian Culture, sultanate, <a href="#p423">423</a>, <a href="#p426">426</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in Egypt, <a href="#p427">427</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">coming Western, and overthrow of money, <a href="#p428">428</a>, <a href="#p506">506</a>, <a href="#p507">507</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and megalopolitanism and return of race, <a href="#p431">431</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as end of great politics, <a href="#p432">432</a>, <a href="#p434">434</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">completed Roman, and ideologues, <a href="#p432">432–434</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and passing of Culture, <a href="#p435">435</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and private politics, <a href="#p452">452</a>, <a href="#p464">464</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">battle with democracy, <a href="#p464">464</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Cæsarius of Heisterbach, and Devil-cult, <a href="#p290">290</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Calani, as term for philosophers, <a href="#p175">175</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Calchas, and Classical religious beginnings, <a href="#p282">282</a>, <a href="#p350">350</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Caliphate, deification, <a href="#p68">68</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">yields to sultanate, <a href="#p425">425</a>, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Calvin, John, and Grace, <a href="#p59">59</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Gothic, <a href="#p296">296</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and world-politics, <a href="#p299">299</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and science, <a href="#p300">300</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Camden, battle, <a href="#p412">412</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Canada, public-land survey, <a href="#p101">101</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Cannæ, battle, importance, <a href="#p191">191</a>, <a href="#p338">338</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Canon, fixation, <a href="#p71">71</a>, <a href="#p248">248</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as term, <a href="#p245">245</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian style, <a href="#p346">346</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Bible</li> + + <li class="indx">Canon law, development, <a href="#p77">77</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Capital, Western, as movement of values, <a href="#p493">493</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical sort, <a href="#p494">494</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Money</li> + + <li class="indx">Capital city, domination, <a href="#p95">95</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Byzantine Empire, <a href="#p191">191</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and primary estates, <a href="#p356">356</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and State-idea, <a href="#p377">377</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural basis, <a href="#p381">381</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Capitulations, origin, <a href="#p177">177</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Caracalla, citizenship edict, and emperor-worship, <a href="#p68">68</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Care, family and State as symbols, <a href="#p364">364</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">legal modes, <a href="#p365">365</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">financial officialdom, <a href="#p371">371</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Carey, Henry C., and English economics, <a href="#p469">469</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Carmathians, outbreak, <a href="#p425">425</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Carolingian Renaissance, character, <a href="#p87">87</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Carthage, as Babylonian, <a href="#p108">108</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in Classical Civilization, <a href="#p323">323</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-v">[v]</span><i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> Rome, <a href="#p368">368</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economy and politics, <a href="#p475">475</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Punic Wars</li> + + <li class="indx">Caspian Sea, and intercultural relations, <a href="#p41">41</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cassius, Spurius, and cult, <a href="#p386">386</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Caste, meaning, <a href="#p332">332</a>, <a href="#p333">333</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Castle, as totem, racial expression, <a href="#p122">122</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and ornament, relation to style, <a href="#p123">123</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">talk, <a href="#p153">153</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Catchwords, as term, <a href="#p401">401</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cathedral, as taboo and ornament, <a href="#p122">122</a>, <a href="#p123">123</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">speech, <a href="#p153">153</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Catholic, Western churches as, <a href="#p223">223</a> n., <a href="#p229">229</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Catilinarian movement, financing, <a href="#p402">402</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cato, M. Porcius (Censor), and Scipio, <a href="#p411">411</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ruthlessness, <a href="#p422">422</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cato, M. Porcius (Uticensis), rise, <a href="#p409">409</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">courts and politics, <a href="#p459">459</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Catulus, Q. Lutatius, demagogy, <a href="#p459">459</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Caucus, as political means, <a href="#p452">452</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Causality, human (microcosmic) type, <a href="#p16">16–19</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sex, <a href="#p327">327</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Destiny; Intelligence; Nature; Religion; Space; Town; Waking-being</li> + + <li class="indx">Cavern, Arabian symbol, and Chaldean religion, <a href="#p206">206</a>, <a href="#p233">233</a>, <a href="#p238">238</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cecils, and English history, <a href="#p337">337</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Censorship, past and present, <a href="#p463">463</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ceremonial, as expression-language, <a href="#p134">134</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chacmultun, and Mexican Culture, <a href="#p45">45</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chalcedon, Council of, substance controversy, <a href="#p257">257</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and reform, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chaldeans, as rulers, <a href="#p40">40</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">tribal association, <a href="#p175">175</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">religion and nation, <a href="#p176">176</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cult in Syncretism, <a href="#p201">201</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as term, <a href="#p205">205</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">prophetic religion, <a href="#p205">205</a>, <a href="#p209">209</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Babylonia, <a href="#p205">205</a> n., <a href="#p206">206</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">astronomy, <a href="#p206">206</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">astrology, <a href="#p238">238</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">oracles as canon, <a href="#p245">245</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">disappearance, <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chamberlain, Joseph, and political machine, <a href="#p453">453</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Champutun, and Mexican Culture, <a href="#p45">45</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chandragupta, Sundra, <a href="#p333">333</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chang-I, Imperialism, <a href="#p417">417</a>, <a href="#p419">419</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chang-Lu, church, <a href="#p314">314</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Charlemagne, and cultural mixture, <a href="#p87">87</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Devil-cult, <a href="#p290">290</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Charles I of England, and absolutism, <a href="#p388">388</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Charles IV, emperor, policy, <a href="#p376">376</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Charles Martel, as destiny, <a href="#p192">192</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Charondas, character of laws, <a href="#p63">63</a>, <a href="#p64">64</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chartres, Arabian contemporaries of school, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Charvaka doctrine, <a href="#p105">105</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chaucer, Geoffrey, and “virtue,” <a href="#p307">307</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Cheirocracy, Classical, <a href="#p397">397</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cherusci, importance of victory, <a href="#p48">48</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chian, importance, <a href="#p50">50</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">power, <a href="#p428">428</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chichen Itza, and Mexican Culture, <a href="#p45">45</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chinese Culture, as historic, <a href="#p28">28</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">problems of study, <a href="#p38">38</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">transition to Cæsarism, contending States, <a href="#p38">38</a>, <a href="#p40">40</a>, <a href="#p339">339</a>, <a href="#p416">416–419</a>, + <a href="#p454">454</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">date of beginning, <a href="#p39">39</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">periods, cultural contemporaries, <a href="#p40">40–42</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fate, <a href="#p42">42</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">end of real history, <a href="#p49">49</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Buddhism, <a href="#p57">57</a>, <a href="#p312">312</a>, <a href="#p315">315</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">basis of laws, <a href="#p67">67</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">depopulation, <a href="#p106">106</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nations under, <a href="#p178">178</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Tsin, <a href="#p185">185</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sacred books, <a href="#p244">244</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Manichæans and Nestorians, <a href="#p260">260</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">beginning of religion, <a href="#p281">281</a>, <a href="#p285">285</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">time mythology, <a href="#p286">286</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dualism, tao, <a href="#p287">287</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">landscape as prime symbol, <a href="#p287">287</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">second religiousness and Syncretism, <a href="#p312">312</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">emperor-cult, <a href="#p313">313</a>, <a href="#p379">379</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fellah State religion, <a href="#p315">315</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ancient priest-estate, <a href="#p350">350</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ancestry-worship, <a href="#p351">351</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">tao and priesthood, <a href="#p352">352</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation of primary estates, <a href="#p352">352</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">world-power idea, <a href="#p373">373</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">feudalism and interregnum, <a href="#p375">375</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dynasty-idea, <a href="#p379">379</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Fronde in, <a href="#p386">386</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period of protectors, <a href="#p387">387</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Cæsarism and ideologues, <a href="#p434">434</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">status of early coins, <a href="#p481">481</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">bank notes, <a href="#p483">483</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">money concept, <a href="#p486">486</a>, <a href="#p489">489</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and technique, <a href="#p501">501</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Culture</li> + + <li class="indx">Chinese language, voice-differentiations, <a href="#p140">140</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">written and spoken, <a href="#p145">145</a>, <a href="#p151">151</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">standard script, <a href="#p152">152</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chios, and slaves, <a href="#p488">488</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chivalry, Arabian, <a href="#p198">198</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and compassion as contemporary, <a href="#p273">273</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chlysti, doctrines, <a href="#p278">278</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chmenotep, inscriptions, <a href="#p387">387</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chosen People, as common Arabian idea, <a href="#p207">207</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chosroës Nushirvan, and Mazdak, <a href="#p261">261</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chóu dynasty, residence, <a href="#p92">92</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fall, <a href="#p376">376</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">money concept, <a href="#p489">489</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Christ, as name, <a href="#p219">219</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Christian Science, as fad, <a href="#p310">310</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Christianity, Arabian and Western, form and soul, <a href="#p59">59</a>, <a href="#p235">235</a>, <a href="#p237">237</a>, <a href="#p258">258</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period of Apologists, <a href="#p71">71</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Fathers, <a href="#p71">71</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of Justinian, <a href="#p74">74</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Corpus Juris Canonici, <a href="#p77">77</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Arabian nations, <a href="#p177">177</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nationalism and persecutions, <a href="#p177">177</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian, and chivalry, <a href="#p198">198</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jesus-cult and Syncretism, <a href="#p201">201</a>, <a href="#p220">220</a>, <a href="#p252">252</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Hellenism, <a href="#p203">203</a>, <a href="#p204">204</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jesus’ life and biography as central point, <a href="#p212">212</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Arabian apocalyptic literature, <a href="#p212">212</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Turfan manuscripts, <a href="#p213">213</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Mandæanism of John the Baptist, <a href="#p214">214</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">self-view of Jesus as prophet and Messiah, townlessness, <a href="#p215">215</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jesus and Pilate, symbolism, <a href="#p216">216</a>, <a href="#p473">473</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jesus and pure metaphysics, <a href="#p217">217</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of Resurrection, Messiah, <a href="#p218">218</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian cult-nationality and world salvation, <a href="#p219">219</a>, <a href="#p220">220</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Paul and Church, <a href="#p220">220</a>, <a href="#p221">221</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Paul and urban intellect, westward trend, <a href="#p221">221</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Old Testament and canon, <a href="#p221">221</a>, <a href="#p225">225</a>, <a href="#p226">226</a>, <a href="#p228">228</a>, <a href="#p245">245</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Mark Gospel, <a href="#p223">223</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cults, Mary-cult, <a href="#p223">223</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Greek and Latin as languages, <a href="#p224">224</a>, <a href="#p241">241</a> n., <a href="#p252">252</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-vi">[vi]</span>John Gospel, Mysticism, Logos and Paraclete, <a href="#p226">226</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Marcionism and early Catholic Church, <a href="#p227">227</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian West and East division, <a href="#p228">228–230</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">architectural symbols of division, <a href="#p230">230</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian Logos and Jesus’ world-image, <a href="#p236">236</a>, <a href="#p237">237</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">era, <a href="#p239">239</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Judaism, separation, <a href="#p251">251</a>, <a href="#p316">316</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">early Eastern, <a href="#p251">251</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Eastern State religions, <a href="#p253">253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">monasticism in Arabian, <a href="#p254">254</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian expansion, and inner contradiction, <a href="#p255">255</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">substance controversy and split, <a href="#p255">255–258</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Greek, <a href="#p257">257</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">obligation to other missionarism, <a href="#p259">259</a>, <a href="#p260">260</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">end of Arabian theology, <a href="#p261">261</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">pre-period of Western, <a href="#p277">277</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western Mary-cult and Devil-cult, <a href="#p288">288–292</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western guilt and free-will, sacraments, <a href="#p292">292</a>, <a href="#p293">293</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western contrition, <a href="#p293">293–295</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">elements and effect of Reformation, <a href="#p296">296–300</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">present Russian, <a href="#p495">495</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Manichæism; Monophysites; Nestorianism; Puritanism; Religion; Roman Catholic</li> + + <li class="indx">Chronology, Arabian spirit, <a href="#p27">27</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural, <a href="#p39">39</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Mexican, <a href="#p44">44</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian eras, <a href="#p239">239</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chrysostom, John, and conflict of estates, <a href="#p353">353</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Chthonian cults, <a href="#p283">283</a>, <a href="#p286">286</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Chufucianism, fellah character, <a href="#p315">315</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Church, and religion, <a href="#p443">443</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Church and State, Arabian concept, <a href="#p168">168</a>, <a href="#p174">174–178</a>, <a href="#p210">210</a>, <a href="#p242">242</a>, <a href="#p243">243</a>, + <a href="#p253">253</a>, <a href="#p315">315</a>, <a href="#p317">317</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Roman law and established church, <a href="#p177">177</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Arabian monasticism, <a href="#p254">254</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">lack of equilibrium, <a href="#p336">336</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Church of England, new transubstantiation controversy, <a href="#p309">309</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Cicero, M. Tullius, rise, <a href="#p409">409</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">on elections, <a href="#p432">432</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and party, weakling, <a href="#p433">433</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Divus idea, <a href="#p433">433</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and killing of Cæsar, <a href="#p433">433</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and demagogy, <a href="#p458">458</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Trebatius, <a href="#p458">458</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Cimabue, Giovanni, as Gothic, <a href="#p291">291</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cineas, on Roman Senate, <a href="#p409">409</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Circus parties, as term, <a href="#p381">381</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Citation, deeper meaning, <a href="#p248">248</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Citizenship, Caracalla’s edict on Roman, <a href="#p68">68</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Roman, and polis, <a href="#p383">383</a>, <a href="#p384">384</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical idea, <a href="#p384">384</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Citizenship, Roman, <a href="#p166">166</a> n., <a href="#p384">384</a></li> + + <li class="indx">City. <i>See</i> Megalopolitanism; Town</li> + + <li class="indx">City-leagues, Classical, <a href="#p355">355</a></li> + + <li class="indx">City planning, soulless chessboard form, <a href="#p100">100</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Civil War, American, defeat of aristocracy, <a href="#p356">356</a>, <a href="#p369">369</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and military art, <a href="#p421">421</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as victory of coal-energy, <a href="#p488">488</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Civilization, as term, <a href="#p31">31</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">position of present, <a href="#p37">37</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Mexican Culture, <a href="#p45">45</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">exhaustion and historylessness, <a href="#p48">48–51</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and microcosmic, <a href="#p92">92</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and dictatorship of money, <a href="#p98">98</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as tension, <a href="#p102">102</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rootless forms, world-extension, <a href="#p107">107</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">inner stages, present Western, <a href="#p109">109</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and style, <a href="#p109">109</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">survivals, <a href="#p109">109</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">superficial history, <a href="#p109">109</a>, <a href="#p339">339</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and utilitarian script, <a href="#p152">152</a>, <a href="#p155">155</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish, in contact with Gothic, <a href="#p317">317–319</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jews in Western, <a href="#p322">322</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economics under, <a href="#p477">477</a>, <a href="#p484">484</a>, <a href="#p493">493</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">final struggle, money and Cæsarism, <a href="#p506">506</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Cæsarism; Cultures; Fellahism; Megalopolitanism; Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Clary, Désirée, as destiny, <a href="#p329">329</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Classes, and history, <a href="#p96">96</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economic, <a href="#p477">477</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Estates</li> + + <li class="indx">Classical Culture, as ahistoric, and script, <a href="#p24">24</a>, <a href="#p27">27</a>, <a href="#p36">36</a>, <a href="#p150">150</a>, + <a href="#p152">152</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">similarity of Mexican, <a href="#p43">43</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">end of real history, <a href="#p50">50</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation of Renaissance, <a href="#p58">58</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Greek laws, <a href="#p61">61</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and capital city, <a href="#p95">95</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Civilization cities, <a href="#p101">101</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Civilization and sterility, <a href="#p105">105</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">destruction and survivals of Civilization, <a href="#p109">109</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nations under, polis basis, <a href="#p173">173</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">geographically-limited cults, <a href="#p200">200</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and revelation, <a href="#p244">244</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">fate in, <a href="#p267">267</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">beast character of deities, <a href="#p276">276</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">obscure religious beginnings, <a href="#p281">281–283</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Orphism, Ascetism, <a href="#p283">283</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">outline of early religion, <a href="#p283">283</a>, <a href="#p284">284</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Greek and Roman cults, <a href="#p284">284</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">later city-religions, <a href="#p285">285</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">personality-concept, <a href="#p293">293</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">second religiousness and Syncretism, <a href="#p312">312</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">agnate family, <a href="#p330">330</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ancient priest-estate, <a href="#p350">350</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">style of nobility, <a href="#p351">351</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">style of priesthood, <a href="#p352">352</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">position of primary estates, <a href="#p353">353</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">significance of colonization, <a href="#p354">354</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">city-leagues, <a href="#p355">355</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">capital and financial organization, <a href="#p372">372</a>, <a href="#p383">383</a>, <a href="#p493">493–496</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and world-power, <a href="#p373">373</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">feudalism and polis, <a href="#p374">374</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">first Tyrannis, <a href="#p375">375</a>, <a href="#p386">386</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dynasty-ideal and oligarchy, <a href="#p380">380</a>, <a href="#p381">381</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><i lang="la">carpe diem</i>, <a href="#p383">383</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and war, <a href="#p385">385</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">inter-Tyrannis period, <a href="#p394">394–398</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">second Tyrannis, <a href="#p405">405–408</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period of Cæsarism, evolution, <a href="#p418">418</a>, <a href="#p422">422</a>, <a href="#p423">423</a>, <a href="#p430">430</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">military technique of Civilization, <a href="#p420">420</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">trader-master period, <a href="#p484">484</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">money as magnitude, <a href="#p486">486</a>, <a href="#p495">495</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">money and land and art value, <a href="#p487">487</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">slaves as money, <a href="#p488">488</a>, <a href="#p496">496</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and technique, <a href="#p501">501</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Cultures; Polis; Pseudomorphosis; Rome</li> + + <li class="indx">Claudii, and Roman history, <a href="#p336">336</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">social composition, <a href="#p357">357</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Claudius I, importance, <a href="#p50">50</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Claudius, Appius, and sons of freedmen, <a href="#p166">166</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and peasantry, <a href="#p408">408</a>, <a href="#p410">410</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and consul-list, <a href="#p409">409</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Punic War, <a href="#p410">410</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">reforms and demagogy, <a href="#p458">458</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Clausewitz, Karl von, inversion of phrase, <a href="#p330">330</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">as military writer, <a href="#p419">419</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Clearing-house, electrical analogy, <a href="#p490">490</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Clement, Saint, period, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cleomenes I, and helots, <a href="#p396">396</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cleomenes III, fall, <a href="#p65">65</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Sphærus, <a href="#p454">454</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Cleomenes, Alexander’s administrator, and speculation, <a href="#p484">484</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-vii">[vii]</span>Cleon, as mass-leader, <a href="#p448">448</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Clergy. <i>See</i> Priesthood</li> + + <li class="indx">Climate, and man’s history, <a href="#p39">39</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Clisthenes, and Homer, <a href="#p386">386</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Clock, as Western symbol, <a href="#p300">300</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Clodius. <i>See</i> Claudius</li> + + <li class="indx">Cluniacs, as rural, <a href="#p92">92</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cluny, and reform, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Coal, and slaves, <a href="#p488">488</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Code, Civil, position, <a href="#p76">76</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Code of Manu, on Sudra, <a href="#p332">332</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Coins, and “Money,” <a href="#p481">481</a> n., <a href="#p483">483</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Classical symbol, <a href="#p486">486</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western attitude, <a href="#p490">490</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Coke, Sir Edward, and Roman law, <a href="#p78">78</a>, <a href="#p365">365</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Collinet, Paul, on Justinian’s Digests, <a href="#p70">70</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Colonate, end, <a href="#p357">357</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Colonization, significance of Classical, <a href="#p354">354</a>, <a href="#p355">355</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural basis, <a href="#p382">382</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Colonna, and Papacy, <a href="#p354">354</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Colonus, vassalage, <a href="#p350">350</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Colosseum, decay, <a href="#p107">107</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Colour, symbolism in Western religion, <a href="#p289">289</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Comitia Centuriata, and money, <a href="#p410">410</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Punic War, <a href="#p410">410</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">supporters, <a href="#p451">451</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Comitia Tributa, and conquest, <a href="#p410">410</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">supporters, <a href="#p451">451</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Commentary on sacred books, authoritative chain, <a href="#p247">247</a>, <a href="#p248">248</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Common law, development, <a href="#p76">76</a>, <a href="#p78">78</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Community. <i>See</i> Consensus</li> + + <li class="indx">Comnena, Anna, on crusaders, <a href="#p89">89</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Compass, Chinese invention, <a href="#p501">501</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Compassion, and being, <a href="#p273">273</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and chivalry, <a href="#p273">273</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Comradeship, and race, <a href="#p126">126</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Conception, as sin, <a href="#p272">272</a>. <i>See also</i> Sex</li> + + <li class="indx">Condés, feudal force, <a href="#p350">350</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Confession. <i>See</i> Contrition</li> + + <li class="indx">“Confession of Peter,” <a href="#p220">220</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Confucianism, and “Persian” religion, <a href="#p260">260</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as end of culture, <a href="#p286">286</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Rationalism, <a href="#p306">306</a>, <a href="#p307">307</a>, <a href="#p309">309</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Syncretism, <a href="#p315">315</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and nobility, <a href="#p357">357</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cæsarism, <a href="#p434">434</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Confucius, deification, <a href="#p314">314</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on Hwang, <a href="#p388">388</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Congress of Princes, <a href="#p38">38</a>, <a href="#p304">304</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i lang="la">Connubium</i>, cult basis, <a href="#p69">69</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Conrad II, emperor, feudal law, <a href="#p371">371</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Conscription, as phase of Civilization, <a href="#p420">420</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as substitute for war, <a href="#p428">428</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of World War, <a href="#p429">429</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Consensus, as Arabian principle, <a href="#p59">59</a>, <a href="#p73">73</a>, <a href="#p210">210</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian community of elect, <a href="#p242">242</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Arabian monasticism, <a href="#p253">253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">phases of Jewish, <a href="#p315">315–317</a>, <a href="#p320">320</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Constance, Council of, and feudalism, <a href="#p374">374</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Constantine the Great, and Roman law as Christian, <a href="#p69">69</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Byzantium, <a href="#p89">89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and cult and nationality, <a href="#p178">178</a>, <a href="#p230">230</a>, <a href="#p243">243</a>, <a href="#p253">253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as prince and prelate, <a href="#p204">204</a>, <a href="#p258">258</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Nicæa, <a href="#p257">257</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Constantine VII, and Romanos, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Constitutio Antoniana, <a href="#p68">68</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Constitutions, incomplete system of written, <a href="#p361">361</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">written and living, <a href="#p369">369</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">doctrinaire government, <a href="#p413">413–415</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">foresight, <a href="#p415">415</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">status of American, <a href="#p430">430</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">character of German (1919), <a href="#p457">457</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Consuls, origin of term, <a href="#p374">374</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">beginning, <a href="#p382">382</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Senate, <a href="#p409">409</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as forged ancestors, <a href="#p409">409</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and party, <a href="#p451">451</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Contemplation, cultural basis, <a href="#p242">242</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Contemporaneity, intercultural, <a href="#p39">39–42</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Contending States, period in China, <a href="#p38">38</a>, <a href="#p40">40</a>, <a href="#p339">339</a>, <a href="#p416">416–419</a>, + <a href="#p454">454</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Contrition, Western sacrament and Arabian submission, and Grace, <a href="#p240">240–242</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as supreme Western religious concept, <a href="#p293">293</a>, <a href="#p295">295</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and happiness, <a href="#p294">294</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of decline, <a href="#p294">294</a>, <a href="#p298">298</a>, <a href="#p299">299</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as English idea, <a href="#p294">294</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Luther’s faith-concept, <a href="#p298">298</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Conversion, and Arabian cult-nationality, <a href="#p219">219</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Copan, and Mexican Culture, <a href="#p44">44</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Corcyra, massacre, <a href="#p405">405</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cordus, Cremutius, history burnt, <a href="#p434">434</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Corinth, royal succession, <a href="#p380">380</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">destruction, <a href="#p489">489</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Corporation, and Arabian juridical person, <a href="#p174">174</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Corpus Christi, and thanksgiving, <a href="#p293">293</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Corpus Juris, position in Arabian Culture, <a href="#p71">71</a>, <a href="#p74">74</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Western law, <a href="#p76">76–78</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and canon law, <a href="#p77">77</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Corpus Juris Germanici, development, <a href="#p76">76–78</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Corruption, political so-called, <a href="#p458">458</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cortes, beginning, <a href="#p373">373</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cortez, Hernando, force in conquest, <a href="#p44">44</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Cos, style of school, <a href="#p345">345</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cosmic, relation of plant and animal to, <a href="#p3">3</a>, <a href="#p4">4</a>, <a href="#p15">15</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">beat, feel, <a href="#p4">4</a>, <a href="#p5">5</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">organs, <a href="#p5">5</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">being, <a href="#p7">7</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">crowd and beat, <a href="#p18">18</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and history, <a href="#p23">23</a>, <a href="#p24">24</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in architecture, <a href="#p92">92</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sex, <a href="#p327">327</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">earth and universe, <a href="#p392">392</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Being; Landscape; Microcosm; Plant; Race</li> + + <li class="indx">Cosmogony, of Genesis, <a href="#p209">209</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Cosmopolitanism, and intelligentsia, <a href="#p184">184</a>. <i>See also</i> Megalopolitanism</li> + + <li class="indx">Costume, as expression-language, <a href="#p134">134</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Councils, spirit of Arabian and Western Christian, <a href="#p59">59</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and pope, <a href="#p374">374</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Country, cosmic, <a href="#p89">89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to town, <a href="#p91">91</a>, <a href="#p94">94</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Gothic, <a href="#p93">93</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">historyless, <a href="#p96">96</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Peasantry</li> + + <li class="indx">Courts, Roman, and politics, <a href="#p459">459</a>. <i>See also</i> Jurisprudence; Roman law</li> + + <li class="indx">Crassus Dives, M. Licinius, and money, <a href="#p402">402</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-viii">[viii]</span>Triumvirate and Cæsarism, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">politics and finance, <a href="#p458">458</a>, <a href="#p459">459</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and court, <a href="#p459">459</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Credit-system, Western concept, <a href="#p489">489</a>. <i>See also</i> Money</li> + + <li class="indx">Crete, Minoan art and Mycenæ, <a href="#p87">87–89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and ethnology, <a href="#p129">129</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Mycenæan beast-deities, <a href="#p276">276</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Criticism, relation to science and history, <a href="#p24">24</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cromwell, Oliver, Puritan manifestation, <a href="#p302">302</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">power, <a href="#p389">389</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dictatorship, <a href="#p390">390</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cross, and Tree of Knowledge, <a href="#p180">180</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Croton, Sybaris, <a href="#p303">303</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">style of school, <a href="#p345">345</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Crowd and mob, cosmic beat, <a href="#p18">18</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cultures, <a href="#p18">18</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ethic, <a href="#p342">342</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fourth estate, <a href="#p358">358</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and leaders, <a href="#p376">376</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise of power, <a href="#p399">399</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Crusades, and Arabian Civilization, <a href="#p43">43</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as rural, <a href="#p97">97</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and nationalism, <a href="#p180">180</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish parallel, <a href="#p198">198</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ctesiphon, school, <a href="#p200">200</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">location, <a href="#p200">200</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Cujacius, and Roman law, <a href="#p77">77</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cult, and dogma, cultural attitude, <a href="#p200">200</a>, <a href="#p201">201</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">technique, and myth, <a href="#p268">268</a>, <a href="#p499">499</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Religion</li> + + <li class="indx">Cultures, as beings, cosmic beat, <a href="#p19">19</a>, <a href="#p35">35</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">historic and ahistoric, <a href="#p24">24</a>, <a href="#p27">27</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as basis of history, <a href="#p26">26</a>, <a href="#p27">27</a>, <a href="#p44">44</a>, <a href="#p46">46–51</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">primitive, character, <a href="#p33">33</a>, <a href="#p34">34</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">mutation, <a href="#p33">33</a>, <a href="#p36">36</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">primitive and pre-Culture, <a href="#p35">35</a>, <a href="#p89">89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">comparative study, <a href="#p36">36–38</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">destined course, <a href="#p37">37</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">future, <a href="#p37">37</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">problems of study, <a href="#p37">37–39</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and landscape study, <a href="#p39">39</a> n., <a href="#p46">46</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dating, <a href="#p39">39</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">contemporary periods, <a href="#p39">39–42</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">inter-Cultures, <a href="#p87">87–89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and “return to nature,” <a href="#p135">135</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and writing, <a href="#p150">150</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation of people, <a href="#p169">169</a>, <a href="#p170">170</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and nations, <a href="#p170">170–173</a>, <a href="#p362">362</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">narrow circle of understanding, <a href="#p280">280</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and religious creativeness, <a href="#p308">308</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">intercultural dissonance, race and time elements, <a href="#p317">317–323</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">passing, <a href="#p435">435</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economic underlay, <a href="#p474">474</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">distinct economic styles, <a href="#p477">477</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">money-symbols, <a href="#p486">486</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> + Arabian; Art; Babylonian; Chinese; Civilization; Classical; Economics; Egyptian; Fellahism; History; Indian; Landscape; Language; Mexican; Macrocosm; Morphology; Natural science; Politics; Race; Religion; Russian; Technique; Town; Western</li> + + <li class="indx">Cumont, Franz, on old Persian religion, <a href="#p207">207</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Customs, purpose, <a href="#p475">475</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Cuvier, Baron Georges, theory, <a href="#p31">31</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cynics, Pietism, <a href="#p308">308</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Socrates, <a href="#p309">309</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cyprus, massacre, <a href="#p321">321</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Cyrene, massacre, <a href="#p198">198</a> n.</li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Damascenus, John, as Al Manzor, <a href="#p260">260</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Damascius, as biographer, <a href="#p252">252</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">anchorite, <a href="#p254">254</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Damiani, Petrus, and Mary-cult, <a href="#p288">288</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Danai, as name, <a href="#p161">161</a>, <a href="#p164">164</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Daniel, fictitious, <a href="#p72">72</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Dante Alighieri, and Devil-cult, <a href="#p292">292</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and “virtue,” <a href="#p307">307</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Darius the Great, Behistun Inscription, <a href="#p166">166</a>, <a href="#p207">207</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Darwinism, shallowness, <a href="#p31">31</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">palæontological reputation, mutation, <a href="#p32">32</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and race determination, <a href="#p124">124</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and genealogy, <a href="#p180">180</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Death, man and fear, <a href="#p15">15</a>, <a href="#p16">16</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to light, <a href="#p265">265</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as punishment, <a href="#p272">272</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Classical cults, <a href="#p283">283</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">hunger-death and hero-death, <a href="#p471">471</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Decemvirs, code, <a href="#p65">65</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">significance, <a href="#p396">396</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dediticii peregrins, as class, <a href="#p68">68</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dehio, Georg, on houses and architecture, <a href="#p121">121</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Deism, as technic, <a href="#p306">306</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Delbrück, Hans, on ancient armies, <a href="#p40">40</a> n., <a href="#p199">199</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">on migrant minority, <a href="#p164">164</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Delos, slave market, <a href="#p489">489</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">temples as banks, <a href="#p493">493</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Demeter cult, Homer’s ignoring, <a href="#p282">282</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Pythagoreans, <a href="#p282">282</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">survival, <a href="#p282">282</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sex, <a href="#p283">283</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">power, <a href="#p290">290</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Demeter-Dionysus-Kore cult, in Rome, <a href="#p386">386</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Democracy (Third Estate), urban, <a href="#p97">97</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to other estates, <a href="#p334">334</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise as contradiction, <a href="#p355">355–358</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Plebs, <a href="#p357">357</a>, <a href="#p408">408–411</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise of Classical, <a href="#p387">387</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical, in inter-Tyrannis period, <a href="#p394">394–398</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise as independent force, <a href="#p398">398</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">negative unity, <a href="#p399">399</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and mob, <a href="#p399">399</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nationalism, and unity, <a href="#p400">400–402</a>, <a href="#p485">485</a>, <a href="#p506">506</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in England, <a href="#p402">402</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">class dictatorship, <a href="#p403">403</a>, <a href="#p404">404</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Parliamentarism, <a href="#p416">416</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period in Arabian Culture, <a href="#p424">424–426</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">decay, <a href="#p433">433</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and party, <a href="#p449">449</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">end, <a href="#p463">463–465</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">social and economic form, <a href="#p478">478</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and machine industry, <a href="#p504">504</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Democritus, atomic theory, <a href="#p58">58</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Depth-experience, Western, “I” as light-centre, <a href="#p8">8</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and nations, <a href="#p179">179</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as prime symbol, <a href="#p288">288</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and gunpowder and printing, <a href="#p460">460</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and technique, <a href="#p501">501–504</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Descartes, René, and doubt, <a href="#p12">12</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Destiny, and cosmic beat, <a href="#p4">4</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and facts, <a href="#p12">12</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">human (cosmic) type, <a href="#p16">16–19</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and natural science, <a href="#p31">31</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in nations, <a href="#p170">170</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">faith, cultural basis of fate, <a href="#p266">266</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sex, <a href="#p327">327</a>, <a href="#p329">329</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nobility as, <a href="#p335">335</a>, <a href="#p336">336</a>, <a href="#p340">340</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">States as, <a href="#p363">363</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in war, <a href="#p429">429</a>, <a href="#p434">434</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Being; Causality; History; Race; Time; Will</li> + + <li class="indx">Deutero-Isaiah, Persian influence, <a href="#p208">208</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Devil-cult, development of Western, <a href="#p288">288–291</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Renaissance and, <a href="#p291">291</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and contrition, <a href="#p293">293</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Protestantism, <a href="#p299">299</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Puritanism, <a href="#p302">302</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and machine, <a href="#p502">502</a>, <a href="#p504">504</a> n., <a href="#p505">505</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Witchcraft</li> + + <li class="indx">Diadochi, and Arabian Culture, <a href="#p190">190</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">struggle, <a href="#p408">408</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Diakrii, and Tyrannis, <a href="#p386">386</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-ix">[ix]</span>Dictatorship, of class, money and Rationalism 403–405. <i>See also</i> Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Diels, Hermann, on Classical technique, <a href="#p501">501</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Dike, age, <a href="#p376">376</a>, <a href="#p378">378</a>, <a href="#p381">381</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dikhans, aristocracy, <a href="#p353">353</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Diocletian, distorted importance, <a href="#p38">38</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and orthodoxy, <a href="#p178">178</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Nicodemia, <a href="#p191">191</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">army, <a href="#p199">199</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">era, <a href="#p139">139</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Church and State, <a href="#p243">243</a>, <a href="#p253">253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Syncretism, <a href="#p252">252</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">feudalism, <a href="#p349">349</a>, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fiscal machinery, <a href="#p371">371</a>, <a href="#p496">496</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and economics, <a href="#p480">480</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Diodorus, on Roman tenements, <a href="#p102">102</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dionysiac cult, Homer’s ignoring, <a href="#p282">282</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">survival, <a href="#p282">282</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">power, <a href="#p290">290</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Tyrannis, <a href="#p386">386</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dionysius I, executions, <a href="#p405">405</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and army, <a href="#p406">406</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and conquered territory, <a href="#p407">407</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">war technique, <a href="#p420">420</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dionysius the Areopagite, fictitious, <a href="#p72">72</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Diplomacy, contrapuntal politics, <a href="#p381">381</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">basis, <a href="#p440">440</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and war, <a href="#p440">440</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Direction, historical, <a href="#p361">361</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Discovery, and Western history-picture, <a href="#p28">28</a>, <a href="#p46">46</a>, <a href="#p501">501</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dispensation, and valuation, <a href="#p267">267</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dispersion, Jewish, as misnomer, <a href="#p210">210</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Disraeli, Benjamin, Jew and Englishman, <a href="#p320">320</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Divorce, English reform, <a href="#p64">64</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">civil and ecclesiastical conflict, <a href="#p365">365</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Dodington, George B., on party loyalty, <a href="#p403">403</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Dogma, and cult, cultural attitude, <a href="#p200">200–202</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dominicans, as urban, <a href="#p92">92</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Mary-cult, <a href="#p288">288</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Inquisition, <a href="#p291">291</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Donellus, Hugo, and Roman law, <a href="#p77">77</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Doomesday-Book, <a href="#p371">371</a> n., <a href="#p372">372</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dorians, no nation, <a href="#p173">173</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Doric, as cosmic, <a href="#p92">92</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">name and migration, <a href="#p161">161</a>, <a href="#p162">162</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dostoyevski, Feodor M., on Petersburg, <a href="#p193">193</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Russian soul, <a href="#p194">194–196</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Socialism, <a href="#p218">218</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">religion, <a href="#p295">295</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and money, <a href="#p495">495</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Dracon, laws, <a href="#p64">64</a>, <a href="#p65">65</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">class law, <a href="#p365">365</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Drama, as urban, <a href="#p93">93</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">origin of Chinese, <a href="#p286">286</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dreams, and cognition, <a href="#p14">14</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Druses, and Trinity, <a href="#p237">237</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dualism, in Arabian Culture, <a href="#p233">233–236</a>, <a href="#p244">244</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and substance controversy, <a href="#p256">256</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Chinese, <a href="#p287">287</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in moral, <a href="#p341">341</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dukas, power, <a href="#p427">427</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dukhobors, as manifestation, <a href="#p278">278</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Duns Scotus, Joannes, will and reason, <a href="#p241">241</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Devil-cult, <a href="#p291">291</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dyarchy, Augustinian, <a href="#p432">432</a>, <a href="#p433">433</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dynamics. <i>See</i> Force; Motion; Technique</li> + + <li class="indx">Dynastic idea, Western, <a href="#p179">179–183</a>, <a href="#p378">378</a>, <a href="#p381">381</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and overthrow of monarchy, language struggles, <a href="#p183">183</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian, <a href="#p330">330</a> n., <a href="#p378">378</a>, <a href="#p379">379</a>, <a href="#p423">423</a>, <a href="#p424">424</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">basis, <a href="#p336">336</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to priesthood, <a href="#p337">337</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and officialdom, <a href="#p371">371</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">elements, <a href="#p377">377</a>, <a href="#p378">378</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Chinese and Egyptian, <a href="#p379">379</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical, and oligarchy, <a href="#p380">380</a>, <a href="#p381">381</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">union with and against non-estate, <a href="#p386">386</a>, <a href="#p387">387</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">European absolutism, <a href="#p388">388</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">statesmen as leaders, <a href="#p389">389</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in Thirty Years’ War, <a href="#p389">389</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in Fronde struggles, outcome, <a href="#p390">390</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">republic as anti-dynastic, <a href="#p413">413</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Politics</li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Eastern Empire. <i>See</i> Byzantine Empire</li> + + <li class="indx">Ebionites, origin, <a href="#p220">220</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">disappearance, <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Eckart, Meister, on Mysticism, <a href="#p292">292</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Devil-cult, <a href="#p303">303</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Economics, and writing, <a href="#p152">152</a>, <a href="#p155">155</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">classes and political estates, <a href="#p333">333</a>, <a href="#p348">348</a>, <a href="#p477">477</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to politics, power and booty, <a href="#p344">344</a>, <a href="#p345">345</a>, <a href="#p347">347</a>, <a href="#p474">474–476</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and learning, <a href="#p347">347</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and estates, <a href="#p356">356</a>, <a href="#p357">357</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and class-history, <a href="#p367">367</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">material basis of English concept, <a href="#p469">469</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">not self-contained, <a href="#p469">469</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">English premisses of usual concept, <a href="#p469">469</a>, <a href="#p479">479</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">real, as physiognomic, <a href="#p470">470</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and politics as sides of being, <a href="#p470">470</a>, <a href="#p471">471</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">“in form” as self-regarding, <a href="#p471">471</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">hunger-death, <a href="#p471">471</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to family, <a href="#p471">471</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">significance of history, form-language, <a href="#p472">472</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">customary ethic, <a href="#p472">472</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and religion, <a href="#p473">473</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">waking-being in, <a href="#p473">473</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">producing and acquisitive, <a href="#p474">474</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">under city life, <a href="#p476">476</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">morphology, <a href="#p476">476–480</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">production, preparation, and distribution, <a href="#p478">478</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">subjects and objects in classes, <a href="#p479">479</a>, <a href="#p493">493</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">no worker-class, <a href="#p479">479</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">spring time of Culture, traffic in “goods,” and “possession,” <a href="#p480">480</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">status of dealer then, <a href="#p481">481</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">early small-scale traffic, <a href="#p481">481</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">town life and trade, “wares” and money measure, <a href="#p481">481–484</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fortune displaces possession, <a href="#p483">483</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as urban, under Civilization, <a href="#p484">484</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Money; Technique; Waking-being</li> + + <li class="indx">Ecstasy, Arabian, <a href="#p242">242</a>, <a href="#p244">244</a>, <a href="#p245">245</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Eddas, and nature and history, <a href="#p286">286</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Edessa, location, <a href="#p200">200</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and substance controversy, <a href="#p256">256</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Edinburgh, as intellectual centre, <a href="#p305">305</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Education, universal, as instrument of press, <a href="#p462">462</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Egyptian Culture, as historic, <a href="#p28">28</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">problems of study, <a href="#p38">38</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Hyksos Period, <a href="#p38">38</a>, <a href="#p41">41</a>, <a href="#p428">428</a> n., <a href="#p453">453</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">date of beginning, <a href="#p39">39</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">basis of law, <a href="#p67">67</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Minoan art, <a href="#p88">88</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Civilization and depopulation, <a href="#p106">106</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sea-folk, <a href="#p109">109</a>, <a href="#p122">122</a>, <a href="#p164">164</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">alphabetical script, <a href="#p152">152</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nations under, <a href="#p178">178</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">beast-deities, <a href="#p276">276</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">religion and way symbol, <a href="#p279">279</a>, <a href="#p281">281</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Re religion as Reformation, <a href="#p296">296</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Syncretism, <a href="#p313">313</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">early nobility, <a href="#p350">350</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and genealogy, <a href="#p351">351</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation of primary estates, <a href="#p353">353</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Pharaoh as Horus, <a href="#p373">373</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">feudalism and interregnum, <a href="#p375">375</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dynastic-idea, <a href="#p379">379</a>, <a href="#p380">380</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Fronde in, <a href="#p386">386</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Middle Kingdom, absolutism, <a href="#p387">387</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-x">[x]</span>period of Cæsarism, <a href="#p427">427</a>, <a href="#p435">435</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">money concept, <a href="#p486">486</a>, <a href="#p489">489</a> n., <a href="#p491">491</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">financial organization, <a href="#p495">495</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Cultures</li> + + <li class="indx">Elections, as civil war, 415;</li> + <li class="isub1">decay, electorate as objects, <a href="#p432">432</a>, <a href="#p456">456</a>, <a href="#p463">463</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as political means, suffrage and technique, <a href="#p447">447</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">size and influence of electorate, <a href="#p455">455</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Democracy</li> + + <li class="indx">Electors, rise in Empire, <a href="#p373">373</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Thirty Years’ War, <a href="#p388">388</a>, <a href="#p391">391</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Electricity, clearing-house analogy, <a href="#p490">490</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Elephantine documents, <a href="#p209">209</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Eleusinian mysteries, <a href="#p203">203</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Elkazites, origin, <a href="#p220">220</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">disappearance, <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Elxai, sacred book, <a href="#p220">220</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Empedocles, suicide, <a href="#p283">283</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Emperor-mythology, Chinese, <a href="#p286">286</a>, <a href="#p379">379</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Emperor-worship, and law of creed-communities, <a href="#p68">68</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western and Eastern aspects, <a href="#p203">203</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Syncretism, <a href="#p253">253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Chinese, <a href="#p313">313</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Cicero and, <a href="#p433">433</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Empire, as Germanic idea, <a href="#p181">181</a>. <i>See also</i> Imperialism</li> + + <li class="indx">Engineer, as master of Western technique, <a href="#p504">504</a>, <a href="#p505">505</a></li> + + <li class="indx">England, development of law, <a href="#p62">62</a>, <a href="#p75">75</a>, <a href="#p76">76</a>, <a href="#p78">78</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and dynastic idea, <a href="#p183">183</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Western religious concepts, <a href="#p294">294</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">politics and predestination, <a href="#p304">304</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">property law, <a href="#p371">371</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Normans and finance, <a href="#p372">372</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Magna Charta and control by nobility, rise of Parliament, <a href="#p373">373</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Puritan Revolution, <a href="#p389">389</a>, <a href="#p390">390</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">eighteenth-century class absolutism, <a href="#p392">392–394</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Parliamentarism and democracy, reform, <a href="#p402">402–404</a>, <a href="#p412">412</a>, <a href="#p412">412</a> n., <a href="#p414">414</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">politics, Rationalism and money, <a href="#p403">403</a>, <a href="#p441">441</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and French Revolution, <a href="#p411">411</a>, <a href="#p412">412</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cessation of yeomanry, <a href="#p449">449</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">political flair, <a href="#p451">451</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and conception of economics, <a href="#p469">469</a>, <a href="#p479">479</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Enoch, fictitious, <a href="#p72">72</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Ephesus, Council of, and Christian split, <a href="#p257">257</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and reform, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ephors, and succession, <a href="#p380">380</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Epic, as rural, <a href="#p93">93</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Russian hero-tales, <a href="#p192">192</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian period, <a href="#p250">250</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Literature</li> + + <li class="indx">Epicurus, cult, <a href="#p314">314</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Epimenides, as dogmatist, <a href="#p282">282</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Epistemology. <i>See</i> Knowledge</li> + + <li class="indx">Epoch, as term, <a href="#p33">33</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Equality, and party, <a href="#p449">449</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Equities, big-money party, <a href="#p402">402</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">creation, <a href="#p411">411</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">decay, <a href="#p432">432</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and populus, <a href="#p451">451</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Equity, and statute law, <a href="#p363">363</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Eras, as Arabian idea, <a href="#p239">239</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Erckert, Roderich von, on Jewish type, <a href="#p175">175</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Erigena, John Scotus, world-concept, <a href="#p242">242</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Essenes, tendency, <a href="#p211">211</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Estates, beginning, <a href="#p280">280</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as term, <a href="#p329">329</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">“in form” and cultural history, <a href="#p330">330–332</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and residue classes, caste, <a href="#p332">332–334</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and occupation classes, <a href="#p333">333</a>, <a href="#p348">348</a>, <a href="#p477">477</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to non-estate, <a href="#p334">334</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and society, <a href="#p343">343</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">build and course of Cultures, <a href="#p347">347</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">primary, and economy and science, <a href="#p347">347</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to peasantry, vassalage, <a href="#p348">348</a>, <a href="#p349">349</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">end of primary, <a href="#p357">357</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">primary and existence of State, <a href="#p362">362</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and laws, <a href="#p364">364</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">contest with State, <a href="#p366">366</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">final effort for rule, <a href="#p385">385</a>, <a href="#p386">386</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and parties, <a href="#p449">449</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Democracy; Nobility; Politics; Priesthood</li> + + <li class="indx">Ethics, and truth, <a href="#p144">144</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jesus and morals, <a href="#p217">217</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">meaning of religious, <a href="#p271">271</a>, <a href="#p272">272</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">moral defined, negations and being, <a href="#p272">272–274</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">character of social, <a href="#p273">273</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">duality of moral, noble and priestly, <a href="#p341">341</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">custom-ethic, crowd, honour, <a href="#p342">342</a>, <a href="#p343">343</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in economic life, <a href="#p348">348</a>, <a href="#p472">472</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dual moral and law, <a href="#p363">363</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Philosophy; Religion; Truth</li> + + <li class="indx">Etruscan language, and Roman cults, <a href="#p154">154</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Roman, <a href="#p395">395</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Etruscans, as name, and people, <a href="#p164">164</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">no nation, <a href="#p173">173</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Eubulus of Athens, and finance, <a href="#p372">372</a>, <a href="#p494">494</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Eudaimonia, Rationalism, <a href="#p307">307</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Eugene IV, pope, insurgent faction, <a href="#p381">381</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Euhemerism, <a href="#p306">306</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Evolution. <i>See</i> Darwinism</li> + + <li class="indx">E’we language, <a href="#p140">140</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Exchequer, origin of term, <a href="#p372">372</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Exegesis. <i>See</i> Sacred books</li> + + <li class="indx">Exekias, vase-painting, <a href="#p135">135</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Exilarch, position, <a href="#p208">208</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Expansion, political aspect of Classical conquests, <a href="#p407">407</a>. <i>See also</i> Imperialism</li> + + <li class="indx">Experience, egoistic basis, <a href="#p26">26</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Expositio, of German law, <a href="#p76">76</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Expression, defined, <a href="#p133">133</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ezekiel, Persian influence, <a href="#p208">208</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Talmud, <a href="#p208">208</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">revelation, <a href="#p245">245</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ezra, and Talmud, <a href="#p208">208</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Fabii, and Roman history, <a href="#p336">336</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Factions, political, <a href="#p448">448</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Factory-worker, as agent of Western technique, <a href="#p504">504</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Facts, and truths, <a href="#p11">11</a>, <a href="#p12">12</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as starting point of history, <a href="#p47">47</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and politics, <a href="#p368">368</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Faith, defined, and intellect, <a href="#p266">266</a>, <a href="#p269">269</a>, <a href="#p271">271</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and life, <a href="#p271">271</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Luther’s concept and contrition, <a href="#p298">298</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">under Rationalism, <a href="#p308">308</a>, <a href="#p309">309</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Religion; Truth</li> + + <li class="indx">Falasha, as Jews, <a href="#p176">176</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">as tribe, <a href="#p348">348</a>, <a href="#p479">479</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Family, and State, <a href="#p329">329</a>, <a href="#p336">336</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural basis, <a href="#p330">330</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation of priesthood, <a href="#p337">337</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural styles of nobility, <a href="#p350">350</a>, <a href="#p351">351</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">“in form” relation, <a href="#p362">362</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xi">[xi]</span>inward experience, <a href="#p365">365</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and economic side of being, <a href="#p471">471</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Sex</li> + + <li class="indx">Fan-Sui, character, <a href="#p419">419</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i lang="la">Fas</i>, and <i lang="la">jus</i>, <a href="#p72">72</a>, <a href="#p78">78</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Fate, cultural attitude, <a href="#p267">267</a>. <i>See also</i> Destiny; Religion</li> + + <li class="indx">Faustian Culture. <i>See</i> Western Culture</li> + + <li class="indx">Fear, human, relation to invisible, <a href="#p8">8</a>, <a href="#p12">12</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of death, <a href="#p15">15</a>, <a href="#p16">16</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and “thou,” <a href="#p133">133</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and speech, <a href="#p133">133</a>, <a href="#p139">139</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Arabian apocalypse, <a href="#p212">212</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and religion, <a href="#p265">265</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Feeling, and understanding, <a href="#p136">136</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">language and domination of intellect, <a href="#p144">144</a>, <a href="#p145">145</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Fehbellin, battle, importance, <a href="#p182">182</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Fellahism, as post-Civilization residue, <a href="#p105">105</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as term, <a href="#p169">169</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Arabian nations, <a href="#p178">178</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and pacifism, <a href="#p185">185</a>, <a href="#p186">186</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">religious, <a href="#p314">314</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rigidity, <a href="#p362">362</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ferdinand V of Spain, dynasty-idea, <a href="#p381">381</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Feudalism, cultural contemporaries, <a href="#p39">39</a>, <a href="#p40">40</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian, <a href="#p196">196–199</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Byzantine, <a href="#p199">199</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">vassalage, <a href="#p349">349</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">union of power and booty, fiscal machinery, <a href="#p371">371</a>, <a href="#p372">372</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise, idea, <a href="#p371">371</a>, <a href="#p376">376</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western national stirrings, <a href="#p372">372</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise of control by Western nobility, <a href="#p372">372</a>, <a href="#p374">374</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">world-power idea, Empire-Papacy contest, <a href="#p373">373</a>, <a href="#p374">374</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical, and polis, <a href="#p374">374</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">decay, interregnum, <a href="#p375">375</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economy, <a href="#p477">477</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ficinus, Marcilius, and Devil-cult, <a href="#p291">291</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Fictitious authorship, significance in Arabian Culture, <a href="#p72">72</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Fifty-year period, cultural rhythm, <a href="#p392">392</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Finance, rise of officialdom, <a href="#p371">371</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">classical attitude, <a href="#p383">383</a>. <i>See also</i> Money</li> + + <li class="indx">Finck, F. N., on word and sentence, <a href="#p141">141</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Firm, as Western symbol, <a href="#p490">490</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Flaminius, C., significance, <a href="#p65">65</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">conquest, <a href="#p408">408</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">consul-list, <a href="#p409">409</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and finance, <a href="#p410">410</a>, <a href="#p411">411</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and party, <a href="#p451">451</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Flaminius, T. Quinctius, and political organization, <a href="#p452">452</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Flavius, Cneius, son of freedman, <a href="#p166">166</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Force, alteration in concept, <a href="#p307">307</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western dynamic Rationalism, <a href="#p309">309</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Motion; Technique</li> + + <li class="indx">Foreign relations, unilateral law, <a href="#p364">364–366</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in conflict of estates and State, <a href="#p367">367</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">importance of inner authority, <a href="#p369">369</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as field of high politics, <a href="#p440">440</a>, <a href="#p447">447</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">war as primary relation, <a href="#p440">440</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Peace; War</li> + + <li class="indx">Form, being “in form,” <a href="#p330">330</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of historical movement, <a href="#p361">361</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">family and State, <a href="#p362">362</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Civilization and loss, Cæsarism, <a href="#p398">398</a>, <a href="#p404">404</a>, <a href="#p406">406</a>, <a href="#p418">418</a>, + <a href="#p431">431</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economic “in form,” <a href="#p471">471</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Fortune, as displacing possession, <a href="#p483">483</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Fourier, François, M. C., and English economics, <a href="#p469">469</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Fourth Estate, significance, <a href="#p358">358</a>. <i>See also</i> Crowd</li> + + <li class="indx">Fox, Charles James, and French Revolution, <a href="#p412">412</a></li> + + <li class="indx">France, Anatole, on law, <a href="#p64">64</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and moral, <a href="#p272">272</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">France, sterility, <a href="#p106">106</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">national origin, <a href="#p182">182</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">States-General, <a href="#p373">373</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">absolutism and Fronde, <a href="#p388">388</a>, <a href="#p390">390</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">impractical politics, <a href="#p403">403</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">financial and military rule, <a href="#p415">415</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> French Revolution</li> + + <li class="indx">Francis of Assisi, and compassion, <a href="#p273">273</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Franciscans, as urban, <a href="#p92">92</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Francke, August H., Pietism, <a href="#p308">308</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Franco-German War, German bankers and French loans, <a href="#p402">402</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Frangipani, and Papacy, <a href="#p354">354</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Frankish dynasty, notion, <a href="#p379">379</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Fratres Arvales, end of records, <a href="#p255">255</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rites, <a href="#p314">314</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">formal restoration, <a href="#p433">433</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Frau Holde, and Mary-cult, <a href="#p299">299</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Frederick I Barbarossa, and Henry the Lion, <a href="#p180">180</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Frederick II, emperor, and finance, <a href="#p372">372</a>, <a href="#p489">489</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Frederick the Great of Prussia, and conscription, <a href="#p420">420</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">tact of command, <a href="#p444">444</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economics and politics, <a href="#p475">475</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Frederick William of Brandenburg, as real ruler, <a href="#p389">389</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Frederick William I of Prussia, and army, <a href="#p415">415</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as politician, <a href="#p443">443</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">finance, <a href="#p489">489</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Frederick William III of Prussia, and army, <a href="#p406">406</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Freedom, rise of idea, significance, <a href="#p354">354</a>, <a href="#p356">356</a>, <a href="#p358">358</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as negation, <a href="#p456">456</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and money, <a href="#p481">481</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">French Revolution, and dynastic idea, <a href="#p183">183</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">political significance, <a href="#p387">387</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">struggle for internal control, <a href="#p398">398</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">not economic, <a href="#p399">399</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and mob, <a href="#p400">400</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">English ideas and practices, <a href="#p403">403</a>, <a href="#p411">411</a>, <a href="#p412">412</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as unique, <a href="#p411">411</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and set of incidents, <a href="#p411">411</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Frobenius, Leo, on primitive Culture, <a href="#p33">33</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on Arabian “cavern,” <a href="#p233">233</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Fronde, significance, <a href="#p386">386</a>, <a href="#p404">404</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">European absolutism, <a href="#p388">388</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">principle in Thirty Years’ War, <a href="#p389">389</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">struggle elsewhere, outcome, <a href="#p390">390</a>, <a href="#p404">404</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period in Arabian Culture, <a href="#p423">423</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Fugger, city nobility, <a href="#p356">356</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">small-scale traffic, <a href="#p481">481</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Function, Western money concept, <a href="#p486">486</a>, <a href="#p489">489</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Furniture, race in, <a href="#p122">122</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Gaia cult, <a href="#p283">283</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gaius, Institutes, <a href="#p67">67</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Galba, unimportance, <a href="#p50">50</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gallienus, mounted corps, <a href="#p199">199</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">historyless, <a href="#p432">432</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gamaliel, influence, <a href="#p209">209</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gao-dsung, and Nestorians, <a href="#p260">260</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gathas, Gnosis, <a href="#p228">228</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gelnhausen, cathedral art, <a href="#p123">123</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gelon, and Syracuse, <a href="#p382">382</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xii">[xii]</span>Genealogy, and fear, <a href="#p265">265</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">time-mythology, <a href="#p286">286</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Western-principle, <a href="#p350">350</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Chinese ancestry-worship, <a href="#p351">351</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">inherited will, <a href="#p377">377</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and money, <a href="#p449">449</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Dynastic idea</li> + + <li class="indx">Genesis, influences, <a href="#p209">209</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Georgia, State religion, <a href="#p253">253</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Germanic law, development, <a href="#p75">75</a>, <a href="#p76">76</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Germany, and Roman law, <a href="#p76">76</a>, <a href="#p77">77</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Western Civilization, <a href="#p109">109</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dynasty and nationalism, <a href="#p181">181–183</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">politics, army, and administration, <a href="#p415">415</a>, <a href="#p444">444</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">character of constitution of 1919, <a href="#p457">457</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Holy Roman Empire; Prussia</li> + + <li class="indx">Gesture, as sign of language, punctuation, <a href="#p134">134</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and words, <a href="#p140">140</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Ghassanids, court, poetry, <a href="#p198">198</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ghetto, as Jewish mode, <a href="#p315">315</a>, <a href="#p317">317</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Giotto, as Gothic, <a href="#p291">291</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gnosis, and Chaldean, <a href="#p176">176</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Eastern and Western forms, <a href="#p228">228</a>, <a href="#p229">229</a>, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Godwin, William, and Third Estate, <a href="#p403">403</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, and cosmic beat, <a href="#p5">5</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">historical attunement, <a href="#p30">30</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">form-fulfilment theory, <a href="#p32">32</a>, <a href="#p32">32</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">on parts of a Culture, <a href="#p37">37</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">on world-literature, <a href="#p108">108</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">form and untruth, <a href="#p137">137</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">on German nationalism and poetry, <a href="#p182">182</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on freedom, <a href="#p267">267</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on confession, <a href="#p295">295</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on doer, <a href="#p442">442</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on book-keeping, <a href="#p490">490</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gold reserve and standard, and credit, <a href="#p491">491</a> n. <i>See also</i> Money</li> + + <li class="indx">Golden Age, Classical, <a href="#p239">239</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gomdan, stronghold, <a href="#p197">197</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Good, as evaluation, <a href="#p241">241</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Goods, early traffic, <a href="#p480">480</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Goslar, cathedral art, <a href="#p123">123</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gospels, fictitious authorship, <a href="#p72">72</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">character, <a href="#p212">212</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">picture, <a href="#p217">217</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Mark, <a href="#p223">223</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">John, <a href="#p226">226</a>, <a href="#p234">234</a>, <a href="#p244">244</a>, <a href="#p245">245</a>, <a href="#p250">250</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">warrantry, <a href="#p248">248</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gothic, as cosmic, <a href="#p92">92</a>, <a href="#p93">93</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cathedral, <a href="#p122">122</a>, <a href="#p123">123</a>, <a href="#p153">153</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Baroque science, <a href="#p270">270</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Renaissance as return, <a href="#p291">291</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and personality, <a href="#p293">293</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Reformation, <a href="#p296">296</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">result on Jews of contact, <a href="#p317">317–319</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and technique, <a href="#p502">502</a>, <a href="#p503">503</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gould, Benjamin A., on American race, <a href="#p119">119</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Government. <i>See</i> Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Gracchi, importance, <a href="#p47">47</a>, <a href="#p50">50</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and rural citizens, <a href="#p384">384</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">financing, <a href="#p402">402</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and money, <a href="#p410">410</a>, <a href="#p494">494</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">disorders, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Tribunate, <a href="#p433">433</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and party, <a href="#p451">451</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and political theory, <a href="#p454">454</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and electorate, <a href="#p457">457</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and courts, <a href="#p460">460</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Grace, plurality of idea, <a href="#p59">59</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Arabian doctrine, <a href="#p234">234</a>, <a href="#p241">241</a>, <a href="#p242">242</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western concept, <a href="#p292">292</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Grammar, sentence and word, <a href="#p141">141</a>, <a href="#p145">145</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and syntax, <a href="#p142">142</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">lost origin, <a href="#p146">146</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and vocabularies as basis of linguistic families, <a href="#p147">147</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Indogermanic, <a href="#p148">148</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and writing, <a href="#p149">149</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Granada, as world-city, <a href="#p99">99</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish city, <a href="#p316">316</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gratian, Decretum, <a href="#p77">77</a>, <a href="#p290">290</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Great Protectors, Chinese period, <a href="#p40">40</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Great Wall, contemporary, <a href="#p41">41</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Greek, as language of Christianity, <a href="#p224">224</a>, <a href="#p252">252</a>, <a href="#p256">256</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Roman language, <a href="#p395">395</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Greek fire, purpose, <a href="#p502">502</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Greek Orthodox Church, picture series, <a href="#p116">116</a>. <i>See also</i> Christianity</li> + + <li class="indx">Greeks, no nation, <a href="#p173">173</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as adherents of Syncretic cults, <a href="#p176">176</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Christian Church, <a href="#p177">177</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">modern security as Byzantine relic, <a href="#p323">323</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gregory VII, pope, and world-power, <a href="#p373">373</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gregory of Tours, history and Karamzin’s narrative, <a href="#p192">192</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">religiousness, <a href="#p277">277</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Groot, Jan J. M. de, mistake on Chinese religions, <a href="#p286">286</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Grosseteste, Robert, philosophy, <a href="#p8">8</a> n., <a href="#p172">172</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">as scientist, <a href="#p300">300</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gudunov {sic}, Boris, period, <a href="#p192">192</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Guilds, status, and tribal organization, <a href="#p348">348</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gundisapora, school, <a href="#p200">200</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">location, <a href="#p200">200</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Gunpowder, and printing, <a href="#p460">460</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Chinese discovery, <a href="#p501">501</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Greek fire, <a href="#p502">502</a> n.</li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Habsburgs, and Austrian nation, <a href="#p182">182</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and world-history, <a href="#p336">336</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hadramaut, Axumite kings, <a href="#p197">197</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Hadrian, legal edict, <a href="#p66">66</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hague Conference, as prelude of war, <a href="#p430">430</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Halakha, Jewish and Christian, <a href="#p221">221</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hallgerd, as destiny, <a href="#p329">329</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Halo, significance, <a href="#p378">378</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Halyburton, Thomas, on divine-given torments, <a href="#p299">299</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Hamdanids, rule, <a href="#p197">197</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hamilcar Barca, Spanish conquest, <a href="#p408">408</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hammurabi, code, <a href="#p75">75</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Han dynasties, <a href="#p41">41</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fall, <a href="#p314">314</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hanifs, Puritanism, <a href="#p304">304</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hannibal, and Hellenism, <a href="#p191">191</a>, <a href="#p422">422</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and border States, <a href="#p408">408</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hansa, small-scale traffic, <a href="#p481">481</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Haoma-drinking, <a href="#p203">203</a>, <a href="#p207">207</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hasidim, sect, <a href="#p255">255</a>, <a href="#p321">321</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hatshepsut, and Egyptian history, <a href="#p434">434</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hauran, feudalism, <a href="#p196">196</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Heaven, Arabian and Western, <a href="#p292">292</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western and Russian, <a href="#p295">295</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Hebrew, fate of spoken and written, <a href="#p73">73</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Hegel, Georg W. F., and law of nature, <a href="#p78">78</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and numbers, <a href="#p269">269</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Hellenes, as name, <a href="#p161">161</a>, <a href="#p173">173</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hellenism, as fellah, <a href="#p185">185</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cannæ and Zama, <a href="#p191">191</a>, <a href="#p422">422</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Paganism and Christianity, <a href="#p203">203</a>, <a href="#p204">204</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">materialism and myth, <a href="#p310">310</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Pseudomorphosis</li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xiii">[xiii]</span>Helots, status, <a href="#p322">322</a>, <a href="#p349">349</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">attempt to emancipate, <a href="#p357">357</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Henotheism, Arabian, <a href="#p201">201</a>. <i>See also</i> Religion</li> + + <li class="indx">Henry IV, emperor, contemporaries, <a href="#p39">39</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Henry VI, emperor, and world-power, <a href="#p374">374</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Henry VII of England, dynasty-idea, <a href="#p381">381</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hermes Trismegistus, fictitious, <a href="#p72">72</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Hermetic Pœmander, <a href="#p213">213</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Hermetics, collection as canon, <a href="#p247">247</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hermopolis, cult, <a href="#p279">279</a>, <a href="#p281">281</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hero, and technique, <a href="#p501">501</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Herod, Hellenism, <a href="#p211">211</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Herodotus, on Persians, <a href="#p167">167</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">inaccuracy on Egypt, <a href="#p333">333</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Heroism, and race, <a href="#p339">339</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">hero-death, <a href="#p471">471</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Herrnhut, Pietism, <a href="#p308">308</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hesiod, and Classical religious beginnings, <a href="#p282">282</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hia dynasty, mythology, <a href="#p286">286</a>, <a href="#p379">379</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Hiang-Sui, peace league, <a href="#p429">429</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hidalgo, meaning, <a href="#p342">342</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Hierocles, breviary, <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hijra, era, <a href="#p239">239</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Himaryites, history, <a href="#p197">197</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish State religion, <a href="#p153">153</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hinayana doctrine, <a href="#p312">312</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hippodamus of Miletus, city-plan, <a href="#p100">100</a></li> + + <li class="indx">History, and cosmic and microcosmic, <a href="#p23">23</a>, <a href="#p24">24</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">adjustment to horizon, cultural aspect, <a href="#p24">24</a>, <a href="#p25">25</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">subjective basis, <a href="#p26">26</a>, <a href="#p29">29</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural history-pictures, <a href="#p27">27</a>, <a href="#p28">28</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western Culture and infinite, <a href="#p28">28</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">irrational culminative division scheme, <a href="#p28">28</a>, <a href="#p37">37</a>, <a href="#p55">55</a>, <a href="#p190">190</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western Culture and individuality in historical attunement, planes, <a href="#p29">29</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">future uniform physiognomic, <a href="#p30">30</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">enlarged possibilities, restoration and prediction, <a href="#p36">36</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Cultures and significance, <a href="#p44">44</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">true definition and treatment, physiognomic fact, <a href="#p46">46</a>, <a href="#p47">47</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">biological sense of primitive, <a href="#p48">48</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and final objects, <a href="#p48">48</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Cultures and historical man, <a href="#p48">48</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">exhaustion of Civilization and historylessness, <a href="#p48">48–51</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">actualization of the spiritual, <a href="#p49">49</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">intra- and intercultural, <a href="#p55">55</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural plurality, soul and transfer of form, <a href="#p55">55–60</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">importance of negative cultural influences, <a href="#p57">57–59</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural transfer of Christianity as example, <a href="#p59">59</a>, <a href="#p60">60</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Roman Law as example, <a href="#p60">60–83</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">city’s “visage” as, <a href="#p94">94</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and classes, <a href="#p96">96</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Civilization, superficial, <a href="#p109">109</a>, <a href="#p339">339</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and race, <a href="#p116">116</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and writing, <a href="#p150">150</a>, <a href="#p153">153</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to people, <a href="#p165">165</a>, <a href="#p169">169</a>, <a href="#p170">170</a>, <a href="#p181">181</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and nations, <a href="#p171">171</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and faith and science, <a href="#p271">271</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and moral, <a href="#p272">272</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of truths, <a href="#p274">274</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western sense, influence of contrition, <a href="#p294">294</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in intercultural dissonance, <a href="#p319">319</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">sex war, <a href="#p328">328</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cosmic-politic duality, family and State, <a href="#p329">329</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">“in form” estates and making, <a href="#p330">330</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural tradition, <a href="#p338">338</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">being-streams as true, <a href="#p339">339</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and State, <a href="#p361">361</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as court, high decision, <a href="#p507">507</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Being; Cultures; Destiny; Landscape; Nature; Politics; Race; Sex; Time</li> + + <li class="indx">Hogarth, William, art sermons, <a href="#p116">116</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hohenstaufens, results of fall, <a href="#p181">181</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hohenzollerns, and Prussia, <a href="#p182">182</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Holy Roman Empire, significance, <a href="#p181">181</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">electorate, <a href="#p373">373</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">world-power and contest with Papacy, <a href="#p373">373</a>, <a href="#p374">374</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">decay, <a href="#p376">376</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Thirty Years’ War, Wallenstein, <a href="#p388">388–391</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">provincial horizons, <a href="#p392">392</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Holy Synod, <a href="#p278">278</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Homer, urban language, <a href="#p125">125</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">indifference to religion, <a href="#p281">281</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">feudal evidences, <a href="#p374">374</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and talent, <a href="#p486">486</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ho-nan-fu, as royal residence, <a href="#p92">92</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Honour, and class, <a href="#p342">342</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as basic concept of ethics, <a href="#p343">343</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in economic life, <a href="#p472">472</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Horten, Max, on popular Islam, <a href="#p237">237</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Horus-hawk cult, end, <a href="#p279">279</a>, <a href="#p373">373</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hou-li, as religious source, <a href="#p286">286</a></li> + + <li class="indx">House, Minoan and Mycenæan, <a href="#p88">88</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">farmhouse as symbol, <a href="#p90">90</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">megalopolitan, <a href="#p99">99</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and architecture, <a href="#p120">120</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as expression of race, <a href="#p120">120–122</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as totem, history, <a href="#p121">121</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and ornament, <a href="#p121">121</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and family, <a href="#p329">329</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">political and economic expression, <a href="#p471">471</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hsinan-tang, in India, <a href="#p107">107</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hugo de St. Victor, Arabian contemporaries, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Huguccio, pun, <a href="#p77">77</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Humanism, field, <a href="#p291">291</a> n. <i>See also</i> Renaissance</li> + + <li class="indx">Humboldt, Wilhelm von, on language, <a href="#p117">117</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and State, <a href="#p366">366</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">on politics and literature, <a href="#p439">439</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Hume, David, and economic thought, <a href="#p403">403</a>, <a href="#p469">469</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hunac Ceel, rule, <a href="#p45">45</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hunger-death, <a href="#p471">471</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Huns, Chinese repulse and Western attack, <a href="#p41">41</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hus, John, and reform, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Huxley, Thomas H., race classification, <a href="#p125">125</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hwang of Tsi, as protector, <a href="#p388">388</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hwang-ti, rise, <a href="#p38">38</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as title, <a href="#p41">41</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cult, <a href="#p314">314</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economics and politics, <a href="#p475">475</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hybrias the Cretan, and <i lang="la">carpe diem</i>, <a href="#p383">383</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hybris, doctrine, <a href="#p282">282</a>, <a href="#p301">301</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hyksos Period, meaning, <a href="#p38">38</a>, <a href="#p41">41</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">preliminaries, <a href="#p386">386</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cæsarism, <a href="#p427">427</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as term, <a href="#p428">428</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and political theory, <a href="#p453">453</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hypothesis, and usefulness, <a href="#p144">144</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hyrcanus, Hellenism, <a href="#p211">211</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Iamblichus, and Pagan Church, Syncretism, <a href="#p204">204</a>, <a href="#p252">252</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on divine substance, <a href="#p256">256</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and numbers, <a href="#p269">269</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Ibas, and substance controversy, <a href="#p256">256</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xiv">[xiv]</span>Ibn Sina, style of canon, <a href="#p346">346</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ibsen, Henrik, and marriage, <a href="#p105">105</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ice Age, man in, <a href="#p33">33</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Iconoclasm. <i>See</i> Images</li> + + <li class="indx">Ilya Muromyets, hero, <a href="#p192">192</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Images, in Pagan churches, <a href="#p204">204</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">basis of worship, <a href="#p256">256</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian and Greek iconoclasm, <a href="#p304">304</a>, <a href="#p425">425</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Monophysites</li> + + <li class="indx">Immaculate Conception, as English idea, <a href="#p294">294</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Immortality, cultural basis, <a href="#p59">59</a>. <i>See also</i> Death</li> + + <li class="indx">Imperialism, Chinese, <a href="#p38">38</a>, <a href="#p41">41</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Indian, <a href="#p41">41</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">collapse of Roman, <a href="#p42">42</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Calvin-Loyola struggle, <a href="#p299">299</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">political aspect of Classical conquests, <a href="#p407">407</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural necessity, <a href="#p422">422</a> n., <a href="#p424">424</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Indian Culture, ahistoric, and script, <a href="#p36">36</a>, <a href="#p150">150</a>, <a href="#p152">152</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">problems of study, <a href="#p38">38</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Imperialism, <a href="#p41">41</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">fate in, <a href="#p267">267</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">beginning of religion, <a href="#p281">281</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Rationalism, <a href="#p307">307</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">style of priesthood, <a href="#p352">352</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation of primary estates, <a href="#p353">353</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and world-power, <a href="#p373">373</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Buddhism; Cultures</li> + + <li class="indx">Indians, and Americans, <a href="#p119">119</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">gesture language, <a href="#p140">140</a> n., <a href="#p147">147</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Indogermanic system, alien words, <a href="#p148">148</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">youth, question of grammar, <a href="#p148">148</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of ahistoric Cultures, <a href="#p150">150</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">basis of coherence, <a href="#p166">166</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Persians, <a href="#p166">166–169</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Western genealogical ideal, <a href="#p181">181</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Industry. <i>See</i> Economics; Technique</li> + + <li class="indx">Infinity, in Western Culture, <a href="#p46">46</a>. <i>See also</i> Depth-experience</li> + + <li class="indx">Innocent III, pope, and world-power, <a href="#p374">374</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as politician, <a href="#p442">442</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Inquisition, and Devil-cult, <a href="#p291">291</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Inscriptions, as taboo, <a href="#p121">121</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Insula Feliculæ, <a href="#p101">101</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Intelligence, as tension, <a href="#p102">102</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">language as vehicle of dominance, <a href="#p144">144</a>, <a href="#p145">145</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and race-traits, <a href="#p166">166</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">aristocracy, <a href="#p166">166</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and cosmopolitanism, <a href="#p184">184</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jesus and, <a href="#p216">216–218</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Paul’s introduction with Christianity, <a href="#p221">221</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish period, <a href="#p316">316</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and primary estates, <a href="#p356">356</a>, <a href="#p357">357</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cæsarism, <a href="#p433">433</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Causality; Knowledge; Rationalism; Thought; Town; Understanding; Waking-being</li> + + <li class="indx">International law, and Roman <i lang="la">jus gentium</i>, <a href="#p61">61</a>. <i>See also</i> Foreign relations</li> + + <li class="indx">Internationalism, as element of Jewry, <a href="#p320">320</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Interregnum, cultural period, significance, <a href="#p375">375</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Interrex, and oligarchy, <a href="#p375">375</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Inventions, Western, <a href="#p501">501</a>. <i>See also</i> Technique</li> + + <li class="indx">Ionic, as microcosmic, <a href="#p92">92</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ipsus, battle, importance, <a href="#p422">422</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Irak, slave-rebellion, <a href="#p426">426</a>, <a href="#p428">428</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Irenæus, and Western Church, <a href="#p229">229</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and commentary, <a href="#p247">247</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Irnerius, and Roman law, <a href="#p77">77</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Isaac Hassan (ibn Sid), as scientist, <a href="#p316">316</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Isaiah, as Arabian prophet, <a href="#p205">205</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Isidore, biography, <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Isis cult, origin, <a href="#p201">201</a>, <a href="#p310">310</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Islam, as Puritanism, <a href="#p74">74</a>, <a href="#p302">302–304</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and nationality, <a href="#p178">178</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Logos, <a href="#p236">236</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">significance as term, <a href="#p240">240</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">community of elect, <a href="#p243">243</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and substance controversy, <a href="#p256">256</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Monophysites and starting point, <a href="#p258">258</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">missionarism, <a href="#p259">259</a>, <a href="#p304">304</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">earlier Arabian religions and success, <a href="#p260">260</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Arabian manifestation, <a href="#p304">304</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fellahism, <a href="#p315">315</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">basis for endurance, <a href="#p323">323</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">political aristocracy of beginning, <a href="#p424">424</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Arabian Culture; Mohammed; Religion; Sufism</li> + + <li class="indx">Isocrates, and class dictatorship, <a href="#p404">404</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Israelites, tribal association, <a href="#p175">175</a>. <i>See also</i> Jews</li> + + <li class="indx">Italy, union as Germanic dynastic creation, <a href="#p181">181</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">city-republic finance, <a href="#p489">489</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ivan III, and Tartars, <a href="#p192">192</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ivan IV, the Terrible, period, <a href="#p192">192</a></li> + + <li class="indx">I-Wang, contemporaries, <a href="#p39">39</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and feudalism, <a href="#p349">349</a> n., <a href="#p375">375</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Jabna, Council of, on revelation, <a href="#p245">245</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jackson, Andrew, and party, <a href="#p451">451</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jacopone da Todi, and reform, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jainism, Rationalism, <a href="#p307">307</a></li> + + <li class="indx">James, Saint, Gospel, <a href="#p223">223</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">James I of England, and marriage-alliance, <a href="#p389">389</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jansenists, Puritan manifestation, <a href="#p302">302</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Japan, cultural status, <a href="#p49">49</a> n., <a href="#p108">108</a>, <a href="#p323">323</a>, <a href="#p421">421</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Jason of Pheræ, politics, <a href="#p407">407</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jehuda, Rabbi, period, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jehuda ben Halevi, and science, <a href="#p315">315</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jeremiah, as Arabian prophet, <a href="#p205">205</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jerusalem, relation to Jewry, <a href="#p204">204</a>, <a href="#p208">208</a>, <a href="#p210">210</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jespersen, Otto, on origin of language, <a href="#p138">138</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jesubocht, Corpus, <a href="#p75">75</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jesuits, as urban, <a href="#p92">92</a>. <i>See also</i> Loyola</li> + + <li class="indx">Jesujabh III, on conversion to Islam, <a href="#p260">260</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jesus, and ceremonial, <a href="#p134">134</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">life and biography, <a href="#p212">212</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and John the Baptist, Mandæanism, <a href="#p214">214</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">connotation of “Nazarene,” <a href="#p214">214</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">self-view as prophet and Messiah, <a href="#p215">215</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">townlessness, <a href="#p215">215</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">before Pilate, faith and fact, <a href="#p216">216</a>, <a href="#p473">473</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">metaphysical world, <a href="#p217">217</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of Resurrection, <a href="#p218">218</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">romances of birth and childhood, <a href="#p224">224</a>, <a href="#p237">237</a>, <a href="#p250">250</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">world-image, and apocalyptic, <a href="#p237">237</a>, <a href="#p239">239</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and submission, <a href="#p240">240</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Christianity; Logos; Substance</li> + + <li class="indx">Jews, creed basis of law, Talmud, <a href="#p69">69</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">jurisprudence, <a href="#p71">71</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">pre-cultural law, <a href="#p75">75</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">comradeship and race in European, <a href="#p126">126</a>, <a href="#p127">127</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">tribal types, <a href="#p175">175</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ignored phases of religious history, <a href="#p191">191</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">crusade, <a href="#p198">198</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Yahweh cult in Syncretism, <a href="#p201">201</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xv">[xv]</span>Judaism as Arabian prophetic religion, <a href="#p204">204–207</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of exile, apocalypse and Persian influence, <a href="#p207">207</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Judaistic minority, Talmudic development, <a href="#p208">208</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Exilarch majority, <a href="#p208">208</a>, <a href="#p210">210</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">law and the prophets as separate, <a href="#p209">209</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">post-exilic (springtime) increase, spirit, <a href="#p209">209</a>, <a href="#p316">316</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Judea and Jewry, fall of Jerusalem as liberation, <a href="#p209">209–211</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">tendencies, rescue from pseudomorphic Hellenism, <a href="#p210">210</a>, <a href="#p211">211</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">end of apocalypse, <a href="#p211">211</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Judaism and exclusive Messiah Christian sects, disappearance, <a href="#p219">219</a>, <a href="#p220">220</a>, <a href="#p252">252</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Paul and Judaism, <a href="#p221">221</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">era, <a href="#p239">239</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and revelation, <a href="#p245">245</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">separation of Christianity, <a href="#p251">251</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">missionarism, <a href="#p259">259</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Mazdak reformation, end of theology, <a href="#p261">261</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fellah-religion, <a href="#p315">315</a>, <a href="#p323">323</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian-type nationality and ghetto, <a href="#p315">315</a>, <a href="#p317">317</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">intellectual (Baroque) period, in Spain, <a href="#p316">316</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">spiritual character of period, <a href="#p316">316</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Civilization period, results of contact with Gothic, <a href="#p317">317–319</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">race and piety phases of later antagonism, <a href="#p318">318–320</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">landless consensus and Western patriotism, <a href="#p320">320</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fixed alien metaphysic phase, <a href="#p321">321</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Western Civilization, <a href="#p322">322</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">danger of dissolution, <a href="#p323">323</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economic rôle, <a href="#p481">481</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and machine-industry, <a href="#p504">504</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Arabian Culture; Religion</li> + + <li class="indx">Jezidi, and Trinity, <a href="#p236">236</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Joachim of Floris, world-conception, <a href="#p28">28</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian contemporaries, <a href="#p250">250</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and reform, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Job, Book of, character, <a href="#p208">208</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and will, <a href="#p242">242</a></li> + + <li class="indx">John Gospel, <a href="#p226">226</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Mani and, <a href="#p227">227</a>, <a href="#p251">251</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">dualism, <a href="#p234">234</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on God and the Word, <a href="#p244">244</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as a Koran, <a href="#p245">245</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Old Testament, <a href="#p245">245</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">John the Baptist, Mandæanism, and Jesus, <a href="#p214">214</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">order-community, <a href="#p254">254</a></li> + + <li class="indx">John Tzimisces, power, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Josephus, on Sadducees, <a href="#p211">211</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Judah, Abraham and betrayal money, <a href="#p237">237</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Judaism. <i>See</i> Jews</li> + + <li class="indx">Judge of men, and speech, <a href="#p137">137</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Judith, as Arabian, <a href="#p208">208</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jugurtha, power, <a href="#p428">428</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Julian, edict, <a href="#p66">66</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and cult nation, <a href="#p176">176</a>, <a href="#p204">204</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as prophet, <a href="#p204">204</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Syncretism, <a href="#p253">253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and monasticism, <a href="#p254">254</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jundaisapur, and Gundisapora, <a href="#p200">200</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Junian Latins, <a href="#p68">68</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Jupiter Dolichenus cult, <a href="#p201">201</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Juridical person, as Arabian concept, <a href="#p67">67</a>, <a href="#p68">68</a>, <a href="#p174">174</a>, <a href="#p177">177</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jurisprudence, as late science, <a href="#p66">66</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Egyptian and Chinese, <a href="#p67">67</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">future Western, <a href="#p80">80–83</a>, <a href="#p505">505</a>. <i>See also</i> Roman law</li> + + <li class="indx"><i lang="la">Jus</i>, and <i lang="la">lex</i> in Arabian Culture, <a href="#p71">71</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and <i lang="la">fas</i> in Western Culture, <a href="#p78">78</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i lang="la">Jus gentium</i>, Classical idea, <a href="#p61">61</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as imperial law, <a href="#p66">66</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Justification by faith, and Western Rationalism, <a href="#p309">309</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Justinian, Arabian jurisprudence, <a href="#p70">70</a> n., <a href="#p71">71</a>, <a href="#p74">74</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">army system, <a href="#p199">199</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Digests as interpretation, <a href="#p246">246</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and end of theology, <a href="#p261">261</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Nika Rebellion, <a href="#p381">381</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">conflict with nobility, <a href="#p423">423</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Kabbalah, and secret dogma, <a href="#p247">247</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Kalaam, and pneuma, <a href="#p242">242</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Kama-sutram, and sport, <a href="#p103">103</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Kanauj, as world-city, <a href="#p99">99</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Kant, Emmanuel, and numbers, <a href="#p269">269</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">gloom, <a href="#p295">295</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Devil-cult, <a href="#p303">303</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Talmudic intellects, <a href="#p322">322</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on marriage, <a href="#p337">337</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and celibacy of science, <a href="#p346">346</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Kara Balgassun, inscription, <a href="#p260">260</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Karæi, as order, <a href="#p255">255</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Puritanism, rise, <a href="#p316">316</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Karamzin, Nikolai M., narrative, <a href="#p192">192</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Karlsruhe, plan, <a href="#p100">100</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Karlstadt, as Gothic, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Karna, and civil law, <a href="#p210">210</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Karo, Joseph, metaphysic, <a href="#p321">321</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Karramiyya movement, <a href="#p424">424</a>, <a href="#p425">425</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Karun valley, Mandæanism, <a href="#p214">214</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Kassites, as rulers, <a href="#p40">40</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Khazars, conversion to Judaism, <a href="#p259">259</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Khuzistan, Mandæanism, <a href="#p214">214</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Ki-Sung, dynasties, <a href="#p379">379</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Kierkegaard, Sören, “playing” with religion, <a href="#p137">137</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Kinnesrin, school, <a href="#p200">200</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Kiur Zan, power, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Knowledge, waking-being and problem of epistemology, <a href="#p14">14</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">technical and theoretical, <a href="#p25">25</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">epistemology and destiny, <a href="#p267">267</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Intelligence</li> + + <li class="indx">Kobad I, and Mazdak, <a href="#p261">261</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Koran, as term, <a href="#p244">244</a>. <i>See also</i> Islam</li> + + <li class="indx">Kung-Yang, on Middle Kingdom, <a href="#p373">373</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Kwan-tse, and pre-Confucian philosophy, <a href="#p300">300</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Kwei-ku-tse, character, <a href="#p419">419</a> n.</li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Labna, and Mexican Culture, <a href="#p45">45</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Labor. <i>See</i> Economics</li> + + <li class="indx">Laity, <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> clergy, <a href="#p333">333</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lakayata, system, <a href="#p309">309</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lakhmids, court, poetry, <a href="#p198">198</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lambert, Édouard, on Twelve Tables, <a href="#p65">65</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Land, and Classical money wealth, <a href="#p487">487</a>. <i>See also</i> Peasantry</li> + + <li class="indx">Landscape, necessity of study in man’s history, <a href="#p39">39</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Arabian Culture, <a href="#p42">42</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to Culture, <a href="#p46">46</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and transfer of forms, <a href="#p57">57</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and town, <a href="#p90">90</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and race, <a href="#p113">113</a>, <a href="#p119">119</a>, <a href="#p129">129</a>, <a href="#p130">130</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xvi">[xvi]</span>and language, <a href="#p119">119</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and plant changes, <a href="#p130">130</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and religions of Cultures, <a href="#p278">278</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Chinese prime symbol, <a href="#p287">287</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Language, and emancipation of understanding, <a href="#p9">9</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Civilization, <a href="#p108">108</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">defined, development, <a href="#p114">114</a>, <a href="#p115">115</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and race and waking-being, <a href="#p114">114</a>, <a href="#p117">117</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">expression and communication, “I” and “thou,” motive and sign, <a href="#p115">115</a>, <a href="#p133">133</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cult-colouring of prime words, <a href="#p116">116</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and taboo, <a href="#p116">116</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and speaking, dead languages, <a href="#p117">117</a>, <a href="#p125">125</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">independence from landscape, mother-tongue fallacy, <a href="#p119">119</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">essence, wordless, <a href="#p131">131</a>, <a href="#p132">132</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">essential element of relations of microcosm, <a href="#p132">132</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">phases of expression, extensiveness, <a href="#p134">134</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">evolution of communication, <a href="#p134">134</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">speech divorced from speaking, rigid signs as system, <a href="#p134">134</a>, <a href="#p144">144</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">“knowing” the language, complexity, <a href="#p135">135</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">set language and understanding, <a href="#p135">135</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">signs and meaning, relation to truth, <a href="#p136">136</a>, <a href="#p137">137</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">“playing” with expression, <a href="#p137">137</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">spiritual communion and silence, <a href="#p137">137</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">words, origin, incompleteness, <a href="#p137">137</a>, <a href="#p138">138</a>, <a href="#p142">142</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">vocal and verbal, <a href="#p138">138</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">name and word, <a href="#p138">138–141</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">opposite word-pairs, <a href="#p140">140</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Chinese voice-differentiations, <a href="#p140">140</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">grammar and sentence, relation to word, <a href="#p141">141</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">sentences and race, <a href="#p142">142</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">acquisition of words, <a href="#p142">142</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">verbs and thought-categories, <a href="#p143">143</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">abstract thinking and intellect and life, <a href="#p144">144</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">stages of history, <a href="#p145">145</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">lost formative history, <a href="#p146">146</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as ancient class-secret, <a href="#p146">146</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">tempo of history, effect of writing, <a href="#p147">147</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">grammar and vocabulary, linguistic families as grammatical, <a href="#p147">147</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">alien words, <a href="#p148">148</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as to Aryan, <a href="#p149">149</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">written and colloquial, <a href="#p150">150</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">morphology of Culture-languages, <a href="#p152">152–155</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">birth of cultural, popular talk and cult speech, <a href="#p153">153–155</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">city script-speech, <a href="#p155">155</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and people, <a href="#p161">161</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Persian, <a href="#p166">166</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">mother tongue and dynastic idea, <a href="#p183">183</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and literary history, <a href="#p190">190</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">influence on Christianity, <a href="#p224">224</a>, <a href="#p241">241</a> n., <a href="#p252">252</a>, <a href="#p256">256</a>, <a href="#p258">258</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Arabian religions, <a href="#p252">252</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Literature; Race; Words; Writing</li> + + <li class="indx">Lao-tse, Taoism, <a href="#p307">307</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Pietism, <a href="#p308">308</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lao-Tzu, and sterility, <a href="#p105">105</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lassalle, Ferdinand, and class dictatorship, <a href="#p404">404</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and English economics, <a href="#p469">469</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Latin, disappearance from legal life, <a href="#p75">75</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Western scholar-languages, <a href="#p155">155</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Christianity, <a href="#p241">241</a> n., <a href="#p258">258</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period, <a href="#p395">395</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Latin-America, and Cæsarism, <a href="#p435">435</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Law, property as power, <a href="#p345">345</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">defined, <a href="#p363">363</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as instrument of power, internal and external, <a href="#p365">365–367</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Jurisprudence; Roman law</li> + + <li class="indx">League of Nations, Chinese attempt, <a href="#p38">38</a>, <a href="#p417">417</a>, <a href="#p429">429</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Learning, separation from priesthood, <a href="#p345">345</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">priesthood and cultural form of profane, <a href="#p345">345–347</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and nobility and economics, <a href="#p347">347</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Le Bon, Gustave, study of the crowd, <a href="#p18">18</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Lechfeld, battle, <a href="#p259">259</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Leibniz, Baron von, and evolution, <a href="#p31">31</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Leiden, Papyrus, on Hyksos Period, <a href="#p427">427</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lemnos, inscription, <a href="#p122">122</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lenel, Otto, on Roman jurisprudence, <a href="#p67">67</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lenin, Nikolai, as mass-leader, <a href="#p448">448</a> n. <i>See also</i> Bolshevism</li> + + <li class="indx">Leo III, emperor, legislation, <a href="#p75">75</a>, <a href="#p357">357</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">iconoclasm, <a href="#p304">304</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Leo V, and Theodore of Studion, <a href="#p425">425</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Leonardo da Vinci, and Gothic, <a href="#p291">291</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Leonardo Pisano, on accountancy, <a href="#p489">489</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Leontini, destruction, <a href="#p405">405</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lessing, Gotthold E., and German nationalism, <a href="#p182">182</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Rationalism, <a href="#p305">305</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Letter, as language-picture, <a href="#p134">134</a>. <i>See also</i> Writing</li> + + <li class="indx">Levites, as term for priesthood, <a href="#p175">175</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i lang="la">Lex</i>, and <i lang="la">jus</i>, Arabian, <a href="#p71">71</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><cite lang="la">Lex Æbutia</cite>, and present law, <a href="#p62">62</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><cite lang="la">Lex Canuleia</cite>, <a href="#p69">69</a> n., <a href="#p397">397</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lex Hortensia, <a href="#p358">358</a>, <a href="#p396">396</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lex Ogulnia, and Plebs, <a href="#p408">408</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Li-Ki, ritual work, <a href="#p312">312</a> n., <a href="#p315">315</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Li Si, standard script, <a href="#p152">152</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Li-Szu, and Wang-Cheng, <a href="#p41">41</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Li-Wang, problem, <a href="#p38">38</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">flight, <a href="#p376">376</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Libyan problem, <a href="#p162">162</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lidzbarski, Mark, on Jesus as Mandæan, <a href="#p214">214</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Lies, and set language, <a href="#p136">136</a>, <a href="#p137">137</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Life. <i>See</i> Being; Death; Sex; Waking-being</li> + + <li class="indx">Light. <i>See</i> Sight</li> + + <li class="indx">Limes, Great Wall as, <a href="#p41">41</a></li> + + <li class="indx">List, Friedrich, relation to property, <a href="#p345">345</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and English economics, <a href="#p469">469</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Literature, rural and urban, <a href="#p93">93</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Culture and Civilization, <a href="#p107">107</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">German and nationalism, <a href="#p182">182</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and cosmopolitanism, <a href="#p185">185</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian research, <a href="#p190">190</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and language history, <a href="#p190">190</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">hero-tales, <a href="#p192">192</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian Minne, and epic, <a href="#p198">198</a>, <a href="#p250">250</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Chinese drama, <a href="#p286">286</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Byzantine and Arabian, <a href="#p304">304</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Livy, and polis, <a href="#p383">383</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lo-Yang, as royal residence, <a href="#p92">92</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Locke, John, and Continental Rationalism, <a href="#p308">308</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Logic, and opposites, <a href="#p141">141</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and truth, <a href="#p144">144</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and history, <a href="#p144">144</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Logos, John Gospel, <a href="#p226">226</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Pseudomorphic and Arabian, <a href="#p229">229</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jezidi view, <a href="#p236">236</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian indwelling of spirit, light-sensation, <a href="#p236">236</a>, <a href="#p237">237</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">alteration in concept, <a href="#p307">307</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Trinity</li> + + <li class="indx">Lombarda code, <a href="#p76">76</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xvii">[xvii]</span>London, as world-city, <a href="#p99">99</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lorraine, as name, <a href="#p161">161</a>, <a href="#p181">181</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Louis XI of France, dynasty-idea, <a href="#p381">381</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Love, and cosmic beat, <a href="#p166">166</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and religion, faith 265, <a href="#p266">266</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and stability, <a href="#p275">275</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural religious, <a href="#p279">279</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and nobility, <a href="#p351">351</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Loyalists, American, <a href="#p412">412</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Loyola, Ignatius, on moral, <a href="#p272">272</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Gothic, <a href="#p296">296</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and world-politics, <a href="#p299">299</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Puritanism, <a href="#p302">302</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lü-pu-Wei, Syncretism, <a href="#p312">312</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Lü-Shi Chun-tsiu, <a href="#p312">312</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Lucca, Cæsar’s politics, <a href="#p446">446</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Luceres, tribe, <a href="#p351">351</a>, <a href="#p382">382</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lui-Shi, and Wang-Cheng, <a href="#p41">41</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as statesman, <a href="#p418">418</a>, <a href="#p419">419</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">tutor, <a href="#p419">419</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Lukka, as name, <a href="#p164">164</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Luschen, Felix von, ethnological research, <a href="#p129">129</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Luther, Martin, as Gothic, <a href="#p296">296</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as urban monk and schoolman, <a href="#p297">297</a>, <a href="#p298">298</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Devil-cult, <a href="#p299">299</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">lack of practicality, <a href="#p299">299</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and science, <a href="#p300">300</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lycurgus, laws, <a href="#p64">64</a>, <a href="#p65">65</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lyell, Sir Charles, theory as English, <a href="#p31">31</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lysander, and army, <a href="#p406">406</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as victor, <a href="#p422">422</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lysias, on speculators, <a href="#p484">484</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Macedonians, as rulers, <a href="#p40">40</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">schools and nationalism, <a href="#p162">162</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Arabian Culture, <a href="#p189">189</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Alexander the Great</li> + + <li class="indx">Machiavellism, and factions, <a href="#p448">448</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Machine. <i>See</i> Technique</li> + + <li class="indx">Macrocosm, animal’s microcosmic relation, <a href="#p3">3</a>, <a href="#p4">4</a>, <a href="#p15">15</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">man’s self-adjustment, <a href="#p14">14</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Cultures; History; Microcosm; Morphology; Nature; Waking-being</li> + + <li class="indx">Madrid, as provincial city, <a href="#p99">99</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mælius, Sp., movement, <a href="#p397">397</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Magi, as term for priesthood, <a href="#p175">175</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Magian Culture. <i>See</i> Arabian Culture</li> + + <li class="indx">Magic, technique, <a href="#p268">268</a>, <a href="#p271">271</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Magna Charta, and control by nobility, <a href="#p373">373</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Magnesia, battle, <a href="#p422">422</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Magnitude, Classical money-concept, <a href="#p486">486–489</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mahavira, Rationalism, <a href="#p307">307</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mahayana, doctrine, <a href="#p312">312</a>, <a href="#p313">313</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mahraspand, Mazdaism, <a href="#p251">251</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Maimon, Solomon, and Kant, <a href="#p322">322</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Maimonides, Moses, world, <a href="#p241">241</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">collection of dogmas, <a href="#p315">315</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Spinoza, <a href="#p321">321</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ma’in, Kingdom of, feudalism, <a href="#p196">196</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">geography, <a href="#p196">196</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Mamertines, as people, <a href="#p160">160</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Man, lordship of sight, visual thought, <a href="#p7">7–9</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">language and understanding, theoretical thought, <a href="#p9">9</a>, <a href="#p10">10</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and fear of death, <a href="#p15">15</a>, <a href="#p16">16</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">destiny and causality types, <a href="#p16">16–19</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">refutation of Darwinism, <a href="#p32">32</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">two great ages, <a href="#p33">33</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in primitive Culture, <a href="#p33">33</a>, <a href="#p34">34</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of agriculture, <a href="#p89">89</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Animal; Being; Microcosm; Sex; Waking-being</li> + + <li class="indx">Management, American development, <a href="#p82">82</a> n. <i>See also</i> Technique</li> + + <li class="indx">Manchester School, and Rationalism, <a href="#p403">403</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mandæanism, as redemption-religion, <a href="#p213">213</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">John the Baptist and Jesus, <a href="#p214">214</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">survival, <a href="#p214">214</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">disappearance, <a href="#p252">252</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">order-communities, <a href="#p254">254</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Maniakes, Turk, <a href="#p427">427</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Manichæism, and Chaldean, <a href="#p176">176</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">origins, <a href="#p209">209</a>, <a href="#p251">251</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Logos and Paraclete, <a href="#p227">227</a>, <a href="#p251">251</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">development, <a href="#p251">251</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">missionarism, <a href="#p260">260</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Albegensians, <a href="#p260">260</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Mannheim, plan, <a href="#p100">100</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Manufacturer, as economic class, <a href="#p478">478</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Manzikert, battle, <a href="#p427">427</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mar Shimun, prince-patriarch, <a href="#p177">177</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Marcianus, and dynasty, <a href="#p379">379</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Marcion, Bible and Church, <a href="#p225">225–228</a>, <a href="#p245">245</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period, <a href="#p250">250</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and reform, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Marcionites, era, <a href="#p239">239</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Marcus Aurelius, as episode, <a href="#p171">171</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">religiousness, <a href="#p313">313</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and peace, <a href="#p430">430</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Cæsarism and Stoicism, <a href="#p434">434</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Marduk, as deity, <a href="#p206">206</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Marib, Congress of Princes, <a href="#p197">197</a>, <a href="#p304">304</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Marinus, as biographer, <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Marius, C., and money, <a href="#p410">410</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cæsarism, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and party, <a href="#p451">451</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mark Gospel, <a href="#p223">223</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Market, status, <a href="#p91">91</a>, <a href="#p480">480</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Marozia, as destiny, <a href="#p339">339</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Marriage, law, control over it, <a href="#p78">78</a>, <a href="#p365">365</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Civilization type, <a href="#p105">105</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">defined, <a href="#p344">344</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">“in form” relation, <a href="#p362">362</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Marx, Karl, and Marxism, and property, <a href="#p344">344</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and party, <a href="#p450">450</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and effective theory, <a href="#p454">454</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">end of influence, <a href="#p454">454</a>, <a href="#p45">45</a> 5;</li> + <li class="isub1">and English economics, <a href="#p469">469</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and economic classes, <a href="#p478">478</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and value, <a href="#p482">482</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and work, <a href="#p492">492</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in Russia, <a href="#p495">495</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">on machine-industry as bourgeois, <a href="#p504">504</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Socialism</li> + + <li class="indx">Mary of England, and absolutism, <a href="#p388">388</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mary-cult, Arabian development, <a href="#p224">224</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">victory at Ephesus, <a href="#p257">257</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western development, <a href="#p288">288</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and contrition, <a href="#p293">293</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of Reformation, <a href="#p299">299</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Materialism. <i>See</i> Rationalism</li> + + <li class="indx">Mathematics, and religion, <a href="#p268">268</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Matthew Gospel, Judaic character, <a href="#p220">220</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Maule, Sir William H., and divorce laws, <a href="#p64">64</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Maurists, and orders and schools, <a href="#p346">346</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Maurya and Sunga dynasty, and Imperialism, <a href="#p41">41</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Mavali, and revolution, <a href="#p424">424</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xviii">[xviii]</span>Maximilian I, emperor, and law, <a href="#p76">76</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dynasty-idea, <a href="#p380">380</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mayan Culture. <i>See</i> Mexican Culture</li> + + <li class="indx">Mayapan, and Mexican Culture, <a href="#p45">45</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mazarin, Jules, Cardinal, power, <a href="#p389">389</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Fronde, <a href="#p390">390</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mazdaism, and chivalry, <a href="#p198">198</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">development, <a href="#p251">251</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as State religion, <a href="#p253">253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">missionarism, <a href="#p260">260</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">absorption, <a href="#p260">260</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mazdak, reformation, <a href="#p261">261</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Karramiyya movement, <a href="#p424">424</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mechanics. <i>See</i> Technique</li> + + <li class="indx">Medes, as rulers, <a href="#p40">40</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as people, <a href="#p167">167</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mediæval History, as term, <a href="#p28">28</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Medici, city nobility, <a href="#p356">356</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economics and politics, <a href="#p475">475</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">small-scale traffic, <a href="#p481">481</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Medicine, as priesthood, <a href="#p478">478</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Medinet Habet, relief, <a href="#p164">164</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Mediterranean region, influence of climatic change, <a href="#p39">39</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Medrashim, style, <a href="#p346">346</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Megalopolitanism, and nomadism, <a href="#p90">90</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and country, <a href="#p94">94</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">development, and provinces, <a href="#p98">98</a>, <a href="#p99">99</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">absolute intellect, <a href="#p99">99</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">city planning, <a href="#p100">100</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">future Western, <a href="#p101">101</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical inner-town, <a href="#p101">101</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">final phase, death, <a href="#p102">102</a>, <a href="#p107">107</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">tension, <a href="#p102">102</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">sport, <a href="#p103">103</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sterility, <a href="#p103">103–105</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and uniform type, <a href="#p108">108</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and language, <a href="#p155">155</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and cosmopolitanism, <a href="#p184">184</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">phase in Jewry, <a href="#p317">317</a>, <a href="#p318">318</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Fourth Estate and mob, <a href="#p358">358</a>, <a href="#p399">399</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and public opinion, <a href="#p400">400</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cæsarism, <a href="#p431">431</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and economics, <a href="#p484">484</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Town</li> + + <li class="indx">Megasthenes, on Calani, <a href="#p175">175</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Mehlis, C., on Libyan problem, <a href="#p162">162</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Melfi, constitutions, <a href="#p372">372</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Memory, and the named, <a href="#p140">140</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Meng Tse, materialism and myth, <a href="#p310">310</a>, <a href="#p312">312</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mercenaries, and Cæsarism, <a href="#p428">428</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Messana, democratic triumph, <a href="#p396">396</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Messiah, as common Arabian idea, <a href="#p206">206</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Mandæanism, <a href="#p214">214</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">attitude of Jesus, <a href="#p215">215</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of Resurrection, <a href="#p218">218</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Metals, primacy, <a href="#p500">500</a>. <i>See also</i> Smith</li> + + <li class="indx">Metaphysics. <i>See</i> Philosophy; Religion</li> + + <li class="indx">Methodism, Pietism, practicality, <a href="#p308">308</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mewes, Rudolf, on weather and war, <a href="#p392">392</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Mexican Culture, development, <a href="#p43">43</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">violent death, <a href="#p43">43</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">reconstruction of history, <a href="#p44">44</a>, <a href="#p45">45</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Civilization and Aztecs, <a href="#p45">45</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">jurisprudence, <a href="#p66">66</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">depopulation, <a href="#p106">106</a>, <a href="#p107">107</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">religious beginnings, <a href="#p288">288</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fellah-religion, <a href="#p315">315</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mexico City. <i>See</i> Tenochtitlan</li> + + <li class="indx">Meyer, Edward, on Persian host, <a href="#p40">40</a> n., <a href="#p167">167</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on history, <a href="#p47">47</a>, <a href="#p50">50</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">error on Egyptian nobility, <a href="#p350">350</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">correct Egyptian chronology, <a href="#p427">427</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">mistake on Roman Cæsarism, <a href="#p432">432</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Michael III, emperor, and Bardas, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Michelangelo, and Devil-cult, <a href="#p292">292</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Microcosm, animal as, in macrocosm, <a href="#p3">3–5</a>, <a href="#p15">15</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">sense as organ, <a href="#p6">6</a>, <a href="#p7">7</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">waking-being, <a href="#p7">7</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and cosmic beat, crowd, <a href="#p18">18</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and history and nature, <a href="#p23">23</a>, <a href="#p24">24</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and megalopolitanism, <a href="#p90">90</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">language as essential element, <a href="#p132">132</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sex, <a href="#p327">327</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Western technique, <a href="#p504">504</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Animal; Cosmic; Waking-being</li> + + <li class="indx">Middle Kingdom, Chinese, and world-power, <a href="#p373">373</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Middle Kingdom, Egyptian, significance, <a href="#p387">387</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Middleman, as economic class, <a href="#p478">478</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as economic master, <a href="#p483">483</a>, <a href="#p484">484</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as agent of Western technique, <a href="#p504">504</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Economics; Money</li> + + <li class="indx">Migrations, and peoples, <a href="#p162">162–165</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">small bands, <a href="#p163">163</a>, <a href="#p167">167</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Miletus, style of school, <a href="#p345">345</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mill, John Stuart, and Pascal, <a href="#p273">273</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Milton, John, and concepts, <a href="#p303">303</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Minæans, tribal association, <a href="#p174">174</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ming-Chu, period, <a href="#p40">40</a>, <a href="#p387">387</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ming-ti, as ruler, <a href="#p41">41</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Minnesänger, Arabian, <a href="#p198">198</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Minoan art, and Mycenæ, <a href="#p87">87–89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Egyptian, <a href="#p88">88</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mir, status, <a href="#p348">348</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mirabeau, Comte de, on law of nations, <a href="#p366">366</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mirandola, Francesco della, and Devil-cult, <a href="#p291">291</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mirian of Georgia, State religion, <a href="#p253">253</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mirza Ali Mohammed, Gnosis, <a href="#p228">228</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mishnah, completion, <a href="#p71">71</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">development, <a href="#p208">208</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as commentary, <a href="#p247">247</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">origin, <a href="#p316">316</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Missionarism, Arabian, <a href="#p259">259</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Islam, <a href="#p304">304</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Pythagorean, <a href="#p307">307</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish, <a href="#p318">318</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mithraism, as military order, <a href="#p198">198</a>, <a href="#p254">254</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in Syncretism, <a href="#p201">201</a>, <a href="#p253">253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Essenes, <a href="#p211">211</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">liturgy, <a href="#p213">213</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">provenance, <a href="#p314">314</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Mithridates, cultural basis of wars, <a href="#p318">318</a>, <a href="#p321">321</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Mitteis, Ludwig, on Constantine’s legislation, <a href="#p70">70</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Mob. <i>See</i> Crowd</li> + + <li class="indx">Modern History, as term, <a href="#p28">28</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mohammed, predecessors as prophet, <a href="#p204">204</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Paul’s analogy, <a href="#p221">221</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Logos, <a href="#p236">236</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and consensus, <a href="#p243">243</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">revelation, <a href="#p244">244</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Islam</li> + + <li class="indx">Moh-ti, and property, <a href="#p344">344</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and military technique, <a href="#p421">421</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and politics, <a href="#p453">453</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mollahs, law-men, <a href="#p71">71</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Moltke, Count Hellmuth von, leadership, <a href="#p444">444</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mommsen, Theodor, false history, <a href="#p50">50</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on political character of Roman Empire, <a href="#p174">174</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">misunderstanding of Cæsarism, <a href="#p432">432</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Varus’ defeat, <a href="#p487">487</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Monarchy. <i>See</i> Dynastic idea; Politics</li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xix">[xix]</span>Monasticism (Asceticism), Western rural and urban, <a href="#p91">91</a>, <a href="#p297">297</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in Paganism, <a href="#p204">204</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">character and development of Arabian, <a href="#p254">254</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Orphic, <a href="#p283">283</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and orgiasm, <a href="#p283">283</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">sage, <a href="#p307">307</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Money, as urban, abstract, <a href="#p97">97</a>, <a href="#p58">58</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and idea of property, <a href="#p357">357</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise as political force, and Rationalism, <a href="#p401">401</a>, <a href="#p402">402</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in English politics, <a href="#p403">403</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and class dictatorship, <a href="#p404">404</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in Roman politics, <a href="#p410">410</a>, <a href="#p411">411</a>, <a href="#p457">457–459</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Cæsarism and overthrow, <a href="#p431">431</a>, <a href="#p433">433</a> n., <a href="#p464">464</a>, <a href="#p506">506</a>, <a href="#p507">507</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and genealogy, <a href="#p449">449</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and democracy, <a href="#p456">456</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in Western politics, and press, <a href="#p460">460</a>, <a href="#p462">462</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and end of democracy, <a href="#p463">463</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">early status of coin as goods, <a href="#p481">481</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">beginning of concept as category, <a href="#p481">481–484</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">value-token and payment-medium, <a href="#p483">483</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">trader as master, <a href="#p483">483</a>, <a href="#p484">484</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as power of Civilization, <a href="#p485">485</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">struggle against, <a href="#p485">485</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and mobility, <a href="#p485">485</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">money-mass and value, <a href="#p485">485</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural symbols, <a href="#p486">486</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical magnitude concept, <a href="#p486">486</a>, <a href="#p495">495</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">irrelation with Classical land value, <a href="#p487">487</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical slaves as, <a href="#p488">488</a>, <a href="#p496">496</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western function-concept, book-keeping, <a href="#p489">489</a>, <a href="#p490">490</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western Culture and metallic, <a href="#p490">490</a>, <a href="#p491">491</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and work, quantity and quality, <a href="#p491">491–493</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">capital, cultural basis, <a href="#p493">493</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">financial organization, cultural basis, <a href="#p494">494</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Russian attitude, <a href="#p495">495</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">struggle with technique, <a href="#p505">505</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Socialism, <a href="#p506">506</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Economics</li> + + <li class="indx">Monophysites, importance, <a href="#p47">47</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">creed basis of law, <a href="#p70">70</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as nation, <a href="#p177">177</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Mary-cult, <a href="#p224">224</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">origin, <a href="#p257">257</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and starting-point of Islam, <a href="#p258">258</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">missionarism, <a href="#p260">260</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and reform, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Monotheism, relation to Arabian Culture, <a href="#p201">201</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Montanist movement, <a href="#p227">227</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Morale. <i>See</i> Ethics; Spirit; Truth</li> + + <li class="indx">Mormons, as people, <a href="#p160">160</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Morphology, of Culture languages, <a href="#p152">152–155</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of peoples, <a href="#p169">169</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of religious history, <a href="#p275">275</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of social history, <a href="#p348">348</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of economic history, <a href="#p470">470</a>, <a href="#p476">476–480</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mortgages, Classical land, <a href="#p487">487</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Mortmain, and established church, <a href="#p177">177</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">in Egypt, <a href="#p375">375</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Moscow, character, <a href="#p194">194</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mosque, and basilica, <a href="#p230">230</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mother tongue, fallacy, <a href="#p120">120</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and dynastic-idea, <a href="#p183">183</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Language</li> + + <li class="indx">Motherhood, “versehen,” <a href="#p126">126</a>. <i>See also</i> Demeter; Mary-cult; Sex</li> + + <li class="indx">Motion, as problem of thought, <a href="#p14">14–16</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western concept and military art, <a href="#p421">421</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">money and mobility, <a href="#p485">485</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Technique</li> + + <li class="indx">Motive, and language, <a href="#p133">133</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Müller, Frederick, race classification, <a href="#p125">125</a></li> + + <li class="indx">“Mufti,” <a href="#p71">71</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Muktara, as capital, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Multiplication table, dynamics, <a href="#p66">66</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Murtada, philosophy, <a href="#p321">321</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Music, basis of charm, <a href="#p8">8</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in English Parliamentarism, <a href="#p403">403</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Musonius Rufus, and peace, <a href="#p430">430</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mutation theory, and Darwinism, <a href="#p32">32</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cultures, <a href="#p33">33</a>, <a href="#p36">36</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mutawakil, palace, <a href="#p100">100</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Mycenæ, and Crete, <a href="#p87">87–89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and beast-formed deities, <a href="#p276">276</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mysteries, Classical, <a href="#p203">203</a>. <i>See also</i> Religion</li> + + <li class="indx">Mysticism, Sufism, <a href="#p176">176</a>, <a href="#p228">228</a>, <a href="#p242">242</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian period, <a href="#p200">200</a>, <a href="#p250">250</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">John Gospel and Christian, <a href="#p226">226</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">longing of Western, <a href="#p292">292</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Rationalism and Pietism, <a href="#p308">308</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Yesirah, <a href="#p316">316</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fixed Jewish, <a href="#p321">321</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Myth, as theory, and cult, <a href="#p268">268</a>, <a href="#p499">499</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to Greek, <a href="#p284">284</a>, <a href="#p286">286</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">time mythology, <a href="#p286">286</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Western springtime, <a href="#p288">288–290</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">modern ignorance of it, <a href="#p290">290</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Protestantism, <a href="#p299">299</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Naasenes, Book of, <a href="#p213">213</a> n., <a href="#p251">251</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Nabu-Nabid, overthrow, <a href="#p207">207</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Naganjuna, Mahayana doctrine, <a href="#p313">313</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nahua, in Mexican Culture, <a href="#p45">45</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Names, and words, <a href="#p138">138–141</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and spiritual change, religion, <a href="#p139">139</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and the enigmatic, <a href="#p139">139</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sentence, 141;</li> + <li class="isub1">and things, <a href="#p148">148</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and people, <a href="#p160">160</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and technique, <a href="#p499">499</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Napoleon I and Napoleonism, and dynastic-idea, <a href="#p181">181</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Désirée Clary, <a href="#p329">329</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">State-machine, formlessness, <a href="#p404">404</a>, <a href="#p405">405</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">army and personal rule, <a href="#p407">407</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and military mobility, <a href="#p421">421</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ruthlessness as victor, <a href="#p422">422</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cæsarism, <a href="#p428">428</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as destiny, <a href="#p439">439</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and tact of command, <a href="#p444">444</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economics and politics, <a href="#p475">475</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Naranjo, and Mexican Culture, <a href="#p44">44</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Narses, expedition, <a href="#p200">200</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nation, as term, <a href="#p170">170</a>, <a href="#p362">362</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">destiny, <a href="#p170">170</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and city-building, <a href="#p171">171</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">separation, <a href="#p171">171</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">representation of minority, <a href="#p172">172</a>, <a href="#p180">180</a>, <a href="#p183">183</a>, <a href="#p184">184</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">character of Classical, <a href="#p173">173</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Arabian, <a href="#p174">174–178</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Western, <a href="#p178">178–184</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Chinese and Egyptian, <a href="#p178">178</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">language basis, continued dynastic feeling, <a href="#p183">183</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nobility as representative, <a href="#p184">184</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cosmopolitanism, intelligentsia, and pacifism, <a href="#p184">184</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">peace and fellahism, <a href="#p185">185</a>, <a href="#p186">186</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise of idea, <a href="#p385">385</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Politics; Race</li> + + <li class="indx">Nationality, Arabian creed basis, <a href="#p69">69</a>, <a href="#p168">168</a>, <a href="#p210">210</a>, <a href="#p253">253</a>, <a href="#p254">254</a>, + <a href="#p315">315</a>, <a href="#p317">317</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian cult, and world Christianity, <a href="#p219">219</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Natural science, religious basis, <a href="#p13">13</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">English type of causality, <a href="#p31">31</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">physiognomic, <a href="#p31">31</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">reputation of Darwinism, <a href="#p32">32</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xx">[xx]</span>beginning of Arabian, <a href="#p200">200</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">dispensation and law, <a href="#p267">267</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western Culture and practical mechanics, <a href="#p300">300</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">theoretical basis in other Cultures, <a href="#p301">301</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as diabolical, <a href="#p302">302</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish, <a href="#p316">316</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">scientists as priests, <a href="#p478">478</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Art; Nature; Technique</li> + + <li class="indx">Nature, and cosmic and microcosmic, <a href="#p23">23</a>, <a href="#p24">24</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">adjustment to, cultural development and horizon, <a href="#p25">25</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">technical and theoretical knowledge, <a href="#p25">25</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and peasant, <a href="#p89">89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Rationalism, <a href="#p305">305–308</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Causality; History; Natural science</li> + + <li class="indx">Nazarene, connotation, <a href="#p214">214</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Nebo, as deity, <a href="#p206">206</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nebuchadnezzar, henotheism, prayer, <a href="#p206">206</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nehardea, school, <a href="#p200">200</a>, <a href="#p210">210</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as capital of Exilarch, <a href="#p208">208</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Neo-Brahmanism, <a href="#p315">315</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Neo-Platonists, dualism, <a href="#p234">234</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and revelation, <a href="#p245">245</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period, <a href="#p250">250</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as order, <a href="#p254">254</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Neo-Pythagoreans, community, <a href="#p204">204</a>, <a href="#p254">254</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and revelation, <a href="#p245">245</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nephesh, connotation, <a href="#p234">234</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">soul stones, <a href="#p234">234</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Nero, and elections, <a href="#p432">432</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and ideologues, <a href="#p434">434</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nestorianism, creed basis of law, <a href="#p70">70</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as nation, <a href="#p177">177</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Mary-cult, <a href="#p224">224</a>, <a href="#p257">257</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">formative influences, <a href="#p228">228</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">church language, <a href="#p252">252</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">second-century beginnings, <a href="#p252">252</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">missionarism, <a href="#p260">260</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and reform, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + <li class="indx">New Testament, Marcion as creator, <a href="#p226">226</a>, <a href="#p227">227</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Marcion and Catholic, <a href="#p228">228</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Bible; Christianity; Gospels</li> + + <li class="indx">New York, as world-city, <a href="#p99">99</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Newspaper. <i>See</i> Press</li> + + <li class="indx">Ngi-li, as religious source, <a href="#p286">286</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nicæa, Council of, Constantine and, <a href="#p257">257</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">substance controversy, <a href="#p257">257</a>, <a href="#p276">276</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nicephorus, power, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nicholas I, pope, and world-power, <a href="#p373">373</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nicholas of Cusa, as Western, <a href="#p316">316</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Nicholas of Oresme, as scientist, <a href="#p301">301</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nicias, treaty, <a href="#p385">385</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nicodemia, as capital, <a href="#p191">191</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nietzsche, Friedrich W., and value of truth, <a href="#p12">12</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and technique, <a href="#p302">302</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on duality of moral, <a href="#p341">341</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nika Rebellion, <a href="#p381">381</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Nirvana, rationalistic concept, <a href="#p307">307</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nishapur, and Gundisapora, <a href="#p200">200</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Nisibis, Jewish defence, <a href="#p198">198</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">location, <a href="#p200">200</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Nobility, primary estate, <a href="#p97">97</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as State, <a href="#p172">172</a>, <a href="#p180">180</a>, <a href="#p183">183</a>, <a href="#p367">367</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">beginning as estate, <a href="#p280">280</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to other estates, <a href="#p334">334</a>, <a href="#p335">335</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">symbolic significance, being, destiny, <a href="#p335">335–337</a>, <a href="#p340">340</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and family, <a href="#p336">336</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">big individuals and tradition, <a href="#p338">338</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dependence of politics on, <a href="#p339">339</a>, <a href="#p440">440</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and “training,” <a href="#p340">340</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">moral, <a href="#p341">341</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and idea of property, <a href="#p343">343</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and learning, <a href="#p347">347</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">common cultural land-bound estate, <a href="#p350">350</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural styles, <a href="#p350">350</a>, <a href="#p351">351</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">foci of feelings, <a href="#p351">351</a>, <a href="#p352">352</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">conflict with priesthood, <a href="#p352">352–354</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical, and polis, <a href="#p355">355</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">city movement, effect, new type, <a href="#p355">355–357</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Third Estate, <a href="#p356">356</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">State rule by minority, <a href="#p370">370</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and absolutist State, <a href="#p400">400</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">development of Roman political, <a href="#p409">409–411</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and political Islam, <a href="#p424">424</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and party-form, <a href="#p450">450</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Estates; Feudalism; Oligarchy; Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Nomadism, pre-cultural and megalopolitanism, <a href="#p89">89</a>, <a href="#p90">90</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Normans, development of law, <a href="#p75">75</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and finance, concept of money, <a href="#p372">372</a>, <a href="#p489">489</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Northcliffe, Viscount, and demagogy, <a href="#p461">461</a>, <a href="#p463">463</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Novel, as megalopolitan, <a href="#p93">93</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Novels, Justinians, <a href="#p71">71</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Number, and grammar, <a href="#p146">146</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and religion, <a href="#p268">268</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">abstract, and abstract money, <a href="#p481">481</a>, <a href="#p482">482</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and technique, <a href="#p499">499</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Numina, naming, <a href="#p139">139</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Objects and subjects, <a href="#p369">369</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in politics, <a href="#p441">441</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in economics, <a href="#p479">479</a>, <a href="#p493">493</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Occamists, and Copernican system, <a href="#p301">301</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Occupations, status of classes, and primary estates, <a href="#p333">333</a>, <a href="#p348">348</a>. <i>See also</i> Economics</li> + + <li class="indx">Odoacer, historyless, <a href="#p432">432</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Oetinger, Friedrich C., Pietism, <a href="#p308">308</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Officialdom, common cultural development, <a href="#p350">350</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise of financial, <a href="#p371">371</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical tenure and choice, <a href="#p380">380</a>, <a href="#p383">383</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Oigur realm, Manichæism, <a href="#p260">260</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Old Kingdom, as Gothic, <a href="#p296">296</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">money concept, <a href="#p489">489</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Old Testament, and Christian canon, <a href="#p221">221</a>, <a href="#p225">225</a>, <a href="#p226">226</a>, <a href="#p228">228</a>, <a href="#p245">245</a>. + <i>See also</i> Bible</li> + + <li class="indx">“Old Women,” as phrase, <a href="#p329">329</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Oldenbarneveldt, Jan van, power, <a href="#p389">389</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Oldendorp, Johann, and law of nature, <a href="#p78">78</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Oligarchy, early Roman, <a href="#p375">375</a>, <a href="#p382">382</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and polis, <a href="#p380">380–382</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Reformation, <a href="#p386">386</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical democratic contentions, <a href="#p394">394–398</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Nobility</li> + + <li class="indx">Olivarez, Count, power, <a href="#p389">389</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Oman, Charles W. C., on Byzantine army system, <a href="#p199">199</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Omar, Puritanism, <a href="#p304">304</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ommaiyads, overthrow, <a href="#p424">424</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Oñate, Conde de, power, <a href="#p389">389</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Onias, and the “Law,” <a href="#p209">209</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Opposites, word pairs and logic, <a href="#p140">140</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Oresme. <i>See</i> Nicholas of Oresme</li> + + <li class="indx">Orientation, defined, <a href="#p133">133</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Origen, Scholasticism, <a href="#p229">229</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ornament, as taboo, <a href="#p121">121</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cathedral as, <a href="#p123">123</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xxi">[xxi]</span>and secular buildings, <a href="#p123">123</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as expression-language, <a href="#p134">134</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">script as, <a href="#p151">151</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and number, <a href="#p268">268</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">priesthood as, <a href="#p337">337</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Orphism, and Classical religious beginnings, <a href="#p282">282</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">asceticism, <a href="#p283">283</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and reform, <a href="#p296">296</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Tyrannis, <a href="#p386">386</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Orvieto, frescoes, <a href="#p292">292</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Orsini, and Papacy, <a href="#p354">354</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Orthodoxy, and Arabian State, <a href="#p177">177</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Osrhoene, conversion, <a href="#p177">177</a>, <a href="#p253">253</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ostrogoths, as episode, <a href="#p171">171</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Othman, war with Ali, <a href="#p424">424</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Otto I, and world-power, <a href="#p373">373</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Otto II, and Byzantium, <a href="#p87">87</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Outsiders, dediticii peregrins, <a href="#p68">68</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Oxenstierna, Count Axel, power, <a href="#p389">389</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Pa Period, <a href="#p387">387</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pachomius, and monasticism, <a href="#p254">254</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pacioli, Luca, book-keeping, <a href="#p490">490</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pætus, Thrasea, death, <a href="#p434">434</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Paganism, struggle with Christianity, <a href="#p202">202</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Hellenism; Pseudomorphosis; Syncretic Church</li> + + <li class="indx">Paine, Thomas, and Third Estate, <a href="#p403">403</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Painting, modern as dishonest, <a href="#p136">136</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pais, Ettore, on Twelve Tables, <a href="#p65">65</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Palæontology, refutation of Darwinism, <a href="#p32">32</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Palenque, and Mexican Culture, <a href="#p45">45</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Paley, William, and Third Estate, <a href="#p403">403</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Palmyra, inscriptions, <a href="#p206">206</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pan Ku, myth, <a href="#p312">312</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Papacy, pope and councils, <a href="#p59">59</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as English idea, <a href="#p294">294</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">family history, <a href="#p337">337</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and dynamic space, <a href="#p352">352</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">idea and facts, <a href="#p354">354</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">control of Curia, <a href="#p370">370</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">world-power and contest with Empire, <a href="#p373">373</a>, <a href="#p374">374</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">clerical nobility and pope, <a href="#p374">374</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">decay, <a href="#p376">376</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Roman Catholic Church</li> + + <li class="indx">Paper, Chinese invention, <a href="#p501">501</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Papias, on Jesus’ teachings, <a href="#p217">217</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Papinian, position as jurist, <a href="#p71">71</a>, <a href="#p73">73</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Papirius Carbo, and Crassius, <a href="#p459">459</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Paraclete, doctrine, <a href="#p227">227</a>. <i>See also</i> Trinity</li> + + <li class="indx">Paradosis, in Arabian creeds, <a href="#p228">228</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Paralii, and Tyrannis, <a href="#p386">386</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Paris, as France, <a href="#p95">95</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as world-city, <a href="#p99">99</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Parliamentarism, character, <a href="#p412">412–415</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as transition, <a href="#p415">415</a>, <a href="#p416">416</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as seasonable political means, <a href="#p446">446</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Democracy; England</li> + + <li class="indx">Parsees, and ghetto, <a href="#p315">315</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">security, <a href="#p323">323</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Parshva, Puritanism, <a href="#p303">303</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Parthians, and Persians, <a href="#p167">167</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">chivalry, <a href="#p198">198</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">wars as Jewish, <a href="#p198">198</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Party, place in politics, <a href="#p449">449</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">identity with Third Estate, <a href="#p449">449</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nobility and forms, <a href="#p450">450</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">displacement by private politics, machine, <a href="#p452">452</a>, <a href="#p454">454</a>, <a href="#p464">464</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Pascal, Blaise, and Mill, <a href="#p273">273</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Devil-cult, <a href="#p303">303</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pataliputra, as world-city, <a href="#p99">99</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">abandoned, <a href="#p107">107</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Patriotism, Western fatherland concept, <a href="#p179">179</a>, <a href="#p183">183</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish attitude, <a href="#p320">320</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Patrol-state, <a href="#p366">366</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Paul, Hermann, on sentence, <a href="#p141">141</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Paul, Saint, position as jurist, <a href="#p71">71</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Christian Church, <a href="#p220">220</a>, <a href="#p221">221</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Mohammed’s analogy, <a href="#p221">221</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">system and westward trend of Christianity, <a href="#p221">221</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Mark Gospel, <a href="#p223">223</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and cults, <a href="#p223">223</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Greek, <a href="#p224">224</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dualism, <a href="#p234">234</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">substance controversy as reversal of work, <a href="#p258">258</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Paulicians, iconoclasm, <a href="#p304">304</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Paullus, L. Æmilius, Pydna, <a href="#p190">190</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Pausanias, and helots, <a href="#p357">357</a>, <a href="#p396">396</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pavia, and legal study, <a href="#p76">76</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pe-Ki, as general, <a href="#p417">417</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">overthrow, <a href="#p419">419</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Peace, Chinese League of Nations attempt, <a href="#p38">38</a>, <a href="#p417">417</a>, <a href="#p429">429</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and fellahism, <a href="#p185">185</a>, <a href="#p186">186</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical attitude, <a href="#p385">385</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ruthless, of Cæsarism, <a href="#p422">422</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as unhistorical, 429, <a href="#p434">434</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as submission, <a href="#p434">434</a>, <a href="#p441">441</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Peacock, as Arabian symbol, <a href="#p236">236</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Peasantry, as plant, <a href="#p89">89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">historyless, cosmic, <a href="#p96">96</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and religion, <a href="#p280">280</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to primary estates, vassalage, <a href="#p348">348</a>, <a href="#p349">349</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">reappearance at end of Culture, <a href="#p435">435</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">lack in England and America, <a href="#p449">449</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">as economic class, <a href="#p478">478</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Being; Country</li> + + <li class="indx">Pehlevi, as church-language, <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pelasgi, as name, <a href="#p161">161</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pelham, Sir Henry, money in politics, <a href="#p403">403</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Penestæ, status, <a href="#p332">332</a></li> + + <li class="indx">People, false idea, <a href="#p113">113</a>, <a href="#p159">159</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as conscious linkage, <a href="#p159">159</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and name, <a href="#p160">160</a>, <a href="#p161">161</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and language, <a href="#p161">161</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and provenance, and migration, <a href="#p162">162–165</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and race, <a href="#p165">165</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as soul unit, and events, <a href="#p165">165</a>, <a href="#p169">169</a>, <a href="#p170">170</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Romans and Russians as example, <a href="#p166">166–169</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">morphology, <a href="#p169">169</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">creation of Western, <a href="#p169">169</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as product of Culture, <a href="#p169">169</a>, <a href="#p170">170</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">characteristics of nations, <a href="#p170">170</a>, <a href="#p171">171</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of West as result of events, <a href="#p181">181</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> nobility, <a href="#p333">333</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise of ideal concept, <a href="#p393">393</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Race</li> + + <li class="indx">Pergamum, revolt of Aristonicus, <a href="#p454">454</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pericles, age, <a href="#p391">391</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Peripatos, style, <a href="#p345">345</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Persecution, contrast of Classical and Arabian, <a href="#p203">203</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Persephone, cult, <a href="#p283">283</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Perseus, defeat, <a href="#p190">190</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Persians, chronology, <a href="#p27">27</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as rulers, <a href="#p40">40</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">language and people, <a href="#p166">166</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xxii">[xxii]</span>problem of origin of religion, <a href="#p168">168</a>, <a href="#p191">191</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cult and nationality, <a href="#p168">168</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">religion and Jewish, <a href="#p207">207</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and revelation, <a href="#p245">245</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">end of theology, <a href="#p261">261</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian-type nation, ghetto, <a href="#p315">315</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Arabian Culture; Mazdaism; Zarathustra</li> + + <li class="indx">Person, Classical notion, <a href="#p60">60</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian concept of incorporeal, <a href="#p67">67</a>, <a href="#p68">68</a>, <a href="#p174">174</a>, <a href="#p177">177</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical concept and Western law, <a href="#p81">81</a>, <a href="#p82">82</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Personality, and contrition, <a href="#p293">293</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical concept, <a href="#p293">293</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Destiny; Will</li> + + <li class="indx">Peruvian Culture, destruction, <a href="#p46">46</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Peter, Saint, Gospel, <a href="#p213">213</a> n., <a href="#p223">223</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Paul’s supersession, <a href="#p221">221</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Peter the Great, Petersburg plan, <a href="#p101">101</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Russian pseudomorphosis, <a href="#p192">192</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Peter Lombard, and sacraments, <a href="#p292">292</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Petersburg, plan, <a href="#p101">101</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">artificiality, <a href="#p193">193</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Petrie, W. M. Flinders, error on Egyptian chronology, <a href="#p427">427</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Petrus Peregrinus, as scientist, <a href="#p300">300</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and technique, <a href="#p502">502</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Phallic cults, <a href="#p283">283</a>, <a href="#p286">286</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pharaoh, religious position, <a href="#p279">279</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and world-power, <a href="#p373">373</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pharisees, tendency, <a href="#p211">211</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pherecydes, as dogmatist, <a href="#p282">282</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Philip of Macedon, politics, <a href="#p407">407</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Philip II of Spain, and absolutism, <a href="#p388">388</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Philip IV of Spain, and world-power, <a href="#p388">388</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Philippi, battle, and Cæsarism, <a href="#p423">423</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Philistines, migration, <a href="#p164">164</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Philistinism, and Rationalism, <a href="#p307">307</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Philo, and Christianity, <a href="#p229">229</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dualism, <a href="#p234">234</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Philology, Arabian, and research, <a href="#p191">191</a>. <i>See also</i> Language</li> + + <li class="indx">Philosophy, Buddhism and Indian, <a href="#p49">49</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western Culture and Classical, <a href="#p57">57</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">systematic, and untruth, <a href="#p137">137</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jesus and metaphysics, <a href="#p216">216</a>, <a href="#p217">217</a>, <a href="#p473">473</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western swing, <a href="#p306">306</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and economics, <a href="#p473">473</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Ethics; Religion</li> + + <li class="indx">Phocas, power, <a href="#p427">427</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Phœnicians, economic rôle, <a href="#p481">481</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Physical geography. <i>See</i> Landscape</li> + + <li class="indx">Physiognomy, and race, <a href="#p117">117</a>. <i>See also</i> Destiny</li> + + <li class="indx">Pi-Yung, as symbol, <a href="#p287">287</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Shi-King, <a href="#p352">352</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">change, <a href="#p357">357</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Picture, and expression-language, <a href="#p116">116</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as sign of language, letter, <a href="#p134">134</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Piedras Negras, and Mexican Culture, <a href="#p45">45</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pietism, cultural manifestations, <a href="#p308">308</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pilate, and Jesus, fact and faith, <a href="#p216">216</a>, <a href="#p473">473</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Pindar, and being, <a href="#p272">272</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and religion, <a href="#p282">282</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pisistratus, and oligarchy, <a href="#p382">382</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and peasantry, <a href="#p386">386</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Piso, conspiracy, <a href="#p434">434</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pistis-Sophia, <a href="#p213">213</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Pitt, William, and French Revolution, <a href="#p412">412</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pittacus, laws, <a href="#p64">64</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Plant, essential character, cosmic, <a href="#p3">3</a>, <a href="#p4">4</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">being, <a href="#p7">7</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and race, <a href="#p115">115</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of transplanting, <a href="#p130">130</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economic life, <a href="#p473">473</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and technique, <a href="#p499">499</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Plantagenets, early, <a href="#p182">182</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Plato, “ideas,” <a href="#p58">58</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and polis, <a href="#p173">173</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and commentary, <a href="#p247">247</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Orphism, <a href="#p282">282</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cult, <a href="#p314">314</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">theory and Syracuse, <a href="#p454">454</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Play, cosmic, and microcosmic sport, <a href="#p103">103</a>. <i>See also</i> Sport</li> + + <li class="indx">Plebs, political rise and status, <a href="#p349">349</a>, <a href="#p357">357</a>, <a href="#p408">408</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and political nobility, <a href="#p409">409–411</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and populus, <a href="#p451">451</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Pliny, on depopulation, <a href="#p106">106</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Plotinus, Scholasticism, <a href="#p229">229</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ecstasy, <a href="#p242">242</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pneuma, as Arabian principle, <a href="#p57">57</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and law of creed-communities, <a href="#p68">68</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as truth, <a href="#p242">242</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Dualism</li> + + <li class="indx">Poetry, Arabian Minne, <a href="#p198">198</a>. <i>See also</i> Literature</li> + + <li class="indx">Polis, as Classical nation, <a href="#p173">173</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and nobility, oligarchy, <a href="#p355">355</a>, <a href="#p381">381</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">official tenure and choice, <a href="#p380">380</a>, <a href="#p383">383</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">synœcism and aristocracy, <a href="#p381">381</a>, <a href="#p382">382</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><i lang="la">civitas</i> and <i lang="la">hostis</i>, <a href="#p384">384</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">normal war, <a href="#p385">385</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Tyrannis and non-estate against estates, <a href="#p386">386</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and democracy, <a href="#p387">387</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">burgher and peasant, <a href="#p396">396</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">destruction as idea, <a href="#p405">405</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and subjugated territory, <a href="#p407">407</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Imperialism, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Classical finance, <a href="#p494">494</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Politics, and race, <a href="#p116">116</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and intercourse by writing, <a href="#p153">153</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and social ethics, <a href="#p273">273</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">English, and predestination, <a href="#p304">304</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">State and family, <a href="#p329">329</a>, <a href="#p336">336</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">estates as term, <a href="#p329">329</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">“in form” estates, <a href="#p330">330</a>, <a href="#p331">331</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as war, <a href="#p330">330</a>, <a href="#p366">366</a>, <a href="#p440">440</a>, <a href="#p474">474</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">estates and history of Cultures, <a href="#p331">331</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">estates and residue classes, <a href="#p331">331–334</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Third Estate and non-estate, interrelation, <a href="#p334">334</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nobility and priesthood, symbolic significance, <a href="#p335">335</a>, <a href="#p339">339</a>, <a href="#p340">340</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">great families, basis of dynastic principle, <a href="#p336">336</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">priesthood as opposite, <a href="#p337">337</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">big individuals and tradition, <a href="#p338">338</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as life, dependence on nobility, <a href="#p339">339</a>, <a href="#p440">440</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">moral, <a href="#p341">341</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">custom-ethic and honour, <a href="#p342">342</a>, <a href="#p343">343</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to economics, power and booty, <a href="#p344">344</a>, <a href="#p345">345</a>, <a href="#p474">474–476</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">State and historical stream, <a href="#p361">361</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nations defined, primary estates and State, <a href="#p362">362</a>, <a href="#p366">366</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and care and opposition, war as creator of State, <a href="#p362">362</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">State as inward connection, custom-ethic and law, <a href="#p363">363</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">orders of internal law, <a href="#p363">363</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">power and law, internal and external, <a href="#p363">363–366</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">barrack-state, <a href="#p366">366</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">State control of external position, paramountcy, <a href="#p367">367</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">State and nobility as cognate, <a href="#p367">367</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">alienship of other estates, <a href="#p368">368</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">factual control and truths, <a href="#p368">368</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">importance of leadership, subjects and objects, <a href="#p368">368</a>, <a href="#p369">369</a>, <a href="#p441">441</a>, <a href="#p456">456</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xxiii">[xxiii]</span>estate rule and minority within class, <a href="#p369">369</a>, <a href="#p370">370</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">interregnum between feudalism and State, <a href="#p375">375</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise of State idea, <a href="#p376">376</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">individual ruler, inherited will and dynasty-idea, <a href="#p376">376–378</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical oligarchy, <a href="#p380">380</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise of nation-idea, <a href="#p385">385</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">estates against monarchy and non-estate, <a href="#p385">385–387</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">non-estate as opposite estate, <a href="#p387">387</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Chinese and Egyptian absolutism, <a href="#p387">387</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western Fronde, <a href="#p388">388–391</a>, <a href="#p404">404</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western absolutist period, cabinet-politics, <a href="#p391">391–394</a>, <a href="#p400">400</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical oligarchic-democratic-alternative period, <a href="#p394">394–398</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Civilization, non-estate as independent force, <a href="#p400">400–402</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Rationalism and money as forces, opposition and dependence, <a href="#p400">400–401</a>, <a href="#p455">455</a>, <a href="#p456">456</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Third Estate in England, <a href="#p402">402</a>, <a href="#p403">403</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rational-money, class dictatorship, anti-form, <a href="#p403">403</a>, <a href="#p404">404</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">character of Second Tyrannis, <a href="#p405">405–408</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">army as power, <a href="#p406">406</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">polis and conquered territory, <a href="#p407">407</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Roman State of this period, <a href="#p408">408–411</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">doctrinaire Parliamentarism, <a href="#p412">412–415</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">its decay, <a href="#p415">415</a>, <a href="#p416">416</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Fronde period in Arabian Culture, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Third Estate and revolution in Arabian Culture, <a href="#p424">424</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">pre-Civilization relics and future Western, <a href="#p430">430</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">theory and reality, <a href="#p439">439</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">personal, <a href="#p441">441</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">popular talent and leadership, <a href="#p441">441</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">men and measures, <a href="#p441">441</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">conscienceless “doing,” <a href="#p442">442</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">seasonableness, command of means, <a href="#p443">443</a>, <a href="#p446">446</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">exemplariness in doing, <a href="#p443">443</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">tact of command, <a href="#p444">444</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">tradition of command, <a href="#p444">444</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">art of the possible, <a href="#p445">445</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">opportuneness, <a href="#p446">446</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">foreign and domestic, <a href="#p447">447</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">early cultural, factions, <a href="#p448">448</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">urban, and parties, <a href="#p448">448</a>, party and estates, <a href="#p449">449–451</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">displacement of party by private, machine, <a href="#p452">452</a>, <a href="#p454">454</a>, <a href="#p464">464</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">place and influence of theory, <a href="#p453">453–455</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Roman demagogy, elections and courts, <a href="#p457">457–460</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western demagogy, press, <a href="#p460">460–463</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">battle between democracy and Cæsarism, <a href="#p463">463</a>, <a href="#p464">464</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">hero-death, <a href="#p471">471</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and religion, <a href="#p473">473</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and financial credit, <a href="#p491">491</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Cæsarism; Church and State; Dynastic idea; Estates; Feudalism; Foreign relations; History; Polis; Sex</li> + + <li class="indx">Polybius, on sterility, <a href="#p104">104</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on Flaminius, <a href="#p411">411</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Polycrates, and finance, <a href="#p383">383</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economics and politics, <a href="#p475">475</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pompey the Great, adventurer, <a href="#p19">19</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">principate and monarchy, <a href="#p50">50</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Rome, <a href="#p383">383</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Triumvirate and Cæsarism, <a href="#p413">413</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">at Lucca, <a href="#p446">446</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">demagogy, <a href="#p458">458</a>, <a href="#p459">459</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pompey, Sextus, and Cæsarism, <a href="#p428">428</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Pompon, François, technique, <a href="#p128">128</a> n. {sic}</li> + + <li class="indx">Population, megalopolitanism and sterility, <a href="#p103">103–105</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">machine and increase, <a href="#p502">502</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Porcelain, Chinese invention, <a href="#p501">501</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Porphyry, and Greek Church, <a href="#p176">176</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Scholasticism, <a href="#p229">229</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ecstasy, <a href="#p242">242</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">community of elect, <a href="#p243">243</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on divine elements, <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Poitiers, importance of Saracen defeat, <a href="#p192">192</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Portraiture, physiognomic studies, <a href="#p126">126</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Portugal, separation from Spain, <a href="#p390">390</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Possession, concept, <a href="#p480">480</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and fortune, <a href="#p483">483</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical land and money, <a href="#p487">487</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Poverty, Western learning and vow, <a href="#p346">346</a>. <i>See also</i> Monasticism</li> + + <li class="indx">Power and booty, <a href="#p344">344</a>, <a href="#p345">345</a>, <a href="#p347">347</a>, <a href="#p371">371</a>, <a href="#p372">372</a>, + <a href="#p474">474</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Prætors, urban, <a href="#p374">374</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">beginning, <a href="#p382">382</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Precedent, lack in Roman law, <a href="#p62">62</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in Arabian law, <a href="#p72">72</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Predestination, and English politics, <a href="#p304">304</a>. <i>See also</i> Will</li> + + <li class="indx">Premonstratensians, as rural, <a href="#p92">92</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Press, and free opinion, <a href="#p405">405</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and spatial infinity, <a href="#p413">413</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as political means, <a href="#p447">447</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">power in Western demagogy, <a href="#p460">460</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and gunpowder and war, <a href="#p460">460</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">expulsion of book by newspaper, <a href="#p461">461</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dictum as public truth, <a href="#p461">461</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">education as instrument of power, <a href="#p462">462</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">syndication, as army, <a href="#p462">462</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">censorship of silence, <a href="#p463">463</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pre-Socratics, asceticism, <a href="#p283">283</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pretinax, edict on untended land, <a href="#p106">106</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Priene, plan, <a href="#p100">100</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Priesthood, primary class, <a href="#p97">97</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">beginning as estate, and nobility, <a href="#p280">280</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and time mythology, <a href="#p286">286</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western and contrition-concept, <a href="#p294">294</a>, <a href="#p294">294</a> n., <a href="#p298">298</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to other estates, <a href="#p334">334</a>, <a href="#p335">335</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">symbolic significance, waking-being, causality, <a href="#p335">335–338</a>, <a href="#p340">340</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to family and dynasty, <a href="#p337">337</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as ornament, idea and person, <a href="#p337">337</a>, <a href="#p338">338</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and life, <a href="#p339">339</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as result of shaping, <a href="#p340">340</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and heredity, <a href="#p341">341</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">moral, <a href="#p341">341</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and property, <a href="#p344">344</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and learning, style influence, <a href="#p345">345–347</a>, <a href="#p478">478</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">common cultural estate, <a href="#p350">350</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural styles, <a href="#p352">352</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">conflict with nobility, <a href="#p352">352–354</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">city movement, effect, <a href="#p355">355</a>, <a href="#p356">356</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western law-making, <a href="#p365">365</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical, as city officials, <a href="#p381">381</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Priestley, Joseph, and Third Estate, <a href="#p403">403</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Primitive man, Ice Age, <a href="#p33">33</a>, <a href="#p34">34</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and religion, <a href="#p275">275</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Man; Peasantry</li> + + <li class="indx">Principate, in Pseudomorphosis, <a href="#p349">349</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Sulla as heir, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Augustus’ dyarchy as nullity, <a href="#p432">432</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Printing, symbolism, <a href="#p413">413</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Chinese invention, <a href="#p501">501</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Press</li> + + <li class="indx">Priscus, Helvidius, death, <a href="#p434">434</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Private law, first systematic, <a href="#p66">66</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western, and Roman law, <a href="#p77">77</a>, <a href="#p79">79</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Proclus, on Chaldean oracles, <a href="#p245">245</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Syncretic Father, <a href="#p252">252</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">biography, <a href="#p252">252</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and substance controversy, hymn, <a href="#p257">257</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xxiv">[xxiv]</span>Procopius, on Narses expedition, <a href="#p200">200</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Proculiani, legal school, style, <a href="#p67">67</a>, <a href="#p346">346</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Profane, as concept, <a href="#p345">345</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Proper, and “alien” in sensation, <a href="#p6">6</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Property, Classical concept and Western law, <a href="#p82">82</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">farmhouse as, <a href="#p90">90</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">origin of idea, groundness, <a href="#p343">343</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">power and booty, divergence, <a href="#p344">344</a>, <a href="#p345">345</a>, <a href="#p347">347</a>, <a href="#p371">371</a>, <a href="#p372">372</a>, + <a href="#p474">474</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of money, <a href="#p357">357</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">English law, <a href="#p371">371</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Economics; Money; Roman law</li> + + <li class="indx">Prophetic religions. <i>See</i> Apocalyptic</li> + + <li class="indx">Protestantism. <i>See</i> Puritanism; Reformation</li> + + <li class="indx">Provinces, and megalopolitanism, <a href="#p98">98</a>, <a href="#p99">99</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Prudentes, law-men, <a href="#p71">71</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Prussia, as Hohenzollern creation, <a href="#p182">182</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">political rise, <a href="#p392">392</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">origin of finance, <a href="#p489">489</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Germany</li> + + <li class="indx">Psalms, period, <a href="#p249">249</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Psellus, Michal Constantine, religiousness, <a href="#p313">313</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pseudo-Clementines, romances, <a href="#p237">237</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pseudomorphosis, Justinian, Christianity, and Corpus Juris, <a href="#p74">74</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as historical term, <a href="#p189">189</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Arabian Culture, <a href="#p189">189</a>, <a href="#p190">190</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of Actium, <a href="#p191">191</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Charles Martel and Western avoidance, <a href="#p192">192</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Russia, <a href="#p192">192</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">falsification of Arabian manifestations, <a href="#p200">200</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">aspects of Syncretism, <a href="#p201">201–204</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish rescue from, <a href="#p210">210</a>, <a href="#p211">211</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Catholic Church and Marcionism, <a href="#p227">227</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and substance controversy, <a href="#p256">256–258</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">feudalism, <a href="#p349">349</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economics, <a href="#p480">480</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Religion; Roman law; Syncretic Church</li> + + <li class="indx">Psychology, of the crowd, <a href="#p18">18</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural basis, <a href="#p271">271</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ptah of Memphis, and dogma, <a href="#p281">281</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Public opinion, rise, status, <a href="#p400">400</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and press, <a href="#p405">405</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pulcheria, and dynasty, <a href="#p379">379</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pumbeditha, academy, <a href="#p71">71</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Punctuation, as language gesture, <a href="#p134">134</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Punic Wars, economics in, <a href="#p410">410</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">evolution of ruthlessness, <a href="#p422">422</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Purgatory of learning, <a href="#p346">346</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Puritan Revolution, as Fronde, <a href="#p389">389</a>, <a href="#p390">390</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Puritanism, Islam as, <a href="#p302">302–304</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">basis, common cultural manifestation, <a href="#p302">302–305</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and concepts, <a href="#p303">303</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Pythagoreans, <a href="#p303">303</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">predestination and politics, <a href="#p304">304</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Rationalism, <a href="#p305">305</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish, <a href="#p316">316</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Fronde and Tyrannis, <a href="#p386">386</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and English Fronde, <a href="#p389">389</a>, <a href="#p390">390</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pydna, battle, importance, <a href="#p190">190</a>, <a href="#p409">409</a> n., <a href="#p422">422</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pyramids, as cosmic, <a href="#p92">92</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pyrrhonian skepsis, and Socrates, <a href="#p309">309</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pythagoras, fictitious, <a href="#p72">72</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and commentary, <a href="#p247">247</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">biography, <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pythagoreans, mysteries, <a href="#p203">203</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and cult, <a href="#p282">282</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Puritanism, <a href="#p302">302</a>, <a href="#p303">303</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">missionarism, <a href="#p305">305</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">style, <a href="#p345">345</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Sybaris, <a href="#p394">394</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Qaro, Joseph, as expositor, <a href="#p321">321</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Qaraites, Puritanism, rise, <a href="#p255">255</a>, <a href="#p316">316</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Quirinus Pater, god, <a href="#p382">382</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Quirites, origin of name, <a href="#p382">382</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Rabbi, law-man, <a href="#p71">71</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Race, false idea of people, <a href="#p113">113</a>, <a href="#p165">165</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and landscape, no migration, <a href="#p113">113</a>, <a href="#p119">119</a>, <a href="#p129">129</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">defined, <a href="#p113">113</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and development of language, being and waking-being, <a href="#p113">113</a>, <a href="#p114">114</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">sensation, <a href="#p114">114</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in plants, <a href="#p115">115</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and history and politics, <a href="#p116">116</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and totem, <a href="#p116">116</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">not classification but physiognomic fact, <a href="#p117">117</a>, <a href="#p130">130</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">American, <a href="#p119">119</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">house as expression, <a href="#p120">120–122</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">castle as expression, <a href="#p122">122</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">superficial and divergent mechanistic conception, <a href="#p124">124</a>, <a href="#p125">125</a>, <a href="#p129">129</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">hall-marks, inadequacy of skeletonic determination, <a href="#p124">124</a>, <a href="#p128">128–130</a>, <a href="#p175">175</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">chaotic “living” elements in determination, <a href="#p126">126</a>, <a href="#p127">127</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">race-feeling as race-forming, <a href="#p126">126</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">statistics and ancestry, <a href="#p127">127</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">importance of movement-expression, <a href="#p128">128</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">spiritual differences, <a href="#p128">128</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sentences, <a href="#p142">142</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and writing, <a href="#p151">151</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Culture-language, <a href="#p153">153</a>, <a href="#p154">154</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cosmic beat and race hatred, <a href="#p165">165</a>, <a href="#p166">166</a>, <a href="#p318">318</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and intellect, <a href="#p166">166</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">absolutist State as expression, <a href="#p400">400</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Cæsarism and return to power, <a href="#p431">431</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Being; Language; Nation; People; Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Radio, and light, <a href="#p9">9</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">as megalopolitan, <a href="#p95">95</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and distance, <a href="#p150">150</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and political tactics, <a href="#p460">460</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rainald van Dassel, policy, <a href="#p376">376</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rameses III, and sea-folks, <a href="#p122">122</a>, <a href="#p164">164</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">historyless, <a href="#p432">432</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ramnes, tribe, <a href="#p351">351</a>, <a href="#p382">382</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ranke, J. Johannes, on skull forms, <a href="#p128">128</a>, <a href="#p129">129</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ranke, Leopold von, on history, <a href="#p46">46</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Raskol movement, <a href="#p278">278</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rationalism, and Puritanism, <a href="#p305">305</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">basis, cultural manifestations, <a href="#p305">305</a>, <a href="#p308">308</a>, <a href="#p309">309</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">sage, <a href="#p307">307</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Mysticism and Pietism, <a href="#p308">308</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dynamic character of Western, <a href="#p309">309</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">mock-religion, <a href="#p310">310</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fading-out, <a href="#p310">310</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise in politics, <a href="#p400">400</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and money, <a href="#p401">401</a>, <a href="#p402">402</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in England, <a href="#p403">403</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and class dictatorship, <a href="#p403">403</a>, <a href="#p404">404</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and constitutions, <a href="#p413">413</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and effective political theory, <a href="#p453">453</a>, <a href="#p454">454</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ravenna, Theoderich’s tomb, <a href="#p89">89</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Re cult, <a href="#p279">279</a>, <a href="#p281">281</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Reformation, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Reading, defined, <a href="#p149">149</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Reason, content, <a href="#p6">6</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and understanding, <a href="#p13">13</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Reflection, and grammar, <a href="#p141">141</a>, <a href="#p143">143</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Reformation, as general cultural movement, <a href="#p295">295–297</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western, as Gothic, <a href="#p296">296</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Renaissance, background, <a href="#p297">297</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">narrow circle of understanding, <a href="#p298">298</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Devil-cult, <a href="#p299">299</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Calvin and world-politics, <a href="#p299">299</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xxv">[xxv]</span>relation to intellectual creation, <a href="#p300">300</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and oligarchy, <a href="#p386">386</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Reger, Max, “playing” with music, <a href="#p137">137</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Reitzenstein, Richard, on Jesus as Mandæan, <a href="#p214">214</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Religion, fear of the invisible, <a href="#p8">8</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as basis of science, <a href="#p13">13</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and causality, <a href="#p14">14</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and theoretical knowledge, <a href="#p25">25</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian consensus, <a href="#p59">59</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian cults and scripts, <a href="#p73">73</a>, <a href="#p150">150</a>, <a href="#p227">227</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">expression-language and communication-language, <a href="#p116">116</a>, <a href="#p134">134</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and language-linkage, <a href="#p116">116</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and knowledge, <a href="#p136">136</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">names and religious thought, <a href="#p139">139</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and rigid language, <a href="#p154">154</a>, <a href="#p155">155</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Persian, <a href="#p168">168</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Arabian nationality, <a href="#p168">168</a>, <a href="#p174">174–178</a>, <a href="#p210">210</a>, <a href="#p242">242</a>, <a href="#p243">243</a>, + <a href="#p253">253</a>, <a href="#p315">315</a>, <a href="#p317">317</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian, and research, <a href="#p191">191</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">geographical cults of Classical, <a href="#p200">200</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian fourth period, Mysticism and Scholasticism, <a href="#p200">200</a>, <a href="#p250">250</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian henotheism, <a href="#p201">201</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian dogmatic, <a href="#p201">201</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian prophetic, Messianism, <a href="#p204">204–207</a>, <a href="#p209">209</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">awakening of Arabian, <a href="#p208">208</a>, <a href="#p249">249</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">second or apocalyptic period, <a href="#p208">208</a>, <a href="#p212">212</a>, <a href="#p249">249</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as lived metaphysics, <a href="#p217">217</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">distinct Arabian domains, <a href="#p228">228</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian dualism, spirit and soul, <a href="#p233">233–236</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">inward unity of Arabian, <a href="#p235">235</a>, <a href="#p248">248</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian Logos and light-sensation, <a href="#p236">236</a>, <a href="#p237">237</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian time-concept, <a href="#p238">238</a>, <a href="#p249">249</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian submission, Grace, <a href="#p240">240</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian community of the elect, <a href="#p242">242</a>, <a href="#p243">243</a>, <a href="#p253">253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian sacred books and revelation, <a href="#p243">243–246</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">infallible word and interpretation, secret revelation, <a href="#p245">245–247</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">third Arabian period, religions of salvation, grand myths, <a href="#p249">249</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">three directions of Arabian forms, <a href="#p251">251–253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian monasticism, <a href="#p254">254</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian missionarism, <a href="#p259">259</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">end of Arabian inner history, <a href="#p261">261</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and being and waking-being, fear and love, <a href="#p265">265</a>, <a href="#p499">499</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and light, <a href="#p265">265</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">intellect and faith, <a href="#p266">266</a>, <a href="#p269">269–271</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural basis of fate, <a href="#p267">267</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">theory and technique, myth and cult, <a href="#p268">268</a>, <a href="#p271">271</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">God and soul, cultural basis of understanding of numina, <a href="#p270">270</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">faith and life, <a href="#p271">271</a>, <a href="#p443">443</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">works and moral, <a href="#p271">271</a>, <a href="#p272">272</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">moral and negations on being, <a href="#p272">272–274</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and social ethics, <a href="#p273">273</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural basis of truth, <a href="#p274">274</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">morphology of history, <a href="#p275">275</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">primitive organic religiousness, <a href="#p275">275</a>, <a href="#p276">276</a>, <a href="#p278">278</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">“pre”-periods of Cultures, <a href="#p276">276–278</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Cultures and landscape, <a href="#p278">278</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">beginning in Cultures, <a href="#p279">279</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural character and prime symbols, <a href="#p279">279</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Egyptian, <a href="#p279">279</a>, <a href="#p281">281</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">beginning of priesthood estate, <a href="#p280">280</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">peasant, <a href="#p280">280</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">narrow circle of cultural understanding, <a href="#p280">280</a>, <a href="#p282">282</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">obscurity of Classical beginning, <a href="#p281">281–283</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">outline of Classical beginning, <a href="#p283">283</a>, <a href="#p284">284</a>, <a href="#p290">290</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical unity, Greek and Roman cults, <a href="#p284">284</a>, <a href="#p285">285</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">later Classical, <a href="#p285">285</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Chinese beginning, <a href="#p285">285–287</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Chinese tao, <a href="#p287">287</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">newness of Western, depth-experience as symbol, <a href="#p288">288</a>, <a href="#p294">294</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">reformation as general cultural movement, <a href="#p295">295–297</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Western practical mechanics, <a href="#p300">300–302</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Puritanism, <a href="#p302">302–305</a>, <a href="#p316">316</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Rationalism, <a href="#p305">305–308</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Pietism, <a href="#p308">308</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural basis of mechanistic conception, <a href="#p308">308</a>, <a href="#p309">309</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Rationalism and myth fads, <a href="#p310">310</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">second religiousness, <a href="#p310">310–314</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">historyless fellah, <a href="#p314">314</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">phase in anti-Semitism, <a href="#p321">321</a>, <a href="#p322">322</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">phase of Fronde and Tyrannis, <a href="#p386">386</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and church, <a href="#p443">443</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and economics, <a href="#p473">473</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and technique, <a href="#p502">502</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> + Causality; Christianity; Church and State; Death; Jews; Philosophy; Priesthood; Pseudomorphosis;<br>Puritanism; Reformation; Sacred books; Soul; Spirit; Creeds and sects by name</li> + + <li class="indx">Renaissance, history-picture, <a href="#p28">28</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to Classical Culture, <a href="#p58">58</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">style as urban, <a href="#p93">93</a>, <a href="#p297">297</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Italian nationalism, <a href="#p182">182</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as Gothic, <a href="#p291">291</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and personality, <a href="#p293">293</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Reformation, <a href="#p297">297</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Republic, Western, as negation, <a href="#p413">413</a>. <i>See also</i> Democracy; Parliamentarism</li> + + <li class="indx">Resaina, school, <a href="#p200">200</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Resh-Galutha, <a href="#p72">72</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">position, <a href="#p177">177</a>, <a href="#p208">208</a>, <a href="#p210">210</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Resurrection, as Arabian principle, <a href="#p59">59</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect on Christianity, <a href="#p218">218</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Retz, Cardinal de, Fronde, <a href="#p390">390</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Retzius, Anders A., and skull-forms, <a href="#p128">128</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Revelation, Arabian concept, <a href="#p243">243–246</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">secret, <a href="#p246">246</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Revolution, period, <a href="#p387">387</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical occurrence, <a href="#p394">394</a>, <a href="#p405">405</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">French, as unique manifestation, <a href="#p411">411</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Parliamentarism as continuance, <a href="#p415">415</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian period, <a href="#p424">424</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Democracy; Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Rhegium, democratic triumph, <a href="#p396">396</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rhodes, Cecil, actuality of leadership, <a href="#p369">369</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">significance, <a href="#p435">435</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">money and power, <a href="#p459">459</a>, <a href="#p473">473</a>, <a href="#p475">475</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rhodes, plan, <a href="#p100">100</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">siege, <a href="#p421">421</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rhodesia, oval house, <a href="#p122">122</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Richard I of England, imperial vassal, <a href="#p374">374</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Richelieu, Cardinal de, power, <a href="#p389">389</a>, <a href="#p390">390</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Robert the Devil, and finance, <a href="#p372">372</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Robespierre, Maximilian, adventurer, <a href="#p19">19</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">State-machine, <a href="#p404">404</a>, <a href="#p405">405</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as mass-leader, <a href="#p448">448</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Rodbertus, Johann K., and class dictatorship, <a href="#p404">404</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Roe, Sir Thomas, Turkish mission, <a href="#p43">43</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Roger II of Sicily, finance, <a href="#p489">489</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Roman Catholic Church, Classical survivals in popular, <a href="#p110">110</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and style of Western learning, <a href="#p346">346</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">changed basis of politics, <a href="#p451">451</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Christianity; Papacy</li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xxvi">[xxvi]</span>Roman law, basis in Classical world, <i lang="la">persona</i> and <i lang="la">res</i>, <a href="#p60">60</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and divine law, <a href="#p60">60</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as product of practical experience, no legal class, <a href="#p61">61</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Greek law, <i lang="la">jus civile</i> and <i lang="la">jus gentium</i>, city law, <a href="#p61">61</a>, <a href="#p62">62</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">lack of precedent, English contrast, <a href="#p62">62</a>, <a href="#p63">63</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">“collection” not “system,” <a href="#p63">63</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">lack of early stratification, <a href="#p64">64</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">codes as party politics, <a href="#p64">64</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><i lang="la">jus gentium</i> as imperial, <a href="#p66">66</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Hadrian’s edict and petrification, <a href="#p66">66</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">development of jurisprudence, <a href="#p66">66</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period of maturity, <a href="#p66">66</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">lack of basic ideas, <a href="#p67">67</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">schools, <a href="#p67">67</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">law of bodies, statics, <a href="#p67">67</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Arabian juridical person, <a href="#p67">67</a>, <a href="#p68">68</a>, <a href="#p174">174</a>, <a href="#p177">177</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Arabian creed-communities, emperor-worship, <a href="#p68">68</a>, <a href="#p69">69</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Constantine and orthodox Christian law, <a href="#p69">69</a>, <a href="#p70">70</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">position of Arabian-Latin law, <a href="#p70">70–72</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">divine origin and Arabian written law, precedent and consensus, <a href="#p72">72–74</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">framing and position of Corpus Juris, religious creation, <a href="#p74">74</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">independent development of Western law-history, <a href="#p75">75</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">development of Norman-English law, <a href="#p75">75</a>, <a href="#p76">76</a>, <a href="#p78">78</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Germanic law in Southern Europe, <a href="#p76">76</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Maximilian’s code, <a href="#p76">76</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">character in Germany and Spain, <a href="#p76">76</a>, <a href="#p77">77</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Corpus Juris Canonici, <a href="#p77">77</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western conflict of <i lang="la">fas</i> and <i lang="la">jus</i>, <a href="#p78">78</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect on Western culture, book and life, <a href="#p78">78–80</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical bodies and Western functions, <a href="#p80">80–82</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western emancipation as future task, <a href="#p83">83</a>, <a href="#p491">491</a>, <a href="#p505">505</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and established church, <a href="#p177">177</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and family, <a href="#p330">330</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western estates and, <a href="#p365">365</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Romanesque, soul, <a href="#p180">180</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Romanos, power, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Romans, origin of name, <a href="#p382">382</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Romanticism, and world-literature, <a href="#p108">108</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and idea of people, <a href="#p113">113</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and apocalyptic, <a href="#p236">236</a>, <a href="#p237">237</a>, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rome, collapse of empire, <a href="#p42">42</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">historyful and historyless, <a href="#p50">50</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as capital city, <a href="#p95">95</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as provincial city, <a href="#p99">99</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical block-tenements, <a href="#p101">101</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">suburbs of modern city, <a href="#p101">101</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">decay of city, <a href="#p107">107</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">city as Etruscan, <a href="#p164">164</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">people of city, <a href="#p166">166</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">political character, <a href="#p173">173</a>, <a href="#p174">174</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">reason for rise, cultural necessity, <a href="#p185">185</a>, <a href="#p422">422</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cults and Greek cults, <a href="#p284">284</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">family history, <a href="#p336">336</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">first settlements and tribes, <a href="#p351">351</a>, <a href="#p382">382</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Plebs as Third Estate, <a href="#p357">357</a>, <a href="#p408">408</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> Carthage, <a href="#p368">368</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">early oligarchy, <a href="#p375">375</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">aristocratic control, attitude toward residue, <a href="#p375">375</a>, <a href="#p382">382</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">empire as polis, <a href="#p383">383</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">polis and citizenship, <a href="#p383">383</a>, <a href="#p384">384</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fifth-century relations, <a href="#p394">394–398</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">status of Tribunate, <a href="#p395">395</a>, <a href="#p415">415</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Senate and Tribunate, opposition as “form,” <a href="#p397">397</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period of military control, <a href="#p407">407</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and border states, <a href="#p407">407</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">control by political nobility, Senate as engine, <a href="#p409">409–411</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">money in politics, demagogy, <a href="#p410">410</a>, <a href="#p411">411</a>, <a href="#p457">457–459</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">evolution and completion of Cæsarism, <a href="#p422">422</a>, <a href="#p423">423</a>, <a href="#p430">430</a>, <a href="#p432">432–434</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">political factions and parties, <a href="#p450">450</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">courts and politics, <a href="#p459">459</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">finance, <a href="#p487">487</a>, <a href="#p494">494</a>, <a href="#p495">495</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Roosevelt, Theodore, on race suicide, <a href="#p106">106</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rossbach, battle, importance, <a href="#p182">182</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rothschilds, founding of fortune, <a href="#p402">402</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Rousseau, Jean Jacques, Rationalism, <a href="#p307">307</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and class dictatorship, <a href="#p404">404</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">end of influence, <a href="#p454">454</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ruach, connotation, <a href="#p234">234</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rubens, Peter Paul, “tigress” expression, <a href="#p128">128</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Ruma clan, <a href="#p382">382</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rumina, goddess, <a href="#p382">382</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Russian Culture, pseudomorphosis, and Western Culture, <a href="#p192">192–194</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and towns, <a href="#p194">194</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Dostoyevski and Tolstoi as types, <a href="#p194">194–196</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">position of Bolshevism, <a href="#p195">195</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">regular and secular clergy, <a href="#p254">254</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">pre-cultural religiousness, <a href="#p278">278</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">soul-character, <a href="#p295">295</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">unreal classes, <a href="#p335">335</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">mir, <a href="#p348">348</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and money, <a href="#p495">495</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">present Christianity, <a href="#p495">495</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">culture and machine, <a href="#p504">504</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Russo-Japanese War, and military art, <a href="#p421">421</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Saba, ignored history, <a href="#p190">190</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">feudalism, <a href="#p196">196–198</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">geography, <a href="#p196">196</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">religion, <a href="#p209">209</a>, <a href="#p253">253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">chronology, <a href="#p239">239</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sabazius, cult, <a href="#p201">201</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sabbath, Chaldean and Jewish, <a href="#p207">207</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sabiniani, legal school, style, <a href="#p67">67</a>, <a href="#p346">346</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i lang="de">Sachsenspiegel</i>, <a href="#p64">64</a>, <a href="#p76">76</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sacraments, Pagan, <a href="#p203">203</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western concept, and free will, <a href="#p293">293</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of Reformation, <a href="#p298">298</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Contrition</li> + + <li class="indx">Sacred books, Arabian nation, revelation, <a href="#p243">243–246</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural attitude, <a href="#p244">244</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">infallibility, interpretation, secret revelation, <a href="#p245">245–247</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">allegorical exegesis, <a href="#p247">247</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">commentary and authoritative chain, <a href="#p249">249</a>, <a href="#p250">250</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Bible</li> + + <li class="indx">Sadducees, tendency, <a href="#p211">211</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sage, as ideal, <a href="#p307">307</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sahara, extension, <a href="#p39">39</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Saint-Simon, Comte de, and class dictatorship, <a href="#p404">404</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Saint-Simon, Duc de, on nobility and nation, <a href="#p172">172</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on new nobility, <a href="#p357">357</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Salisbury, Marquess of, and family, <a href="#p393">393</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Salman, trial, <a href="#p317">317</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Samarra, plan, <a href="#p100">100</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">area, <a href="#p101">101</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">abandoned, <a href="#p107">107</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Samuel, lord of Al Alblaq, <a href="#p198">198</a></li> + + <li class="indx">San Gimigniano, fortified towers, <a href="#p355">355</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Sankhara, Neo-Brahmanism, <a href="#p315">315</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sapor I, and Mazdaism, <a href="#p251">251</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Saracens, Charles Martel’s victory, <a href="#p192">192</a>. <i>See also</i> Islam</li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xxvii">[xxvii]</span>Saragossa, General Privilege, <a href="#p373">373</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sarapion, anchorite, <a href="#p254">254</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sards, as name, <a href="#p164">164</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sargon, contemporaries, <a href="#p39">39</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sassanids, study neglected, <a href="#p38">38</a>, <a href="#p190">190</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">feudalism, <a href="#p196">196–198</a>, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Mazdaic State religion, <a href="#p253">253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nobility and priesthood, <a href="#p353">353</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as model for Byzantine ceremonial, <a href="#p378">378</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Savelli, and Papacy, <a href="#p354">354</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Saviour, as title, <a href="#p219">219</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Savonarola, Girolamo, and Renaissance, <a href="#p291">291</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and reform, urbanism, <a href="#p296">296</a>, <a href="#p297">297</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Saxony, dynastic influence, <a href="#p182">182</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Scævola, Q. Mucius, private-law, <a href="#p66">66</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Scent, man’s relation, <a href="#p7">7</a>, <a href="#p115">115</a>. <i>See also</i> Sense</li> + + <li class="indx">Schadow, Johann Gottfried, art, <a href="#p118">118</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Schiele, Friedrich M., on Sadducees and Essenes, <a href="#p211">211</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Schinkel, Hans F., art, <a href="#p118">118</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Scholasticism, Arabian and Pseudomorphic, <a href="#p71">71</a>, <a href="#p200">200</a>, <a href="#p228">228</a>, <a href="#p229">229</a>, + <a href="#p250">250</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Rationalism, <a href="#p305">305–308</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">intellectual discipline, <a href="#p463">463</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Schuda, legends, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i lang="de">Schwabenspiegel</i>, <a href="#p76">76</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Science. <i>See</i> Intelligence, Natural science</li> + + <li class="indx">Scipio, P. Cornelius (Africanus Major), and border States, <a href="#p408">408</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cato, <a href="#p411">411</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Imperialism, <a href="#p422">422</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and political organization, <a href="#p452">452</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Scipio, P Cornelius (Africanus Minor), murder, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Imperialism, <a href="#p430">430</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and political organization, <a href="#p452">452</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Scots, and divine-given torments, <a href="#p299">299</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Script. <i>See</i> Writing</li> + + <li class="indx">Sea-folk, and Egypt, <a href="#p107">107</a>, <a href="#p122">122</a>, <a href="#p129">129</a>, <a href="#p164">164</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Second religiousness, in Mexican Culture, <a href="#p45">45</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">period and character, <a href="#p310">310</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Syncretism, <a href="#p311">311–313</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">emperor-cult and fixed organizations, <a href="#p314">314</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cæsarism, <a href="#p386">386</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western, <a href="#p455">455</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Seibal, and Mexican Culture, <a href="#p44">44</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Seleucid Empire, as Arabian, <a href="#p190">190</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">era, <a href="#p239">239</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Senate, Roman, and Tribunate, <a href="#p397">397</a>, <a href="#p398">398</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and political nobility, <a href="#p409">409</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Augustus’ dyarchy as nullity, <a href="#p432">432</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and courts, <a href="#p460">460</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economics and politics, <a href="#p475">475</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Senatus Populusque Romanus, as Senate and Tribunate, <a href="#p398">398</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">formal restoration, <a href="#p433">433</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Seneca, L. Annæus, religiousness, <a href="#p313">313</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sensation-content, <a href="#p6">6</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sense, as microcosmic organ, and understanding, <a href="#p5">5</a>, <a href="#p69">69</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">human and animal, <a href="#p114">114</a>, <a href="#p115">115</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and relation of microcosm to macrocosm, <a href="#p499">499</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Sight</li> + + <li class="indx">Sentence, origin, and word, <a href="#p141">141</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and race, <a href="#p142">142</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">verbs, <a href="#p143">143</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Language</li> + + <li class="indx">Sentinum, battle, importance, <a href="#p422">422</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sepoy Mutiny, cultural basis, <a href="#p321">321</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Septimus Severus, historyless, <a href="#p432">432</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Serapis-cult, origin, <a href="#p310">310</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sertorius, Quintus, and Cæsarism, <a href="#p428">428</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Sesostris I, absolutism, <a href="#p387">387</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sesostris III, absolutism, <a href="#p387">387</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sethe, Kurt, on Egyptian script, <a href="#p108">108</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Seuse, Heinrich, on Mysticism, <a href="#p292">292</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sex, cosmic organ, <a href="#p5">5</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Civilization and sterility, <a href="#p103">103–105</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">“versehen,” <a href="#p126">126</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">conception as sin, <a href="#p272">272</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Classical cults, <a href="#p283">283</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">orgiasm and asceticism, <a href="#p283">283</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">elements of duality, war, <a href="#p327">327</a>, <a href="#p328">328</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and “form,” <a href="#p331">331</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and State, <a href="#p362">362</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Being; Family; Monasticism</li> + + <li class="indx">Sforza, Catherine, heroism, <a href="#p328">328</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Shak-el-Arab, Mandæanism, <a href="#p214">214</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Shamir Juharish, feudalism, <a href="#p196">196</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Shan-Kur {sic} Period, <a href="#p416">416</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Shang dynasty, mythology, <a href="#p286">286</a>, <a href="#p379">379</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Shantung, Manichæans, Nestorians, and Islam, <a href="#p260">260</a>, <a href="#p261">261</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Shaping, and training, <a href="#p331">331</a>, <a href="#p340">340</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Shaw, George Bernard, on free woman, <a href="#p105">105</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Undershaft as type, <a href="#p475">475</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">on money and life, <a href="#p484">484</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sheridan, Richard B. B., and French Revolution, <a href="#p412">412</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Shi, as title, <a href="#p41">41</a>, <a href="#p418">418</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Shi-hwang-ti, and second religiousness, <a href="#p310">310</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Chinese history, <a href="#p434">434</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Shi-King, as religious source, <a href="#p286">286</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">love songs, <a href="#p352">352</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Shia, and Chaldean, <a href="#p176">176</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Shiites, Logos-idea, <a href="#p236">236</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">beginning, <a href="#p424">424</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Shirazi, philosophy, <a href="#p321">321</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Shneor Zalman ben Baruch. <i>See</i> Salman</li> + + <li class="indx">Shu-Ching, as religious source, <a href="#p286">286</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Shuiski, Vassili, period, <a href="#p192">192</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sibylline books, character of Classical, <a href="#p244">244</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Sicily, Norman state, <a href="#p372">372</a>, <a href="#p489">489</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">democratic triumph, <a href="#p396">396</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Maniakes, <a href="#p427">427</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Siculi, as name, <a href="#p164">164</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Siena, fortified towers, <a href="#p355">355</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sight, as supreme sense, <a href="#p6">6</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">bodily and mental, <a href="#p7">7</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and waking-being, <a href="#p7">7</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">lordship in man, <a href="#p7">7–9</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">invisible and fear, <a href="#p8">8</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and race, <a href="#p114">114</a>, <a href="#p128">128</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and words, <a href="#p140">140</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and verbs, <a href="#p143">143</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian light-sensation, “cavern” and Logos, <a href="#p233">233</a>, <a href="#p236">236</a>, <a href="#p237">237</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">light and religion, <a href="#p265">265</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Sense</li> + + <li class="indx">Sign, and language, <a href="#p134">134</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and script, <a href="#p149">149</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Signorelli, Luca, frescoes and the Devil, <a href="#p292">292</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Simplicius, and commentary, <a href="#p247">247</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sinuhet, biography, <a href="#p387">387</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Skeleton, and race, <a href="#p124">124</a>, <a href="#p128">128–130</a>, <a href="#p175">175</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and landscape, <a href="#p130">130</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Skleros, power, <a href="#p427">427</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Skoptsi, as manifestation, <a href="#p278">278</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xxviii">[xxviii]</span>Skull. <i>See</i> Skeleton</li> + + <li class="indx">Slavery, Roman freedmen and citizenship, <a href="#p166">166</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical and money, end, <a href="#p349">349</a> n., <a href="#p480">480</a>, <a href="#p488">488</a>, <a href="#p496">496</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Irak rebellion, <a href="#p426">426</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">attitude of Plebs, <a href="#p451">451</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">technique, <a href="#p479">479</a> n., <a href="#p503">503</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western status, <a href="#p488">488</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Sleep, as vegetable, <a href="#p7">7</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Smith, Adam, relation to property, <a href="#p345">345</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Hume, <a href="#p403">403</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and economic thought, <a href="#p469">469</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">theory of value, <a href="#p491">491</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Smith, Elliot, ethnological research, <a href="#p129">129</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Smiths, guild and tribe, <a href="#p479">479</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Socialism, money and movement, <a href="#p402">402</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect on Capitalism, <a href="#p454">454</a>, <a href="#p464">464</a> n., <a href="#p506">506</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cæsarism, <a href="#p506">506</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Marx</li> + + <li class="indx">Society, origin, <a href="#p343">343</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sociology, Jesus’ indifference, <a href="#p217">217</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Socrates, Rationalism, <a href="#p307">307</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as spiritual heir and ancestry, <a href="#p309">309</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sohm, Rudolf, on German jurisprudence, <a href="#p80">80</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sol Invictus, cult, <a href="#p201">201</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Syncretism, <a href="#p253">253</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Solomon, fictitious, <a href="#p72">72</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Psalms, <a href="#p213">213</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Solon, Egyptian influence, <a href="#p62">62</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">character of law, <a href="#p63">63–65</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and impiety, <a href="#p282">282</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economics and politics, <a href="#p475">475</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sombart, Werner, on book-keeping, <a href="#p490">490</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sophists, and Socrates, <a href="#p309">309</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Chinese Cæsarism, <a href="#p418">418</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sorel, Albert, and French Revolution, <a href="#p399">399</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Soul, cultural and intercultural forms, <a href="#p56">56</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural significance, <a href="#p59">59</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of town, <a href="#p90">90</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and language, <a href="#p137">137</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and people, <a href="#p165">165</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and spirit in Arabian dualism, indwelling, <a href="#p234">234–236</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western and Russian, <a href="#p295">295</a> n.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See</i> Religion; Spirit; Will</li> + + <li class="indx">Sound, as sign of language, word, <a href="#p134">134</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Space, extension and waking-being, <a href="#p7">7</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and truths, <a href="#p12">12</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian concept, <a href="#p233">233</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and time and religion, <a href="#p265">265</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Time</li> + + <li class="indx">Spain, physical changes, <a href="#p39">39</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Roman law, <a href="#p77">77</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish Culture, <a href="#p316">316</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period of absolutism, <a href="#p388">388</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Fronde conflict, <a href="#p390">390</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">origins of accountancy, <a href="#p489">489</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sparta, helots, <a href="#p332">332</a>, <a href="#p349">349</a>, <a href="#p357">357</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> Athens, <a href="#p368">368</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">royal succession, <a href="#p380">380</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">oligarchic-democratic struggle, <a href="#p396">396</a>, <a href="#p397">397</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Spartacus, and Cæsarism, <a href="#p428">428</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Spartiates, as feudal, <a href="#p375">375</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Speaking, and language, <a href="#p117">117</a>, <a href="#p125">125</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Speculators, as cultural phenomenon, <a href="#p484">484</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Spence, Lewis, on Mexican chronology, <a href="#p44">44</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Spener, Philipp J., Pietism, <a href="#p308">308</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Spenta Mainyu, Persian Holy Spirit, <a href="#p244">244</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sphærus, influence, <a href="#p454">454</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Spinden, Herbert J., researches in Mexican Culture, <a href="#p44">44</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Spinoza, Baruch, Gnosis, <a href="#p228">228</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian metaphysic, <a href="#p241">241</a>, <a href="#p321">321</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on contemplation, <a href="#p242">242</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">expulsion, <a href="#p317">317</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Spirit, Arabian pneuma, <a href="#p57">57</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and soul in Arabian dualism, indwelling, <a href="#p234">234–236</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Body; Religion; Soul; Waking-being</li> + + <li class="indx">Sport, and Civilization, <a href="#p103">103</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Stanley, Arthur P., on Islam and Christianity, <a href="#p304">304</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">State. <i>See</i> Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">States-General, calling, <a href="#p373">373</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">overthrow, <a href="#p388">388</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Statics, Roman law, <a href="#p67">67</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Steam-engine, effect, <a href="#p502">502</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Stein, Lorenz von, on money, <a href="#p485">485</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Stenography, character, <a href="#p152">152</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sterility, and Civilization, <a href="#p103">103–105</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Stoicism, and jurisprudence, <a href="#p62">62</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Rationalism, <a href="#p307">307</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Pietism, <a href="#p308">308</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and second religiousness, <a href="#p312">312</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">style of school, <a href="#p345">345</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">improvidence, <a href="#p372">372</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cæsarism, ideologues and conspiracy, <a href="#p433">433</a>, <a href="#p434">434</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">political influence, <a href="#p454">454</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Streets, cultural attitude, <a href="#p94">94</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Stuarts, and Roman law, <a href="#p365">365</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and dynasty, <a href="#p388">388</a>, <a href="#p389">389</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Studion, monk-state, <a href="#p314">314</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Style, Western, external effects, <a href="#p46">46</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">intercultural, <a href="#p87">87–89</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as urban, <a href="#p92">92</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Civilization, <a href="#p108">108</a>, <a href="#p109">109</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rigid and living, surface mixture, <a href="#p123">123</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">priesthood and, of learning, <a href="#p345">345</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Su-tsin, career, <a href="#p417">417</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">character, <a href="#p419">419</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Subjects and objects, <a href="#p369">369</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in politics, <a href="#p441">441</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in economics, <a href="#p479">479</a>, <a href="#p493">493</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Submission, as Arabian concept, <a href="#p240">240</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Substance, Arabian religious concept, <a href="#p244">244</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">controversy and Christian split, <a href="#p255">255–258</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Trinity</li> + + <li class="indx">Succession Wars, character, <a href="#p392">392</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sudra, as caste, <a href="#p332">332</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and tribes, <a href="#p348">348</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sufism, and Chaldean, <a href="#p176">176</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Gnosis, <a href="#p228">228</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and contemplation, <a href="#p242">242</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Pietism, <a href="#p308">308</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Jewish Mysticism, <a href="#p321">321</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Islam; Mysticism</li> + + <li class="indx">Sulla, L. Cornelius, and princeps, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and demagogy, <a href="#p458">458</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and courts, <a href="#p460">460</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sultanate, rise over caliphate, <a href="#p425">425</a>, <a href="#p426">426</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sumer, and Arabian Culture, <a href="#p189">189</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Sun-tse, on war, <a href="#p417">417</a> n., <a href="#p419">419</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">character, <a href="#p419">419</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">anecdote, <a href="#p420">420</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Sura, academy, <a href="#p71">71</a>, <a href="#p200">200</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Swedenborg, Emanuel, Pietism, <a href="#p308">308</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Yesirah, <a href="#p316">316</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sybaris, destruction, <a href="#p303">303</a>, <a href="#p394">394</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Symbolism, farmhouse, <a href="#p90">90</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">peacock, <a href="#p236">236</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural religious prime symbols, <a href="#p279">279</a>, <a href="#p287">287</a>, <a href="#p288">288</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">colour, <a href="#p289">289</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">clock, <a href="#p300">300</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Wandering Jew, <a href="#p317">317</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">printing, <a href="#p413">413</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical coin, <a href="#p486">486</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Syncretic Church, and emperor-worship, <a href="#p68">68</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xxix">[xxix]</span>as name, <a href="#p68">68</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">cults and “Greeks,” <a href="#p176">176</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian churches in Classical style, <a href="#p201">201</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">reversal, Classical cults as Eastern Church, <a href="#p102">102</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Paganism and Christianity, sacraments and other elements, <a href="#p203">203</a>, <a href="#p204">204</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish rescue, from, <a href="#p210">210</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jesus sects, <a href="#p220">220</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">development, parallelism, <a href="#p252">252</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">State religion, <a href="#p253">253</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">monasticism, <a href="#p254">254</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">westward expansion, <a href="#p255">255</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">missionarism, <a href="#p259">259</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">end of theology, <a href="#p261">261</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Pseudomorphosis; Religion</li> + + <li class="indx">Syncretism, in second religiousness, <a href="#p311">311–313</a>. <i>See also</i> preceding title</li> + + <li class="indx">Synesius, as Neo-Platonist, <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Synod of a Hundred Chapters, <a href="#p278">278</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Synod of Antichrist, <a href="#p278">278</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Synœcism, Classical, <a href="#p173">173</a>, <a href="#p355">355</a>, <a href="#p381">381</a>, <a href="#p382">382</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Roman, <a href="#p383">383</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Syntax, and grammar, <a href="#p142">142</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period, <a href="#p145">145</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Syracuse, as provincial city, <a href="#p99">99</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as megalopolis, <a href="#p382">382</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">democratic triumph, <a href="#p396">396</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">colonization, <a href="#p405">405</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">class proscriptions, <a href="#p405">405</a>, <a href="#p406">406</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">siege, <a href="#p421">421</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Plato’s theory, <a href="#p454">454</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Syrian Law-book, importance, <a href="#p64">64</a>, <a href="#p70">70</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Sze-ma-tsien, on Contending States, <a href="#p417">417</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as compiler, <a href="#p418">418</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">biographies, <a href="#p454">454</a> n.</li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Taboo, relation to waking-being and language, <a href="#p116">116</a>, <a href="#p154">154</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dependence on totem, <a href="#p117">117</a>, <a href="#p265">265</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in art, <a href="#p118">118</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and cathedral, <a href="#p122">122</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and script, <a href="#p151">151</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">space-fear, <a href="#p265">265</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and technique, <a href="#p268">268</a>, <a href="#p271">271</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">moral, and negations, <a href="#p272">272</a>, <a href="#p342">342</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Totem</li> + + <li class="indx">Tacitus, Cornelius, on Decemvirs’ code, <a href="#p65">65</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">philosophical confusion, <a href="#p238">238</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and polis, <a href="#p383">383</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">on Musonius Rufus, <a href="#p430">430</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cæsarism, <a href="#p434">434</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Tai-dsung, and Islam, <a href="#p261">261</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Talleyrand-Périgord, Charles de, as politician, <a href="#p446">446</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Talmud, as creed law, <a href="#p69">69</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Chaldean, <a href="#p176">176</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">development, influences, <a href="#p208">208</a>, <a href="#p209">209</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tammany Hall, as type, <a href="#p452">452</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Tannaim, class, <a href="#p71">71</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tanvasar, and new Avesta, <a href="#p250">250</a>, <a href="#p251">251</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Taoism, and Pacifism, <a href="#p185">185</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">principle, <a href="#p287">287</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">alteration in concept, <a href="#p307">307</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">expansion, <a href="#p308">308</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Syncretism, <a href="#p312">312</a>, <a href="#p315">315</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of Han period, <a href="#p314">314</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and priesthood, <a href="#p352">352</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cæsarism, <a href="#p434">434</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Tarquins, fall, <a href="#p65">65</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tarragona, Jewish city, <a href="#p316">316</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tartars, Russian release, <a href="#p192">192</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Taxes, purpose, <a href="#p475">475</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Tchun-tsin-fan-lu, <a href="#p454">454</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Technique, and truth, <a href="#p144">144</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and theory in religion, <a href="#p268">268</a>, <a href="#p271">271</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Classical city-religions, <a href="#p285">285</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Western science, <a href="#p300">300</a>, <a href="#p302">302</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Rationalism, <a href="#p306">306</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">development of military, <a href="#p420">420–422</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">influence on Western economic thought, <a href="#p469">469</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">machines and Western slavery, <a href="#p488">488</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and plant, <a href="#p499">499</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of animal movement, involuntary, <a href="#p499">499</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">conscious-knowing, <a href="#p499">499</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">tyrannical theory, <a href="#p500">500</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">development out of nature, <a href="#p500">500</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">under Classical Culture, <a href="#p500">500</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western passion, Gothic, <a href="#p501">501</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of steam-engine, <a href="#p502">502</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">religious origin, and Devil, <a href="#p502">502</a>, <a href="#p504">504</a>, <a href="#p504">504</a> n., <a href="#p505">505</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western and infinity, conquest of nature, <a href="#p503">503</a>, <a href="#p504">504</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">machine-industry as master of Western Civilization, <a href="#p504">504</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">its agents, <a href="#p504">504</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">machine-industry as Western bourgeois, <a href="#p504">504</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">other cultures and machine, <a href="#p504">504</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">engineer as priest, <a href="#p505">505</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">struggle with money, <a href="#p505">505</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Telemachus, and dynasty, <a href="#p380">380</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Telescope, Chinese invention, <a href="#p501">501</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Tell-el-Amarna letters, <a href="#p166">166</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ten Thousand, as polis, <a href="#p160">160</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Tenochtitlan, destruction, <a href="#p44">44</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">founding, character, <a href="#p45">45</a>, <a href="#p99">99</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tension, and beat, <a href="#p4">4</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and waking-being, <a href="#p7">7</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Civilization and intelligence, <a href="#p102">102</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Waking-being</li> + + <li class="indx">Tertullian, Montanist, <a href="#p227">227</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Western Church, <a href="#p229">229</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">period, <a href="#p250">250</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Teutoburger Wald, Varus’ defeat, <a href="#p48">48</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Teutonic Knights, finance, <a href="#p489">489</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tezcuco, as world-city, <a href="#p99">99</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Thebes, as Egypt, <a href="#p95">95</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as world-city, <a href="#p99">99</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise of dynasty, <a href="#p428">428</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Themis, and Dike, <a href="#p376">376</a>, <a href="#p378">378</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Theocritus, “playing” with expression, <a href="#p137">137</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Theoderich, tomb, <a href="#p89">89</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Theodore of Studion, and Leo V, <a href="#p425">425</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as party leader, <a href="#p449">449</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Theognis, and <i lang="la">carpe diem</i>, <a href="#p383">383</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Theory, development, dominance, <a href="#p10">10</a>, <a href="#p500">500</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and technique in religion, <a href="#p268">268</a>, <a href="#p271">271</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural attitude toward scientific, <a href="#p301">301</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">correctness and technical value, <a href="#p500">500</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Thing, legal Classical notion, <a href="#p60">60</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Third Estate. <i>See</i> Democracy</li> + + <li class="indx">Thirty Years’ War, as consequence, <a href="#p181">181</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">political aspect, <a href="#p388">388</a>, <a href="#p391">391</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Wallenstein’s idea and fall, <a href="#p389">389</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Thomas, Saint, Gospel, <a href="#p213">213</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Acts, romances, <a href="#p236">236</a>, <a href="#p251">251</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Thomas Aquinas, philosophy, <a href="#p172">172</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Devil-cult, <a href="#p291">291</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sacraments, <a href="#p293">293</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Thought, defined, development of theoretical, <a href="#p10">10</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and life, facts and truths, <a href="#p11">11–13</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">compulsion, <a href="#p12">12</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">causality-men, place in life, <a href="#p16">16–19</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Waking-being</li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xxx">[xxx]</span>Thucydides, ahistoric, <a href="#p24">24</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Thurii, plan, <a href="#p100">100</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tiberius, as historyful, <a href="#p171">171</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">economics and politics, <a href="#p432">432</a>, <a href="#p475">475</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tikal, and Mexican Culture, <a href="#p44">44</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tilly, Count of, and Wallenstein, <a href="#p389">389</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Time, and facts, <a href="#p12">12</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and dynastic-idea, <a href="#p179">179</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian concept, ordained period, <a href="#p238">238–240</a>, <a href="#p249">249</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and space and religion, <a href="#p265">265</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and truth, <a href="#p271">271</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">mythology, <a href="#p286">286</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Being; Destiny; History; Space</li> + + <li class="indx">Tiresias, and Classical religious beginnings, <a href="#p282">282</a>, <a href="#p350">350</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tities, tribe, <a href="#p351">351</a>, <a href="#p382">382</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tobit, as Arabian, <a href="#p208">208</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Togrulbek, power, <a href="#p427">427</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Toledo, Jewish city, <a href="#p316">316</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Toleration, Classical and Arabian attitude, <a href="#p203">203</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tolstoi, Leo, Western soul, <a href="#p194">194–196</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">conception of Jesus, <a href="#p218">218</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Topinard, Paul, race classification, <a href="#p125">125</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Totem, relation to being and race, <a href="#p116">116</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in art, <a href="#p118">118</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and dwelling-house, <a href="#p121">121</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and castle, <a href="#p122">122</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in language, <a href="#p154">154</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">time-fear and taboo, <a href="#p265">265</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">moral, <a href="#p342">342</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Taboo</li> + + <li class="indx">Touch, as primary sense, <a href="#p6">6</a>. <i>See also</i> Sense</li> + + <li class="indx">Tournament, as manifestation of nobility, <a href="#p352">352</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tours, importance of Saracen defeat, <a href="#p192">192</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Town, and Culture, <a href="#p90">90</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">soul, <a href="#p90">90</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to country, <a href="#p91">91</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural type, <a href="#p91">91</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and market, <a href="#p91">91</a>, <a href="#p480">480</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and style, <a href="#p92">92</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">“visage” as cultural, <a href="#p93">93</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to landscape, <a href="#p94">94</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">city history as world-history, <a href="#p95">95</a>, <a href="#p96">96</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">domination of capital city, cultural basis, <a href="#p95">95</a>, <a href="#p381">381</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and intellect, <a href="#p96">96</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">great and little, spiritual distinction, <a href="#p97">97</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and monetary idea, and dictatorship, <a href="#p97">97</a>, <a href="#p98">98</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Civilization and overflow, <a href="#p100">100</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and writing, <a href="#p152">152</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">script speech, <a href="#p155">155</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and nations, <a href="#p171">171</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Russia and, <a href="#p194">194</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Renaissance-Reformation movement, <a href="#p297">297</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and science, <a href="#p300">300</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Puritanism, <a href="#p302">302</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Rationalism, <a href="#p305">305</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">consciousness and personal freedom, <a href="#p354">354</a>, <a href="#p356">356</a>, <a href="#p358">358</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">burgher estate, <a href="#p355">355</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">movement of primary estates to, <a href="#p355">355</a>, <a href="#p356">356</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and State-idea, <a href="#p377">377</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation of politics and economics, capitalism, <a href="#p476">476</a>, <a href="#p477">477</a>, <a href="#p493">493</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect on trade, <a href="#p481">481</a>, <a href="#p484">484</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Causality; Megalopolitanism; Polis; Politics</li> + + <li class="indx">Trade, and politics, <a href="#p474">474</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as substitute for war, <a href="#p474">474</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Economics</li> + + <li class="indx">Tradition, place in cultural history, <a href="#p338">338</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">prevision law, <a href="#p363">363</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">of political leadership, <a href="#p444">444</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Training, and shaping, <a href="#p331">331</a>, <a href="#p340">340</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Trajan, historyless, <a href="#p432">432</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tramilæ, as name, <a href="#p164">164</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Transubstantiation, new English controversy, <a href="#p309">309</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Trdat of Armenia, State and Church, <a href="#p253">253</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Trebatius Testa, C., and Cicero, <a href="#p458">458</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Tree of Knowledge, and cross, <a href="#p180">180</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Tribes, Arabian pre-cultural associations, solution, <a href="#p173">173</a>, <a href="#p176">176</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as names for priesthoods, <a href="#p175">175</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">occupational, <a href="#p348">348</a>, <a href="#p479">479</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tribonian, as jurist, <a href="#p73">73</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tribunate, and Plebs, <a href="#p357">357</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">beginning, status, as lawful Tyrannis, <a href="#p394">394–398</a>, <a href="#p433">433</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">consular, <a href="#p397">397</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Senate, survival, <a href="#p397">397</a>, <a href="#p398">398</a>, <a href="#p433">433</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">blind incident, <a href="#p415">415</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Marius as heir, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and party, <a href="#p451">451</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Trinity, and Arabian pneuma, <a href="#p68">68</a>, <a href="#p244">244</a>. <i>See also</i> Logos; Substance</li> + + <li class="indx">Triumvirates, and border States, <a href="#p408">408</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Cæsarism, <a href="#p423">423</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">first, <a href="#p454">454</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Troeltsch, Ernst, on Augustine as Classical, <a href="#p241">241</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Trojan War, as beginning of history, <a href="#p27">27</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">feud or crusade, <a href="#p282">282</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Troubadours, Arabian, <a href="#p198">198</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to Renaissance, <a href="#p297">297</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Truth, and facts, <a href="#p11">11</a>, <a href="#p12">12</a>, <a href="#p47">47</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural basis, <a href="#p58">58</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and speech, <a href="#p137">137</a>, <a href="#p144">144</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">abstract and living, <a href="#p147">147</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian pneuma, <a href="#p242">242</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian sacred book, <a href="#p243">243</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">experience, <a href="#p268">268</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and time, <a href="#p271">271</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and current of being, history, <a href="#p274">274</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and politics, <a href="#p368">368</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">influence of press, <a href="#p461">461</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Ethics; Faith</li> + + <li class="indx"><cite>Tshou-li</cite>, on officialdom, <a href="#p372">372</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tshun-tsin, period, <a href="#p391">391</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tsi, in period of Contending States, <a href="#p417">417</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tsin, imperialistic State, <a href="#p38">38</a>, <a href="#p41">41</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Taoism, <a href="#p185">185</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Tsu, <a href="#p368">368</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">rise in period of Contending States, <a href="#p416">416–419</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tsu, and Tsin, <a href="#p368">368</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">in period of Contending States, <a href="#p417">417</a>, <a href="#p418">418</a>, <a href="#p454">454</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tung Chung-Shu, on Middle Kingdom, <a href="#p373">373</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Turfan manuscripts, <a href="#p213">213</a> n., <a href="#p252">252</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Turgot, Anne R. J., overthrow, <a href="#p411">411</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Turks, and Cæsarism, <a href="#p426">426</a>, <a href="#p427">427</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tursha, as name, <a href="#p164">164</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Twelve Tables, character, <a href="#p63">63</a>, <a href="#p65">65</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">importance, <a href="#p65">65</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">commentary, <a href="#p66">66</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">class law, <a href="#p365">365</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">significance, overthrow, <a href="#p396">396</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tyche, and lot-choice of officials, <a href="#p383">383</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tyrannis, first, preceding oligarchy, <a href="#p375">375</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">fall of Tarquinian, <a href="#p382">382</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">significance, <a href="#p386">386</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Tribunate, struggle for lawful, <a href="#p394">394–398</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">character of second, <a href="#p405">405–408</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Politics</li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Ujjaina, as world-city, <a href="#p99">99</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ulemas, law-men, <a href="#p71">71</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ulpian, as jurist, <a href="#p71">71</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xxxi">[xxxi]</span><cite lang="la">Unam sanctam</cite> bull, <a href="#p376">376</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Understanding, and sensation, <a href="#p6">6</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">language and emancipation, thought, <a href="#p9">9</a>, <a href="#p10">10</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and reason, <a href="#p13">13</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">meaning, <a href="#p133">133</a>, <a href="#p136">136</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as causal, <a href="#p266">266</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and faith, <a href="#p266">266</a>, <a href="#p269">269–271</a></li> + + <li class="indx">United States. <i>See</i> Americans</li> + + <li class="indx">Ur, tombs, <a href="#p35">35</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Uxmal, and Mexican Culture, <a href="#p45">45</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as world-city, <a href="#p99">99</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Valentinian III, Law of Citations, <a href="#p73">73</a>, <a href="#p248">248</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Valentinus, period, <a href="#p250">250</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and substance, <a href="#p256">256</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Value, early lack of concept, <a href="#p480">480</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">money and value-in-itself, <a href="#p482">482</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">theories as subjective, <a href="#p482">482</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">money and standard, <a href="#p485">485</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">irrelation of Classical land and money, <a href="#p487">487</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Classical attitude toward art, <a href="#p487">487</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western concept of work, <a href="#p491">491–493</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Economics</li> + + <li class="indx">Varro, M. Terentius, era, <a href="#p239">239</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Varus, P. Quintilius, defeat, site, <a href="#p48">48</a>, <a href="#p487">487</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Vasari, Giorgio, and return to nature, <a href="#p291">291</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Vase-painting, Exekias, <a href="#p135">135</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Vasili Blazheny, style, <a href="#p89">89</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Vassalage, rise and significance, <a href="#p349">349</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">change to money basis, <a href="#p357">357</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Feudalism; Slavery</li> + + <li class="indx">Vegetable. <i>See</i> Plant</li> + + <li class="indx">Venice, and money-outlook, <a href="#p97">97</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">small-scale traffic, <a href="#p481">481</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Verbs, place in language development, <a href="#p143">143</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Vergennes, Comte de, as end of period, <a href="#p398">398</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Verres, Caius, wealth as object, <a href="#p459">459</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Vespasian, war on Judea, <a href="#p210">210</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and ideologues, <a href="#p434">434</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Vesta, and economics, <a href="#p472">472</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Village, and town, <a href="#p91">91</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Vindex, unimportance, <a href="#p50">50</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Virtue, change in concept, <a href="#p307">307</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Vladimir of Kiev, epic cycle, <a href="#p192">192</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Vohu Mano, as Word of God, <a href="#p244">244</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Voltaire, and Rationalism, <a href="#p305">305</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Vries, Hugo de, mutation theory, <a href="#p32">32</a> n.</li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Waking-being, as microcosmic, and being, <a href="#p7">7</a>, <a href="#p11">11</a>, <a href="#p13">13</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">visual thought, <a href="#p7">7–9</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">language and thought, <a href="#p9">9</a>, <a href="#p10">10</a>, <a href="#p114">114</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">life and thought, facts and truths, <a href="#p11">11–13</a>, <a href="#p16">16</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">adjustment to macrocosm, <a href="#p14">14</a>, <a href="#p24">24</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and causality, <a href="#p14">14</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and problem of motion, death, <a href="#p14">14–16</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and intercultural history, <a href="#p56">56</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and money, <a href="#p98">98</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">upward series of utterances, <a href="#p116">116</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and taboo, <a href="#p117">117</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">willed activity, <a href="#p133">133</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and reflection, <a href="#p141">141</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">cultural oppositions, <a href="#p233">233</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and religion, <a href="#p265">265</a>, <a href="#p499">499</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and priesthood, <a href="#p335">335</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and economics, <a href="#p473">473</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sense, <a href="#p499">499</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">ultimate fall, <a href="#p507">507</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Being; Causality; Economics; Intelligence; Language; Microcosm; Religion; Space; Town</li> + + <li class="indx">Wallenstein, Albrecht von, idea, power and fall, <a href="#p389">389</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wandering Jew, symbolism, <a href="#p317">317</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wang, as title, <a href="#p379">379</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wang-Cheng, rule, <a href="#p41">41</a>, <a href="#p418">418</a>, <a href="#p423">423</a></li> + + <li class="indx">War, and politics and economics, <a href="#p330">330</a>, <a href="#p366">366</a>, <a href="#p440">440</a>, <a href="#p474">474</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and nobility, <a href="#p351">351</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as great creator, <a href="#p362">362</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as normal Classical condition, <a href="#p385">385</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">character of Baroque, <a href="#p392">392</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Pe-Ki as general, <a href="#p417">417</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Sun-tse as authority, <a href="#p417">417</a> n., <a href="#p419">419</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">change in character under Civilization, <a href="#p419">419–422</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nineteenth-century substitute, <a href="#p428">428</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">expected Western period, <a href="#p429">429</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as cultural necessity, <a href="#p429">429</a>, <a href="#p434">434</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to press, <a href="#p460">460</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and hunger, <a href="#p471">471</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Army; Peace</li> + + <li class="indx">Wartburg, cathedral art, <a href="#p123">123</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Washington, plan, <a href="#p100">100</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Washington Conference, as prelude of war, <a href="#p430">430</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wealth. <i>See</i> Economics; Money</li> + + <li class="indx">Wedgwood, Josiah, ware, <a href="#p491">491</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wei-Yang, character, <a href="#p419">419</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Weill, Raymond, on Hyksos, <a href="#p428">428</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Weininger, Otto, Arabian metaphysic, <a href="#p322">322</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Weissenberg, Samuel, on Jewish type, <a href="#p175">175</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wellington, Duke of, rise, <a href="#p406">406</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Welser, city nobility, <a href="#p356">356</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wenceslaus, as emperor, <a href="#p376">376</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wesley, John, practical Pietism, <a href="#p308">308</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Westermann, Diedrich, language investigation, <a href="#p140">140</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Western Culture, as historic, <a href="#p28">28</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and human and universal history, <a href="#p28">28</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">individuality in historical attunement, <a href="#p29">29</a>, <a href="#p30">30</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">future historical achievement, <a href="#p30">30</a>, <a href="#p46">46</a>, <a href="#p47">47</a>, <a href="#p55">55</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">landscape and outside effect, <a href="#p46">46</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">transfer of Christianity to, <a href="#p59">59</a>, <a href="#p235">235</a>, <a href="#p237">237</a>, <a href="#p258">258</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">independent legal development, <a href="#p75">75</a>, <a href="#p76">76</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Roman law in, <a href="#p76">76–78</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect of Roman law, <a href="#p78">78–83</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and antique, <a href="#p79">79</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">future jurisprudence, <a href="#p80">80–83</a>, <a href="#p505">505</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">future cities, <a href="#p101">101</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">present stage of Civilization, <a href="#p109">109</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and mother tongue, <a href="#p120">120</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and script, <a href="#p150">150</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and people, <a href="#p169">169</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">nations under, dynastic-idea, <a href="#p179">179–181</a>, <a href="#p378">378</a>, <a href="#p381">381</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">races, nations, and dynasties, <a href="#p181">181–183</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dynastic-idea and overthrow of monarchy, language-idea, <a href="#p183">183</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Charles Martel and avoidance of pseudomorphosis, <a href="#p192">192</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Russia, <a href="#p192">192</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">newness of religion, depth-experience as symbol, <a href="#p288">288</a>, <a href="#p294">294</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Mary-cult and Devil-cult, <a href="#p290">290–294</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">guilt and free-will, sacraments, <a href="#p292">292</a>, <a href="#p293">293</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">contrition, <a href="#p293">293–295</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">personality-concept, <a href="#p293">293</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Calvin-Loyola opposition and world-politics, <a href="#p299">299</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and practical mechanics, <a href="#p300">300</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dynamic character of Rationalism, <a href="#p309">309</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="pindex-xxxii">[xxxii]</span>probable character of second religiousness, <a href="#p311">311</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">religion and style of learning, <a href="#p346">346</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">style of nobility, genealogical principle, <a href="#p350">350</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">style of priesthood, <a href="#p352">352</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation of primary estates, <a href="#p353">353</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">capital city, <a href="#p381">381</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">reading and writing, <a href="#p413">413</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">money as function, <a href="#p489">489–493</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">capital and financial organization, <a href="#p493">493</a>, <a href="#p494">494</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">future, <a href="#p507">507</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Baroque; Cultures; Gothic; Politics; Technique</li> + + <li class="indx">Westminster Confession, on Grace, <a href="#p242">242</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Westphalia, Peace of, effect on nobility, <a href="#p391">391</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Ulrich von, on patriarchal kingdom, <a href="#p380">380</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Will, Arabian attitude, submission, <a href="#p235">235</a>, <a href="#p240">240</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian Grace, <a href="#p241">241</a>, <a href="#p242">242</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Western free-will and sacraments, <a href="#p292">292</a>, <a href="#p293">293</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Russian attitude, <a href="#p295">295</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">William I of England, and property, <a href="#p371">371</a></li> + + <li class="indx">William of Occam, will and reason, <a href="#p241">241</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wilson, Woodrow, as tool, <a href="#p475">475</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Winchester, Eng., as royal residence, <a href="#p92">92</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Winckler, Hugo, on post-exilic Jews, <a href="#p205">205</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Witchcraft, Western cult, <a href="#p291">291</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">persecution, <a href="#p302">302</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Woman. <i>See</i> Sex</li> + + <li class="indx">Words, cult-colouring of prime, <a href="#p116">116</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as language sound, <a href="#p134">134</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">as to origin, <a href="#p137">137</a>, <a href="#p138">138</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and names, <a href="#p138">138–141</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and modern gesture, <a href="#p140">140</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">and sentence, <a href="#p141">141</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">acquisition, <a href="#p142">142</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">vocabularies and grammar, <a href="#p147">147</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">alien provenance, <a href="#p148">148</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and conscious technique, <a href="#p499">499</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Language</li> + + <li class="indx">Work, quantity and quality in Western concept of value, <a href="#p491">491–493</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Works, religious technique and moral, <a href="#p272">272</a>. <i>See also</i> Faith</li> + + <li class="indx">World-city. <i>See</i> Megalopolitanism</li> + + <li class="indx">World War, and passage to Cæsarism, <a href="#p418">418</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">effect on universal military service, <a href="#p429">429</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and military art, <a href="#p421">421</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and Marxism, <a href="#p455">455</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">guilt question, <a href="#p461">461</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Allied press propaganda, <a href="#p462">462</a> n., <a href="#p463">463</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Worms, Diet of, code, <a href="#p76">76</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Writing, cultural relation, <a href="#p36">36</a>, <a href="#p146">146</a>, <a href="#p150">150</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Arabian religions and scripts, <a href="#p73">73</a>, <a href="#p150">150</a>, <a href="#p227">227</a> n.;</li> + <li class="isub1">Egyptian, <a href="#p108">108</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">grammatical decomposition, <a href="#p145">145</a>, <a href="#p146">146</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">technique of signs and thoughts, <a href="#p146">146</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and linguistic history, <a href="#p147">147</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and “present” training, <a href="#p149">149</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dependence on grammar, <a href="#p149">149</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and reading, <a href="#p149">149</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and extension and duration, <a href="#p150">150</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and historical endowment, <a href="#p150">150</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">and colloquial language, <a href="#p150">150</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">relation to race, as taboo, ornament, <a href="#p151">151</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">city and utilitarian, standardization, <a href="#p152">152</a>, <a href="#p155">155</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">stenography, <a href="#p152">152</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">dependence of world history on, <a href="#p153">153</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Language</li> + + <li class="indx">Wu, State, annihilation, <a href="#p422">422</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wu-ti, as ruler, <a href="#p41">41</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wullenweber, Jürgen, economics and politics, <a href="#p475">475</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wundt, Wilhelm M., an origin of language, <a href="#p138">138</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wyclif, John, and reform, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Xenophon, and class dictatorship, <a href="#p404">404</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Yahweh cult, <a href="#p201">201</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Yang-Chu, materialism, <a href="#p309">309</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Yellow Turbans, insurrection, <a href="#p314">314</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Yeomanry, lack in England and United States, <a href="#p449">449</a> n. <i>See also</i> Peasantry</li> + + <li class="indx">Yesirah, rational Mysticism, <a href="#p316">316</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Yiddish, character, <a href="#p150">150</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Yorck von Wartenburg, Graf, and Napoleon, <a href="#p406">406</a> n.</li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Zaddikism, <a href="#p322">322</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Zaleucus, laws, <a href="#p64">64</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Zama, battle, and Hellenism, <a href="#p191">191</a>, <a href="#p422">422</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Zarathustra, basis of religious reform, <a href="#p168">168</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Jewish contemporaries, <a href="#p205">205</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> Mazdaism; Zend Avesta</li> + + <li class="indx">Zechariah, Persian influence, <a href="#p208">208</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Zend Avesta, commentary, <a href="#p247">247</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">new, Mazdaism, <a href="#p251">251</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Zeno, and property, <a href="#p344">344</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Zimmern, Heinrich, on Jesus as Mandæan, <a href="#p214">214</a> n.</li> + + <li class="indx">Zionism, character, <a href="#p210">210</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Zoroaster. <i>See</i> Zarathustra</li> + + <li class="indx">Zrvanism, rise, <a href="#p256">256</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Zwingli, Ulrich, as Gothic, <a href="#p296">296</a></li> +</ul> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + <h2 class="nobreak" id="FOOTNOTES"> + [FOOTNOTES] + </h2> +</div> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> In what follows I have drawn upon a metaphysical work that I hope shortly to be able to +publish.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> For instance, Vol. I, p. 154.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> See Vol. I, p. 54.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> Even scientific astronomy, when applied to everyday work, states the movements of the heavenly +bodies in terms referred to our perception of them.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> See Vol. I, p. 172.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> A very similar notion of the light-world diffused from the light-centre forms the cardinal point +of the philosophy of Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln (1175–1273).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> The coming of radio broadcasting has in no way altered, but has rather confirmed, the validity +of this. The listener either translates his aural impressions into those of the light-world or else +yields even more readily than usual to the “illusion” here discussed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> The original reads: “<i lang="de">An Stelle des völlig einheitlichen verstehenden Empfindens erscheint oft und öfter +ein Verstehen der Bedeutung von kaum noch beachteten Sinneseindrücken.</i>”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> Hence we call that which we observe in the faces of men who have not the habit of thought +“animal”—admiringly or contemptuously as the case may be.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> See Vol. I, p. 126.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> See Vol. I, p. 102.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> Hence Bayle’s profound observation that the understanding is capable only of discovering +errors.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> See Vol. I, p. 94.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> See Vol. I, pp. 53, et seq.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> Original: “<i lang="de">aus dem Erlebnis.</i>”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 553 (Gibbon, <cite>Decline and Fall</cite>, + ch. xliii).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> G. Le Bon’s <cite lang="de">Psychologie des Foules</cite> (which has been translated into English under the title <cite>The +Crowd</cite>) is the pioneer work on this subject, and though unduly coloured perhaps by the author’s +personal prepossessions, still retains its interest and value.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> See Vol. I., pp. 139, et seq.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> Meaning here names, dates, numbers—the chronology in the usual extensive sense, and not +the intensive or deep sense. See Vol. I, pp. 97, 153 (foot-note).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> He affirmed, on the first page of his history (about 400 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>), + that before his time nothing of +significance had happened (οὐ μεγάλα νομίζω γενέσθαι οὔτε κατὰ τοὺς πολέμους οὔτε ἐς τα ἄλλα. Thucydides, +I, 1.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> Original: “<i lang="de">Alles Bedeutende, nämlich das Einmalige der Geschichte.</i>”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> I suppose the meaning of these words to be that generalization and flair are not really opposed, +but interdependent.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> Original: <i lang="de">(“So geschieht dies stets ...) im Hinblick auf das</i> im Augenblick geforderte <i lang="de">Bild +als der beständigen Funktion der Zeit und des Menschen.”</i>—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> Even at the level of the Trojan War the timeless mythological figures of gods and demigods +are still involved, intimately and in detail, in the human story. See, on the whole question of +the Greek attitude towards time and history, Vol. I, p. 9 and <i>passim</i>.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> See Chapter VIII below.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> Introduced in Rome in 522 during the Ostrogoth domination, not until Charlemagne’s times +did it make headway in the Germanic lands. Then, however, its spread was rapid.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> See Vol. I, p. 19.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> On the other hand—and very significantly—the field of the history-picture livingly experienced +in the consciousness of the sincere Renaissance classicist markedly contracted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> See Vol. I, p. 16.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> The Emperor Henry VI reigned 1190–7.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> During his Italian sojourn of 1786–8 Goethe made up his mind to resign his political offices +at Weimar, retaining merely a non-executive seat on the Council and definitely devoting himself to +art and science. This resolution he carried into effect on his return to Weimar in 1788; <cite>Tasso</cite> finally +appeared in 1790.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> For the special sense in which the word “Civilization” is used throughout this work see +Vol. I, p. 31. Briefly, the Civilization is the outcome of the Culture of which it is in one sense the +final phase, but in another the distinct and unlike sequel.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> Christian Leopold von Buch, 1774–1853; Cuvier, 1769–1832.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> The first proof that the basic forms of plants and animals did not evolve, but were suddenly +there, was given by H. de Vries in his <cite>Mutation Theory</cite> (1886). In the language of Goethe, we see +how the “impressed form” [See Vol. I, p. 157.—<i>Tr.</i>] works itself out in the individual samples, +but not how the die was cut for <em>the whole genus</em>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> With this it becomes unnecessary to postulate vast periods of time for the original states of +man, and we can regard the interval between the oldest man-type hitherto discovered and the beginning +of the Egyptian Culture as a span, greater indeed, but certainly not unthinkably greater, +than the 5,000 years of recognized cultural history.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> It is perhaps not unnecessary to remark that the word “epoch” is used throughout this book +in its proper sense of “turning point” or “moment of change” and <em>not</em> in the loose sense of “period” +which it has acquired.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> <cite lang="de">Und Afrika Sprach</cite> (1912); <cite lang="de">Paideuma, Umrisse einer Kultur- und Seelenlehre</cite> + (1920). Frobenius +distinguishes three ages.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> + This work appeared before the discovery of the Sumerian (or Pre-Sumerian) tombs of Ur.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> See Vol. I, p. 108.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> Goethe, in his little essay “<cite lang="de">Geistesepochen</cite>,” has characterized the four parts of a Culture—its +preliminary, early, late, and civilized stages—with such a depth of insight that even to-day there is +nothing to add. See the tables at the end of Vol. I, which agree with this exactly.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> Another blank is the history of the countryside or landscape (i.e., of the soil, with its plant-mantle +and its weathering) in which man’s history has been staged for five thousand years. And +yet man has so painfully wrested himself from the history of the landscape, and withal is so held +to it still by myriad fibres, that without it life, soul, and thought are inconceivable.</p> + +<p>So far as concerns the South-European field, from the end of the Ice Age, a hitherto rank +luxuriance gradually gave place in the plant-world to poverty. In the course of the successive +Egyptian, Classical, Arabian, and Western Cultures, a climatic change developed all around the +Mediterranean, which resulted in the peasant’s being compelled to fight no longer <em>against</em> the plant-world, +but <em>for</em> it—first against the primeval forest and then against the desert. In Hannibal’s +time the Sahara lay very far indeed to the south of Carthage, but to-day it already penetrates to +northern Spain and Italy. Where was it in the days of the pyramid-builders, who depicted sylvan +and hunting scenes in their reliefs? When the Spaniards expelled the Moriscos, their countryside of +woods and ploughland, already only artificially maintained, lost its character altogether, and the +towns became oases in the waste. In the Roman period such a result could not have ensued.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> The new method of comparative morphology affords us a safe test of the datings which have +been arrived at by other means for the beginnings of past Cultures. The same kind of argument +which would prevent us, even in the absence of positive information, from dating Goethe’s birth +more than a century earlier than the “<i lang="de">Urfaust</i>,” or supposing the career of Alexander the Great to +have been that of an elderly man, enables us to demonstrate, from the individual characteristics of +their political life and the spirit of their art, thought, and religion, that the Egyptian Culture dawned +somewhere about 3000 and the Chinese about 1400. The calculations of French investigators and +more recently of Borchardt (<cite lang="de">Die Annalen und die zeitliche Festlegung des Alten Reiches</cite>, 1919) are as unsound +intrinsically as those of Chinese historians for the legendary Hsia and Shang dynasties. +Equally, it is impossible that the Egyptian calendar should have been introduced in 4241 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> As +in every chronology we have to allow that evolution has been accompanied by radical calendar +changes, the attempt to fix the exact starting-date <i lang="la">a posteriori</i> is objectless.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> Eduard Meyer (<cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Altertums</cite>, III, 97) estimates the Persians, probably too highly, at +half a million as against the fifty millions of the Babylonian Empire. The numerical relation between +the Germanic peoples and legions of the third-century Roman emperors and the Roman population +as a whole, and that of the Ptolemaic and Roman armies to that of the Egyptian people, was +of much the same order.</p> + +<p>[H. Delbrück, in his well-known <cite lang="de">Gesch. der Kriegskunst</cite> (1908), Vol. I, Part I, chapter i, and elsewhere, +deals in considerable detail with the strengths of ancient armies.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 378. See C. W. C. Oman, <cite>History of the Art of War: Middle Ages</cite> + (1898), ch. i; H. Delbrück, +<cite lang="de">Gesch. der Kriegskunst</cite>, Vol. II, book I, ch. x, and book II.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> In the case of Rome, the idea of a fixed frontier against the barbarian emerged soon after the +defeat of Varus, and the fortifications of the Limes were laid down before the close of the first +century of our era.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> For at that time imperialistic tendencies found expression even in India, in the Maurya and +Sunga dynasty; these, however, could only be confused and ineffective, Indian nature being what +it was.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> Chapters vii-ix below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> On the history of the Avesta see <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed., articles “Zend-Avesta” and “Zoroaster.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> Sir Thomas Roe, 1620. A similar mission went to Turkey on the part of Frederick and the +Bohemian nobles to ask for assistance and to justify to the Turk their action in deposing the Habsburg +King. The answer they received was what might be expected of a great imperialist power +asked to intervene in the affairs of lesser neighbours—namely, material guarantees of the reality +of the movement it was asked to support and pledges that no settlement would be made without +its agreement.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> + Mexico City, or, better, the agglomeration of towns and villages in the valley of Mexico.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> According to Prescott, Cortez’s force on landing had thirteen hand firearms and fourteen +cannon, great and small, altogether. The whole of these were lost in the first defeat at Mexico. +Later a pure accident gave Cortez the contents of a supply-ship from Europe. In a military sense +horses contributed to the Spanish victories nearly if not quite as much as firearms, but these, too, +were in small numbers, sixteen at the outset.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> The following attempt is based upon the data of two American works—L. Spence, <cite>The Civilization +of Ancient Mexico</cite> (Cambridge, 1912); and H. J. Spinden, <cite>Maya Art: Its Subject matter and Historical +Development</cite> (Cambridge, 1913)—which independently of one another attempt to work +out the chronology and which reach a certain measure of agreement.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> Since the publication of the German original, Spinden’s further researches (<cite>Ancient Civilizations +of Mexico</cite>) have placed the historical zero date at 613 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> (and the cosmological zero of back-reckoning +at 3373 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>). This historical zero seems to lie deep in the pre-Cultural period, if later events have +the dates given in the text. But compare Author’s note on p. 39.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> These are the names of near-by villages serving as labels; the true names are lost.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> And was there an element of <i lang="la">panem et circenses</i> in the mass-sacrifice of captives? May it be that +the acceptance of the Spaniard as the expected manifestation of the god Quetzalcoatl (“<i lang="la">redeunt Saturnia +regna</i>”), and the serious disputations on matters of religion that took place between Montezuma +and the Christians, were presages of the phase which Spengler calls the “Second Religiousness” +(see below, <a href="#p310">p. 310</a>) of the Civilization?—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> “<cite lang="de">Zur Theorie und Methodik der Geschichte</cite>” (<cite lang="de">Kleine Schriften</cite>, + 1910), which is by far the best +piece of historical philosophy ever written by an opponent of all philosophy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> Varus’s disaster in the Teutoburger Wald.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> The Japanese belonged formerly to the Chinese Civilization and again belong to a Civilization—the +Western—to-day. A Japanese Culture in the genuine sense there has never been. Japanese +Americanism must, therefore, be judged otherwise than as an outgrowth of what never was +there.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> <cite lang="de">Cæsars Monarchie und das Principat des Pompejus</cite> (1918) pp. 501, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> + I.e., that sensation consists in the absorption of small particles radiated by the object.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> See Ch. VIII below.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> See R. Hirzel, <cite lang="de">Die Person</cite> (1914), p. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> L. Wenger, <cite lang="de">Das Recht der Griechen und Römer</cite> + (1914), p. 170; R. v. Mayr, <cite lang="de">Römische Rechtsgeschichte</cite>, +II, 1, p. 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> A curious sidelight on this appears in the provisions of the savage law against recalcitrant +debtors, who (after certain delays and formalities) could be put to death and even hewn in pieces +by their creditors, or—“sold as slaves beyond the Tiber.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> A thirteenth-century collection by Eike von Repgow of German customs and customary +law (ed. K. G. Homeyer, 1861).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> And were judged by a different authority, the peregrin prætor.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> The “dependence” of Classical law upon Egyptian is, as it chances, still traceable. Solon +the wholesale merchant introduced into his Attic legislation provisions concerning debt-slavery, +contract, work-shyness, and unemployment taken from Egypt. Diodorus, I, 77, 79, 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> The process is clearly explained in Goudy’s article “Roman Law,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed. +Very roughly, the prætor corresponded to the judge, and the judges to the jury, of modern English +law, but such a parallel must not be pressed far.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> L. Wenger, <cite lang="de">Recht der Griechen und Römer</cite>, pp. 166, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed., Vol. XII, p. 502. Fragments of the older collection referred to were found +in the vicinity.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> In English legal theory the judge does not <em>make law</em> + by a new decision, but <em>“declares” the law</em>—i.e., +makes explicit what has been implicit in the law from the first, though the occasion for its +manifestation has not hitherto arisen.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., Vol XXVI, p. 315.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> See Beloch, <cite lang="de">Griechische Geschichte</cite>, I, 1, p. 350.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> The background of this is Etruscan law, the primitive form of the Roman. Rome was an +Etruscan city.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> Busolt, <cite lang="de">Griechische Staatskunde</cite>, p. 528.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> Compare the famous ironical judgment of Mr. Justice Maule which led to the reform of the +divorce laws in England (1857): “... It is true that the course which you should legally have +taken would have cost you many hundreds of pounds, whereas probably you have not as many +pence. <em>But the Law knows no distinction between rich and poor.</em>”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> What is important to us, therefore, in the Law of the Twelve Tables is not the supposed contents +(of which scarcely an authentic clause survived even in Cicero’s day), but the political act +of codification itself, the tendency of which corresponded to that of the overthrow of the Tarquinian +Tyrannis by senatorial Oligarchy—a success which, now endangered, it was sought to stabilize +for the future. The text which schoolboys learned in detail in Cæsar’s time must have had the +same destiny as the consular lists of the old time, in which had been interpolated names upon names +of families whose wealth and influence was of much later origin. In recent years Pais and Lambert +have disputed the whole story of the Twelve Tables, and so far as concerns the authenticity of the +reputed text, they may well be right—not so, however, as regards the course of political events in +the years about 450.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> Only half a century separates the traditional dates of these events (509, 451), in spite of the +wealth of traditional history afterwards attached to the period. The “coup,” in the case of the +Decemvirs, was the capture by the patricians of a machine set up for the redress of plebeian grievances.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> Cf. Ch. IV below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> Sohm, <cite lang="de">Institutionen</cite> (14) p. 101. [This is the edict of “Julian” (Salvius Julianus, urban prætor). +Romanists are not agreed as to how far, if at all, it included material derived from the decisions +of the peregrin prætor. See Professor Goudy’s article “Roman Law,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., +p. 563.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> Lenel, <cite>Das Edictum perpetuum</cite> (1907); L. Wenger, p. 168.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> Even the multiplication table of the children assumes the elements of dynamics in counting.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> V. Mayr, II, 1, p. 85; Sohm, p. 105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> <cite lang="de">Enzyklopädie der Rechtswissensch.</cite>, I, 357.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> Egyptian law of the Hyksos period, and Chinese of the Period of Contending States, in contrast +to the Classical and the Indian law of the Dharmasutras, must have been built up on basic ideas quite +other than the idea of the corporeality of persons and things. It would be a grand emancipation from +the load of Roman “antiquities” if German research were to succeed in establishing these.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> Sohm, p. 220.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> Acts XV. Herein lies the germ of the idea of a Church law.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> For Islam as a “juristic person” see M. Horten, <cite lang="de">Die religiöse Gedankenwelt des Volkes im heutigen +Islam</cite> (1917), p. xxiv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> See Ch. VII below. We can venture to make the label so positive because the adherents of all +the Late Classical cults were bound together in devout consensus, just as the primitive Christian +communities were.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> The Persian Church came into the Classical field only in the Classical form of Mithraism, +which was assimilable in the ensemble of Syncretism.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> It is difficult to describe this class in a few words. Roughly, they (and the “Junian Latins,” +so called, who were excepted with them) represented a stratum of Roman society, largely composed +of “undesirables,” which was only just not servile. In the older legislation they were necessarily +lumped with the outer world as peregrins, but when Caracalla made this outer world +“Roman,” there were obvious reasons against bringing these people into the fold as well. In somewhat +the same way the word “outsider” is used in colloquial English with the dual meaning of a +foreigner or non-member, and a socially undesirable person.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> In the Twelve Tables <i lang="la">connubium</i> was disallowed even between the patrician and plebian citizens +of Rome itself. [The hold of the patricians on this privilege, however, was already exceedingly +precarious, and it vanished a few years later in the <i lang="la">lex Canuleia</i>.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> Cf. Ch. VI below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> Lenel, I, 380.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> Here, as in every line of the history of the “Pseudomorphosis,” we are reminded of Christ’s +parable of new wine and old bottles (Matt. ix, 17), an expression not of mere abstract shrewdness, +as it seems to us now, but of intense living force and even passion. It is only one short verse, not +obligatory in its context, but leaping out of depths.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> As long ago as 1891 Mitteis (<cite lang="de">Reichsrecht und Volksrecht</cite>, p. 13) drew attention to the Oriental +vein in Constantine’s legislation. Collinet (<cite lang="fr">Études historiques sur le droit de Justinien I</cite>, 1912), chiefly +on the basis of German researches, throws an immense amount back on Hellenistic law; but how +much, after all, of this “Hellenistic” was really Greek and not merely written in Greek? The +results of interpolation-research have proved truly devastating for the “Classical spirit” in Justinian’s +Digests.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> See Ch. VII below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> Coupled with the destruction of all other documents.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> Fromer, <cite lang="de">Der Talmud</cite> (1920), p. 190. [The English student will find a fairly full account of +the main groups of Jewish literature in the article “Hebrew Literature” and cognate articles in +the <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> Mitteis (<cite lang="de">Röm. Privatrecht bis auf die Zeit Dioklezians</cite> (1908), preface) remarks how, “while +the ancient law-forms were retained, the law itself nevertheless became something quite different.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> Head of the exilic Jews under Persian overlordship.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> Mayr, IV, pp. 45, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> Hence the fictitious names of authors on innumerable books in every Arabian literature—Dionysius +the Areopagite, Pythagoras, Hermes Trismegistus, Hippocrates, Enoch, Baruch, Daniel, +Solomon, the Apostle-names attached to the numerous gospels and apocalypses.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> For example, Hebrew was supplanted by Aramaic for all ordinary purposes as early as the +Maccabees—and to such an extent that in the synagogues the Scriptures had to be translated for +the people—but has held its ground as a religious vehicle, and above all as a script, even to this +day. (The present use of a <em>spoken</em> Hebrew represents a revival in more recent times, after the wider +dispersion of the early Middle Ages had broken the connexion with the Aramaic lands.) In the +Persian field the older Zend survived alongside the newer Pehlevi. In Egypt somewhat similar influences +were contemporaneously determining the evolution of popular Demotic and official Greek +into the Coptic language with Greek characters.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> M. Horten, <cite lang="de">D. rel. Gedankenwelt d. Volkes im heut. Islam</cite>, + p. xvi. Cf. Chapter VII below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> Mayr, IV, 45, et seq. [<cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., Vol. XXIII, p. 570.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> 471. See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed., article “Chalcedon, Council of,” and references therein.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> Wenger, p. 180.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> Krumbacher, <cite lang="de">Byzantinische Literatur-Geschichte</cite>, p. 606.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> Sachau, <cite lang="de">Syrische Rechtsbücher</cite>, Vol. III.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> Bertholet, <cite lang="de">Kulturgeschichte Israels</cite>, pp. 200, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> We get a hint of this in the famous code of Hammurabi, though unfortunately we cannot tell +in what relation this single work stood, in point of intrinsic importance, to the general level of +contemporary jurisprudence in the Babylonian world.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> See Professor Maitland’s article “English Law” in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed., Vol. IX.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> Sohm, <cite>Inst.</cite>, p. 156.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> See J. Janssen, <cite>Hist. German People at the End of the Middle Ages</cite>, + English translation, Book IV, +Ch. I-II.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> Lend, I, p. 395.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> The punning contrast of Lombard <i lang="la">faex</i> (excrement) and Roman <i lang="la">lex</i> + is Huguccio’s (1200).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> W. Goetz, <cite lang="de">Arch. für Kulturgeschichte</cite>, 10, 28, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> See the article “Canon Law” in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> See Sohm’s last work, <cite lang="de">Das altkatholische Kirchenrecht und das Dekret Gratians</cite> + (1918).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> See Ch. VII below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> See Ch. X below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> The permanently valid element in English law is the constant <em>form</em> + of an incessant <em>development</em> +by the courts.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> If the higher courts alone are meant, the number is well below fifty for England and Wales. +Scots law is independent of English and has its own jurisprudence.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> <cite>Inst.</cite>, p. 170.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> Similar problems are now (1927) arising in connexion with radio broadcasting.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> <cite lang="de">Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch</cite>, § 90.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> As evidenced in terms of French law like “<i lang="fr">Société anonyme</i>,” “<i lang="fr">raison sociale</i>,” + “<i lang="fr">personne juridique</i>.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> Note, in this connexion, the remarkable development in modern American industry of a professional +managerial class, distinct from the capitalist, the technician, and the “worker.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> Published 1857. English translation, 1872.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> Without Alexander, and even before him, for Alexander neither kindled nor spread that light; +he did not lead, but followed its path to the East.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> See G. Glotz’s recent work <cite lang="fr">La Civilisation égéenne</cite>, + 1923 (English translation, 1927).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> This is now recognized by art-research; cf. Salis, <cite lang="de">Die Kunst der Griechen</cite> + (1919), pp. 3, et seq.; +H. Th. Bosser, <cite lang="de">Alt-Kreta</cite> (1921), introduction.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> D. Fimmen, <cite lang="de">Die kretisch-mykenische Kultur</cite> (1921), p. 210.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> Dehio, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. deutsch. Kunst</cite> (1919), pp. 16, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> Dieterich, <cite lang="de">Byzant. Charakterköpfe</cite>, pp. 136, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> Even admitting within itself the animals of its fields.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> Dehio, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. deutschen Kunst</cite> (1919), pp. 13, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> Eduard Meyer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Altertums</cite>, I, p. 188.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> The English parallel is Winchester.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> The phenomenon is perhaps too well known in our days to need exemplification. But it is +worth while recalling that the usual form of disgrace for a minister or courtier of the seventeenth +or eighteenth century was to be commanded to “retire to his estates,” and that a student expelled +from the universities is said to be “rusticated.” Since this volume was written, a remarkable proof +of the reality of this spiritual indrawing by the Megalopolis has been given by the swift spread of +radio broadcasting over the West-European and American world. For the country-dweller, radio +reception means intimate touch with the news, the thought, and the entertainment of the great +city, and relieves the <em>grievance</em> of “isolation” that the older country-folk would never have felt +as a grievance at all.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> In the case of the Venetians the money-outlook was already potent during the earlier Crusades. +But the fact that their financial exploitation of the great religious adventure was regarded as scandalous +indicates sufficiently that the rural world of the West was not yet face to face with the money-idea.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> See Ch. XIII below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> Samarra exhibits, like the Imperial Fora of Rome and the ruins of Luxor, truly American +proportions. The city stretches for 33 km. [20 miles] along the Tigris. The Balkuwara Palace, +which the Caliph Mutawakil built for one of his sons, forms a square of 1250 m. [say, three-quarters +of a mile] on each side. One of the giant mosques measures in plan 260 × 180 m. [858 × 594 ft.]. +Schwarz, <cite lang="de">Die Abbasidenresidenz Samarra</cite> (1910); Herzfeld, <cite lang="de">Ausgrabungen von Samarra</cite> (1912). [Pataliputra, +in the days of Chandragupta and Asoka, measured <i lang="la">intra muros</i> 10 miles × 2 miles (equal to +Manhattan Island or London along the Thames from Greenwich to Richmond).—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> Karlsruhe, with its fan-scheme, and Mannheim, with its rectangles, are earlier than Washington. +But both are small places. The one is a sort of extension of the prince’s Rococo park and +centred on his <i lang="fr">point de vue</i>; the other, though its block-numbering, unique in Europe, seems to +relate it to the American city, was really planned as a self-contained military capital, rectangular +only within its oval enceinte, whereas the American rectangles are meant to be added to. The layout +of Petersburg by Peter the Great (which has been adhered to to this day and is still incompletely +filled in in detail) is a much more forcible example of the arbitrary planning of a megalopolis. +Though outside the “European” world, it is of it, for it was the visible symbol of Peter’s will to +force Europe upon Russia. It is contemporary with Mannheim and Karlsruhe (early eighteenth +century), but its creator conceived of it as a city <em>of the future</em>.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> In the case of Canada, not merely great regions, but the <em>whole country</em> + has been picketed out in +equal rectangles for future development.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> It has been left to the <em>Western</em> Civilization of present-day Rome to build the garden suburbs +that the Classical Civilization could have built.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> Friedländer, <cite lang="de">Sittengeschichte Roms</cite>, I, p. 5. Compare this with Samarra, which had nothing +like this population. The “Late Classical city on Arabian soil was un-Classical in this respect +as in others. The garden suburb of Antioch was renowned throughout the East.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> The city which the Egyptian “Julian the Apostate,” Amenophis IV (Akhenaton) built himself +in Tell-el-Amarna had streets up to 45 m. [149 ft.] wide.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> Pöhlmann, <cite lang="de">Aus Altertum und Gegenwart</cite> (1910), pp. 211, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> Some years ago a French peasant was brought to notice whose family had occupied its glebe +since the ninth century.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> Shaw, <cite>The Quintessence of Ibsen</cite>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> An ancient Hindu materialism.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> For what follows see Eduard Meyer, <cite lang="de">Kl. Schriften</cite> (1910), pp. 145, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> <cite>Hist. Nat.</cite>, XVIII, 7.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> + We know of measures to promote increase of population in China in the third century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, +precisely the Augustan Age of Chinese evolution. See Rosthorn, <cite lang="de">Das soziale Leben der Chinesen</cite> (1919), +p. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> The <i>amphitheatres</i> + of Nîmes and Arles were filled up by mean townlets that used the outer wall +as their fortifications.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> Strabo, Pausanias, Dio Chrysostom, Avienus, etc. See E. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Kl. Schriften</cite>, + pp. 164, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> The Colosseum of Rome itself in due course fell into this decay and we read in the guide-books +that “its flora were once famous”—420 wild species lived in its ruins. If this could happen in +Rome, we need not be surprised at the quick, almost catastrophic, conquest of the Maya cities by +tropical vegetation.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> According to the researches of K. Sethe. Cf. Robert Eisler, <cite lang="de">Die kenitischen Weihinschriften der +Hyksoszeit</cite>, etc. (1919).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> Henceforward, and indeed throughout this work, the word “language” is not to be regarded +as limited to spoken and written language. As the above definition indicates, it includes all +modes of intelligible conscious-expression—“affective language” in the widest sense.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> Obviously, Totemistic facts, so far as they come under the observation of the waking-consciousness, +obtain a significance of the Taboo kind also; much in man’s sexual life, for example, +is performed with a profound sense of fear, because his will-to-understand is baffled by it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> W. von Humboldt (<cite lang="de">Über die Verschiedenheit des menschlichen Sprachbaues</cite>) + was the first to emphasize +the fact that a language is not a thing, but an activity. “If we would be quite precise, we +can certainly say <em>there is no such thing as ‘language,’</em> just as there is no such thing as ‘intellect’; but +man does speak, and does act intellectually.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> Hans Friedrich Schinkel (1781–1841), architect of the Opera House, the Altes Museum, and the +Königswache of Berlin. Gottfried Schadow (1764–1850), sculptor (statues of Frederick II, Zieten, +etc.; Quadriga of Brandenburger Tor), a classicist <i lang="fr">malgré lui</i> (not to be confused with two other +artists of the same name, quasi-contemporaries).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a> See <a href="#p29">p. 29</a> above.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Deutsch. Kunst</cite> (1919), pp. 14, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> This practice of inscription survives till deep into the Civilization. Even in 1914 the guns +of the German Army, true products of the advanced machine-shop though they were, carried a Latin +threat to the foe. From the magic rune of the blade it is a step to the motto on the shield, and +then to the motto alone as unity-charm of the regiment or the Order.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> W. Altmann, <cite lang="de">Die ital. Rundbauten</cite> (1906).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> A striking case in point is the Roman military camp. See Vol. I (English edition), p. 185, +foot-note.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> Bulle, <cite>Orchomenos</cite>, pp. 26, et seq.; Noack, <cite lang="de">Ovalhaus und Palast in Kreta</cite>, + pp. 53, et seq. The +house-plans still traceable in Latin times in the Ægean and Asia Minor may perhaps allow us to +order our notions of human conditions in the pre-Classical period; but the linguistic remains, never.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> <cite>Medieval Rhodesia</cite> (London, 1906).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> Cf. Ch. X.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> Though magic or prestige may of course be involved in their ornamentation, these are supervening +and not radical virtues.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> In this connexion it ought to be someone’s business to undertake physiognomic studies upon +the massy, thoroughly peasantish, Roman busts; the portraits of Early Gothic; those of the Renaissance, +already visibly urban; and, most of all, the polite English portraiture from the late-eighteenth +century onward. The great galleries of “ancestors” contain an endless wealth of +material.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> The sudden fear of some animal or object seen, believed to result in her child’s bearing the mark +of it. Cf. Jacob and the speckled cattle (Genesis xxx, 37). The attitude of biologists to this +question is not negative, but non-committal.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> J. Ranke, <cite lang="de">Der Mensch</cite> (1912), II, p. 205.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> This suggestive sentence should, of course, be read with its reservation. The cranial evidences +of Crete are highly illustrative in this connexion; they would not indeed be trusted by a +modern historian without weighty collateral evidence, but here this evidence exists. Up to the +latter part of Middle Minoan, the “long” head predominated heavily, not only from the outset, +but increasingly as the Culture rose, until it included two-thirds of the whole, intermediates forming +a quarter and “short” heads a mere handful. But from about the time of the catastrophic fall of +Late Minoan II, the long heads fall to a startlingly low figure, while intermediates account for +half, and short heads for more than a third. It marks the end of Minoan Civilization and the coming +of the Achæans. But just as the Minoan skull held its own throughout the Minoan Age, so +now, after its fall, the short head maintained itself, as stated in the text, through all subsequent +vicissitudes, from the “Sea-peoples” through Roman, Arab, and Turk, to this day. Thus the Cretan +landscape has had two skull-types successively; but the change from one to the other occurred in +connexion with an immense cataclysm, nothing less than the collapse of a Civilization. The +rough deduction that seems to emerge from this case is that a great Culture holds its skull, no +doubt in the course of its striving towards ideal physical type of its own (see <a href="#p127">p. 127</a>), but that where +that major organism does not exist, the skull endures as the land endures and the peasant endures. +This applies also to the Alpine region, which has received the deposit of migrations, but has never +been the centre of a high Culture.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> Cf. D. Randall-MacIver, <cite>The Etruscans</cite> (1928), Ch. I.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> Art is fully developed in the animals. So far as man can get at it by way of analogy, it consists +for them in rhythmic movement (“dance”) and sound-formation (“song”). But this is by no +means the limit of artistic impression <em>on</em> the animal itself.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> Jesus says to the Seventy whom he is sending out on mission: “And salute no man on the +way” (Luke x, 4). The ceremonial of greeting on the high-road is so complicated that people in +a hurry have to omit it. A. Bertholet, <cite lang="de">Kulturgeschichte Israels</cite> (1919), p. 162.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> Exekias—represented in the British Museum by his “Achilles and Penthesilea” (<cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, +XI ed., article “Ceramics,” Plate I)—stands at the end of Black Figure as the master of the possibilities +of refinement in it—on the verge of the style-change to Red Figure, yet apart from it. Sebastian +Bach is his “contemporary.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> “All forms, even those that are most felt, contain an element of untruth” (Goethe). In systematic +philosophy the intent of the thinker coincides neither with the written words nor with +the understanding of his readers, as it consists in his thinking meanings into words in the course +of using the words themselves (<i lang="de">da es ein Denken in Wortbedeutungen ist, im Verlauf der Darstellung mit +sich selbst</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> + Jespersen deduces language from poesy, dance, and particularly courtship. <cite>Progress in Language</cite> +(1894), p. 357.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="label">[184]</a> See Vol. I, p. 80.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="label">[185]</a> Sentence-like complexes of sound are known also to the dog. When the Australian dingo +reverted from domestication to the wild state, he reverted also from the house-dog’s bark to the +wolf’s howl—a phenomenon that indicates a transition to very much simpler sound-signs, but +has nothing to do with “words.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="label">[186]</a> The gesture-languages of to-day (Delbrück, <cite lang="de">Grundfragen d. Sprachforsch.</cite>, + pp. 49, et seq., with +reference to the work of Jorio on the gestures of the Neapolitans) without exception presuppose +word-language and are completely dependent upon its intellectual systematism. Examples: the +mimicry of the actor, and the language which the American Indians have formed for themselves +for the purpose of mutually understanding one another in spite of extreme differences and fluidity +in the verbal languages of the various tribes. Wundt (<cite lang="de">Völkerpsychologie</cite>, I, p. 212) quotes the following +to show how complicated sentences can be handled in this language: “White soldiers, led by +an officer of high rank, but little intelligence, took the Mescalero Indians prisoners.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="label">[187]</a> See Vol. I, p. 172.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="label">[188]</a> The case of voice-differentiations of the same word in Chinese is not analogous. It arose only +out of scholars’ work in the later phases of the Chinese Civilization as understood in this work. +And it is a mechanical expedient and not a structural character—i.e., it lacks the <em>polarity</em> mentioned +in the text. Voice-management distinguishes, not “great” from “small,” but “pig” from “God,” +“bamboo” from “to dwell.” English students will find a clear and understandable account of this +and other Chinese differential devices in Karlgren’s little book: <cite>Sound and Symbol in Chinese</cite> (English +translation, 1923).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="label">[189]</a> Possibly connected with this is the <em>emphatic antithesis</em> + characterizing many of our proverbs and +everyday idioms—e.g., “up hill and down dale” (“<i lang="fr">par monts et vaux</i>,” “<i lang="de">bergauf bergab</i>”), meaning +hardly more than “everywhere.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="label">[190]</a> <cite lang="de">Die Haupttypen des Sprachbaus</cite>, 1910.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="label">[191]</a> See the article “Bantu Languages,” by Sir H. H. Johnston, <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="label">[192]</a> Even calling something “invisible” is a definition of it under the light-aspect.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="label">[193]</a> Only technics are entirely true, for here the words are merely the key to actuality, and the +sentences are continually modified until they are, not “truth,” but actuality. A hypothesis claims, +not rightness, but usefulness.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="label">[194]</a> See <a href="#p29">pp. 29</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="label">[195]</a> The English reader may refer to Karlgren’s <cite>Sound and Symbol in Chinese</cite>, already mentioned, +for details.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="label">[196]</a> See the article “Indo-European Languages,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="label">[197]</a> + Translation, it must be remembered, is normally from older into younger linguistic conditions.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="label">[198]</a> See <a href="#p140">p. 140</a> above.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="label">[199]</a> See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., Vol. XVI, p. 251b.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="label">[200]</a> See the articles “Sanskrit” and “Indo-European Languages,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="label">[201]</a> P. Jensen, <cite lang="de">Sitz. Preuss. Akademie</cite> (1919), pp. 367, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="label">[202]</a> L. Hahn, <cite lang="de">Rom und Romanismus im griech-röm. Osten</cite> (1906).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="label">[203]</a> See the article “Book-keeping” in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="label">[204]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. des Alt.</cite>, I, §§ 455, 465.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="label">[205]</a> See below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="label">[206]</a> Radio broadcasting does not controvert this. Its characteristic quality is not (as is often +supposed) dissemination to vast numbers irrespective of physical distance, but a special intimacy +of address to the listening individual.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="label">[207]</a> See the article “Semitic Language,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="label">[208]</a> Similarly the modern Jews of the Dispersion write Yiddish, which is a modified German, +in Hebrew characters.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="label">[209]</a> See Lidzbarski, <cite lang="de">Sitz. Berl. Akad.</cite> + (1916), p. 1218. There is plentiful material in M. Miese, <cite lang="de">Die +Gesetze der Schriftgeschichte</cite> (1919).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="label">[210]</a> P. Kretschmer, in Gercke-Norden, <cite lang="de">Einl. i. d. Altertumswissenschaft</cite>, I, p. 551.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="label">[211]</a> See the articles “Romance Languages” and “Latin Language,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="label">[212]</a> Cf. <a href="#p122">p. 122</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="label">[213]</a> For this reason I am one of those who believe that, even quite late, Etruscan still played a very +important part in the colleges of the Roman priesthood.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="label">[214]</a> Precisely for this reason it has to be recognized that the Homeric poems, which were first +fixed in the colonization period, can only give us an urban literary language and not the courtly +conversation-language in which they were originally declaimed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="label">[215]</a> So much so that the workers of the great cities call themselves <em>the</em> + People, thereby excluding +the bourgeoisie, with which no community feeling conjoins them. The bourgeoisie of 1789 did exactly +the same.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="label">[216]</a> The dominant nucleus within the Spartan ensemble.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="label">[217]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen</cite> + (1912), pp. 128, et seq. [An extended summary +of Mormon history will be found in the article “Mormons,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="label">[218]</a> Ex-mercenaries of Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse, who seized and settled in Messina. The +questions arising out of this act precipitated the First Punic War.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="label">[219]</a> + A still more celebrated case is the “ambulatory Polis” formed by Xenophon’s Ten Thousand.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="label">[220]</a> And in numerous Classical instances.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="label">[221]</a> See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., Vol. IX, p. 860.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="label">[222]</a> In Macedonia, in the nineteenth century, Serbs, Bulgars, and Greeks all founded schools for +the anti-Turkish population. If it happens that a village has been taught Serb, even the next generation +consists of fanatical Serbs. The present strength of the “nations” is thus merely a consequence +of previous school-policy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="label">[223]</a> + For Beloch’s scepticism concerning the reputed Dorian migration see his <cite lang="de">Griechische Geschichte</cite>, +I, 2, Section VIII. [A brief account of the question, by J. L. Myres, is in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., article +“Dorians.”—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="label">[224]</a> C. Mehlis, <cite lang="de">Die Berberfrage</cite> (<cite lang="de">Archiv für Anthropologie</cite> + 39, pp. 249, et seq.) where relations between +North German and Mauretanian ceramics, and even resemblances of toponymy (rivers, mountains) +are dealt with. The old pyramid buildings of West Africa are closely related, on the one hand, +to the Nordic dolmens (<i lang="de">Hünengräber</i>) of Holstein and, on the other, to the graves of the Old Kingdom +(some illustrations in L. Frobenius, <cite lang="de">Der kleinafrikanische Grabbau</cite>, 1916).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="label">[225]</a> <cite lang="de">Die Bevölkerung der griechisch-römischen Welt</cite> (1886).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="label">[226]</a> <cite lang="de">Geschichte der Kriegskunst</cite> (from 1900).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="label">[227]</a> Rameses III, who defeated them, portrayed their expedition in the relief of Medinet Habet. +W. M. Müller, <cite lang="de">Asien und Europa</cite>, p. 366.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="label">[228]</a> Which, therefore, have discovered for themselves the nonsensical designation “aristocracy +of intellect” (<i lang="de">Geistesadel</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="label">[229]</a> Although—or should we say “thus”?—Rome accorded citizenship to freedmen, who in +general were of wholly alien blood, and sons of ex-slaves were admitted to the Senate even by Appius +Claudius the Censor in 310. One of them, Flavius, had already been curule ædile.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="label">[230]</a> See articles “Persia (history: ancient),” “Behistun,” “Cuneiform,” in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., +or indeed almost any work upon Babylonian and Persian antiquities.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="label">[231]</a> Sworn by Louis the German and Charles the Bald in both languages. The manuscript of +the oath, however, is later—say, 950.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="label">[232]</a> “<i lang="de">Die ältesten datierten Zeugnisse der iranischen Sprache</i>” (<cite lang="de">Zeitschr. f. vgl. Sprachf.</cite> + 42, p. 26.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="label">[233]</a> See above, <a href="#p145">p. 145</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="label">[234]</a> Ed. Meyer, op. cit., pp. 1, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="label">[235]</a> Compare the absorption of the Norman conquerors into England and the subsequent development +of an English aristocracy.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="label">[236]</a> For what follows, cf. Ch. VII-IX.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="label">[237]</a> <cite lang="de">Geschichte des Altertums</cite>, I, § 590, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="label">[238]</a> Andreas and Wackernagel, <cite lang="de">Nachrichten der Göttingischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften</cite> + (1911), +p. 1, et seq. [On the subject generally, see articles by K. Geldner, “Zend-Avesta” and “Zoroaster,” +and by Ed. Meyer, “Parthia,” in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="label">[239]</a> See, further, below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="label">[240]</a> Dynasty I.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="label">[241]</a> Albertus Magnus; St. Thomas Aquinas; Grosseteste, and Roger Bacon.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="label">[242]</a> Cf. <a href="#p105">p. 105</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="label">[243]</a> Cf. Ch. X.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="label">[244]</a> See <a href="#p60">p. 60</a> above. The slave did not belong to the nation. On this account the enrolment +of non-citizens in the army of a city, which on occasions of dire crisis was inevitable, was always +felt as a profound blow to the national idea.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="label">[245]</a> Even in the Iliad we can perceive the tendency to the nation-feeling in the small, and even +the smallest, aggregates.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="label">[246]</a> And she had rarely to deal with anything more formidable than a loose partial confederacy. +Often Etruscan cities were in alliance with Rome against other Etruscan cities.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="label">[247]</a> It is not to be overlooked that both Plato and Aristotle in their political writings were unable +to conceive of the ideal people otherwise than in the Polis form. But it was equally natural for the +eighteenth-century thinkers to regard “the Ancients” as nations after the fashion of Shaftesbury +and Montesquieu—it is <em>we</em> their successors who ought not to have stayed on that note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="label">[248]</a> Mommsen described the Roman Empire as a “universal Empire founded upon municipal autonomy.” +And even Alexander’s empire was originally conceived, and to a great extent actually +organized, in this spirit. See P. Jouguet, <cite lang="fr">L’Impérialisme macédonien</cite> (1926), Ch. IV.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="label">[249]</a> See <a href="#p67">p. 67</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="label">[250]</a> F. N. Finck, <cite lang="de">Die Sprachstämme des Erdkreises</cite> (1915), pp. 29, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="label">[251]</a> About the end of the second century of our era.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="label">[252]</a> See foot-note, <a href="#p197">p. 197</a>, et seq.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="label">[253]</a> A loose group of Edomite tribes which, with Moabites, Amalekites, Ishmaelites, and others, +thus constituted a fairly uniform Hebrew-speaking population.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="label">[254]</a> See <a href="#p167">p. 167</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="label">[255]</a> Aristotle says that “philosophers are called Calani among the Indians, and Jews among +the Syrians.” Exactly the same is stated by Megasthenes, the Seleucid ambassador at Pataliputra, +of Brahmins and Jews.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="label">[256]</a> The district south of Lake Van, of which the capital was Arbela, the old home of the goddess +Ishtar.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="label">[257]</a> As evidenced by the Falasha, the black Jews of Abyssinia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="label">[258]</a> <cite lang="de">Arch. f. Anthrop.</cite>, Vol. XIX.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="label">[259]</a> <cite lang="de">Zeitschr. f. Ethnol.</cite> (1919).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="label">[260]</a> <i>Digesta</i>, 50, 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="label">[261]</a> Geffcken, <cite lang="de">Der Ausgang des griech.-röm. Heidentum</cite> (1920), p. 57 [English readers may refer to +the article “Neoplatonism” and shorter articles under the personal names, in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="label">[262]</a> See Vol. I, pp. 63, 71.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="label">[263]</a> + Which we translate by “Gentiles,” but which literally means “the nations” or “peoples.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="label">[264]</a> See the article “Nestorians,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="label">[265]</a> See the articles “Jews” (§ 43), “Exilarch,” and “Gaon,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI. ed. In Europe, too, +far into the Dispersion, there are rabbis recognized by the State as governors of their communities, +such as the famous Rabbi Löw of Prague (1513–1609).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="label">[266]</a> It may not be at all fanciful to connect the Reception of “Roman” law in Germany and the +rise of the doctrine of <i lang="la">cujus regio, ejus religio</i> which played so great a part in the religious wars and +treaties of our sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. At any rate, “practical politics” so-called provides +an inadequate motive by itself to account for the latter. Considering it in contrast to the +notion of Mortmain, and having regard to the intensity of religious belief in many of the princes +who applied it, the idea appears as something much more positive than a mere formula of compromise.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="label">[267]</a> See <a href="#p70">p. 70</a>. The “capitulations” under which until recently Europeans were exempt from +the jurisdiction of Turkish courts are regarded nowadays as a right enforced by more civilized powers +to protect their subjects from the laws of a less civilized state, and their abolition is a symbol +of the rise of the latter to the rank of a civilized power. But originally it was quite the reverse. +The first “capitulation” was sued for by France in an hour of danger when Turkish aid was essential +to her. See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., article “Capitulations.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="label">[268]</a> See Vol. I., p. 212.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="label">[269]</a> The author’s meaning may perhaps be precised thus: so much of the old Magian nations as +was not Arabized became fellah peoples, either outside the Magian sphere (as in Europe and India) +or within it, under the Turkish (Mongol) domination, but even the old Arab-element itself was +largely ripe for the change into the fellah condition when the Turks came.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="label">[270]</a> I am convinced that the nations of China which sprang up in members in the middle, Hwang-Ho +region at the beginning of the Chóu dynasty, as also the regional peoples of the Egyptian Old +Kingdom (which had each its own capital and its own religion, and as late as Roman times fought +each other in definitely religious wars), were in their inward form more closely akin to the peoples +of the West than to those of the Classical and the Arabian worlds. However, research into such +fields has hitherto been conspicuous by its absence.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="label">[271]</a> That the dynasts themselves have contributed heavily to the catalogue of perjury and bad faith +only reinforces the argument.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="label">[272]</a> His desertion of the emperor Frederick Barbarossa in the Lombard war, 1176. The details of +the long struggle between Frederick and Henry will be found in any fairly full history of Europe +or in the respective articles devoted to them in the <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed. While Frederick stood—and +with real hopes as well as ideals—for the inclusive Empire, Henry through all his vicissitudes stood +for Germany’s eastern expansion, the colonization of the Slavonic north-east, and the development +of the Baltic.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273" class="label">[273]</a> In mediæval hymns the cross is symbolically regarded as a tree bearing Christ as its last and +grandest fruit; it is identified, indeed, with the Tree of Knowledge. (See Yrjo Hirn, <cite>The Sacred +Shrine</cite>.)—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274" class="label">[274]</a> And every English schoolboy knows the meaning of the “Early Plantagenets.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275" class="label">[275]</a> Against the Swedes, 1675.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276" class="label">[276]</a> Against the French and their German dependent allies, 1757.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277" class="label">[277]</a> See <a href="#p166">pp. 166</a>, et seq., and <a href="#p174">174</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278" class="label">[278]</a> Less than one per cent of the population.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279" class="label">[279]</a> It is to be noted that the home of the Babylonian Culture, the ancient Sinear, plays no part of +any importance in the coming events. For the Arabian Culture only the region north of Babylon, +not that to south, comes into question.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280" class="label">[280]</a> + The victory of L. Æmilius Paullus over Perseus, 168 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281" class="label">[281]</a> This has an important bearing also in the histories of the Western literatures. The German +is written in part in Latin, and English in French.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282" class="label">[282]</a> See Professor Geldner’s article “Zend-Avesta,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283" class="label">[283]</a> See Wollner, <cite lang="de">Untersuchungen über die Volksepik des Grossrussen</cite> (1879). [A convenient edition +of the Kiev Stories is Mary Gill, <cite lang="fr">Les Légendes slaves</cite> (Paris, 1912).—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284" class="label">[284]</a> The former is dated about 800, the latter about 930.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285" class="label">[285]</a> These two figures—the one an authorized Mayor of the Palace before he was Tsar, the other +a crude usurper—dominate the period of Russian history called the “Period of Troubles”—i.e., +that between the death of Ivan the Terrible in 1584 and the election of Michael Romanov in +1613.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286" class="label">[286]</a> Covering, before its later extensions, Persia and Iraq to the Euphrates.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287" class="label">[287]</a> The region south of Damascus and east of the Sea of Galilee.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288" class="label">[288]</a> Saba (Sheba) is, roughly, the modern Yemen, though the centre of gravity of the Sabæan +Kingdom may earlier have been in northern Arabia. See Dr. D. H. Müller’s article “Sabaeans” +in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289" class="label">[289]</a> Schiele, <cite lang="de">Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart</cite>, I, 647.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290" class="label">[290]</a> The “Minæan” and the Sabæan kingdoms were the two outstanding hegemonies of early +Arabian history. Ma’in, in southern Arabia, should not be confused with the Ma’an which lies +north-east of the Gulf of Akaba.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291" class="label">[291]</a> Bent, <cite>The Sacred City of the Ethiopians</cite> + (London 1893), pp. 134, et seq., deals with the remains +of Jeha, the inscriptions of which are dated by Glaser between the seventh and fifth centuries before +Christ. See D. H. Müller, <cite lang="de">Burgen and Schlösser Südarabiens</cite>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292" class="label">[292]</a> Grimme, <cite>Mohammed</cite>, pp. 26, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293" class="label">[293]</a> German Axum Expedition record (1913), Vol. II.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294" class="label">[294]</a> An ancient trade-route from Persia crossed the straits of Ormus and of Bab-el-Mandeb, traversing +South Arabia and terminating in Abyssinia and the Nile region. It is historically more +important than the northern route over the Isthmus of Suez.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295" class="label">[295]</a> So little is known as to these events by British (or any other) students that a brief record may +be useful. The original Himaryites or Homerites, a people of the south-west angle of Arabia, had +displaced the Sabæans in control of South Arabia in the second century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> The Himaryite hegemony +was overthrown by invaders from Axum over the water about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 300, and the Axumite +rulers were, <i lang="la">inter alia</i>, kings of Hadramaut—hence the mention in the text of the Persian Gulf. +But a Himaryite opposition continued, and, adopting Judaism as a counter-religion, it succeeded +for a time in throwing off the Abyssinian rule. Axum, however (aided, as a Christian state, by +Rome), reasserted her dominion in 525 and held it for fifty years, till an attack of Sassanid Persians +displaced them again. Thereafter southern Arabia fell into the swaying chaos in which the coming +of Mohammed found it.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296" class="label">[296]</a> The capital of Saba.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297" class="label">[297]</a> Grimme, p. 43. Illustrations of these immense ruins of Gomdan, ibid., p. 81, and reconstructions +in the German Axum report.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298" class="label">[298]</a> The country of Ghassan extends east of the Jordan, parallel to and inland of Palestine and Syria, +approximately from Petra to the middle Euphrates.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299" class="label">[299]</a> The Lakhmids were the ruling dynasty, from the third to the sixth century after Christ, of +the realm of Hira, which ran in a strip between the Euphrates and the present Nejd coast on the one +hand and the desert of Arabia on the other.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300" class="label">[300]</a> Brockelmann, <cite lang="de">Geschichte der arabischen Literatur</cite>, p. 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301" class="label">[301]</a> The whole structure of Mithraism (so far as we know it) presents strong analogies with that +of a military order.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302" class="label">[302]</a> As well as it is said 220,000 at Cyrene. At Alexandria, too, there were <i lang="fr">émeutes</i> + and counter-<i lang="fr">émeutes</i>.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303" class="label">[303]</a> Roth, <cite lang="de">Sozial- und Kulturgeschichte des Byzantinischen Reiches</cite>, p. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304" class="label">[304]</a> Delbrück, <cite lang="de">Geschichte der Kriegskunst</cite>, + II, p. 222. [For British students C. W. C. Oman’s <cite>Art of +War: Middle Ages</cite> will be more readily available, although Oman treats the subject more as a matter +of formal military organization than does Delbrück. Neither writer deals with any special features +of the change as it worked itself out in the East, both being concerned almost entirely with its +Western aspects and phases. The origin of the late-Byzantine army system, as military historians +are aware, is an obscure and difficult subject. By what stages, after the decadence of the legion, +was the “<i lang="de">Landsknecht</i>” army of Justinian reached? Like other elements of middle-East history in +the epoch of the Arabian Culture, it still awaits the full investigation that the West has already +had.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305" class="label">[305]</a> <cite lang="de">Gesammelte Schriften</cite>, IV, 532.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306" class="label">[306]</a> <i lang="de">Gefolgstreuen</i> in German. The choice of an equivalent mediæval term in English is difficult, +since any one that may be selected carries with it certain implications for students of feudal origins.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307" class="label">[307]</a> Domaszewski, <cite lang="de">Die Religion der römischen Heeres</cite>, p. 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308" class="label">[308]</a> The typical form, for instance, of the Swiss in their independence-battles, and of Western +infantry generally in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, during the transition from hand-arm to +fire-arm warfare.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309" class="label">[309]</a> <i>Buccellarii</i>; see Delbrück, op. cit., II, 354.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310" class="label">[310]</a> Georg von Frundsberg (1473–1528). Short article in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311" class="label">[311]</a> <cite>Gothic War</cite>, IV, 26. [The same holds good for Belisarius’s armies.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312" class="label">[312]</a> Nisibis and Edessa in the up-country between Euphrates and Tigris are represented to-day +by Nasibin (Nezib) and Urfa respectively; just to the west of them, east of the Euphrates above +Sura, were the three Jewish academies, in which Talmudic Judaism took shape after the Dispersion. +Kinnesrin lay just south of Aleppo. Ctesiphon is, of course, the classical city on the Tigris, still +dominant under the Sassanids, and Resaina lies in the up-country south-west of Nisibis. Gundisapora +is Gunder-Shapur (Jundaisapur), near the site of the old Elamite capital Susa in Arabistan.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313" class="label">[313]</a> Not “non-existent.” It would be a misconception of the Magian world-feeling to attach +a Faustian-dynamic meaning to the phrase “true God.” In combating the worship of godlings, the +reality of godlings and dæmons is presupposed. The Israelite prophets never dreamed of denying +the Baals, and similarly Isis and Mithras for the Early Christians, Jehovah for the Christian Marcion, +Jesus for the Manichæans, are devilish, but perfectly real, powers. <em>Disbelieving in them</em> would +have had no meaning for the Magian soul—what was required was that one should not <em>turn to them</em>. +To use an expression now long current, it is “Henotheism” and not Monotheism.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314" class="label">[314]</a> Schürer, <cite lang="de">Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi</cite>, + III, 499; Wendland, <cite lang="de">Die +hellenistisch-römische Kultur</cite>, p. 192.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315" class="label">[315]</a> Contrast with this the exactly opposite process in Jewry before the Pseudomorphosis had +begun to affect it,—to wit, the battle against the local “high places” and the concentration of +sanctity in Jerusalem.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316" class="label">[316]</a> With the result that Syncretism is presented as a mere hotchpotch of every conceivable religion. +Nothing is further from the truth. The process of taking shape moved first from East to West and +then from West to East.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317" class="label">[317]</a> + The Haoma plant symbolized the Tree of Life (Gaokerena) like the Soma plant of Brahmanism.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318" class="label">[318]</a> Hence the expression “profaning” the mysteries, which meant, not revealing them, but +bringing them outside their fane.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319" class="label">[319]</a> J. Geffcken, <cite lang="de">Der Ausgang des griechisch-römischen Heidentums</cite> + (1920), pp. 197, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320" class="label">[320]</a> Geffcken, op. cit., pp. 131, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321" class="label">[321]</a> Geffcken, op. cit., p. 292, note 149.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322" class="label">[322]</a> + “<i lang="la">Res ipsa, quæ nunc religio Christiana nuncupatur, erat apud antiquos nec defecit ab initio generis humani, +quousque Christus veniret in carnem. Unde vera religio, quæ jam erat coepit appellari Christiana</i>” (<cite lang="la">Retractationes</cite>, +I, 13).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323" class="label">[323]</a> The name Chaldean signifies, before the Persian epoch, a tribe; later, a religious society. +See <a href="#p175">p. 175</a> above.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324" class="label">[324]</a> A. Bertholet, <cite lang="de">Kulturgeschichte Israels</cite> + (1919), pp. 253, et seq. [Clear and useful English manuals +are G. Moore, <cite>Literature of the Old Testament</cite>; R. H. Charles, <cite>Between the Old and the New Testaments</cite>. +See also the article “Hebrew Religion” in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_325" href="#FNanchor_325" class="label">[325]</a> According to Williams Jackson’s <cite>Zoroaster</cite> (1901).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_326" href="#FNanchor_326" class="label">[326]</a> Research has treated the Chaldean, like the Talmudic, as a stepchild. The investigator’s +whole attention has been concentrated on the religion of the Babylonian Culture, and the Chaldean +has been regarded as its dying echo. Such a view inevitably excludes any real understanding of it. +The material is not even separated out, but is dispersed in all the books on Assyrian-Babylonian +religion. (H. Zimmern, <cite lang="de">Die Keilinschriften und das alte Testament</cite> II; Gunkel, <cite lang="de">Schöpfung and Chaos</cite>; +M. Jastrow, C. Bezold, etc.) On the other hand the subject is assumed by some (e.g., Bousset, +<cite lang="de">Hauptprobleme der Gnosis</cite>, 1907) to have been exhausted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_327" href="#FNanchor_327" class="label">[327]</a> See Vol. I, p. 184.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_328" href="#FNanchor_328" class="label">[328]</a> The fact that Chaldean science was, in comparison with Babylonian empiricism, a new thing +has been clearly recognized by Bezold (<cite lang="de">Astronomie, Himmelsschau und Astrallehre bei den Babyloniern</cite>, +1911, pp. 17, et seq.). Its data were taken and developed by different Classical savants according +to their own way of reasoning—that is, as a matter of applied mathematics, and to the exclusion +of all feeling for distance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_329" href="#FNanchor_329" class="label">[329]</a> See Jastrow’s articles “Babylonian and Assyrian Religion” and “Marduk” in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI +ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_330" href="#FNanchor_330" class="label">[330]</a> J. Hehn, <cite lang="de">Hymnen und Gebete an Marduk</cite> (1905).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_331" href="#FNanchor_331" class="label">[331]</a> For Chaldeans and Persians there was no need to trouble here about proof—they had by their +God conquered the world. But the Jews had only their literature to cling to, and this accordingly +turned to theoretical proof in the absence of positive. In the last analysis, this unique national treasure +owes its origin to the constant need of reacting against self-depreciation. [For example, the +repeated restatement of the <em>date</em> of the Messiah’s advent in the successive works of the age of the +prophets.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_332" href="#FNanchor_332" class="label">[332]</a> Glaser, <cite lang="de">Die Abessinier in Arabien und in Afrika</cite> + (1895), p. 124. Glaser is convinced that Abyssinian, +Pehlevi, and Persian cuneiform inscriptions of the highest importance await discovery there.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_333" href="#FNanchor_333" class="label">[333]</a> The inscription and sculptures of Behistun (on an almost inaccessible cliff in the Zagros range +on the Baghdad-Hamadan road) were reinvestigated by a British Museum expedition in 1904; see +<cite>The Inscription of Darius the Great at Behistun</cite> (London, 1907). “Thus saith Darius the King. That +what I have done I have done altogether by the grace of Ahuramazda. Ahuramazda and the other +gods that be, brought aid to me. For this reason did Ahuramazda and the other gods that be bring +aid to me because I was not hostile nor a liar nor a wrongdoer, neither I nor my family, but according +to Rectitude have I ruled” (A. V. Williams Jackson, <cite>Persia Past and Present</cite>).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_334" href="#FNanchor_334" class="label">[334]</a> Isaiah xl-lxvi. For the critical questions arising on Deutero-Isaiah see Dr. T. K. Cheyne’s +article “Isaiah” in the <cite>Encyclopedia Biblica</cite>, the same scholar’s summary in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., article +“Isaiah,” or G. Moore’s summary, <cite>Literature of the Old Testament</cite>, Ch. XVI.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_335" href="#FNanchor_335" class="label">[335]</a> This “King of the Banishment” (Exilarch) was long a conspicuous and politically important +figure in the Persian Empire. He was only removed by Islam.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_336" href="#FNanchor_336" class="label">[336]</a> As Christian and Jewish theology both do—the only difference between these is in their +respective interpretations of the later development of Israelite literature (recast in Judea as the +literature of Judaism), the one inflecting it towards Evangelism, the others towards Talmudism.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_337" href="#FNanchor_337" class="label">[337]</a> Later it occurred to some Pharisee mind to Judaize it by interpolating chs. xxxii-xxxvii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_338" href="#FNanchor_338" class="label">[338]</a> See the articles “Tobit,” etc., in <cite>Jewish Encyclopædia</cite> + and <cite>Ency. Biblica</cite>.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_339" href="#FNanchor_339" class="label">[339]</a> If the assumption of a Chaldean prophecy corresponding to Isaiah and Zarathustra be correct, +it is to this young, inwardly cognate, and contemporary astral religion (and not to the Babylonian) +that Genesis owes its amazingly profound cosmogony, just as it owes to the Persian religion its +visions of the end of the world.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_340" href="#FNanchor_340" class="label">[340]</a> S. Funk, <cite lang="de">Die Entstehung des Talmuds</cite> (1919), p. 106.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_341" href="#FNanchor_341" class="label">[341]</a> E. Sachau, <cite lang="de">Aramäische Papyros und Ostraka aus Elephantine</cite> (1911).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_342" href="#FNanchor_342" class="label">[342]</a> Josephus, <cite>Antiq.</cite>, 13, 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_343" href="#FNanchor_343" class="label">[343]</a> Much as, say, the destruction of the Vatican would be felt by the Catholic Church.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_344" href="#FNanchor_344" class="label">[344]</a> See <a href="#p198">p. 198</a>.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_345" href="#FNanchor_345" class="label">[345]</a> Cf. <a href="#p69">p. 69</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_346" href="#FNanchor_346" class="label">[346]</a> Pyrrho himself had studied under Magian priests. See, for Pyrrhonism, <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., +articles “Scepticism,” “Megarian School,” “Pyrrho.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_347" href="#FNanchor_347" class="label">[347]</a> Schiele (<cite lang="de">Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart</cite>, + III, 812) reverses the two latter names; this, +however, does not affect the phenomenon in any way.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_348" href="#FNanchor_348" class="label">[348]</a> The Cosmogony and the Law, in the Zoroastrian Scriptures.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_349" href="#FNanchor_349" class="label">[349]</a> Bousset, <cite lang="de">Rel. d. Jud.</cite>, p. 532.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_350" href="#FNanchor_350" class="label">[350]</a> Baruch, Ezra IV (2 Esdras), the original text of John’s Revelation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_351" href="#FNanchor_351" class="label">[351]</a> For instance, the Book of Naasenes (P. Wendland, <cite lang="de">Hellenistisch-römische Kultur</cite>, + pp. 177, et seq.); +the “Mithras Liturgy” (ed. A. Dieterich); the Hermetic Pœmander (ed. Reitzenstein), the Psalms +of Solomon, the Gospels of Thomas and Peter, the Pistis-Sophia, etc. [Information as to these will +be found in the articles “Ophites,” “Mithras,” “Hermes Trismegistus,” “Apocalyptic Literature,” +“Apocryphal Literature,” “Gnosticism,” in the <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_352" href="#FNanchor_352" class="label">[352]</a> Any more than Dostoyevski’s “<cite>Dream of a Ridiculous Person</cite>” is so.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_353" href="#FNanchor_353" class="label">[353]</a> Our definitive ideas of this early Magian vision-world we owe to the manuscripts of Turfan, +which have reached Berlin since 1903. It was these which at last freed our knowledge and, above all, +our criteria from the deformations due to the preponderance of Western-Hellenistic material—a +preponderance that had been augmented by Egyptian papyrus finds—and radically transformed all +our existing views. Now at last the pure, almost unknown, East is seen operative in all the apocalypses, +hymns, liturgies, and books of edification of the Persians, Mandæans, Manichæans, and +countless other sects; and primitive Christianity for the first time really takes its place in the movement +to which it owes its spiritual origins (see H. Lüders, <cite lang="de">Sitzungen der Berliner Akademie</cite>, 1914, +and R. Reitzenstein, <cite lang="de">Das iranische Erlösungsmysterium</cite>, 1921).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_354" href="#FNanchor_354" class="label">[354]</a> Lidzbarski, <cite lang="de">Das Johannesbuch der Mandäer</cite>, Ch. LXVI. Also W. Bousset, <cite lang="de">Hauptprobleme der +Gnosis</cite> (1907) and Reitzenstein, <cite lang="de">Das Mandäische Buch der Herrn der Grösse</cite> (1919), an apocalypse approximately +contemporary with the oldest Gospels. On the Messiah texts, the Descent-into-Hell +texts, and the Songs of the Dead see Lidzbarski, <cite lang="de">Mandäische Liturgien</cite> (1920); also the Book of the +Dead (especially the second and third books of the left Genza) in Reitzenstein’s <cite lang="de">Das iranische Erlösungsmysterium</cite> +(especially pp. 43, et seq.). [The Mandæan religion survives to-day in the region +of the Shatt-el-Arab and the Karun valley or Khuzistan.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_355" href="#FNanchor_355" class="label">[355]</a> See Reitzenstein, pp. 124, et seq., and references there quoted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_356" href="#FNanchor_356" class="label">[356]</a> In the New Testament, of which the final redaction lies entirely in the sphere of Western-Classical +thought, the Mandæan religion and the sects belonging thereto are no longer understood, +and indeed everything Oriental seems to have dropped out. Acts xviii-xix, however, discloses a +perceptible hostility between the then widespread John-communities and the Primitive Christians +(see Dibelius, <cite lang="de">Die urchristliche Überlieferung von Johannes dem Täufer</cite>). The Mandæans later rejected +Christianity as flatly as they had rejected Judaism. Jesus was for them a false Messiah. In their +Apocalypse of the Lord of Greatness the apparition of Enosh was also announced.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_357" href="#FNanchor_357" class="label">[357]</a> According to Reitzenstein (<cite lang="de">Das Buch von Herrn der Grösse</cite>) + Jesus was condemned at Jerusalem as +a John-disciple. According to Lidzbarski (<cite>Mand. Lit.</cite>, 1920, XVI) and Zimmern (<cite lang="de">Ztschr. d. D. Morg. +Gesellschaft</cite>, 1920, p. 429), the expression “Jesus the Nazarene” or “Nasorene,” which was later +by the Christian communities referred to Nazareth (Matthew ii, 23, with a doubtful citation), +really indicates the membership in a Mandæan Order.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_358" href="#FNanchor_358" class="label">[358]</a> E.g., Mark vi; and then the great change, Mark viii, 27, et seq. There is no religion which +has given us more honestly the tale of its birth.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_359" href="#FNanchor_359" class="label">[359]</a> Similarly in Mark i, 38, et seq., when he arose in the night and sought a lonely place in order +to fortify himself by prayer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_360" href="#FNanchor_360" class="label">[360]</a> The method of the present work is historical. It therefore recognizes the anti-historical as +well as the historical as <em>a fact</em>. The religious method, on the contrary, necessarily looks upon itself +as the <em>true</em> and the opposite as <em>false</em>. This difference is quite insuperable.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_361" href="#FNanchor_361" class="label">[361]</a> Hence Mark xiii, taken from an older document, is perhaps the purest example of his usual daily +discourse. Paul (1 Thess. iv, 15–17) quotes another, which is missing in the Gospels. With these, +we have the priceless—but, by commentators dominated by the Gospel tone, misunderstood—contributions +of Papias, who about 100 was still in a position to collect much oral tradition. The +little that we have of his work suffices amply to show us the apocalyptic character of Jesus’s daily +discourses. It is Mark xiii and not the Sermon on the Mount that reproduces the real note of them. +But as <em>his</em> teaching became modified into a teaching <em>of Him</em>, this material likewise was transformed +and the record of his utterances became the narrative of his manifestation. In this one respect the +picture given by the Gospels is inevitably false.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_362" href="#FNanchor_362" class="label">[362]</a> Jesus himself was aware of this (Matt. xxiv, 5, 11).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_363" href="#FNanchor_363" class="label">[363]</a> Made more uncertain perhaps by the failure of previous prophecies that had been so confidently +dated—e.g., Jeremiah xxv, 11; xxiv, 5–6; reinterpreted in Daniel vii, ix; 1 Enoch lxxxiii-xc; and +again to be reinterpreted in 2 Baruch xxxvi-xl and 4 Ezra x-xii.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_364" href="#FNanchor_364" class="label">[364]</a> The designation “Messiah (Christ)” was old-Jewish, those of “Lord” (κύριος, <i>divus</i>) and +“Saviour” (σωτήρ, <i>Asklepios</i>) were east-Aramæan in origin. In the course of the pseudomorphosis +“Christ” became the <em>name</em> of Jesus, and “Saviour” the <em>title</em>; but already “Lord” and “Saviour” +were titles current in the Hellenistic Emperor-worship; and in this was implicit the whole destiny +of westward-looking Christianity (compare here Reitzenstein, <cite lang="de">Das iranische Erlösungsmysterium</cite>, p. +132, note).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_365" href="#FNanchor_365" class="label">[365]</a> Acts xv; Gal. ii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_366" href="#FNanchor_366" class="label">[366]</a> Acts i, 14; cf. Mark vi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_367" href="#FNanchor_367" class="label">[367]</a> As against Luke, Matthew is the representative of this conception. His is the only Gospel +in which the word “<i>Ecclesia</i>” is used, and it denotes the true Jews, in contradistinction to the masses +that refuse to listen to Jesus. This is not the missionary idea, any more than Isaiah was a missionary. +Community, in this connexion, means an Order within Judaism. The prescriptions of Matt. +xviii, 15–20 are wholly incompatible with any general dissemination.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_368" href="#FNanchor_368" class="label">[368]</a> It fell apart later into sects, amongst which were the Ebionites and the Elkazites (the latter +having a strange sacred book, the Elxai; see Bousset, <cite lang="de">Hauptprobleme der Gnosis</cite>, p. 154). [See the articles +“Ebionites” and “Sabians” in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_369" href="#FNanchor_369" class="label">[369]</a> Such sects were attacked in the Acts of the Apostles and in all Paul’s Epistles, and indeed +there was hardly a Late Classical or Aramæan religion or philosophy which did not give rise to +some sort of Jesus-sect. The danger was indeed real of the Passion story becoming, not the nucleus +of a new religion, but an integrating element of all existing ones.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_370" href="#FNanchor_370" class="label">[370]</a> Of this he was fully aware. Many of his deepest intuitions are unimaginable without Persian +and Mandæan influences (e.g., Romans vii, 22–24; 1 Corinthians xv, 26; Ephesians v, 6, et seq., +with a quotation of Persian origin. See Reitzenstein, <cite lang="de">Das iran. Erlös.-Myst.</cite>, pp. 6, 133, et seq.). +But this does not prove familiarity with Persian-Mandæan literature. The stories were spread in +these days as sagas and folk-tales were amongst us. One heard about them in childhood as things +of daily hearsay, but without being in the least aware of how deeply one was under their spell.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_371" href="#FNanchor_371" class="label">[371]</a> The early missionary effort in the East has scarcely been investigated and is still very difficult +to establish in detail. Sachau, <cite lang="de">Chronik von Arbela</cite> (1915) and “<cite lang="de">Die Ausbreitung der Christentums in +Asien</cite>” in <cite lang="de">Abb. Pr. Akad. d. Wiss.</cite> (1919); Harnack, <cite lang="de">Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums</cite>, II, 117, +et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_372" href="#FNanchor_372" class="label">[372]</a> The researchers who argue with such over-learnedness about a proto-Mark, Source Q, the +“Twelve”-source, and so on, overlook the essential novelty of Mark, which is <em>the first “Book” of +Christendom</em>, plan-uniform and entire. Work of this sort is never the natural product of an evolution, +but the merit of an individual man, and it marks, here if anywhere, a historical turning-point.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_373" href="#FNanchor_373" class="label">[373]</a> Mark is generally <em>the</em> Gospel; after him the partisan writings (Matthew, Luke) begin; the +tone of narrative passes into that of legend and ends, beyond the Hebrew and John gospels, in Jesus-romances +like the gospels of Peter and James.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_374" href="#FNanchor_374" class="label">[374]</a> If the word “catholic” be used in its oldest sense (<cite>Ignatius ad Smyrn.</cite>, + 8)—namely, to signify +the <em>sum</em> of the cult-communities, <em>both</em> the Churches were Catholic. In the East the word had no +meaning. The Nestorian Church was no more a sum than was the Persian: it was a Magian unit.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_375" href="#FNanchor_375" class="label">[375]</a> A brief survey of the Mary doctrine is given in article “Mary,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed. The symbolism +involved in the details of the story of Mary, as told in writing and in art, is very fully gone +into in Yrjo Hirn, <cite>The Sacred Shrine</cite>.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_376" href="#FNanchor_376" class="label">[376]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Ursprung und Anfänge des Christentums</cite> (1921), pp. 77, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_377" href="#FNanchor_377" class="label">[377]</a> <i>C.</i> 85–155. See the recent work of Harnack, <cite lang="de">Marcion: Das Evangelium vom fremden Gott</cite> + (1921). +[Harnack’s article “Marcion” in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., is dated 1910.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_378" href="#FNanchor_378" class="label">[378]</a> Harnack, op. cit., pp. 136, et seq.; N. Bonwetsch, <cite lang="de">Grundr. d. Dogmengesch.</cite> (1919), p. 45, et +seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_379" href="#FNanchor_379" class="label">[379]</a> This is one of the profoundest ideas in all religious history, and one that must for ever remain +inaccessible to the pious average man. Marcion’s identification of the “Just” with the Evil enables +him in this sense to oppose the Law of the Old Testament to the Evangel of the New.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_380" href="#FNanchor_380" class="label">[380]</a> About <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 150. See Harnack, op. cit., pp. 32, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_381" href="#FNanchor_381" class="label">[381]</a> For the notions of Koran and Logos, see below. Again as in the case of Mark, the really +important question is, not what the material before him was, but how this entirely novel idea +for such a book, which anticipated and indeed made possible Marcion’s plan for a Christian Bible, +could arise. The book presupposes a great spiritual movement (in eastern Asia Minor?) that knew +scarcely anything of Jewish Christianity and was yet remote from the Pauline, westerly thought-world. +But of the region and type of this movement we know nothing whatever.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_382" href="#FNanchor_382" class="label">[382]</a> Vohu Mano, the Spirit of Truth, in the shape of the Saoshyant.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_383" href="#FNanchor_383" class="label">[383]</a> See the article by Harnack and Conybeare “Manichæism,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_384" href="#FNanchor_384" class="label">[384]</a> Bardesanes, too, and the system of the “Acts of Thomas” are very near to him and to “John.” +[See the articles “Bardaisan,” “Thomas,” and “Gnosticism,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_385" href="#FNanchor_385" class="label">[385]</a> Harnack, p. 24. The break with the established Church occurred at Rome, in 144.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_386" href="#FNanchor_386" class="label">[386]</a> Harnack, pp. 181, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_387" href="#FNanchor_387" class="label">[387]</a> It had, like each of the other Magian religions, a script of its own, and this script steadily +came to resemble the Manichæan more and more closely.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_388" href="#FNanchor_388" class="label">[388]</a> Matthew xi, 25, et seq., on which see Eduard Meyer, <cite lang="de">Urspr. u. Anf. d. Christ.</cite>, + pp. 286, et seq.; +here it is the old and Eastern (i.e., the genuine) form of gnosis that is described.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_389" href="#FNanchor_389" class="label">[389]</a> See further, below, <a href="#p321">p. 321</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_390" href="#FNanchor_390" class="label">[390]</a> As a drastic instance, Galatians iv, 24–26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_391" href="#FNanchor_391" class="label">[391]</a> Loofs, <cite>Nestoriana</cite> (1905), pp. 176, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_392" href="#FNanchor_392" class="label">[392]</a> The best exposition of the mass of thought common to both Churches is Windelband’s <cite lang="de">Geschichte +der Philosophie</cite> (1900), pp. 177, et seq.; for the dogmatic history of the Christian Church see +Harnack, <cite lang="de">Dogmengeschichte</cite> (1914), while—unconsciously—Geffcken (<cite lang="de">Der Ausgang des griechisch-römischen +Heidentums</cite>, 1920) gives the corresponding “dogmatic history of the Pagan Church.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_393" href="#FNanchor_393" class="label">[393]</a> Geffcken, op. cit., p. 69 [article “Neoplatonism” in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i>].</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_394" href="#FNanchor_394" class="label">[394]</a> See the following chapter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_395" href="#FNanchor_395" class="label">[395]</a> Harnack, <cite lang="de">Dogmengeschichte</cite>, p. 165.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_396" href="#FNanchor_396" class="label">[396]</a> See Vol. I, p. 209.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_397" href="#FNanchor_397" class="label">[397]</a> + The expression is Leo Frobenius’s (Paideuma, 1920, p. 91). [See Vol. I, p. 184.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_398" href="#FNanchor_398" class="label">[398]</a> The soul-stones on Jewish, Sabæan, and Islamic tombs are also called <i>nephesh</i>. + They are unmistakable +symbols of the “upward.” With them belong the huge storeyed stelæ of Axum which +belong to the first to third centuries of our era—i.e., the great period of the early Magian religions. +The giant stele, long overthrown, is the largest monolith known to art-history, larger than any +Egyptian obelisk (German Axum Expedition report, Vol. II, pp. 28, et seq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_399" href="#FNanchor_399" class="label">[399]</a> On this rests the whole theory and practice of Magian law (see <a href="#p72">p. 72</a> above).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_400" href="#FNanchor_400" class="label">[400]</a> Isaiah xxxii, 15; 4 Ezra xiv, 39; Acts ii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_401" href="#FNanchor_401" class="label">[401]</a> Reitzenstein, <cite lang="de">Das iran. Erlösungsmysterium</cite>, pp. 108, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_402" href="#FNanchor_402" class="label">[402]</a> Bousset, <cite>Kyrios Christos</cite>, p. 142.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_403" href="#FNanchor_403" class="label">[403]</a> Windelband, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Phil.</cite> + (1900), pp. 189, et seq.; Windelband-Bonhöffer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. antiken +Phil.</cite> (1912), pp. 328, et seq.; Geffcken, <cite lang="de">Der Ausgang des griech.-röm. Heidentums</cite> (1920), pp. 51, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_404" href="#FNanchor_404" class="label">[404]</a> Jodl, <cite lang="de">Geschichte der Ethik</cite>, I, p. 58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_405" href="#FNanchor_405" class="label">[405]</a> M. Horten, <cite lang="de">Die religiöse Gedankenwelt der Volkes im heutigen Islam</cite> + (1917), pp. 381, et seq. By the +Shiites the Logos-idea was transferred to Ali.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_406" href="#FNanchor_406" class="label">[406]</a> Wolff, <cite lang="de">Muhammedanische Eschatologie</cite>, 3, 2, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_407" href="#FNanchor_407" class="label">[407]</a> Mandæan Book of John, Ch. LXXV.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_408" href="#FNanchor_408" class="label">[408]</a> Usener, <cite lang="de">Vortr. u. Aufs.</cite>, p. 217.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_409" href="#FNanchor_409" class="label">[409]</a> The “devil-worshippers” in Armenia; M. Horten in <cite lang="de">Der neue Orient</cite> (March 1918). The name +arose from the fact that they did not recognize Satan as a being, and accordingly derived the Evil, +by a very complicated set of ideas, from the Logos itself. Under old Persian influences the Jews +also busied themselves with the same problem—observe the difference between 2 Samuel xxiv, 1, +and 1 Chron. xxi, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_410" href="#FNanchor_410" class="label">[410]</a> M. Horten, op. cit., p. xxi. This book is the best introduction to the actually existing popular +religion of Islam, which deviates considerably from the official doctrines.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_411" href="#FNanchor_411" class="label">[411]</a> Baumstark, <cite lang="de">Die christl. Literaturen des Orients</cite>, I, p. 64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_412" href="#FNanchor_412" class="label">[412]</a> Cf. <a href="#p205">p. 205</a>. The Babylonian view of the heavens had not definitely distinguished between +astronomical and atmospheric elements; e.g., the covering of the moon by clouds was regarded as +a kind of eclipse. For this soothsaying the momentary <em>figure</em> of the heavens served only the same +purpose as the inspection of the victim’s liver. But the Chaldeans’ intention was to forecast the +<em>actual</em> course of the stars; here, therefore, astrology presupposed a genuine astronomy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_413" href="#FNanchor_413" class="label">[413]</a> B. Cohn, “<cite lang="de">Die Anfangsepoche der jüd. Kalenders</cite>” (<cite lang="de">Sitz. Pr. Akad.</cite>, + 1914). The date of the first +day of Creation was on this occasion fixed by calculation from a total eclipse of the sun—of course +with the aid of Chaldean astronomy. [See, in general, the articles “Chronology,” “Calendar,” +in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_414" href="#FNanchor_414" class="label">[414]</a> + The Persian notion of total time is 12,000 years. The Parsees of to-day consider <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1920 as +the 11,550th.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_415" href="#FNanchor_415" class="label">[415]</a> M. Horten, <cite lang="de">Die religiöse Gedankenwelt des Volkes im heutigen Islam</cite>, p. xxvi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_416" href="#FNanchor_416" class="label">[416]</a> It shows a great gap in our research that although we possess a whole library of works on +Classical religion and particularly its gods and cults, we have not one about Classical religiousness +and its history.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_417" href="#FNanchor_417" class="label">[417]</a> “He is in truth the conclusion and completion of the Christian Classical, its last and greatest +thinker, its intellectual practitioner and tribune. This is the starting-point from which he must be +understood. What later ages have made of him is another affair. His own real mind, the synthesizer +of Classical Culture, ecclesiastical and episcopal authority, and intimate mysticism, could +not possibly have been handed on by those who, environed by different conditions, have to deal +with different tasks” (E. Troeltsch, <cite lang="de">Augustin, die christliche Antike und das Mittelalter</cite>, 1915, p. 7). +His power, like Tertullian’s, rested also on the fact that his writings were not translated into Latin, +but <em>thought</em> in this language, the <em>sacred</em> language of the Western Church; it was precisely this that +excluded both from the field of Aramæan thought. Cf. <a href="#p224">p. 224</a> above.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_418" href="#FNanchor_418" class="label">[418]</a> “<i lang="la">Inspiratio bonæ voluntatis</i>” (<cite>De corr. et grat.</cite>, + 3). His “good will” and “ill will” are, quite +dualistically, a pair of opposite substances. For Pelagius, on the contrary, will is an <em>activity</em> without +moral quality as such; only that which is willed has the <em>property</em> of being good or evil, and the +Grace of God consists in the “<i lang="la">possibilitas utriusque partis</i>,” the freedom to will this or that. Gregory +I transmuted Augustinian doctrines into Faustian when he taught that God rejected individuals +because he foreknew their evil will.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_419" href="#FNanchor_419" class="label">[419]</a> All the elements of the Magian metaphysic are to be found in Spinoza, hard as he tried to +replace the Arabian-Jewish conceptual world of his Spanish masters (and above all Moses Maimonides) +by the Western of early Baroque. The individual human mind is for him not an ego, but only +a mode of the one divine attribute, the “<i lang="la">cogitatio</i>”—which is just the Pneuma. He protests against +notions like “God’s Will.” His God is <em>pure substance</em> and in lieu of the dynamic causality of the +Faustian universe he discovers simply the logic of the divine <i lang="la">cogitatio</i>. All this is already in Porphyry, +in the Talmud, in Islam; and to Faustian thinkers like Leibniz and Goethe it is as alien as +anything can possibly be. (<cite lang="de">Allgem. Gesch. d. Philos.</cite> in <cite lang="de">Kultur der Gegenwart</cite>, I, v, p. 484, Windelband.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_420" href="#FNanchor_420" class="label">[420]</a> Here, therefore, “good” is an evaluation and not a substance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_421" href="#FNanchor_421" class="label">[421]</a> The period at which it was written corresponds to our Carolingian. Whether the latter really +brought forth any poetry of like rank we do not know, but that it may possibly have done so is +shown by creations like the Voluspa, Muspilli, the Heliand, and the universe conceived by John +Scotus Erigena.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_422" href="#FNanchor_422" class="label">[422]</a> See, for example, Bertholet, <cite lang="de">Kulturgesch. Israels</cite>, p. 242.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_423" href="#FNanchor_423" class="label">[423]</a> Horten, op. cit., p. xii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_424" href="#FNanchor_424" class="label">[424]</a> See <a href="#p67">p. 67</a> above.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_425" href="#FNanchor_425" class="label">[425]</a> It is almost unnecessary to say that in all religions of the Germanic West the Bible stands in +a quite other relationship to the faith—namely, in that of a <em>source</em> in the strictly historical sense, +irrespective of whether it is taken as inspired and immune from textual criticism or not. The relation +of Chinese thought to the canonical books is similar.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_426" href="#FNanchor_426" class="label">[426]</a> The Holy Spirit, different from Ahuramazda and yet one with him, opposed to the Evil (Angra +Mainyu).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_427" href="#FNanchor_427" class="label">[427]</a> Identified by Mani with the Johannine Logos. Compare also Yasht 13, 31. Ahuramazda’s +shining soul is the Word.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_428" href="#FNanchor_428" class="label">[428]</a> <i>Aletheia</i> (Truth) is generally employed in this way in the John Gospel, and <i>drug</i> + (= lie) is used +for Ahriman in Persian cosmology. Ahriman is often shown as though a servant of the <i>drug</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_429" href="#FNanchor_429" class="label">[429]</a> Sura 96; cf. 80, 11 and 85, 21, where in connexion with another vision it is said: “This is +a noble Koran on a treasured tablet.” The best commentary on all this is Eduard Meyer’s (<cite lang="de">Geschichte +der Mormonen</cite>, pp. 70, et seq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_430" href="#FNanchor_430" class="label">[430]</a> Classical man receives, in states of extreme bodily excitation, the power of unconsciously +predicting future events. But these visions are completely unliterary. The Classical Sibylline +books (which have no connexion with the later Christian works bearing that name) are meant to +be nothing more than a collection of oracles.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_431" href="#FNanchor_431" class="label">[431]</a> See <a href="#p73">p. 73</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_432" href="#FNanchor_432" class="label">[432]</a> IV Ezra xiv; S. Funk, <cite lang="de">Die Entstehung des Talmuds</cite>, p. 17; Hirsch’s commentary on Exodus +xxi, 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_433" href="#FNanchor_433" class="label">[433]</a> Funk, op. cit., p. 86.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_434" href="#FNanchor_434" class="label">[434]</a> For example, Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Urspr. u. Anf. d. Christ.</cite>, p. 95.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_435" href="#FNanchor_435" class="label">[435]</a> In the West, Plato, Aristotle, and above all Pythagoras were regarded as prophets in this +sense. What could be referred back to them, was valid. For this reason the succession of the heads +of the schools became more and more important, and often more work was done in establishing—or +inventing—them than was done upon the history of the doctrine itself.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_436" href="#FNanchor_436" class="label">[436]</a> Fromer, <cite lang="de">Der Talmud</cite>, p. 190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_437" href="#FNanchor_437" class="label">[437]</a> We to-day confuse <em>authorship</em> and <em>authority</em>. + Arabian thought knew not the idea of “intellectual +property.” Such would have been absurd and sinful, for it is the <em>one</em> divine Pneuma that selects +the individual as vessel and mouthpiece. Only to that extent is he the “author,” and it does not +matter even whether he or another actually writes down the material. “The Gospel <em>according to</em> +Mark” means that Mark <em>vouches for</em> the truth of this evangel.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_438" href="#FNanchor_438" class="label">[438]</a> On the pseudonyma and anonyma of Biblical apocryphal literature the English reader will +find much of interest in three small books (already referred to) of the “Home University” series: +Moore, <cite>Literature of the Old Testament</cite>; Charles, <cite>Between the Old and the New Testaments</cite>; and Bacon, +<cite>The Making of the New Testament</cite>.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_439" href="#FNanchor_439" class="label">[439]</a> See <a href="#p73">p. 73</a>.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_440" href="#FNanchor_440" class="label">[440]</a> Vendidad 19, 1; here it is Zarathustra who is tempted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_441" href="#FNanchor_441" class="label">[441]</a> M. J. ben Gorion, <cite lang="de">Die Sagen der Juden</cite> (1913).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_442" href="#FNanchor_442" class="label">[442]</a> It is reasonable to suppose that he must through oral tradition have had a very accurate +knowledge of the fundamental doctrines of the John Gospel. Even Bardesanes (d. 254), and the +“Acts of St. Thomas” that originated in his circle, are very far removed indeed from Pauline doctrines, +an alienation that in Mani rose to downright hostility and to the historical Jesus’s being +described as an evil demon. We obtain here a glimpse into the essence of the almost subterranean +Christianity of the East, which was ignored by the Greek-writing churches of the Pseudomorphosis +and for that reason has hitherto escaped the attention of Church history. But Marcion and +Montanus also came from eastern Asia Minor; here originated the Naasene book, basically Persian, +but overlaid first with Judaism and then with Christianity; and further east, probably in the +Matthew monastery of Mosul, Aphrahat wrote, about 340, those strange epistles whose Christianity +the Western development from Irenæus to Athanasius left wholly unaffected. The history +of Nestorian Christianity, in fact, was already beginning in the second century.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_443" href="#FNanchor_443" class="label">[443]</a> For the later writings of (for example) Tertullian and Augustine remained wholly without +effect save in so far as they were translated. In Rome itself even, Greek was the true language of +the Church.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_444" href="#FNanchor_444" class="label">[444]</a> See <a href="#p177">p. 177</a>.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_445" href="#FNanchor_445" class="label">[445]</a> The Faustian monk represses his evil will, the Magian the evil substance in himself. Only +the latter is dualistic.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_446" href="#FNanchor_446" class="label">[446]</a> The purity- and food-laws of the Talmud and the Avesta cut far deeper into everyday life +than, for example, the Benedictine rule.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_447" href="#FNanchor_447" class="label">[447]</a> Asmus, “Damaskios” (<cite>Philos. Bibl.</cite>, 125 (1911)). Christian anchoritism is <em>later</em> + than pagan: +Reitzenstein, “Des Athanasius Werk über das Leben des Antonius” (<cite lang="de">Sitz. Heid. Ak.</cite> (1914), VIII, 12).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_448" href="#FNanchor_448" class="label">[448]</a> Even to the point indicated in Matt. xix, 12, which Origen followed to the letter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_449" href="#FNanchor_449" class="label">[449]</a> See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed., article “Qaraites.” The outlook of these Protestants so resembled that +of the Western Protestants that their name was used as a term of contempt for the latter by the Catholics, +and not greatly resented. It is significant also that this movement in Jewry almost coincided +in date with the vaster Reformation of Islam.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_450" href="#FNanchor_450" class="label">[450]</a> The followers of Baal Shem above mentioned (<a href="#p228">p. 228</a>) not to be confused with the Hasidim +or Assideans of the second century.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_451" href="#FNanchor_451" class="label">[451]</a> Wissowa, <cite lang="de">Religion und Kulturs der Römer</cite>, p. 493; Geffcken, pp. 4, 144.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_452" href="#FNanchor_452" class="label">[452]</a> This is the metaphysical basis also of the Christian image-worship, which presently set in +and of the appearance of wonder-working pictures of Mary and the Saints.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_453" href="#FNanchor_453" class="label">[453]</a> See <a href="#p60">p. 60</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_454" href="#FNanchor_454" class="label">[454]</a> The Nestorians protested against Mary <i>Theotokos</i> (she who bore God), opposing to her the +concept of Christ the <i>Theophorus</i> (he who carried God in him). The deep difference between an +image-loving and an image-hating religiousness is here clearly manifested.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_455" href="#FNanchor_455" class="label">[455]</a> Note the “Western” outlook on the substance-questions in the contemporary writings of +Proclus—his double Zeus, his triad of πατήρ, δύναμις, νοήσις or νοητόν, and so forth (Zeller, +<cite lang="de">Philosophie der Griechen</cite>, V, pp. 857, et seq.). Proclus’s beautiful “Hymn to Athene” is a veritable +Ave Maria:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">“But when an evil lapse of my being puts me into bondage</div> + <div class="verse indent0">(And, ah, I know indeed how I am tossed about by many unholy deeds that in my blindness I have done),</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Be thou gracious to me, thou gentle one, thou blessing of mankind,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">And let me not lie upon the earth as prey to fearful punishments,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">For I am, and I remain, thy chattel.”</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">(Hymn VII, Eudociæ Aug. rel. A. Ludwich, 1897.)</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_456" href="#FNanchor_456" class="label">[456]</a> See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., article “Apollinaris, the Younger.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_457" href="#FNanchor_457" class="label">[457]</a> And Russia, too, though hitherto Russia has kept it as a buried treasure.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_458" href="#FNanchor_458" class="label">[458]</a> The Christian missionary efforts of the West very generally followed the same method, maintaining +the local places of prayer, and merely substituting crucifixes or relics for the idols. Gregory +the Great even sanctioned the sacrifice of animals in Britain.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_459" href="#FNanchor_459" class="label">[459]</a> See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., art. “Khazars.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_460" href="#FNanchor_460" class="label">[460]</a> The Albigensian movement of the twelfth century.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_461" href="#FNanchor_461" class="label">[461]</a> Hermann, <cite lang="de">Chines. Geschichte</cite> (1912), p. 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_462" href="#FNanchor_462" class="label">[462]</a> A third, “contemporary,” movement should follow in the Russian world in the first half of +the coming millennium.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_463" href="#FNanchor_463" class="label">[463]</a> Cf. <a href="#p3">pp. 3</a>, et seq. and foot-note p. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_464" href="#FNanchor_464" class="label">[464]</a> See <a href="#p116">p. 116</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_465" href="#FNanchor_465" class="label">[465]</a> “He who loves God with inmost soul, transforms himself into God” (Bernard of Clairvaux).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_466" href="#FNanchor_466" class="label">[466]</a> For religious <em>thought</em> Destiny is always a causal quantity. Epistemology knows it, therefore, +only as an indistinct word for causality. Only so long as we <em>do not</em> think upon it do we really +know it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_467" href="#FNanchor_467" class="label">[467]</a> See <a href="#p25">p. 25</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_468" href="#FNanchor_468" class="label">[468]</a> The distinction between the two is one of <em>inner</em> + form. A sacrifice made by Socrates is at bottom +a prayer; and generally the Classical sacrifice is to be looked upon as a <em>prayer in bodily form</em>. +The ejaculated prayer of the criminal, on the contrary, is a sacrifice to which fear drives him.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_469" href="#FNanchor_469" class="label">[469]</a> And herein philosophy differs not in the least from soil-sprung folk-belief. Think of Kant’s +category-table with its 3 × 4 units, of Hegel’s method, of Iamblichus’s triads.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_470" href="#FNanchor_470" class="label">[470]</a> See <a href="#p133">p. 133</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_471" href="#FNanchor_471" class="label">[471]</a> Cf. <a href="#p24">p. 24</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_472" href="#FNanchor_472" class="label">[472]</a> And even so the thought has a different disposition according as it is primitive or cultured; +Chinese, Indian, Classical, Magian, or Western; and even German, English, or French. In the last +resort, there are not even two individuals with exactly the same method.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_473" href="#FNanchor_473" class="label">[473]</a> Anatole France’s story <cite lang="fr">Le Jongleur de Notre Dame</cite> is something deeper than a beautiful +fancy.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_474" href="#FNanchor_474" class="label">[474]</a> See <a href="#p33">p. 33</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_475" href="#FNanchor_475" class="label">[475]</a> Was it that highly civilized Crete, the outpost of Egyptian modes of thought, afforded a +pattern (see <a href="#p87">p. 87</a>)? But, after all, the numerous local and tribal gods of the primitive Thinite time +(before 3000), which represented the numina of particular beast-<i>genera</i>, were essentially different +in meaning. The more powerful the Egyptian deity of this preliminary period is, the more particular +individual spirits (<i>ka</i>) and individual souls (<i>bai</i>) he possesses, and these hide and lurk in +the various animals—Bastet in the cat, Sechmet in the lion, Hathor in the cow, Mut in the vulture +(hence the human-formed <i>ka</i> that figures behind the beast-head in the figures of the gods)—making +of this earliest world-picture a very abortion of monstrous fear, filling it with powers which +rage against man even after his death and which only the greatest sacrifices avail to placate. The +union of the North and the South lands was represented by the common veneration of the Horus-falcon, +whose first <i>ka</i> resided in the Pharaoh of the time. Cf. Eduard Meyer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Alt.</cite>, I, §§ 182, +et seq. [See also Moret and Davy: <cite lang="fr">Des clans aux empires</cite> and Moret: <cite lang="fr">Le Nil et la civilisation égyptienne</cite> +(available in English translations).—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_476" href="#FNanchor_476" class="label">[476]</a> <cite>Eumenides</cite>, 126.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_477" href="#FNanchor_477" class="label">[477]</a> Moreover, in the full maturity of Athens, every little girl of the upper classes was consecrated +as a bear to this Artemis.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_478" href="#FNanchor_478" class="label">[478]</a> For further information the reader may consult the articles “Demeter,” etc., in the <cite>Ency. +Brit.</cite>, XI ed.; and, for a suggestive introduction in the fewest possible words, Dr. Jane Harrison’s +pamphlet, <cite>Myths of Greece and Rome</cite>.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_479" href="#FNanchor_479" class="label">[479]</a> Bernoulli, <cite lang="de">Die Heiligen der Merowinger</cite> + (1900)—a good account of this primitive religion.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_480" href="#FNanchor_480" class="label">[480]</a> + For an account of Russian sectarian movements see A. P. Stanley, <cite>Hist. of the Eastern Church</cite>; +for a summary, <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., Vol. XXIII, p. 886.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_481" href="#FNanchor_481" class="label">[481]</a> Kattenbusch, <cite lang="de">Lehrb. d. vgl. Konfessionsk.</cite>, + I (1892), pp. 234, et seq.; N. P. Milyukov, <cite lang="de">Skizz. russ. +Kulturg.</cite> (1901) II, pp. 104, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_482" href="#FNanchor_482" class="label">[482]</a> Borchardt, <cite lang="de">Reheiligtum des Newoserrê</cite>, I (1905). The Pharaoh is no longer an incarnation of +godhead, and not yet, as the theology of the Middle Kingdom was to make him, the son of Re; +notwithstanding all earthly greatness, he is small, a servant, as he stands before the god.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_483" href="#FNanchor_483" class="label">[483]</a> Erman, “<cite lang="de">Ein Denkmal memphitsiche Theologie</cite>,” <cite lang="de">Ber. Berl. Ak.</cite> + (1911), pp. 916, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_484" href="#FNanchor_484" class="label">[484]</a> Not, of course, to be connected in any profound sense with that which emerged under the name +in the Magian Culture.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_485" href="#FNanchor_485" class="label">[485]</a> And because they were the gods of the eternal peasant, they outlived the Olympians.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_486" href="#FNanchor_486" class="label">[486]</a> Even though Hesiod is two centuries nearer to the source of his Culture than the German +mystic is to that of our own. See the article “Boehme,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_487" href="#FNanchor_487" class="label">[487]</a> Insolent prosperity tempting Nemesis.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_488" href="#FNanchor_488" class="label">[488]</a> The work of J. J. Bachofen in this field has recently been assembled in concentrated form under +the title <cite lang="de">Mythus von Occident und Orient</cite> (1926).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_489" href="#FNanchor_489" class="label">[489]</a> Wissowa, <cite lang="de">Religion und Kultus der Römer</cite>, p. 41. What has been said above (<a href="#p191">p. 191</a>) concerning +the Talmudic religion applies also to the Etruscan religion by which all Italy—i.e., no less than +half of the Classical field—was so deeply influenced. It lies outside the province of both the conventional +“Classical” philologies and in consequence has been practically ignored, as compared +with the Achæan and Doric religions. In reality (as its tombs, temples, and myths prove), it forms +with them a single unit of spirit and evolution.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_490" href="#FNanchor_490" class="label">[490]</a> It is immaterial whether or not Dionysus was “borrowed” from Thrace, Apollo from Asia +Minor, Aphrodite from Phœnicia. It is the fact that out of the thousands of alien motives these +particular few were chosen and combined in so splendid a unity that implies the fundamental newness +of the creation—just as does the Mary-cult of the Gothic, although in that case the whole form-material +was taken over from the East.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_491" href="#FNanchor_491" class="label">[491]</a> As in De Groot’s <cite>Universismus</cite> + (1918), where, in fact, the systems of Taoists, Confucians, and +Buddhists are handled without a qualm as <em>the</em> religions of China. This amounts to the same as +saying that the Classical religion dates from Caracalla.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_492" href="#FNanchor_492" class="label">[492]</a> Conrady, in Wassiljew, <cite lang="de">Die Erschliessung Chinas</cite> + (1909), p. 232; B. Schindler, <cite lang="de">Das Priestertum +im alten China</cite>, I (1919).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_493" href="#FNanchor_493" class="label">[493]</a> The Shu-Ching or Canon of History is a collection of ancient annals, the Shi-King a canonical +anthology of rhymed tales made by Confucius.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_494" href="#FNanchor_494" class="label">[494]</a> Conrady, <cite>China</cite>, p. 516.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_495" href="#FNanchor_495" class="label">[495]</a> Of which an outstanding example is the Edda.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_496" href="#FNanchor_496" class="label">[496]</a> See article “Heliand” in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI edit., and works there referred to. A handy edition +of the text is included in the “Reclam” series.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_497" href="#FNanchor_497" class="label">[497]</a> This idea differs essentially from that of the Egyptian duality of the spiritual <i>ka</i> and the +soul-bird <i>bai</i>, and still more so from the Magian duality of soul-substances.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_498" href="#FNanchor_498" class="label">[498]</a> O. Franke, <cite lang="de">Studien zur Gesch. des Konfuzianischen Dogmas</cite> (1920), p. 202.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_499" href="#FNanchor_499" class="label">[499]</a> Reference may again be made to Yrjo Hirn, <cite>The Sacred Shrine</cite>.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_500" href="#FNanchor_500" class="label">[500]</a> Consider, for example, the fantastic paintings of Hieronymus Bosch. Breughel’s similar +humour, too, is unthinkable without the tradition of a rank-and-file of evil creatures.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_501" href="#FNanchor_501" class="label">[501]</a> So also in the Classical, the Homeric figures were for educated people of Hellenistic times +nothing but literature, representation, artistic motive. Even for Plato’s period they were little +more than this. But in 1100 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, Demeter and Dionysus were a fearful actuality before which men +collapsed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_502" href="#FNanchor_502" class="label">[502]</a> The stern object of Roger Bacon’s science; see <a href="#p502">p. 502</a>, foot-note.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_503" href="#FNanchor_503" class="label">[503]</a> This is the real conclusion that emerges from Burdach’s <cite>Reformation, Renaissance, Humanismus</cite> +(1918).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_504" href="#FNanchor_504" class="label">[504]</a> In this connexion, it is important to observe that the education-movement of Humanism took +into its field modern Italian, Hebrew, etc., as well as the Classical knowledge. A Dante professorship +was founded in Florence in 1373. As for the Classical itself, side by side with all the enthusiasm +we find a significant note in Boccaccio, who thanks Jesus Christ for a victory over unbelief that has +delivered up the <em>enemy’s camp</em> to the victor’s enjoyment. Burkhardt, <cite>Renaissance</cite>, Vol. I, p. 262 +(Reclam edition).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_505" href="#FNanchor_505" class="label">[505]</a> Bezold, <cite lang="de">Hist. Zeitschr.</cite>, 45, p. 208.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_506" href="#FNanchor_506" class="label">[506]</a> Italian, “Anna Metterza.” The reference is to the St. Anne of the Louvre and the Royal +Academy Diploma Gallery, London.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_507" href="#FNanchor_507" class="label">[507]</a> Cf. Vol. I, p. 232.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_508" href="#FNanchor_508" class="label">[508]</a> Fra Angelico and Luca Signorelli.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_509" href="#FNanchor_509" class="label">[509]</a> The sense of such a relativity led to a mathematic (the calculus) which is literally based on +the ignoring of second- and third-order magnitudes.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_510" href="#FNanchor_510" class="label">[510]</a> See article “Mysticism” in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_511" href="#FNanchor_511" class="label">[511]</a> After its confirmation in 1311, the character of this festival as one of popular joy became still +more marked by its association with the nascent drama (see <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., articles “Corpus +Christi,” “Drama”; and Y. Hirn, op. cit., pp. 144–5).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_512" href="#FNanchor_512" class="label">[512]</a> Or even rediscovered it. For Classical man as a spirit-filled body is one amongst many quite +independent units, while Faustian man is a centre in the universe, which with its soul embraces <em>the +whole</em>. But personality (individuality) means, not something separate (<i lang="de">einzelnes</i>), but something +single (<i lang="de">einziges</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_513" href="#FNanchor_513" class="label">[513]</a> Hence it is that this sacrament has conferred a position of such immense power upon the Western +priest. He receives the personal confession, and speaks personally, in the name of the Infinite, +the absolution, without which life would be unbearable.</p> + +<p>The notion of confession as a <em>duty</em>, which was finally established in 1215, first arose in England, +whence came also the first confession-books (Penitentials). In England, too, originated, the idea +of the Immaculate Conception, and even the <em>idea</em> of the Papacy—at a time when Rome itself thought +of it as a question of power and precedence. It is evidence of the independence of Faustian Christianity +from Magian that its decisive ideas grew up in those remote parts of its field which lay +beyond the Frankish Empire.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_514" href="#FNanchor_514" class="label">[514]</a> The immeasurable difference between the Faustian and the Russian souls is disclosed in certain +word-sounds. The Russian word for heaven is “<i>nyebo</i>,” which contains in its <i>n</i> a negative element. +Western man looks up, the Russian looks horizontally into the broad plain. The death-impulse, +too, of the respective souls is distinguishable, in that for the West it is the passion of drive all-ways +into infinite space, whereas for Russians it is an expressing and expanding of self (<i lang="de">Sichentäussern</i>) +till “it” in the man becomes identical with the boundless plain itself. It is thus that a Russian +understands the words “man” and “brother.” He sees even mankind as a plane. The idea of a +Russian’s being an astronomer! He does not see the stars at all, he sees only the horizon. Instead +of the vault he sees the down-hang of the heavens—something that somewhere combines with +the plain to form the horizon. For him the Copernican system, be it never so mathematical, is +spiritually contemptible.</p> + +<p>While our German “<i lang="de">Schicksal</i>” rings like a trumpet call, “<i>Sud’bá</i>” is a genuflection. There is +no room for the upstanding “I” beneath this almost flat-roofed heaven. That “<i>All are responsible for +all</i>”—the “it” for the “it” in this boundlessly extended plain—is the metaphysical fundament +of all Dostoyevski’s creation. That is why Ivan Karamasov must name himself murderer although +another had done the murder. The criminal is the “unfortunate,” the “wretch”—it is the utter +negation of Faustian personal responsibility. Russian mysticism has nothing of that upstriving +inwardness of Gothic, of Rembrandt, of Beethoven, which can swell up to a heaven-storming jubilation—its +god is not the azure depth up above. Mystical Russian love is love of the plain, the +love of brothers under equal pressure all along the earth, ever along and along; the love of the +poor tortured beasts that wander on it, the love of plants—never of birds and clouds and stars. +The Russian “<i>volya</i>,” our “will,” means principally non-compulsion, freedom not <em>for</em> something +but <em>from</em> something, and particularly freedom from compulsion to personal doing. Free-will is +seen as a condition in which no one else can command “it,” and in which, therefore, one may give +way to one’s own disposition. “<i lang="de">Geist</i>,” “<i lang="fr">esprit</i>,” “spirit,” go thus: ↗; the Russian “<i>duch</i>” goes +thus: ↳. What sort of a Christianity will come forth one day from this world-feeling?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_515" href="#FNanchor_515" class="label">[515]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza" lang="de"> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>“Und wenn die Welt voll Teufel wär’</i></div> + <div class="verse indent2"><i>Und wollten uns verschlingen</i></div> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>So fürchten wir uns nimmermehr</i></div> + <div class="verse indent2"><i>Es soll uns doch gelingen.”</i></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_516" href="#FNanchor_516" class="label">[516]</a> And, as the secession of a reformed Church necessarily transforms the parent Church, there +was a <em>Magian counter-reformation</em> also. In the <cite lang="la">Decretum Gelasii</cite> (<i>c.</i> 500, Rome) even Clement of Alexandria, +Tertullian, and Lactantius, and in the Synod of Byzantium (543) Origen, were declared +heretical.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_517" href="#FNanchor_517" class="label">[517]</a> Boehmer, <cite lang="de">Luther im Lichte der neueren Forschung</cite> (1918), pp. 54, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_518" href="#FNanchor_518" class="label">[518]</a> See, for instance, H. T. Buckle, <cite>Hist. Civilization in England</cite>, + Vol. III, ch. iv, for the Scottish +outlook, which at times attributed all this horror, not even to an anti-God, but to God himself. +“Consider, who is the contriver of these torments. There have been some very exquisite torments +contrived by the wit of men ... but all these fall as far short of the torments ye are to endure as the +wisdom of man falls short of that of God.... Infinite wisdom has contrived that evil” (<cite>The Great +Concern of Salvation</cite>, by T. Halyburton, 1722).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_519" href="#FNanchor_519" class="label">[519]</a> M. Osborn, <cite lang="de">Die Teufelsliteratur des 16. Jahrh.</cite> (1893).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_520" href="#FNanchor_520" class="label">[520]</a> Clocks being an outstanding example. See Vol. I, p. 15, foot-note.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_521" href="#FNanchor_521" class="label">[521]</a> The famous Bishop of Lincoln (1175–1253), scholar and philosopher, scientist and statesman—the +British Oresme.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_522" href="#FNanchor_522" class="label">[522]</a> A clear summary of Grosseteste’s, Pierre de Maricourt’s, and Roger Bacon’s work and outlook +will be found in Ch. ix of E. Gilson’s short manual, <cite lang="fr">La Philosophie au Moyen Âge</cite> (Paris, 1925). +<cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., may also be consulted for Roger Bacon, but the article “Grosseteste” deals almost +entirely with the bishop’s political and ecclesiastical career.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_523" href="#FNanchor_523" class="label">[523]</a> M. Baumgartner, <cite lang="de">Gesch. der Philos. des Mittelalters</cite> + (1915), pp. 425, 571, 620, et seq. [Brief +account in Ch. xi (3) of Gilson’s manual above cited.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_524" href="#FNanchor_524" class="label">[524]</a> See Ch. XIV below.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_525" href="#FNanchor_525" class="label">[525]</a> Nigantha. See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., article “Jains.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_526" href="#FNanchor_526" class="label">[526]</a> 542. See <a href="#p197">p. 197</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_527" href="#FNanchor_527" class="label">[527]</a> Mahommedanism must be regarded as an eccentric heretical form of Eastern Christianity. +This in fact was the ancient mode of regarding Mahommet. He was considered, not in the light +of the founder of a new religion, but rather as one of the chief heresiarchs of the Church. Among +them he is placed by Dante in the “Inferno.” Dean Stanley, <cite>Eastern Church</cite> (1861), Lecture VIII.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_528" href="#FNanchor_528" class="label">[528]</a> Krumbacher, <cite lang="de">Byzant. Literaturgesch.</cite>, p. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_529" href="#FNanchor_529" class="label">[529]</a> See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., under these names.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_530" href="#FNanchor_530" class="label">[530]</a> Not to say the twentieth.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_531" href="#FNanchor_531" class="label">[531]</a> To which may be added Edinburgh.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_532" href="#FNanchor_532" class="label">[532]</a> πρὸς τὴν πειθὼ τῶν πολλῶν, <cite>Metaphysics</cite> XI, 8, p. 1074 (Bekker) 13.—<i>Tr.</i> + {sic—XII, 1074b 1–5}</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_533" href="#FNanchor_533" class="label">[533]</a> Caliphs like Al Maimun (813–33) and the last Ommayads would have entirely approved of +similar measures in Islam. In those times there was a club in Baghdad in which Christians, Jews, +Moslems, and Atheists debated, and appeals to the authority of Bible or Koran were “out of order.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_534" href="#FNanchor_534" class="label">[534]</a> Whereas “<i>virtù</i>” in Dante always carries a connotation of vital force, as also does the older +English use of the word; e.g., in Chaucer’s “of which vertue engendred is the flour,” (<cite>Canterbury +Tales</cite>, Prol. 4) and in the Bible (Mark v, 30). In Mediæval Latin “<i lang="la">virtutes</i>” is used for miracles.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_535" href="#FNanchor_535" class="label">[535]</a> See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., article “Jains.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_536" href="#FNanchor_536" class="label">[536]</a> E.g., “Given eye and visible object, visual consciousness arises; the conjunction of the three +is contact; whereby conditioned, arises feeling; whereby conditioned, arises perception....” +Majjima Nikhaya, I, 111 (quoted by Mrs. Rhys Davids, <cite>Buddhism</cite>).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_537" href="#FNanchor_537" class="label">[537]</a> Gercke-Norden, <cite lang="de">Einleit. in die Altertumswiss.</cite>, II, 210.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_538" href="#FNanchor_538" class="label">[538]</a> Compare the renewed controversy as to Transubstantiation in the English Church, 1926–8, +in which a bishop actually proposed that physical tests could be applied to the altar-miracle.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_539" href="#FNanchor_539" class="label">[539]</a> Which was ordered no less than four times in the decade 58–49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_540" href="#FNanchor_540" class="label">[540]</a> Horace’s fine lady, Leuconoë.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_541" href="#FNanchor_541" class="label">[541]</a> + It is perhaps possible for us to make some guess already as to these forms, which (it is self-evident) +must lead back to certain elements of Gothic Christianity. But be this as it may, what is +quite certain is that they will not be the product of any literary taste for Late-Indian or Late-Chinese +speculation, but something of the type, for example, of Adventism and suchlike sects.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_542" href="#FNanchor_542" class="label">[542]</a> Arnim, <cite lang="de">Stoic. vet. fragm.</cite>, 537.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_543" href="#FNanchor_543" class="label">[543]</a> See <a href="#p202">p. 202</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_544" href="#FNanchor_544" class="label">[544]</a> The Lü-shi Chun-tsiu of Lü-pu-Wei (d. 237 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, + Chinese Augustan Age) is the first monument +of this syncretism, of which the final deposit was the ritual work <cite>Li-ki</cite> of the Han period (B. +Schindler, <cite lang="de">Das Priestertum im alten China</cite>, I, 93).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_545" href="#FNanchor_545" class="label">[545]</a> M. Horten, <cite lang="de">Die religiöse Gedankenwelt des Volkes im heutigen Islam</cite> (1917).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_546" href="#FNanchor_546" class="label">[546]</a> 1018–78; cf. Dieterich, <cite lang="de">Byzant. Charakterköpfe</cite> (1909), p. 63. [Or <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed., article +“Psellus.”—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_547" href="#FNanchor_547" class="label">[547]</a> It was only in old age and after long and heavy warring that both these Cæsars gave themselves +up to a mild and weary piety, and both of them held aloof from the more definite religions. From +the point of view of dogma, Asoka was no Buddhist; what he did was to understand the currents +and take them under his protection (Hillebrandt, <cite lang="de">Altindien</cite>, p. 143). [Asoka’s life is dealt with in +several of the works of Rhys Davids; for example, Ch. xv of his <cite>Buddhist India</cite>.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_548" href="#FNanchor_548" class="label">[548]</a> In so far as it is permissible to reckon Mithraism as Classical at all—for it is really a religion +of the Magian Spring.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_549" href="#FNanchor_549" class="label">[549]</a> De Groot, <cite>Universismus</cite> (1918), p. 134.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_550" href="#FNanchor_550" class="label">[550]</a> <a href="#p169">P. 169</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_551" href="#FNanchor_551" class="label">[551]</a> See the article “Maimonides” in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_552" href="#FNanchor_552" class="label">[552]</a> Fromer, <cite lang="de">Der Talmud</cite>, p. 217. The “red cow” and the ritual of anointing a Jewish king were +treated in this work with the same seriousness as the most important provisions of private law. +[See J. and J. Tharaud, <cite lang="fr">Petite Histoire des Juifs</cite>, Ch. I (1927).—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_553" href="#FNanchor_553" class="label">[553]</a> See, for the following paragraphs, the articles “Jews,” “Hebrew Religion,” “Hebrew Literature,” +“Kabbalah,” “Qaraites,” etc., in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_554" href="#FNanchor_554" class="label">[554]</a> Strunz, <cite lang="de">Gesch. der Naturwiss. im Mittelalter</cite>, p. 89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_555" href="#FNanchor_555" class="label">[555]</a> Only with Nicolaus Cusanus was this state of things reversed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_556" href="#FNanchor_556" class="label">[556]</a> <a href="#p174">P. 174</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_557" href="#FNanchor_557" class="label">[557]</a> The reader is recommended to study, in the light of all this, recent literature of the type of +Hajim Bloch’s <cite>Golem</cite> and the works of the brothers Tharaud.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_558" href="#FNanchor_558" class="label">[558]</a> See <a href="#p259">pp. 259</a>, et seq.; <a href="#p174">174</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_559" href="#FNanchor_559" class="label">[559]</a> <a href="#p127">P. 127</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_560" href="#FNanchor_560" class="label">[560]</a> <a href="#p48">P. 48</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_561" href="#FNanchor_561" class="label">[561]</a> Prague contains a veritable corpus of commentary upon these pages.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_562" href="#FNanchor_562" class="label">[562]</a> <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 132. See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed., Vol. XV, p. 402, and Vol. III, p. 395.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_563" href="#FNanchor_563" class="label">[563]</a> Instances—besides that of Mithradates and the Cyprus massacre (<a href="#p198">p. 198</a>) quoted above—are +the Sepoy Mutiny in India, the Boxer Rebellion in China, and the Bolshevist fury of Jews, +Letts, and other alien peoples against Tsarist Russia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_564" href="#FNanchor_564" class="label">[564]</a> P. Levertoff, <cite lang="de">Die religiöse Denkweise der Chassidim</cite> + (1918), pp. 128, et seq.; M. Buber, <cite lang="de">Die Legende +des Baalschem</cite> (1907). [Brief account in J. and J. Tharaud, <cite lang="fr">Petite histoire des Juifs</cite>, Ch. vii.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_565" href="#FNanchor_565" class="label">[565]</a> Levertoff, op. cit., p. 136.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_566" href="#FNanchor_566" class="label">[566]</a> O. Weininger, <cite lang="de">Taschenbuch</cite> (1919), above all pp. 19, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_567" href="#FNanchor_567" class="label">[567]</a> Their ship-building was in Roman times more Classical than Phœnician, their state was organized +as a Polis, and their educated people, like Hannibal, were familiar with Greek.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_568" href="#FNanchor_568" class="label">[568]</a> See <a href="#p260">p. 260</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_569" href="#FNanchor_569" class="label">[569]</a> Cf. <a href="#p3">p. 3</a> and foot-note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_570" href="#FNanchor_570" class="label">[570]</a> And not until women cease to have race enough to have or to want children, not until they +cease to <em>be</em> history, does it become possible for them to make or to copy the history of men. Conversely, +it is deeply significant that we are in the habit of calling thinkers, doctrinaires, and humanity-enthusiasts +of anti-political tendency “old women.” They wish to imitate the other history, the +history of woman, although they—cannot.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_571" href="#FNanchor_571" class="label">[571]</a> No exact equivalent exists in common English for the German word “<i lang="de">Stand</i>.” “Aristocracy” +is too narrow, as under most aspects the clergy and under some even the <i lang="fr">Tiers</i> have to be reckoned in. +“Class” fails because, for logical completeness, it has to be stretched so as to bring in the qualitatively +unclassed as a distinct category. (A whole social history is contained in the use of these and +similar words at different periods.) The word “Estate” itself is used nowadays for the “masses” +(“Fourth Estate” = “Proletariat”), but this very use, by Socialists, is an assertion that the masses, +as workers, possess a qualitative peculiarity and condition of their own, and the word thus continues +to connote ideas of differentiation, specific constitution, and oriented outlook. It may, therefore, +be employed here without fear of misunderstanding or reproach of pedantry.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_572" href="#FNanchor_572" class="label">[572]</a> Cf. <a href="#p120">pp. 120</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_573" href="#FNanchor_573" class="label">[573]</a> Mitteis, <cite lang="de">Reichsrecht und Volksrecht</cite> (1891), p. 63.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_574" href="#FNanchor_574" class="label">[574]</a> Sohm, <cite lang="de">Institutionen</cite> (1911), p. 614. [<cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed., Vol. XXIII, pp. 540–1.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_575" href="#FNanchor_575" class="label">[575]</a> This principle formed the basis of the dynastic-idea of the Arabian world (Ommayads, Comneni, +Sassanids), which is so hard for us to grasp. When a usurper had seized a throne, he hastened +to marry one or another of the female members of the blood-community and so prolonged the dynasty; +of law-made succession rights there was no question, nor under this idea could there be. (See +also J. Wellhausen, <cite lang="de">Ein Gemeinwesen ohne Obrigkeit</cite> (1900).)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_576" href="#FNanchor_576" class="label">[576]</a> See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., Vol. XXIII, p. 574.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_577" href="#FNanchor_577" class="label">[577]</a> See <a href="#p18">p. 18</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_578" href="#FNanchor_578" class="label">[578]</a> An inversion of Clausewitz’s famous expression that war is a continuation of policy by other +means. (<cite>On War</cite>, I, i, § 24).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_579" href="#FNanchor_579" class="label">[579]</a> Not excluding art, although we are not <em>conscious</em> + of them save through deduction from art-<em>history</em>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_580" href="#FNanchor_580" class="label">[580]</a> Original: “<i lang="de">Sie liegen im gesteigerten Dasein von Einzelnen und Kreisen, eben in dem, was soeben +‘Dasein in Form’ genannt worden ist, und durch diese Höhe des Geformtseins erst die Kultur repräsentirt.</i>”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_581" href="#FNanchor_581" class="label">[581]</a> So in the German, but see foot-note <a href="#p329">p. 329</a>. “<i lang="de">Stand</i>” + would have expressed the sense better.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_582" href="#FNanchor_582" class="label">[582]</a> R. Fick, <cite lang="de">Die soziale Gliederung im nordöstlichen Indien zu Buddhas Zeit</cite> + (1897), p. 201; K. Hillebrandt, +<cite lang="de">Alt-Indien</cite> (1899), p. 82. [Also the article “Brahmanism,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_583" href="#FNanchor_583" class="label">[583]</a> See Vol. I, p. 157.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_584" href="#FNanchor_584" class="label">[584]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>Got hât driu leben geschaffen</i></div> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>Gebûre, ritter, phaffen.</i></div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p>[Note the collective <i>ge-</i> attached to the first-named.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_585" href="#FNanchor_585" class="label">[585]</a> The ease with which Bolshevism extinguished the four so-called estates or classes of Petrine +Russia—nobles, merchants, small townspeople, and peasants—shows that these were mere imitations +and administrative conveniences, and destitute of all symbolism—for symbolism no power +on earth can choke. They correspond to the outward differences of rank and possessions that existed +in the Visigothic and Frankish Kingdoms, and—as glimpses afforded by the earliest parts of the +Iliad show—in Mycenæan times. It is reserved for the future to develop a true nobility and clergy +in Russia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_586" href="#FNanchor_586" class="label">[586]</a> As a treaty of reciprocal possession by the two parties which is made effective by the reciprocal +use of their sex-properties.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_587" href="#FNanchor_587" class="label">[587]</a> Oldenberg, <cite lang="de">Die Lehre der Upanishaden</cite> (1915), p. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_588" href="#FNanchor_588" class="label">[588]</a> <a href="#p124">P. 124</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_589" href="#FNanchor_589" class="label">[589]</a> “So, then, because thou art lukewarm, and neither cold nor hot, I will spue thee out of my +mouth.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_590" href="#FNanchor_590" class="label">[590]</a> <a href="#p4">P. 4</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_591" href="#FNanchor_591" class="label">[591]</a> The case of Egypt is of course similar.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_592" href="#FNanchor_592" class="label">[592]</a> <a href="#p272">Pp. 272</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_593" href="#FNanchor_593" class="label">[593]</a> <cite lang="de">Jenseits von Gut und Böse</cite>, § 260.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_594" href="#FNanchor_594" class="label">[594]</a> In contrast, the Spanish word “<i lang="es">Hidalgo</i>” means “son of somebody.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_595" href="#FNanchor_595" class="label">[595]</a> Conversely, it can successfully be controverted—and often has been so in the Chinese and +Classical, Indian and Western philosophies—but it does not get abolished.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_596" href="#FNanchor_596" class="label">[596]</a> The possession of movable things (food, equipment, arms) comes later, and is of much lower +symbolic weight. It occurs widely in the animal world. The bird’s nest, on the contrary, is a +property of plantlike kind.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_597" href="#FNanchor_597" class="label">[597]</a> Property in this most significant sense—the having grown up with something—refers therefore +less to the particular person than to the family tree to which he belongs. In every quarrel within +a peasant or even within a princely family, this is the deep and violent element. The master for the +time being holds possession only in the name of the family line. Hence, too, the terror of death without +heirs. <em>Property also is a Time-symbol</em>, and consequently it is closely related to marriage, which is +a firm plantlike intergrowth and mutual possession of two human beings, so real as to be even +reflected in an increasing facial similarity.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_598" href="#FNanchor_598" class="label">[598]</a> See <a href="#p248">p. 248</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_599" href="#FNanchor_599" class="label">[599]</a> See these headings in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI. ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_600" href="#FNanchor_600" class="label">[600]</a> After death the teachers of error are excluded from the eternal bliss of the text-book and cast +into the purgatorial fires of foot-notes, whence, purged by the intercession of the believer, they +ascend into the paradise of the paragraphs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_601" href="#FNanchor_601" class="label">[601]</a> Black Jews, who are smiths to a man.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_602" href="#FNanchor_602" class="label">[602]</a> The genuinely primitive Mir, contrary to the assertions of enthusiastic socialists and pan-slavists, +dates only from after 1600, and has been abolished since 1861. Here the soil is <em>communal</em> soil, +and the villagers are as far as possible held fast, in order to ensure that the tilling of this soil shall +cover the demands of taxation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_603" href="#FNanchor_603" class="label">[603]</a> See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, + XI ed., Vol. XI, pp. 94, 786, or any histories of German literature.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_604" href="#FNanchor_604" class="label">[604]</a> See, further, below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_605" href="#FNanchor_605" class="label">[605]</a> Brentano, <cite lang="de">Byzant. Volkswirtschaft</cite> (1917), p. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_606" href="#FNanchor_606" class="label">[606]</a> Even I-wang (934–909) was obliged to leave conquered territories to his vassals, who put in +counts and reeves of their own choice.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_607" href="#FNanchor_607" class="label">[607]</a> See H. Delbrück, <cite lang="de">Gesch. der Kriegskunst</cite>, + Vol. II, Book I, Ch. x; or C. W. C. Oman, <cite>Art of War: +Middle Ages</cite>, Ch. i.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_608" href="#FNanchor_608" class="label">[608]</a> The slave in the Classical sense disappears automatically and completely in these centuries—one +of the most significant indications that the Classical world-feeling, and with it its economic +feeling, were extinct.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_609" href="#FNanchor_609" class="label">[609]</a> Thus, later, under Justinian, Belisarius could furnish seven thousand cavalry from his own +domains for the Gothic War. Very few German princes could have done so much in Charles V’s +time. [The last of such armies in Western history was the army of the House of Condé in the +seventeenth century. These centuries of ours “correspond” with the period that set in with Justinian.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_610" href="#FNanchor_610" class="label">[610]</a> Pöhlmann, <cite lang="de">Röm. Kaiserzeit</cite> (Pflugk-Harttungs <cite lang="de">Weltgesch.</cite>, + I, pp. 200, et seq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_611" href="#FNanchor_611" class="label">[611]</a> See <a href="#p286">p. 286</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_612" href="#FNanchor_612" class="label">[612]</a> In spite of Ed. Meyer (<cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Altertums</cite>, I, § 243).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_613" href="#FNanchor_613" class="label">[613]</a> Our marshal and the Chinese <i>sse-ma</i>, chamberlain and <i>Chen</i>, high steward and <i>ta-tsai</i>, + high +bailiff and <i>nan</i>, earl and <i>peh</i> (the Chinese ranks as in Schindler, <cite lang="de">Das Priestertum im alten China</cite>, p. 61, +et seq.). Precisely corresponding Egyptian grades in Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. des Altertums</cite>, I, § 222; Byzantine +in the “<cite lang="la">Notitia Dignitatum</cite>” (derived in part from the Sassanid Court). In the Classical +city-states certain official titles of ancient origin suggest court functions (Colacretæ, Prytanes, +Consuls). See further below.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_614" href="#FNanchor_614" class="label">[614]</a> Hardy, <cite lang="de">Indische Religionsgesch.</cite>, p. 260.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_615" href="#FNanchor_615" class="label">[615]</a> M. Granet, <cite lang="de">Coutumes matrimoniales de la Chine antique, T’oung Pao</cite> + (1912), pp. 517, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_616" href="#FNanchor_616" class="label">[616]</a> The tournament was an institution in the other, western, half of the Magian world as +well.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_617" href="#FNanchor_617" class="label">[617]</a> The life of John Chrysostom is an instance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_618" href="#FNanchor_618" class="label">[618]</a> Another example (beloved of artists) stands to this day in the town of San Gimigniano, which +is almost nothing but a group of family towers ranging up to 150 ft. in height.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_619" href="#FNanchor_619" class="label">[619]</a> Ambrogio Spinola is a case in point.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_620" href="#FNanchor_620" class="label">[620]</a> The memoirs of the Duc de Saint Simon give a vivid picture of this evolution.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_621" href="#FNanchor_621" class="label">[621]</a> <a href="#p75">P. 75</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_622" href="#FNanchor_622" class="label">[622]</a> Corresponding to our seventeenth century.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_623" href="#FNanchor_623" class="label">[623]</a> K. J. Neumann, <cite lang="de">Die Grundherrschaft der römischen Republik</cite> + (1900); Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Kl. Schriften</cite>, +pp. 351, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_624" href="#FNanchor_624" class="label">[624]</a> A. Rosenberg, <cite lang="de">Studien zur Entstehung der Plebs</cite>, + Herm. XLVIII (1913), pp. 359, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_625" href="#FNanchor_625" class="label">[625]</a> <a href="#p102">Pp. 102</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_626" href="#FNanchor_626" class="label">[626]</a> See <a href="#p159">pp. 159</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_627" href="#FNanchor_627" class="label">[627]</a> <a href="#p170">Pp. 170</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_628" href="#FNanchor_628" class="label">[628]</a> See Vol. I, pp. 136, et seq.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_629" href="#FNanchor_629" class="label">[629]</a> Hence such codes throw out the privileges of nobility and clergy and sustain those of money +and intellect, and display a frank preference for movable as against real property.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_630" href="#FNanchor_630" class="label">[630]</a> <a href="#p75">Pp. 75</a>, et seq. The corresponding attempt of the absolutist Stuarts to introduce Roman Law +into England was defeated chiefly by the Puritan jurist Coke (d. 1634)—yet another proof that +the spirit of laws is always a party-spirit.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_631" href="#FNanchor_631" class="label">[631]</a> See <a href="#p65">pp. 65</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_632" href="#FNanchor_632" class="label">[632]</a> Above all in connexion with divorce, in which the civil and the ecclesiastical views <em>both</em> + hold +good, literally side by side.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_633" href="#FNanchor_633" class="label">[633]</a> See <a href="#p330">p. 330</a>.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_634" href="#FNanchor_634" class="label">[634]</a> Thus come about the much satirized forms of the “patrol-” or “barrack-state,” as opponents +call it with an unintelligent scorn. Similar points of view appear also in Chinese and Greek constitutional +theories (O. Franke, <cite lang="de">Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas</cite> (1920), pp. 211, et +seq.; Pöhlmann, <cite lang="de">Geschichte der sozialen Frage und der Sozialismus in der antiken Welt</cite> (1912)). On the +other hand, the political tastes of, for example, Wilhelm von Humboldt, who as a Classicist opposed +the individual to the State, belong, not to political history at all, but to literature. For what he +looked at was, not the capacity of the State to thrive in the real State-world around it, but its private +existence within itself, without regard to the fact that such an ideal could not endure for an +instant in the face of a neglected outer situation. It is a basic error of the ideologues that, in concentrating +on the private life and referring to it the whole inner structure of the State, they entirely +ignore the latter’s position in point of outward power, though this in fact completely conditions its +freedom for the inward development. The difference between the French and the German Revolutions, +for example, consists in the fact that the one commanded the external situation and <em>therewith</em> +the internal also, while the other commanded neither and was foredoomed to farce.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_635" href="#FNanchor_635" class="label">[635]</a> Which is most definitely <em>not</em> + identical with economic history in the sense of the materialist +historian. More of this in the next chapter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_636" href="#FNanchor_636" class="label">[636]</a> It is to be noted that the author uses the terms “horizontal” and “vertical” here in the reverse +sense to that in which they commonly figure in present-day <em>political</em> literature, although in +<em>economic</em> works the usage is the same as that of the text.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_637" href="#FNanchor_637" class="label">[637]</a> Attention is drawn to this phrase, so as to avoid misconceptions as to the meaning of “subject” +in the sequel.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_638" href="#FNanchor_638" class="label">[638]</a> Compare the position of the aristocratic families of the South in the history of the United +States up to 1850–60.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_639" href="#FNanchor_639" class="label">[639]</a> For in those centuries the high dignities of the Church were invariably given to the nobility +of Europe, who put the political qualities of the blood at her service. From this school in turn +emanated statesmen like Richelieu, Mazarin, and Talleyrand, to name but a few.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_640" href="#FNanchor_640" class="label">[640]</a> See <a href="#p180">p. 180</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_641" href="#FNanchor_641" class="label">[641]</a> I.e., Domesday Book.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_642" href="#FNanchor_642" class="label">[642]</a> See <a href="#p350">p. 350</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_643" href="#FNanchor_643" class="label">[643]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. a. Altertums</cite>, I, § 244.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_644" href="#FNanchor_644" class="label">[644]</a> Even by Chinese critics. See, however, Schindler, <cite lang="de">Das Priestertum im alten China</cite>, + I, pp. 61, et +seq.; Conrady, <cite>China</cite>, p. 533.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_645" href="#FNanchor_645" class="label">[645]</a> See <a href="#p349">pp. 349</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_646" href="#FNanchor_646" class="label">[646]</a> “<i lang="la">Compotus</i>,” “<i lang="la">contrarotulus</i>” (the counter-roll retained for checking), “<i>quittancia</i>,” + “<i lang="la">recordatum</i>.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_647" href="#FNanchor_647" class="label">[647]</a> See <a href="#p279">p. 279</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_648" href="#FNanchor_648" class="label">[648]</a> “For the ruler of the Middle there is no foreign land” (Kung-yang). “The heaven speaks not; +it causes its thoughts to be promulgated by a man” (Tung Chung-shu). His errors affect the whole +cosmos and bring about cataclysms in Nature (O. Franke, <cite lang="de">Zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas</cite> +(1920), pp. 212, et seq., 244, et seq.). Such mystic universalism was completely alien to Indian +and Classical state-notions.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_649" href="#FNanchor_649" class="label">[649]</a> It must not be forgotten that the immense domains of the Church had become hereditary fiefs +of the bishops and archbishops, who were no more disposed than the lay peers to permit interferences +on the part of the overlord.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_650" href="#FNanchor_650" class="label">[650]</a> After the overthrow of the Tyrannis, <i>c.</i> + 500, the two regents of the Roman patriciate bear the +title <i lang="la">prætor</i> or <i lang="la">judex</i>. But it seems to me probable that these go back beyond the Tyrannis and even +the preceding oligarchic period into that of the kingship proper, and that as court-offices they have +the same origin as our <i lang="de">Herzog</i>, duke (<i>præ-itor</i>); <i lang="de">Heerwart</i>, in Athens polemarch; and <i lang="de">Graf</i>, earl (“<i>Ding-graf</i>,” +hereditary arbiter, in Athens archon). The name “<i lang="la">consul</i>” (from 366) is philologically +thoroughly archaic, and therefore implies no new creation, but the renascence of a title (king’s +adviser?) which oligarchic sentiment had long repudiated.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_651" href="#FNanchor_651" class="label">[651]</a> Beloch, <cite lang="de">Griechische Geschichte</cite>, I, 1, pp. 214, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_652" href="#FNanchor_652" class="label">[652]</a> The Spartiates mustered in the best period of the sixth century some 4000 warriors, out of a +total population of nearly 300,000, including Periœci and Helots (Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Alt.</cite>, III, +§ 264). The Roman families must at that time have been of about the same strength relatively to the +<i lang="la">clientela</i> and the Latins.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_653" href="#FNanchor_653" class="label">[653]</a> + Men’s messes. See the article Συσσίτια in Smith’s <cite>Dictionary of Classical Antiquities.</cite>—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_654" href="#FNanchor_654" class="label">[654]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Geschichte des Alt.</cite>, I, § 264.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_655" href="#FNanchor_655" class="label">[655]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Alt.</cite>, I, § 267, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_656" href="#FNanchor_656" class="label">[656]</a> See Ehrenberg, <cite lang="de">Die Rechtsidee im frühen Griechentum</cite> (1921), pp. 65, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_657" href="#FNanchor_657" class="label">[657]</a> <a href="#p18">P. 18</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_658" href="#FNanchor_658" class="label">[658]</a> <a href="#p171">Pp. 171</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_659" href="#FNanchor_659" class="label">[659]</a> <a href="#p181">P. 181</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_660" href="#FNanchor_660" class="label">[660]</a> F. Cumont, <cite lang="de">Mysterien des Mithra</cite> (1910), pp. 74, et seq. The Sassanid government, which +about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 300 changed from the feudal union to the aristocratic State, was in all respects the pattern +for Byzantium in ceremonial, in the knightly character of its Empire, in administrative management, +and above all in the type of its Ruler. Cf. also A. Christensen, <cite lang="fr">L’Empire des Sassanides, le peuple, l’état, +la cour</cite> (Copenhagen, 1907).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_661" href="#FNanchor_661" class="label">[661]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Kl. Shriften</cite>, p. 146.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_662" href="#FNanchor_662" class="label">[662]</a> See <a href="#p243">p. 243</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_663" href="#FNanchor_663" class="label">[663]</a> Krumbacher, <cite lang="de">Byzant. Literaturgesch.</cite>, p. 918.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_664" href="#FNanchor_664" class="label">[664]</a> A bright light is thrown upon the formation of this picture by the fact that the descendants +of the repeatedly overthrown dynasties of Hia and Shang reigned in the states of Ki-Sung throughout +the Chóu period (Schindler, <cite lang="de">Das Priestertum im alten China</cite>, I, p. 30). This shows, firstly, that the +picture of the Empire was mirrored back on some earlier or even perhaps a contemporary eminence +of these states; and, secondly and above all, that here too “dynasty” was not what we currently +mean by the name, but followed some quite different idea of the family. We may compare the +fiction which made the German King, who was always chosen on Frankish territory and crowned in +the sepulchral chapel of Charlemagne, into a “Frank,” so that if circumstances had been different, +there might have evolved the notion of a Frankish dynasty running from Charles to Conradin +(see Amira, <cite lang="de">German. Recht</cite> in Herm. Paul, <cite lang="de">Grundriss</cite>, III, p. 147, note). From the Confucian age of +enlightenment this picture became the basis of a State-theory, and later still it was turned to account +by the Cæsars (p. 313).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_665" href="#FNanchor_665" class="label">[665]</a> O. Franke, <cite lang="de">Studien zur Gesch. d. Konfuz. Dogmas</cite>, pp. 247, 251.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_666" href="#FNanchor_666" class="label">[666]</a> An illuminating example is the “personal union” of the Ki and Tseng states, contested as +contrary to law (Franke, op. cit., p. 251).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_667" href="#FNanchor_667" class="label">[667]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Alt.</cite>, I, § 281.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_668" href="#FNanchor_668" class="label">[668]</a> G. Busolt, <cite lang="de">Griech. Staatskunde</cite> (1920), pp. 319, et seq. U. von Wilamowitz (<cite lang="de">Staat und +Gesellschaft der Griechen</cite>, 1910, p. 53), in disputing the existence of the patriarchal kingdom, misunderstands +the immense difference between the conditions of the eighth century, indicated in the +Odyssey, and those of the tenth.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_669" href="#FNanchor_669" class="label">[669]</a> A. Rosenberg, <cite lang="de">Der Staat der alten Italiker</cite>, pp. 75, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_670" href="#FNanchor_670" class="label">[670]</a> Estate or Class was the basis, too, of the two great political associations in Byzantium, which +are quite wrongly described as “Circus parties.” These Blues and Greens called themselves “Demoi” +and had their regular leaders. The circus was simply like the Palais Royal of 1789, the scene of +public manifestations, and behind them were the class-associations of the Senate. When in 520 +Anastasius I gave effect to the Monophysite tendency, the Greens sang orthodox hymns all day there, +and so forced the Emperor publicly to cry off. The Western counterpart to this is formed by the Parisian +parties under the “three Henries” (1580), the Guelphs and Ghibellines of Savonarola’s Florence, +and above all the insurgent faction in Rome under Pope Eugene IV. The suppression of the Nika +Rebellion by Justinian in 532 was thus also the foundation of State-absolutism <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> the Estates.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_671" href="#FNanchor_671" class="label">[671]</a> This contrast gives rise to a corresponding contrast in idea of colonization. Whereas, e.g., +the Prussian sovereigns invited settlers to their <em>land</em> (Salzburg Protestants, French Huguenots), +Gelon forcibly transferred the populations of whole cities into Syracuse, which thus became the +first megalopolis of the Classical world (<i>c.</i> 480).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_672" href="#FNanchor_672" class="label">[672]</a> The Greek lecythi found in graves on the Esquiline date form this period.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_673" href="#FNanchor_673" class="label">[673]</a> Wissowa, <cite lang="de">Religion der Römer</cite>, p. 242.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_674" href="#FNanchor_674" class="label">[674]</a> W. Schulze, <cite lang="de">Zur Geschichte lateinischen Eigennamen</cite>, + pp. 379, et seq., 580, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_675" href="#FNanchor_675" class="label">[675]</a> See <a href="#p351">p. 351</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_676" href="#FNanchor_676" class="label">[676]</a> This is seen also in the relation of the <i lang="la">Pontifex Maximus</i> to the <i lang="la">Rex Sacrorum</i>—the + latter with +the three great Flamens to the kingship, the Pontifices and the Vestals to the aristocracy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_677" href="#FNanchor_677" class="label">[677]</a> See <a href="#p62">p. 62</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_678" href="#FNanchor_678" class="label">[678]</a> <a href="#p173">P. 173</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_679" href="#FNanchor_679" class="label">[679]</a> This is clearly to be seen from Wilcken, <cite lang="de">Grundzüge der Papyruskunde</cite> + (1912), pp. 1, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_680" href="#FNanchor_680" class="label">[680]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Cæsars Monarchie</cite> (1918), p. 308.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_681" href="#FNanchor_681" class="label">[681]</a> Plutarch and Appian describe the masses of humanity that moved in by all the roads of Italy +to vote on Tiberius Gracchus’s land-bills. But this in itself shows that nothing of the sort had ever +happened before; and immediately after his violence upon Octavius, Tiberius Gracchus saw downfall +staring him in the face because the masses had streamed off home again and were not to be assembled +a second time. In Cicero’s day a Comitia often consisted only in speeches by a few politicians, +without participation by others; but never did it occur to a Roman to transfer the place of +voting to the residence of the individual voter—nor even to the Italians when they were fighting +for citizenship in 90 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> So strong was the feeling of the Polis.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_682" href="#FNanchor_682" class="label">[682]</a> In the Western dynasty-states the domestic law of each is valid for its <em>territory</em> + and applies +therefore to all persons present therein, irrespective of allegiance. In the city-state, on the contrary, +the validity of its domestic law for a person arises from that person’s possession of citizenship; +<i lang="la">civitas</i>, therefore, means infinitely more than present-day nationality, for without it a man was +without rights at all—as a “person,” non-existent.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_683" href="#FNanchor_683" class="label">[683]</a> See <a href="#p60">p. 60</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_684" href="#FNanchor_684" class="label">[684]</a> Gercke-Norden, <cite lang="de">Einl. i. d. Alt.-Wiss.</cite>, II, p. 202.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_685" href="#FNanchor_685" class="label">[685]</a> Busolt, <cite lang="de">Griech. Geschichte</cite>, II, pp. 346, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_686" href="#FNanchor_686" class="label">[686]</a> Cf. <a href="#p282">pp. 282</a> and 305. Fronde and Tyrannis have as intimate a connexion with Puritanism—the +same epochal phase, but in the religious instead of the political world—as the Reformation +with the aristocratic State, and the “Second Religiousness” with Cæsarism.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_687" href="#FNanchor_687" class="label">[687]</a> G. Wissowa, <cite lang="de">Religion der Römer</cite>, pp. 297, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_688" href="#FNanchor_688" class="label">[688]</a> Beloch, <cite lang="de">Griech. Geschichte</cite>, I, 1, p. 354.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_689" href="#FNanchor_689" class="label">[689]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Alt.</cite>, § 281.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_690" href="#FNanchor_690" class="label">[690]</a> Ibid., §§ 280, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_691" href="#FNanchor_691" class="label">[691]</a> On the means taken to secure the succession, cf. p. 379.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_692" href="#FNanchor_692" class="label">[692]</a> Ed. Meyer, op. cit., § 286.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_693" href="#FNanchor_693" class="label">[693]</a> Ibid., § 283. A. Erman, <cite lang="de">Die Mahnworte eines ägyptischen Propheten</cite> (<cite lang="de">Sitz. Preuss. Akad.</cite>), + 1919, pp. +804, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_694" href="#FNanchor_694" class="label">[694]</a> S. Plath, <cite lang="de">Verfassung und Verwaltung Chinas</cite> (<cite lang="de">Abb. Münch. Ak.</cite>, + 1864), p. 97, O. Franke, <cite lang="de">Studien +z. Gesch. d. Konfuz. Dogmas</cite>, pp. 255, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_695" href="#FNanchor_695" class="label">[695]</a> After armed rebellion.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_696" href="#FNanchor_696" class="label">[696]</a> The fifty-year interval of these critical points, which is seen with special distinctness in the +clear historical structure of the Baroque, but is recognizable also in the sequence of the three Punic +Wars, is yet another hint that the Cosmic flowings in the form of human lives upon the surface of a +minor star are not self-contained and independent, but stand in deep harmony with the unending +movedness of the universe. In a small but noteworthy book, R. Mewes, <cite lang="de">Die Kriegs- und Geistesperioden +im Völkerleben unde Verkündigung des nächsten Weltkrieges</cite> (1896), the relation of those war-periods +with weather-periods, sun-spot cycles, and certain conjunctures of the planets is established, and a +great war foretold accordingly for the period 1910–20. But these and numerous similar connexions +that come within the reach of our senses (cf. <a href="#p5">pp. 5</a>, et seq.) veil a secret that we have to respect and +not to infringe with causal expositions or mystical brain-spectres.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_697" href="#FNanchor_697" class="label">[697]</a> See C. von B(inder)-K(rieglstein), <cite lang="de">Geist und Stoff im Kriege</cite> + (1896); F. N. Maude, <cite>War and the +World’s Life</cite> (1907), and other works by the same author; also, in more summary terms, the articles +“Army” and “French Revolutionary Wars” by the present translator in <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_698" href="#FNanchor_698" class="label">[698]</a> “Rule, Britannia” is an eighteenth-century product.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_699" href="#FNanchor_699" class="label">[699]</a> For this, and what follows, see my <cite lang="de">Preussentum und Sozialismus</cite>, pp. 31, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_700" href="#FNanchor_700" class="label">[700]</a> + Mr. Asquith (Lord Oxford) was the first British Prime Minister to be officially so styled.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_701" href="#FNanchor_701" class="label">[701]</a> “Landed” and “funded” interests (J. Hatschek, <cite lang="de">Engl. Verfassungsgeschichte</cite>, 1913, pp. 589, et +seq.). Walpole, the organizer of the Whig party after 1714, used to describe himself and Townshend +as “the Firm;” and this “firm” with various changes of proprietorship governed without limitation +till 1760.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_702" href="#FNanchor_702" class="label">[702]</a> R. von Pöhlmann, <cite lang="de">Griech. Gesch.</cite> (1914), pp. 223–45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_703" href="#FNanchor_703" class="label">[703]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Alt.</cite> V § 809. If Latin became a literary language, only very late—after +Alexander—the only deduction to be made from the fact is that under the Tarquins Greek and +Etruscan must have been in general use—which, after all, goes without saying for a city that was +of a size and position to have relations with Carthage; that waged war in alliance with Cyme and +made use of the Treasury of Massalia at Delphi; whose standard weights and measures were Dorian; +whose mode of warfare was Sicilian; and whose walls contained a large foreign colony. Livy +(IX, 36), following older statements, observes that about 300 the Roman boy was still brought upon +Etruscan culture, as he was later on Greek. The ancient form “Ulixes” for Odysseus shows that the +Homeric sagas were not only known, but popularly known here (cf. <a href="#p284">p. 284</a>). The provisions of the +Twelve Tables (<i>c.</i> 450) agree with the more or less contemporary law of Gortyn in Crete (cf. <a href="#p63">p. 63</a>), +not merely as to substance, but even stylistically—so exactly that the Roman patricians who drew +them up must have been entirely at home with juristic Greek.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_704" href="#FNanchor_704" class="label">[704]</a> This measure—a usurpation of the administration by the “nation in arms”—corresponds to +the setting-up of Consular Tribunes in Rome in the military disturbances of 438.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_705" href="#FNanchor_705" class="label">[705]</a> According to B. Niese. Modern investigators are right in the view that the Decemvirate was +at first intended to be temporary; but the question is—what were the views of the party that +backed them concerning the <em>new</em> constitutional order that was to follow. It was on that that a +crisis had inevitably to come.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_706" href="#FNanchor_706" class="label">[706]</a> A. Wahl, <cite lang="de">Vorgeschichte d. franz. Revolution</cite>, + II (1907); this work is the only presentation of the +subject from the world-historical point of view. All Frenchmen, even the most modern, such as +Aulard and Sorel, see things from one or another partisan angle. It is materialistic nonsense to talk +of economic causes for a Revolution like this. Even the peasantry was better off than in most other +countries, and in any case it was not among them that it began. It was amongst the <em>educated</em> that +the catastrophe started, the educated of <em>all</em> the classes—in the high nobility and the clergy even +sooner than in the higher bourgeoisie, because the course of the first assembly of Notables (1787) had +disclosed the possibility of radically reshaping the form of government according to class-desires.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_707" href="#FNanchor_707" class="label">[707]</a> Even the highly provincial March Revolution of 1848 in Germany was a purely urban matter; +hence the vanishingly small proportion of the population involved as participants.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_708" href="#FNanchor_708" class="label">[708]</a> Hence also the exclusive bourgeois character of the National Guard in France from 1815 to +1851, the period between two phases of popular Tyrannis. In the <i lang="fr">coup d’état</i> by which Napoleon III +seized the throne, Paris was filled with regular troops, and the National Guard was forbidden to +assemble on pain of death.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_709" href="#FNanchor_709" class="label">[709]</a> <a href="#p97">Pp. 97</a>, and <a href="#p305">305</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_710" href="#FNanchor_710" class="label">[710]</a> See <a href="#p348">pp. 348</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_711" href="#FNanchor_711" class="label">[711]</a> J. Hatschek, <cite lang="de">Engl. Verfassungsgesch.</cite>, p. 588.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_712" href="#FNanchor_712" class="label">[712]</a> On the other side of the Channel, it is well known that the Rothschild fortune was founded +in a dramatic play upon the varying news from the front in Belgium.</p> + +<p>In the second phase of the Franco-German War of 1870–1 the bankers of Frankfurt took up holdings +in the loans floated by the French Government of National Defence.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_713" href="#FNanchor_713" class="label">[713]</a> But even during the Reign of Terror in the middle of Paris, there flourished the establishment +of Dr. Belhomme, in which members of the highest aristocracy ate and drank and danced out of all +danger for so long as they could pay (G. Lenôtre, <cite lang="de">Das revolutionäre Paris</cite>, p. 409).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_714" href="#FNanchor_714" class="label">[714]</a> The great movement which makes use of the catchwords of Marx has not delivered the entrepreneur +into the power of the worker, but both into that of the Bourse.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_715" href="#FNanchor_715" class="label">[715]</a> Both the old parties possessed clear lines of tradition back to 1680.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_716" href="#FNanchor_716" class="label">[716]</a> The moral and political “Enlightenment” movement was in England also a product of the +Third Estate (Priestley and Paley, Paine, Godwin), and for that reason was unable to grasp things +with the fine discrimination of a Shaftesbury.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_717" href="#FNanchor_717" class="label">[717]</a> Pelham, the successor of Walpole, paid to members of the Commons, through his secretary, +£500 to £800 at the end of each session according to the value of the services rendered by each recipient +to the Government—i.e., the Whig party. The party agent Dodington described his parliamentary +activities in these words: “I never attended a debate if I could help it, and I never missed a +division that I could possibly take part in. I heard many arguments that convinced me, but never +one that influenced my vote.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_718" href="#FNanchor_718" class="label">[718]</a> Here it was actually the interest of bourgeois and “enlightenment” ideals that the personal +régime of dictatorship was thought to favour, for the opposition to these ideas lay in the strict +state-ideal of the Polis, which according to Isocrates was marked with the curse of inability to die.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_719" href="#FNanchor_719" class="label">[719]</a> Diodorus XIV, 7. The drama was repeated in 317, when Agathocles the ex-potter let loose +his mercenary bands and the mob upon the new upper classes. After the massacre the “people” +of the “purified city” assembled and conferred the dictature upon the “saviour of true and genuine +freedom” (Deodorus XIX, 6, et seq.). On the whole movement see Busolt, <cite lang="de">Griech. Staatskunde</cite>, pp. +396, et seq., and Pöhlmann, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. soz. Frage</cite>, I, pp. 416, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_720" href="#FNanchor_720" class="label">[720]</a> Already that part of the Prussian army which had been in Russia had declared against Napoleon—and +that, though its general, Yorck, was no liberal, but the old strict type of the Frederician +officer.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_721" href="#FNanchor_721" class="label">[721]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Alt.</cite>, IV, §§ 626, 630.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_722" href="#FNanchor_722" class="label">[722]</a> H. Delbrück, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Kriegskunst</cite> (1908), I, p. 142.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_723" href="#FNanchor_723" class="label">[723]</a> Three to six “<i lang="la">tribuni militares consulari protestate</i>” + instead of the Consuls. Just at this juncture, +as the result of the introduction of pay and longer duration of service with the colours, there must +have come into being a nucleus of true professional soldiers, who would have the election of centurions +in their own hands and by whom the spirit of the army was determined. It is entirely +erroneous to speak of a peasant-levy at this stage, quite apart from the fact that the four great city-tribes +contributed a considerable part of the rank and file and a part, too, whose influence was even +greater than its numerical strength. Even in the “good old days” picture presented to us by Livy and +others we can clearly perceive the influence exerted by the standing formations upon the contests of +parties.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_724" href="#FNanchor_724" class="label">[724]</a> It is perhaps not a mere coincidence that 367 is the year of Dionysius’s death.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_725" href="#FNanchor_725" class="label">[725]</a> According to K. J. Neumann, this goes back to the great Censor.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_726" href="#FNanchor_726" class="label">[726]</a> According to Roman law, the freed slave at once acquired citizenship, with some few limitations. +As the slave-material came from all over the Mediterranean region and most of all from the +East, it was a vast rootless mass that collected in the four urban tribes, alien from all the tendencies +of the old Roman blood; and it quickly destroyed these when, after the Gracchan movement, it had +succeeded in bringing its weight of numbers to bear with effect.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_727" href="#FNanchor_727" class="label">[727]</a> From the end of the fourth century the nobility developed into a closed circle of families that +had, or claimed to have, consuls among their ancestors. The more strictly this condition was enforced, +the more frequent were the falsifications of the old consul-lists in order to “legitimize” rising +families of strong race and talent. The first (and truly revolutionary) outburst of forgery occurs +in the epoch of Appius Claudius the Censor, when the curule ædile C. Flavius, the son of a slave, +put the list in order—that was the time when even royal cognomina were discovered amongst +plebeian families. The second was in the days of the battle of Pydna (168), when the dominance of +the nobility began to assume Cæsarian forms (E. Kornemann, <cite lang="de">Der Priesterkodex in der Regia</cite>, 1912, pp. +56, et seq.). Of the 200 Consulates between 232 and 133, 159 fell to 26 families, and thereafter +blood-quality being exhausted, but the form as such being all the more studiously preserved in +consequence—the rise of <i lang="la">novi homines</i> like Cato and Cicero became a rare phenomenon.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_728" href="#FNanchor_728" class="label">[728]</a> Another instance, among many, is its rôle in preparing the German crash of 1918.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_729" href="#FNanchor_729" class="label">[729]</a> And even in France, where the judicial class in the parlements openly scorned the Government, +and with impunity tore down royal proclamations from the walls and put up their own <i lang="fr">arrêts</i> +instead (R. Holtzmann, <cite lang="de">Französ. Verfassungsgesch.</cite>, 1910, p. 353); where “orders were given, but +not obeyed, laws enacted, but not executed” (A. Wahl, <cite lang="de">Vorgesch. d. franz. Revolution</cite>, I, 29 and passim); +where high finance could overthrow Turgot and anyone else whose reform-schemes disquieted +it; where the whole educated world, headed by princes and nobles, prelates and generals, was +Anglomaniac and applauded opposition in any shape or form—even there nothing would have +happened but for the sudden concurrence of a set of incidents—the fashion which set in amongst +French officers of aiding the American republicans in their struggle with the English King; the +diplomatic reverse in Holland (27 Oct. 1787) in the middle of the reforming activity of the Government; +and the perpetual change of ministers under pressure from irresponsible quarters. In the +British Empire, the falling-away of the Colonies was the result of attempts of high-Tory circles +(in collusion with George III, but in reality of course in their own interests) to strengthen the +Royal power. This party possessed in the Colonies a strong contingent of royalists, notably in the +South: these elements, fighting on the British side, decided the battle of Camden, and after the +final victory of the rebels mostly emigrated to Canada, which had remained loyal.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_730" href="#FNanchor_730" class="label">[730]</a> In 1793 there were 306 members of the House of Commons who were elected by 160 persons +in all. Old Sarum, the constituency of the elder Pitt, consisted of one tenement, returning two members.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_731" href="#FNanchor_731" class="label">[731]</a> Afterwards—from 1832—the English nobility itself, through a series of prudent measures, +drew the bourgeoisie into <em>co-operation</em> with it, but under its continued guidance and, above all, in the +framework of tradition, within which consequently the young talent grew up. Democracy thus +actualized itself here so that the Government remained strictly “in form”—the old aristocratic +form—while the individual was free to practise politics according to his bent. This transition, +in a peasantless society dominated by business interests, was the most remarkable achievement of +inner politics in the nineteenth century.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_732" href="#FNanchor_732" class="label">[732]</a> Early, that is, in the post-revolutionary era here considered.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_733" href="#FNanchor_733" class="label">[733]</a> The reassertion of this tradition after the emergency-army of the Wars of Liberation (1812–15) +had dispersed into the body of the community is a remarkable story, in which military and political +standpoints cannot be separated. See Vidal de la Blache, <cite lang="fr">La Régéneration de l’Armée Prusse</cite> (1910), +Ch. vi.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_734" href="#FNanchor_734" class="label">[734]</a> See <cite lang="de">Preussentum und Sozialismus</cite>, pp. 40, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_735" href="#FNanchor_735" class="label">[735]</a> The genesis of the Roman Tribunate was a blind incident, the happy consequences of which +no one really foresaw. Western Constitutions, on the contrary, have been thoroughly thought out +and their effects precisely calculated—whether the calculation proved to be correct or incorrect, +the care is undeniable.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_736" href="#FNanchor_736" class="label">[736]</a> From the few European works that concern themselves with questions of ancient Chinese +history, it emerges that Chinese literature contains a very great amount of material bearing on this +period, which corresponds in innumerable parallels to our own present time. But there is a total +lack of any political treatment of it that can be taken seriously. References: Hübotter, <cite lang="de">Aus den +Plänen der Kämpfenden Reiche</cite> (1912); Piton, “The Six Great Chancellors of Tsin,” <cite>China Review</cite>, XIII, +202, 255, 365, XIV, 3; Ed. Chavannes, <cite lang="fr">Mém. hist. de Se-ma-tsien</cite> (1895 and following); Pfizmair, +<cite lang="de">Sitz. Wien Akad.</cite>, XLIII (1863) (“Tsin”), XLIV (“Tsu”); A. Tschepe, <cite lang="fr">Histoire du royaume de Ou</cite> +(1896), and <cite>de Tchou</cite> (1903).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_737" href="#FNanchor_737" class="label">[737]</a> Corresponding more or less to the province of Shen-si.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_738" href="#FNanchor_738" class="label">[738]</a> On the middle Yang-tse-kiang.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_739" href="#FNanchor_739" class="label">[739]</a> Biography 13 of Sze-ma-tsien. So far as the translated evidences allow us to judge, the preparation +and dispositions of these campaigns, the boldness of the operations by which he drove the enemy +on to ground where he could beat him, and the novel tactical execution of the separate battles, +stamp Pe-Ki as one of the greatest military geniuses of all time, a figure worthy indeed of adequate +treatment by a military expert. It is from this period that we have the authoritative work of +Sun-tse on War: Giles, <cite>Sun-Tse on the Art of War</cite> (1910). [Or Capt. E. R. Calthrop, <cite>The Book of War—Sun +and Wu</cite> (1908).—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_740" href="#FNanchor_740" class="label">[740]</a> See <a href="#p312">pp. 312</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_741" href="#FNanchor_741" class="label">[741]</a> Now approximately Shan-tung and Pe-chi-li.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_742" href="#FNanchor_742" class="label">[742]</a> Piton, “Lu-puh-Weih,” <cite>China Rev.</cite> XIII, pp. 365 et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_743" href="#FNanchor_743" class="label">[743]</a> Even if the Chinese authors themselves misunderstood the expression in the same, or anything +like the same, way as their Western translators, the fact would only prove that the appreciation +of political problems vanished as rapidly in the Chinese Imperial Age as in fact it did in the +Roman—because they were no longer personally and livingly experienced. The much-admired +Sze-ma-tsien is after all a compiler of the same rank as Plutarch (with whom he corresponds in +date also). The high point of historical comprehension, <em>which presumes an equivalent experience in life</em>, +must for China have lain in the period of the Contending States, as it lies for us in the nineteenth +century and after.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_744" href="#FNanchor_744" class="label">[744]</a> Both, like most of the leading statesmen of the time, were pupils of Kwei-ku-tse, whose +knowledge of men, deep sense of the historically possible, and command of the diplomatic technique +of the age (the “Art of the vertical and the horizontal”) must have made him one of the most influential +personalities of the period. Another figure of the same sort of weight after him was the +thinker and war-theorist above alluded to, Sun-tse, who amongst others was the tutor of the Chancellor +Lui-Si.</p> + +<p>[Sun-Tse’s book of war, as presented in Calthrop’s translation, is comparable to nothing in Western +military literature short of Clausewitz’s <cite lang="de">Vom Kriege</cite>. Clausewitz was a contemporary and product +of the Napoleonic epoch, and the glow of Romanticism has not yet passed from him; Sun, on the +other hand, came “later,” and his atmosphere is the shrewd factual atmosphere of pre-Cæsarism.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_745" href="#FNanchor_745" class="label">[745]</a> A story is told of Sun, that when for a jest (or a demonstration of tactics) opposed forces were +made up from the court ladies, one of the commanders, the sovereign’s favourite wife, was executed +by Sun’s command for disobeying an order.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_746" href="#FNanchor_746" class="label">[746]</a> Frederick’s “conscripts” (<i lang="de">Landeskinder</i>) + were a long-service element, small in proportion to the +population, and of serf status. Only the relative poverty of Prussia compelled this much of departure +from the then normal procedure of recruiting volunteers, to which the Prussian army reverted as soon +as its treasury could afford to do so. Maurice de Saxe is the one outstanding soldier of the period who +advocated universal citizen service. But the famous “<i lang="fr">Rêveries</i>” were written (“in thirteen sleepless +nights”) in 1732, before he had held high command. The military works of Leibniz touch upon the +subject, but he was a practical man as well as a philosopher, and his detailed proposals are in the spirit +of the time. On the contrary, the pure philosopher Spinoza definitely advocated universal service.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_747" href="#FNanchor_747" class="label">[747]</a> Large, that is, relatively to the general development of Classical technics in other fields, +which was of the slightest—not in any way outstanding if judged by, say, Assyrian or Egyptian +standards.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_748" href="#FNanchor_748" class="label">[748]</a> The book of the Socialist Moh-ti, of this period, treats of universal love of mankind in its +first part, of fortress artillery in its second—a singular example of contraposition of truths and facts. +Forke in <cite lang="de">Ostasiat. Ztschr.</cite>, VIII (Hirth number).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_749" href="#FNanchor_749" class="label">[749]</a> A whole literature exists for Napoleon’s “case-shot attack,” which was closely studied in the +years before 1914 with the definite aim of finding a key to victories that the mechanical developments +in the defensive rifle had made doubtful.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_750" href="#FNanchor_750" class="label">[750]</a> On the side of the North, more than 1½ million men out of barely 20 million inhabitants.</p> + +<p>[The total of men of military age in the North was 4,600,000, of whom 2,780,000 actually enlisted. +The figure of 1,700,000 is a reduction to a three-year level—i.e., men who served throughout +the war counting as 1⅓ each and men who served for one year as ⅓ each. The Southern states +put into the field, on the same three-years’ basis, 900,000 out of 1,065,000 men of military age. +(Dodge, <cite>Birds Eye View of our Civil War</cite>.)—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_751" href="#FNanchor_751" class="label">[751]</a> To which should be added, though on a small scale, the first serious attempts at submarines, +machine-guns, and magazine rifles.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_752" href="#FNanchor_752" class="label">[752]</a> Amongst the wholly new problems was that of rapidly restoring railways and bridges; the +bridge at Chattanooga, for the heaviest military trains, 240 metres long and 30 metres high, was built +in 4½ days.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_753" href="#FNanchor_753" class="label">[753]</a> Modern Japan belongs to the Western Civilization no less than “modern” Carthage of the +third century to the Classical.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_754" href="#FNanchor_754" class="label">[754]</a> For the politico-social history of the Arabian World there is the same lack of deep and penetrating +research as for the Chinese. Only the political evolution of the Western margin up to Diocletian, +regarded hitherto as within the Classical pale, is an exception.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_755" href="#FNanchor_755" class="label">[755]</a> It was a few thousands only that accompanied the first conquerors and spread themselves from +Tunis to Turkestan, and these everywhere constituted themselves a self-contained and close Estate +in the entourage of the new potentates. An “Arabian <i lang="de">Völkerwanderung</i>” is out of the question.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_756" href="#FNanchor_756" class="label">[756]</a> J. Wellhausen, <cite lang="de">Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz</cite> (1902), pp. 309, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_757" href="#FNanchor_757" class="label">[757]</a> + Compare the inner divisions of the English Parliamentary army in and after the Civil Wars.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_758" href="#FNanchor_758" class="label">[758]</a> See <a href="#p261">p. 261</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_759" href="#FNanchor_759" class="label">[759]</a> K. Dieterich, <cite lang="de">Byz. Charakterköpfe</cite>, + p. 54: “Since thou wilt have an answer from us, receive it +then! Paul has said some in the Church are ordained by God to be Apostles, some prophets, but he +said nothing about Emperors—we will not follow though it were an angel that bade us; how much +less if thou!”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_760" href="#FNanchor_760" class="label">[760]</a> Cf. <a href="#p316">p. 316</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_761" href="#FNanchor_761" class="label">[761]</a> Huart, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Araber</cite> (1914), I, p. 299.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_762" href="#FNanchor_762" class="label">[762]</a> See <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed., art. “Carmathians.”—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_763" href="#FNanchor_763" class="label">[763]</a> Krumbacher, <cite lang="de">Byz. Lit.-Gesch.</cite>, p. 969.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_764" href="#FNanchor_764" class="label">[764]</a> For all this see Krumbacher, op. cit., pp. 969–90; C. Neumann, <cite lang="de">Die Weltstellung des Byz. +Reiches vor den Kreuzzügen</cite> (1894), pp. 21, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_765" href="#FNanchor_765" class="label">[765]</a> Krumbacher, op. cit., 993.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_766" href="#FNanchor_766" class="label">[766]</a> And perhaps not in Baghdad alone, for the gifted Maniakes, who was hailed by the army in +Sicily as Emperor and fell in 1043 in his march on Byzantium, must have been a Turk.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_767" href="#FNanchor_767" class="label">[767]</a> 1785–1580. See, for the following, Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Alt.</cite> + §§ 298, et seq.; Weill, <cite lang="fr">La Fin du +moyen empire égyptien</cite> (1918). That Ed. Meyer’s assignment is correct as compared with the 1670 years +of Petrie has long been proved by the thickness of the strata in which objects have been found and the +tempo of the style-evolution (Minoan included). Here it is demonstrated afresh by comparison +with corresponding sections in the other Cultures.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_768" href="#FNanchor_768" class="label">[768]</a> <a href="#p387">P. 387</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_769" href="#FNanchor_769" class="label">[769]</a> Erman, “<cite lang="de">Mahnworte eines ägypt. Propheten</cite>” (<cite lang="de">Sitz. Preuss. Akad.</cite>, + 1919, pp. 804, et seq.): “The +higher officials are displaced, the land robbed of its royalty by a few madmen, and the counsellors +of the old state pay their court to upstarts; administration has ceased, documents are destroyed, +all social differences abolished, the courts fallen into the hands of the mob. The noble classes go +hungry and in rags, their children are battered on the wall, and their mummies torn from the grave. +Mean fellows become rich and swagger in the palaces on the strength of the herds and ships that they +have taken from their rightful owners. Former slave-girls become insolent and aliens lord it. Robbery +and murder rule, cities are laid waste, public buildings burned down. The harvest diminishes, +no one thinks now of cleanliness, births are few—and oh, that mankind might cease!” Here +is the very picture of the megalopolitan and Late revolution, as it was enacted in the Hellenistic +(p. 405) and in 1789 and 1871 in Paris. It is the world-city masses, will-less tools of the ambition +of leaders who demolish every remnant of order, who desire to see in the outer world the same +chaos as reigns within their own selves. Whether these cynical and hopeless attempts start from +alien intruders like the Hyksos or the Turks, or from slaves as in the case of Spartacus and Ali; +whether the division of property is shouted for as at Syracuse or has a book for banner like Marxism—all +this is superficial. It is wholly immaterial what slogans scream to the wind while the gates +and the skulls are being beaten in. Destruction is the true and only impulse, and Cæsarism the only +issue. The world-city, the land-devouring demon, has set its rootless and futureless men in motion; +and in destroying they die.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_770" href="#FNanchor_770" class="label">[770]</a> The Papyrus says: the “archer-folk from without”—that is, the barbarian mercenary troops. +To these the native youth attached itself.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_771" href="#FNanchor_771" class="label">[771]</a> Glance also at the Negro-state in Irak and the “contemporary” attempts of Spartacus, Sertorius, +and Sextus Pompey, and we get a fair idea of the variety of the possibilities. Weill assumes, +1785–1765, the collapse of the Kingdom, a usurper (a general); 1765–1675, numerous small potentates, +in the Delta wholly independent; 1675–1633, struggle for unity, especially the rulers of +Thebes, with an ever-increasing retinue of dependent rulers, including the Hyksos; 1633, victory +of the Hyksos and defeat of the Thebans; 1591–1571, final triumph of the Thebans.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_772" href="#FNanchor_772" class="label">[772]</a> + As an inspiriting idea it may be retained; translated into actuality it will never be again.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_773" href="#FNanchor_773" class="label">[773]</a> Piton, op. cit., p. 521.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_774" href="#FNanchor_774" class="label">[774]</a> <cite>Hist.</cite>, III, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_775" href="#FNanchor_775" class="label">[775]</a> Including the constitution of the United States of America. Only thus can we account for the +reverence that the American cherishes for it, even where he clearly sees its insufficiency.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_776" href="#FNanchor_776" class="label">[776]</a> + Cæsar recognized this clearly. “<i lang="la">Nihil esse rem publicam, appellationem modo sine corpore ac specie</i>” +(Suetonius, <cite>Cæsar</cite>, 77).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_777" href="#FNanchor_777" class="label">[777]</a> See <a href="#p48">p. 48</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_778" href="#FNanchor_778" class="label">[778]</a> See <a href="#p48">p. 48</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_779" href="#FNanchor_779" class="label">[779]</a> Cicero, in his <cite lang="la">Pro Sestio</cite>, + draws attention to the fact that five people for each tribe attended +plebiscites, and these really belonged to tribes other than that which they were representing. But +these five were present only in order to have themselves bought by the possessors of the real power. +Yet it was hardly fifty years since the Italians had died in masses for this franchise.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_780" href="#FNanchor_780" class="label">[780]</a> And, strangely, Ed. Meyer also, in his masterpiece <cite lang="de">Cæsars Monarchie</cite>, + the one work of statesmanlike +quality yet written about this epoch—and previously in his essay on Augustus (<cite lang="de">Kleine Schriften</cite>, +pp. 441, et seq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_781" href="#FNanchor_781" class="label">[781]</a> <cite lang="la">De Re Publica</cite>, 54 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, + a monograph intended for Pompey.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_782" href="#FNanchor_782" class="label">[782]</a> <a href="#p395">P. 395</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_783" href="#FNanchor_783" class="label">[783]</a> See <a href="#p409">p. 409</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_784" href="#FNanchor_784" class="label">[784]</a> In <cite lang="la">Somnium Scipionis</cite>, + VI, 26, he is a god who so rules the State <i lang="la">quam hunc mundum ille princeps +deus</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_785" href="#FNanchor_785" class="label">[785]</a> It was with every justification that, in the presence of the corpse, Brutus called out the name +of Cicero, while Antony, on his side, denounced him as the intellectual author of the deed. But +this “freedom” meant nothing but the oligarchy of a few families, for the masses had long ago +become tired of their rights. Nor is it in the least surprising that Money was behind Intellect +in the murder, for the great fortunes of Rome saw in Cæsarism the beginning of the end of their +power.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_786" href="#FNanchor_786" class="label">[786]</a> Taoism, on the other hand, was supported, as preaching the entire renunciation of politics. +Said Shakespeare’s Cæsar:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">“Let me have men about me that are fat,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Sleek-headed men and such as sleep o’nights.”</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_787" href="#FNanchor_787" class="label">[787]</a> Tacitus, even, failed to understand. He hated these first Cæsars, because they defended themselves +by every imaginable means against a stealthy opposition—in <em>his own</em> circles—an opposition +that from Trajan’s time no longer existed. (Yet a little longer, and the Emperor Marcus Aurelius +could himself be a Stoic.—<i>Tr.</i>)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_788" href="#FNanchor_788" class="label">[788]</a> <a href="#p329">P. 329</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_789" href="#FNanchor_789" class="label">[789]</a> <a href="#p89">Pp. 89</a> and <a href="#p349">349</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_790" href="#FNanchor_790" class="label">[790]</a> <a href="#p310">P. 310</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_791" href="#FNanchor_791" class="label">[791]</a> “Empires perish, but a good verse stands,” said W. von Humboldt on the field of Waterloo. +But, all the same, the personality of Napoleon preformed the history of the next century. Good +verses!—he should have questioned a peasant by the way-side. They “stand”—for literary teaching. +Plato is eternal—for philologists. But Napoleon inwardly rules <em>us</em>, all of <em>us</em>, our states and +our armies, our public opinion, the whole of our political outlook, and the more effectually the less +we are conscious of it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_792" href="#FNanchor_792" class="label">[792]</a> <a href="#p361">P. 361</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_793" href="#FNanchor_793" class="label">[793]</a> <a href="#p116">P. 116</a> and <a href="#p339">339</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_794" href="#FNanchor_794" class="label">[794]</a> <a href="#p363">P. 363</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_795" href="#FNanchor_795" class="label">[795]</a> This is what is expressed in the English proverb: “Men, not measures,” which is the very +key to the secrets of all political achievement.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_796" href="#FNanchor_796" class="label">[796]</a> <a href="#p18">Pp. 18</a> and <a href="#p364">364</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_797" href="#FNanchor_797" class="label">[797]</a> See <a href="#p341">p. 341</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_798" href="#FNanchor_798" class="label">[798]</a> The same, too, holds good of the Churches, which are different in kind from the Religion—namely, +elements of the world of facts and, therefore, political and not religious in the type of their +leadership. It was not the Christian evangel, but the Christian martyr, who conquered the world, +and that which gave him his strength was not the doctrine, but the example, of the Man on the +Cross.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_799" href="#FNanchor_799" class="label">[799]</a> It should scarcely need to be emphasized that this is the basic principle, not of an aristocratic +régime, but of government itself. Cleon, Robespierre, Lenin, every gifted mass-leader, has treated +his office thus. Anyone who genuinely felt himself as the delegate of the multitude, instead of as the +regent of such as do not know what they want, would not remain master of his house for one day. +The only question is whether the great popular leaders apply their powers for their own benefit or for +that of others; and on that much might be said.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_800" href="#FNanchor_800" class="label">[800]</a> Originally an assembly of nineteen princes and free cities (1529).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_801" href="#FNanchor_801" class="label">[801]</a> See <a href="#p355">pp. 355</a>, <a href="#p398">398</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_802" href="#FNanchor_802" class="label">[802]</a> Hence it is that on the soil of burgher equality the possession of money immediately takes the +place of genealogical rank.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_803" href="#FNanchor_803" class="label">[803]</a> See <a href="#p354">p. 354</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_804" href="#FNanchor_804" class="label">[804]</a> + <a href="#p424">Pp. 424</a>, et seq. Compare also Wellhausen, <cite lang="de">Die relig.-polit. Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam</cite> +(1901).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_805" href="#FNanchor_805" class="label">[805]</a> It is an important factor in the democracy of England and America that in the first the yeomanry +had died out and in the second has never existed. The “farmer” is spiritually a suburban and in +practice carries on his farming as an industry. Instead of villages, there are only fragments of megalopolis.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_806" href="#FNanchor_806" class="label">[806]</a> And wherever, as in Egypt, India, and the West, there exists a <em>political</em> + opposition between the +two primary Estates, there is also a clerical party—the party, so to speak, of the Church as distinct +from religion and of the priest as distinct from the believer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_807" href="#FNanchor_807" class="label">[807]</a> + And with its content of race-strength it has an excellent chance of successfully doing so.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_808" href="#FNanchor_808" class="label">[808]</a> <a href="#p409">P. 409</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_809" href="#FNanchor_809" class="label">[809]</a> <i>Plebs</i> corresponds to the “Tiers” (burghers and yeomen) of the eighteenth century, <i>populus</i> + to +the megalopolitan masses of the nineteenth. The difference manifested itself in their respective +attitudes towards the freed slaves, mostly of non-Italian origin. These the Plebs, as an order, sought +to thrust away into as few tribes as possible, but in the Populus as a party they very soon came to play +the decisive rôle.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_810" href="#FNanchor_810" class="label">[810]</a> <a href="#p412">P. 412</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_811" href="#FNanchor_811" class="label">[811]</a> Simultaneously, too, the Roman Catholic Church quietly changed the basis of its politics +from a class to a party, and did so with a strategic sureness that cannot be too much admired. In the +eighteenth century it had been, as regards the style of its diplomacy, the allocation of its offices +and the spirit of its higher circles, aristocratic through and through. Think of the type of the abbé, +and of the prince-prelates who became ministers and ambassadors, like the young Cardinal Rohan. +Now, in the true liberal fashion, opinions took the place of origins, working-power that of taste, and +the great weapons of democracy—press, elections, money—were handled with a skill that liberalism +proper rarely equalled and never surpassed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_812" href="#FNanchor_812" class="label">[812]</a> For what follows see M. Gelzer, <cite lang="de">Die Nobilität d. röm. Republik</cite> + (1912), pp. 43, et seq.; A. Rosenberg, +<cite lang="de">Untersuchungen zur röm. Centurienverfassung</cite> (1911), pp. 62, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_813" href="#FNanchor_813" class="label">[813]</a> The reputation of Tammany Hall in New York is universal, but the relations approximate to +this condition in all countries ruled by parties. The American Caucus, which first distributes the +offices of State amongst its members and then forces their names upon the mass-electorate, was +introduced into England by Joseph Chamberlain in his “National Liberal Federation,” and in +Germany its advances have been rapid since 1919.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_814" href="#FNanchor_814" class="label">[814]</a> <a href="#p305">P. 305</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_815" href="#FNanchor_815" class="label">[815]</a> <a href="#p18">P. 18</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_816" href="#FNanchor_816" class="label">[816]</a> For the story of this tragic experiment, see Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Alt.</cite>, + § 987, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_817" href="#FNanchor_817" class="label">[817]</a> See <a href="#p417">p. 417</a>. The “plans of the Contending States,” the Tchun-tsiu-fan-lu, and the biographies +of Sze-ma-tsien are full of examples of the pedagogic in interventions of “wisdom” into the province +of politics.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_818" href="#FNanchor_818" class="label">[818]</a> For this “Sun-state” formed of slaves and day-labourers see Pauly-Wissowa, <cite lang="de">Realencycl.</cite>, + 2, 961. +Similarly, the revolutionary King Cleomenes III of Sparta was likewise under the influence of a Stoic, +Sphærus. One can understand why “philosophers and rhetors”—i.e., professional politicians, +fantastics and subverters—were expelled again and again by the Roman Senate.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_819" href="#FNanchor_819" class="label">[819]</a> <a href="#p310">P. 310</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_820" href="#FNanchor_820" class="label">[820]</a> <a href="#p114">P. 114</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_821" href="#FNanchor_821" class="label">[821]</a> The early democracy, which in our case reaches up to Lincoln, Bismarck, and Gladstone, has +to learn this by <em>experience</em>. The later democracy, in our case mature parliamentarism, starts out from +it; here truths and facts finally separate out in the form of party ideals and party funds. It is the +money that gives the real parliamentarian his sense of being freed from the dependence which is +implicit in the naïve idea that the elector has of his delegate.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_822" href="#FNanchor_822" class="label">[822]</a> <a href="#p452">P. 452</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_823" href="#FNanchor_823" class="label">[823]</a> <a href="#p354">P. 354</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_824" href="#FNanchor_824" class="label">[824]</a> That the mass all the same <em>feels</em> itself as freed is simply another outcome of the profound +incompatibility between megalopolitan spirit and mature tradition. Its <em>acts</em>, so far from being independent, +are in inward relation with its subjection to money-rule.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_825" href="#FNanchor_825" class="label">[825]</a> The German Constitution of 1919—standing by virtue of its date on the verge of the <em>decline</em> +of democracy—most naïvely admits a dictature of the party machines, which have attracted all +rights into themselves and are seriously responsible to no one. The notorious system of proportional +election and the Reichslist [see <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, 1922 Supplement, II, 249.—<i>Tr.</i>] secures their self-recruitment. +In place of the “people’s” rights, which were axiomatic in the Frankfurt Constitution of +1848, there is now only the right of parties, which, harmless as it sounds, really nurses within itself +a Cæsarism of the organizations. It must be allowed, however, that in this respect it is the most +advanced of all the constitutions. Its issue is visible already. A few quite small alterations and it +confers unrestricted power upon individuals.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_826" href="#FNanchor_826" class="label">[826]</a> And <em>legislation</em>, too, was bound up with an office. Even when, as a formality, acceptance or +rejection by an assembly was requisite, the law in question could be brought in only by an official; +for example, a Tribune. The constitutional demands of the masses, therefore (which in any case +were mostly instigated by the real power-holders), expressed themselves in the issue of the elections +to office, as the Gracchan period shows.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_827" href="#FNanchor_827" class="label">[827]</a> Even Cæsar, at fifty years of age, was obliged to play this comedy at the Rubicon for his soldiers +because they were used to it and expected it when anything was asked of them. It corresponds to the +“chest-tones of deep conviction” of our political assemblies.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_828" href="#FNanchor_828" class="label">[828]</a> But the Cleon type must obviously have existed also in contemporary Sparta, and in Rome at +the time of the Consular Tribunes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_829" href="#FNanchor_829" class="label">[829]</a> Gelzer, <cite lang="de">Nobilität</cite>, p. 94; along with Ed. Meyer’s <cite>Cæsar</cite> + this book gives the best survey of +Roman democratic methods.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_830" href="#FNanchor_830" class="label">[830]</a> “<i lang="la">Inaurari</i>,” to which end Cicero recommended his friend Trebatius to Cæsar.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_831" href="#FNanchor_831" class="label">[831]</a> “<i lang="la">Tributim ad prandium vocare</i>,” Cicero, <cite lang="la">Pro Murena</cite>, 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_832" href="#FNanchor_832" class="label">[832]</a> For from that time sesterces flowed through his hands by the million. The votive treasures of +the Gallic temples which he put up for sale in Italy sent down the value of gold with a rush. From +King Ptolemy he and Pompey extorted 144,000,000 (and Gabinius another 240,000,000) as the price +of recognition. The Consul Æmilius Paullus (50) was bought for 36,000,000, Curio for 60,000,000. +We can guess from such figures how enviable was the position of his closer associates. At the triumph +of 46 every soldier in an army of well over 100,000 men received 24,000 sesterces, officers and other +leaders much more. Yet at his death the state treasury was still full enough to secure Antony’s +position.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_833" href="#FNanchor_833" class="label">[833]</a> Gelzer, op. cit., p. 68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_834" href="#FNanchor_834" class="label">[834]</a> Extortion and corruption were the usual charges. As in those days these things were identical +with politics, and the judges and plaintiffs had acted precisely in the same way as the defendants, the +art consisted in using the forms of a well-acted ethical passion to cover a party speech, of which the +real import was only comprehensible to the initiated. This corresponds entirely with the modern +parliamentary usage. The “people” would be very much astonished to see party opponents, after +delivering wild speeches in the chamber (for the reporters) chatting together in the lobbies, or to be +told how a party passionately champions a proposal after it has made certain by agreement with the +other side that it will not be passed. In Rome, too, the judgment was not the important thing in +these “trials”; it was enough if a defendant voluntarily left the city and so retired from the occupancy +of, or candidature for, office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_835" href="#FNanchor_835" class="label">[835]</a> See Pöhlmann, <cite lang="de">Griech. Gesch.</cite> + (1914), pp. 236, et seq. [Cf. Aristophanes, <cite>Wasps</cite>.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_836" href="#FNanchor_836" class="label">[836]</a> Thus it was possible for Rutilius Rufus to be condemned in the notorious case of 93, because +as proconsul he had in accordance with his duty proceeded against the extortions of the concessionnaire +associations.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_837" href="#FNanchor_837" class="label">[837]</a> Radio broadcasting has now emerged to enable the leader to make personal conquests of the +million, and no one can foretell the changes in political tactic that may ensue therefrom.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_838" href="#FNanchor_838" class="label">[838]</a> The most striking example of this for future generations will be the “War-guilt” question, +which is the question—<em>who</em> possesses the power, through control of press and cable in all parts of +the world, to establish in world-opinion that truth which he needs for his political ends and to +maintain it for so long as he needs it? An altogether different question (which only in Germany is +confused with the first) is the purely scientific one—to <em>whose</em> interest was it that an event about +which there was already a whole literature should occur in the summer of 1914 in particular?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_839" href="#FNanchor_839" class="label">[839]</a> In preparation for the World War the press of whole countries was brought financially under +the command of London and Paris, and the peoples belonging to them reduced to an unqualified +intellectual slavery. The more democratic the inner form of a nation is, the more readily and completely +it succumbs to this danger. This is the style of the twentieth century. To-day a democrat +of the old school would demand, not freedom for the press, but freedom from the press; but meantime +the leaders have changed themselves into parvenus who have to secure their position <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> +the masses.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_840" href="#FNanchor_840" class="label">[840]</a> The great Burning of the Books in China (<a href="#p433">p. 433</a>) was innocuous by comparison.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_841" href="#FNanchor_841" class="label">[841]</a> <a href="#p434">P. 434</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_842" href="#FNanchor_842" class="label">[842]</a> Herein lies the secret of why all radical (i.e., poor) parties necessarily become the tools of the +money-powers, the Equites, the Bourse. Theoretically their enemy is capital, but practically they +attack, not the Bourse, but Tradition on behalf of the Bourse. This is as true of to-day as it was for +the Gracchan age, and in all countries. Fifty per cent of mass-leaders are procurable by money, +office, or opportunities to “come in on the ground-floor,” and with them they bring their whole +party.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_843" href="#FNanchor_843" class="label">[843]</a> <a href="#p415">P. 415</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_844" href="#FNanchor_844" class="label">[844]</a> See <cite lang="de">Preussentum und Sozialismus</cite>, p. 41, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_845" href="#FNanchor_845" class="label">[845]</a> <cite>Political Discourses</cite>, 1752.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_846" href="#FNanchor_846" class="label">[846]</a> The celebrated <cite>Wealth of Nations</cite>, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_847" href="#FNanchor_847" class="label">[847]</a> It was the opinion of the expert, almost everywhere, that the economic consequences of general +mobilization would compel the breaking-up of hostilities within a few weeks.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_848" href="#FNanchor_848" class="label">[848]</a> <a href="#p81">P. 81</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_849" href="#FNanchor_849" class="label">[849]</a> <a href="#p1">Pp. 1</a>, et seq., and <a href="#p335">335</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_850" href="#FNanchor_850" class="label">[850]</a> <a href="#p327">P. 327</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_851" href="#FNanchor_851" class="label">[851]</a> <a href="#p95">Pp. 95</a>, <a href="#p120">120</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_852" href="#FNanchor_852" class="label">[852]</a> <a href="#p5">P. 5</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_853" href="#FNanchor_853" class="label">[853]</a> “<i lang="la">Negotium</i>” (by which is meant every form of gainful activity; business is <i lang="la">commercium</i>) + “<i lang="la">negat +otium neque quærit veram quietem quæ est deus</i>,” are the words of the <cite lang="la">Decretum Gratiani</cite> (cf. <a href="#p77">p. 77</a>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_854" href="#FNanchor_854" class="label">[854]</a> Pilate’s question settles also the relation of economy to science. The religious man will always +try in vain, catechism in hand, to improve the instincts of his political environment. But it goes +on its way undisturbed and leaves him to his thoughts. The saint can only choose between adapting +himself to this environment—and then he becomes a Church politician and conscienceless—and +fleeing from it into a hermitage or even into the Beyond. But the same happens also—and here +not without a comic side to it—in the intellectualism of the city. The philosopher who has built +up an ethical-social system that is replete with virtue and (of course) the only true one, may enlighten +the economic life as to how it should behave and at what it should aim. It is even the same +spectacle, whether labelled liberal, anarchistic, or socialistic, or derived from Plato, Proudhon, or +Marx. Here, too, economy carries on undisturbed and leaves the thinker to choose between withdrawing +to pour out on paper his lamentations of this world, and entering it as an economic +politician, in which case he either makes himself ridiculous, or else promptly throws his theory to +the devil and starts to win himself a leading place.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_855" href="#FNanchor_855" class="label">[855]</a> See <a href="#p3">pp. 1</a>, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_856" href="#FNanchor_856" class="label">[856]</a> See <a href="#p6">p. 6</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_857" href="#FNanchor_857" class="label">[857]</a> Exactly the same is true of wandering bands of hunters and pastorals. But the economic foundation +of the great Culture is always a mankind that adheres fast to the soil, and nourishes and supports +the higher economic forms.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_858" href="#FNanchor_858" class="label">[858]</a> See <a href="#p331">p. 331</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_859" href="#FNanchor_859" class="label">[859]</a> Undershaft in Shaw’s <cite>Major Barbara</cite> is a true ruler-figure of this realm.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_860" href="#FNanchor_860" class="label">[860]</a> <a href="#p344">P. 344</a>. As a means for governments it is called finance-economy (financial policy). Here +the whole nation is the object of a levy of tribute, in the forms of taxes and customs, of which the +purpose is not to make, so to say, the upkeep of its life more comfortable, but to secure its historical +position and to enhance its power.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_861" href="#FNanchor_861" class="label">[861]</a> Using the phrase widely, as including, for instance, the rise of workmen, journalists, and men +of learning to positions of leadership.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_862" href="#FNanchor_862" class="label">[862]</a> <a href="#p331">P. 331</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_863" href="#FNanchor_863" class="label">[863]</a> <a href="#p31">P. 31</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_864" href="#FNanchor_864" class="label">[864]</a> See <a href="#p172">pp. 172</a> and 280.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_865" href="#FNanchor_865" class="label">[865]</a> Including the medical profession, which indeed is indistinguishable in primitive times from +the priests and magicians.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_866" href="#FNanchor_866" class="label">[866]</a> Herdsmen, fishermen, and hunters included. There is, moreover, a strange and very profound +relation between peasant and miner, evidenced in ancient sagas and rites. The metals are coaxed +out of the shaft as the corn out of the earth, and the game out of the thicket. And for the real +miner even metal is something that <em>lives</em> and grows.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_867" href="#FNanchor_867" class="label">[867]</a> This is true from the earliest sea-voyaging to the Bourse of the world-city, and all traffic, +whether by river, road, or rail belongs with it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_868" href="#FNanchor_868" class="label">[868]</a> With this belong the machine industry, with its purely Western type of the inventor and engineer, +and practically, also, a great part of the modern agronomy, as, for instance, in America.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_869" href="#FNanchor_869" class="label">[869]</a> Even to-day the mining and metal industries are felt to be somehow nobler than, for example, +the chemical and electrical. They possess the most ancient patent of nobility in the technical world, +and a relic of cult-mystery lies over them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_870" href="#FNanchor_870" class="label">[870]</a> That is, up to the limit of servage and slavery, although very often—as in the present-day +East and as in Rome in the case of “vernæ”—slavery itself may be nothing but a form of compulsory-labour +contract and, apart from that, hardly sensible. The free employee often lives in far +stricter subjection and enjoys far less respect, and his formal right to “give notice” is in many cases +practically valueless to him.</p> + +<p>[British readers will recall in this connexion the “Chinese slavery” controversy in South Africa +in 1904, and the questions of indentured labour that come to the surface not infrequently in Australian +politics. And in an older generation defenders of slavery as practised in the sugar islands of the +West Indies are still to be found—not to mention the survivors and tradition-bearers of the “Old +South” in the United States.—<i>Tr.</i>]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_871" href="#FNanchor_871" class="label">[871]</a> <a href="#p60">P. 60</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_872" href="#FNanchor_872" class="label">[872]</a> We know this accurately for the Egyptian and the Gothic beginnings, and in general terms for +the Chinese and the Classical; as for the <em>economic pseudomorphosis</em> of the Arabian (see <a href="#p189">pp. 189</a>, et seq., +<a href="#p349">349</a>) it may be summarized, after Hadrian, as a process of disintegration of the highly civilized Classical +money-economy culminating in the appearance, under Diocletian, of a Springtime barter-economy +with, in the East, the true Magian element of bargaining visibly superposed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_873" href="#FNanchor_873" class="label">[873]</a> <a href="#p343">P. 343</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_874" href="#FNanchor_874" class="label">[874]</a> Neither the copper pieces of the Italian Villanova-graves of early Homeric times (Willers, +<cite lang="de">Gesch. d. röm. Kupferprägung</cite>, p. 18) nor the early Chinese bronze coins in the form of women’s +drapery (<i>pu</i>), bells, rings, or knives (<i>tsien</i>, Conrady, <i>China</i>, p. 504) are described as money, but quite +distinctly symbols of goods. And the coins struck by the governments of early Gothic times (in +imitation of the Classical) as signs of sovereignty figured in economic life only as wares; a piece of +gold is worth as much as a cow, <em>but not vice versa</em>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_875" href="#FNanchor_875" class="label">[875]</a> + Hence it is that so often he is not an outcome of the fixed and self-contained life of the countryside, +but an alien appearing in it, an alien having neither importance nor antecedents. This is the +rôle of the Phœnicians in the earliest period of the Classical; of the Romans in the East in Mithradates’s +time; of the Jews, and with them Byzantines, Persians, and Armenians, in the Gothic West; +of the Arabs in the Sudan; of the Indians in East Africa; and of the West-Europeans in present-day +Russia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_876" href="#FNanchor_876" class="label">[876]</a> And, consequently, on a very small scale. As foreign trade was in those days highly adventurous +and appealed to the imagination, it was as a rule immensely exaggerated. The “great” +merchants of Venice and the Hansa about 1300 were hardly the equals of the more distinguished +craftsmen. The turnover of even the Medici or the Fugger about 1400 was equivalent to that of a +shop-business in a small town to-day. The largest merchant vessels, in which usually several traders +held part shares, were much smaller than modern German river-barges, and made only <em>one</em> considerable +voyage each year. The celebrated wool-export of England, a main element of Hanseatic trade, +amounted about 1270 to hardly as much as the contents of two modern goods-trains (Sombart, <cite lang="de">Der +moderne Kapitalismus</cite>, I, pp. 280, et seq.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_877" href="#FNanchor_877" class="label">[877]</a> <a href="#p91">P. 91</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_878" href="#FNanchor_878" class="label">[878]</a> Cf. Vol. I, Ch. II.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_879" href="#FNanchor_879" class="label">[879]</a> Marks and dollars are no more “money” than metres and grammes are “forces.” <i>Pieces</i> of +money are real values. It is only our ignorance of Classical physics that has saved us from confusing +gravitation with a pound-weight—in our mathematics, with its Classical basis, we still +mix number with magnitude, and our imitation of Classical coinage has brought about the same +confusion between money and pieces of money.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_880" href="#FNanchor_880" class="label">[880]</a> Conversely, therefore, we can call the metric system (cm., g.) a valuation, and in fact all +money-measures proceed from the weight theories of physics.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_881" href="#FNanchor_881" class="label">[881]</a> Similarly all value-theories, however objective they are meant to be, are developed—and +inevitably so—out of a subjective principle. That of Marx, for example, defines value in the way +that promotes the interest of the manual worker, the effort of the discoverer or the organizer seeming +to him, therefore, valueless. But it would be wrong to describe this as “erroneous.” All these +theories are “right” for their supporters and “wrong” for their opponents, and it is not reasons but +<em>life</em> that settles whether one is a supporter or an opponent.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_882" href="#FNanchor_882" class="label">[882]</a> The Western introduced (on a very modest scale) by the Bank of England from the end of the +eighteenth century, the Chinese dating from the period of the Contending States.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_883" href="#FNanchor_883" class="label">[883]</a> And is thought of as “amount,” whereas we speak of the “extent” of a property in goods.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_884" href="#FNanchor_884" class="label">[884]</a> Even to the modern pirates of the money-market who intervene amongst the interveners and +gamble with money as “wares.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_885" href="#FNanchor_885" class="label">[885]</a> Preisigke, <cite lang="de">Girowesen im griechischen Ægypten</cite> + (1910). These trading forms of the Ptolemaic period +were already in vogue, and at the same high level, under the XVIIIth Dynasty.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_886" href="#FNanchor_886" class="label">[886]</a> So also with the bourgeois ideal of freedom. In theory and, therefore, constitutionally, a man +may be free <em>in principle</em>, but <em>actually</em>, in the economic private-life of the cities, he is made free only +by money.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_887" href="#FNanchor_887" class="label">[887]</a> The name “bourse” can be applied even in other Cultures, if by that word we mean the +thought-organ of a developed money-economy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_888" href="#FNanchor_888" class="label">[888]</a> Preface to <cite>Major Barbara</cite> (Constable, London 1909).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_889" href="#FNanchor_889" class="label">[889]</a> <a href="#p343">P. 343</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_890" href="#FNanchor_890" class="label">[890]</a> The “farmer” is the man whose connexion with the piece of land is no longer anything +more than practical.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_891" href="#FNanchor_891" class="label">[891]</a> The increasing intensity of this thinking appears in the economic picture as a <em>growth of the +available money-mass</em>, which is abstract and imagined and has nothing to do with the visible supply +of gold as a ware. The “stiffening” of the money-market, for example, is a purely intellectual process +played out in the hands of a small handful of men. The increasing energy of money-thinking consequently +awakens, in every Culture, the feeling that the “value of money is going down”—enormously +so, for example, in the time between Solon and Alexander—with reference, namely, to the +unit of calculation. What actually happens is that the mercantile units of value have become artificial +and no longer comparable with the primary and livingly experiential values of the peasant economy. +In the end it ceases to matter in what figures the Attic treasure of the Delian League (454) or the sums +involved in the peace-treaties of 241 and 201, or the booty of Pompey in 64 are reckoned, and whether +we ourselves shall pass in a few decades from the milliards—still unknown in 1850, but commonplace +to-day—to the billions. There is no common standard for the value of a talent in 430 and in +30 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, for gold, like cattle and corn, has continually altered not only its own numeration, but its +significance within an ever-advancing urban economy. The only steady element is the fact that +quantity of money—not to be confused with the stock of tokens and the means of payment—is +an <i>alter ego</i> mirroring thought in money.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_892" href="#FNanchor_892" class="label">[892]</a> Cf. Vol. I, Ch. II.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_893" href="#FNanchor_893" class="label">[893]</a> Friedländer, <cite lang="de">Röm. Sittengesch.</cite>, IV (1921), p. 301.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_894" href="#FNanchor_894" class="label">[894]</a> Sallust, <cite>Catilina</cite>, 35, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_895" href="#FNanchor_895" class="label">[895]</a> <a href="#p458">P. 458</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_896" href="#FNanchor_896" class="label">[896]</a> How difficult it was for Classical man to figure to himself the transformation of a physically +indefinable asset like land into bodily money is shown by the stone posts (ὅροι) on land in Greece, +which were meant to <em>represent</em> the mortgages on it, and by the Roman method of sale <i lang="la">per æs et libram</i>, +in which a clod of earth was handed over for a coin in the presence of witnesses. Consequently, trade +in goods (properly so called) never existed, nor anything like, for example, a current price for arable +land. A regular relation between land-value and money-value was as unthinkable to the Classical +mind as such a relation between artistic value and money-value. Intellectual—i.e., incorporeal—products +like dramas and frescoes possessed economically no value at all. For the Classical idea of +law, cf. <a href="#p81">p. 81</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_897" href="#FNanchor_897" class="label">[897]</a> Not very much can have been left of Classical art-treasures even by Augustus’s time. The +refined Athenians themselves thought far too unhistorically to be moved to spare a chryselephantine +statue merely because it was the work of Phidias. It is worth remembering that the gold parts of the +famous Athene-figure of the Parthenon cella were made removable and tested for weight from time +to time. Economic use of them, therefore, was provided for from the outset.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_898" href="#FNanchor_898" class="label">[898]</a> <cite lang="de">Ges. Schriften</cite>, IV, 200, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_899" href="#FNanchor_899" class="label">[899]</a> P. 600.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_900" href="#FNanchor_900" class="label">[900]</a> The belief that slaves ever constituted, even in Athens or Ægina, as much as a third of the +population is a complete delusion. On the contrary, the revolutions of the period after 400 presuppose +an enormous surplus of free paupers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_901" href="#FNanchor_901" class="label">[901]</a> <a href="#p480">P. 480</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_902" href="#FNanchor_902" class="label">[902]</a> Herein lies the difference between this slavery and the sugar-slavery of our own Baroque. The +latter represents a threshold phase of our <em>machine industry</em>, an organization of “living” energy, which +began with man-fuel, but presently passed over to coal-fuel; and slavery came to be considered +immoral only when coal had established itself. Looked at from this angle, the victory of the North +in the American Civil War (1865) meant the economic victory of the concentrated energy of coal over +the simple energy of the muscles.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_903" href="#FNanchor_903" class="label">[903]</a> <a href="#p371">Pp. 371</a>, et seq. The resemblance with the Egyptian administration under the Old Kingdom +and the Chinese in the earliest Chóu period is unmistakable.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_904" href="#FNanchor_904" class="label">[904]</a> The <i lang="la">clerici</i> + of these exchequer offices were the archetype of the modern bank-clerk. Cf. <a href="#p371">p. 371</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_905" href="#FNanchor_905" class="label">[905]</a> Hampe, <cite lang="de">Deutsche Kaisergeschichte</cite>, p. 246. Leonardo Pisano, whose <cite lang="la">Liber Abaci</cite> + (1202) was +authoritative in accountancy till well beyond the Renaissance, and who introduced, besides +the Arabian system of numerals, negative numbers to indicate debit, was promoted by the great +Hohenstaufen.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_906" href="#FNanchor_906" class="label">[906]</a> <a href="#p75">P. 75</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_907" href="#FNanchor_907" class="label">[907]</a> Sombart, <cite lang="de">Der moderne Kapitalismus</cite>, II, p. 119.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_908" href="#FNanchor_908" class="label">[908]</a> There is a close relation between our picture of the nature of electricity and the process of the +“clearing-house,” in which the positive and negative money-positions of several firms (centres of +tension) are equated amongst themselves by a purely mental act and the true position made presentable +by a booking. Cf. Vol. I, Ch. XI.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_909" href="#FNanchor_909" class="label">[909]</a> Vol. I, ch. II.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_910" href="#FNanchor_910" class="label">[910]</a> <a href="#p81">P. 81</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_911" href="#FNanchor_911" class="label">[911]</a> + In our Culture the credit of a country rests upon its economic capacity and the political organization +thereof—which imparts to the operations and bookings of finance the character of real +money-creations—and not on any quantity of gold that may be put into this or that. It is the +Classicist superstition that raises the gold reserve to the status of an actual measure of credit—actual +in that the level of credit is thereby made dependent, not upon “will,” but upon “can.” But the +current coins are <em>wares</em>, which, relatively to national credit, possess a <em>price</em>—the poorer the credit, the +higher the price of gold—so that thenceforth it can only be upheld against that of <em>other</em> wares. Thus +gold is measured like other wares against the unit of book-reckoning, and not vice versa as the term +“gold standard” suggests. It serves also as means of payment in minor transactions, as for that +matter a postage-stamp does. In old Egypt (whose money-thought is astoundingly like the Western) +there was nothing resembling the coin even under the New Empire. The written transfer was entirely +sufficient, and the Classical coins that filtered in from 650 to the founding of Alexandria and the +Hellenistic régime were usually cut to pieces and reckoned by weight as a ware.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_912" href="#FNanchor_912" class="label">[912]</a> That is why it does not exist for our (present) jurisprudence.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_913" href="#FNanchor_913" class="label">[913]</a> All this equally holds good for the case of “workers” taking over the leadership of the works. +Either they are incapable of management, and the business collapses, or they are capable of something, +and then they themselves become inwardly entrepreneurs and think thenceforward only of maintaining +their power. No theory can eliminate this fact from the world, for so life <em>is</em>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_914" href="#FNanchor_914" class="label">[914]</a> Thus it is only since 1770 that the banks have become centres of an economic power which +made its first intervention with politics at the Congress of Vienna. Till then the banker had in the +main concerned himself with bill business. The Chinese, and even the Egyptian, banks had a different +significance, and the Classical banks, even in the Rome of Cæsar’s day, may best be described as +cash-tills. They collected the yield of taxes in cash, and lent cash against replacement; thus the +temples, with their stock of precious metal in the form of votive offerings, became “banks.” The +temple of Delos, through several centuries, lent at ten per cent.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_915" href="#FNanchor_915" class="label">[915]</a> The idea of the Firm took shape even in Late Gothic times as “<i lang="la">ratio</i>” [hence the modern +French phrase “<i lang="fr">raison sociale</i>”—<i>Tr.</i>] or “<i lang="la">negotiatio</i>.” It is impossible to render it exactly in a Classical +language. <i lang="la">Negotium</i> meant for the Romans a concrete process, a “deal” and not a “business.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_916" href="#FNanchor_916" class="label">[916]</a> Pöhlmann, <cite lang="de">griech. Geschichte</cite> (1914), p. 216, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_917" href="#FNanchor_917" class="label">[917]</a> Gercke-Norden, <cite lang="de">Einl. in der Altertumswissensch.</cite>, III, p. 291.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_918" href="#FNanchor_918" class="label">[918]</a> Kromayer, in Hartmann’s <cite lang="de">Röm. Gesch.</cite>, p. 150.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_919" href="#FNanchor_919" class="label">[919]</a> The “Jews” of those times were the Romans (<a href="#p318">p. 318</a>), and the Jews themselves were peasants +and artizans and small traders (Pârvan, <cite lang="de">Die Nationalität der Kaufleute im röm. Kaiserreiche</cite>, 1909; also Mommsen, +<cite lang="de">Röm. Gesch.</cite>, V, p. 471); that is, they followed the very callings that in the Gothic period became +the <em>object</em> of their merchant activity. Present-day “Europe” is in exactly the same position <i lang="fr">vis-à-vis</i> +the Russians whose profoundly mystical inner life feels “thinking in money” <em>as a sin</em>. (The Pilgrim in +Gorki’s <cite>Night-asylum</cite>, and Tolstoi’s thought generally; <a href="#p194">pp. 194</a>, <a href="#p278">278</a>.) Here to-day as in the Syria of +Jesus’s time we have two economic worlds juxtaposed (<a href="#p192">pp. 192</a>, et seq.): an upper, alien, and civilized +world intruded from the West (the Bolshevism of the first years, totally Western and un-Russian, is +the lees of this infiltration), and a townless barter-life that goes on deep below, uncalculating and +exchanging only for immediate needs. We have to think of the catchwords of the surface as a voice, in +which the Russian, simple and busied wholly with his soul, hears resignedly the will of God. +Marxism amongst Russians is based on an inward misunderstanding. They bore with the higher +economic life of Petrinism, but they neither created it nor recognized it. The Russian does not fight +Capital, but he does not <em>comprehend</em> it. Anyone who understands Dostoyevski will sense in these +people a young humanity <em>for which as yet no money exists</em>, but only goods in relation to a life whose +centre of gravity does <em>not</em> lie on the economical side. The horror of values supervening from nowhere +which before the war drove many to suicide is a misconstrued literary disguise of the fact that, for a +townless barter-thinking, money-getting by means of money is an impiety, and (from the view-point +of the coming Russian religion) a sin. To-day, with the towns of Tsarism in ruin and the mankind +in them living the village life under the crust (temporarily) of urban-thinking Bolshevism, he has +freed himself from the Western economy. His apocalyptic hatred—the same that the simple Jew +of Jesus’s day bore to the Roman—is directed against Petersburg, as a city and the seat of a political +power of Western stamp, but also as the centre of a thinking in Western money that has poisoned and +misdirected the whole life. The Russian of the deeps to-day is bringing into being a third kind of +Christianity, still priestless, and built <em>on the John Gospel</em>—a Christianity that stands much nearer to +the Magian than to the Faustian and, consequently, rests upon a new symbolism of baptism, and looks +neither at Rome nor at Wittenberg, but past Byzantium towards Jerusalem, with premonitions of +coming crusades. This is the <em>only</em> thing that this new Russia really cares about. And it will no doubt +let itself fall once again under the economy of the West, as the primitive Christian submitted to the +Romans and the Gothic Christian to the Jews. But inwardly it has no part nor lot therein. (Cf. <a href="#p192">pp. +192</a>, <a href="#p226">226</a>, <a href="#p278">278</a>, <a href="#p293">293</a>, <a href="#p295">295</a>.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_920" href="#FNanchor_920" class="label">[920]</a> See the article “Diocletian, Edict of,” <cite>Ency. Brit.</cite>, XI ed.—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_921" href="#FNanchor_921" class="label">[921]</a> <a href="#p6">P. 6</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_922" href="#FNanchor_922" class="label">[922]</a> <a href="#p9">Pp. 9</a> et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_923" href="#FNanchor_923" class="label">[923]</a> <a href="#p25">P. 25</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_924" href="#FNanchor_924" class="label">[924]</a> <a href="#p25">P. 25</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_925" href="#FNanchor_925" class="label">[925]</a> <a href="#p268">P. 268</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_926" href="#FNanchor_926" class="label">[926]</a> <a href="#p134">P. 134</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_927" href="#FNanchor_927" class="label">[927]</a> <a href="#p25">Pp. 25</a>, et seq.; 267, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_928" href="#FNanchor_928" class="label">[928]</a> And not vice versa. Cf. <a href="#p268">p. 268</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_929" href="#FNanchor_929" class="label">[929]</a> The “correctness” of physical data (i.e., their applicability never disproved up to date, and +therefore ranking as an <em>interpretation</em>) is wholly independent of their technical value. An undoubtedly +wrong, and even self-contradictory, theory may be more valuable for practical purposes than a +“correct” and profound one, and physical science has long been careful to avoid applying the words +“right” and “wrong” in the popular sense, and to regard their syntheses as images rather than flat +formulæ.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_930" href="#FNanchor_930" class="label">[930]</a> What Diels has managed to assemble in his work <cite lang="de">Antike Technik</cite> amounts to a comprehensive +nullity. If we take away from it what belongs to the older Babylonian Civilization (such as water +clocks and sun-dials) and to the younger Arabian Springtime (such as chemistry or the wonder-clock +of Gaza), there is nothing left but devices, such as door-locks of a sort, that it would be an insult to +attribute to any other Culture.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_931" href="#FNanchor_931" class="label">[931]</a> The Chinese Culture, too, made almost all these European discoveries on its own account—including +compass, telescope, printing, gunpowder, paper, porcelain—but the Chinese did not +wrest, but <em>wheedled</em>, things out of Nature. No doubt he felt the advantages of his knowledge and +turned it to account, but he did not hurl himself upon it to exploit it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_932" href="#FNanchor_932" class="label">[932]</a> <a href="#p301">P. 301</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_933" href="#FNanchor_933" class="label">[933]</a> It is the same spirit that distinguishes the Jewish, Parsee, Armenian, Greek, and Arab ideas of +business from that of the Western peoples.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_934" href="#FNanchor_934" class="label">[934]</a> <a href="#p301">P. 301</a>. Albertus Magnus lived on in legend as the great magician. Roger Bacon meditated +upon steam-engines, steamships, and aircraft. (F. Strunz, <cite lang="de">Gesch. d. Naturwiss. im Mittelalter</cite>, 1910, +p. 88.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_935" href="#FNanchor_935" class="label">[935]</a> <a href="#p268">P. 268</a>. According to Roger Bacon the “third rôle of science,” which is not relative to the +other sciences, consists in the power that makes it to search the secrets of nature, to discover past +and future, and to produce so many marvellous results that power is assured to those who possess it.... +The Church should take it into consideration in order to spare Christian blood in the struggle +with the infidel and above all in preparation for the perils that will menace us in the days of Antichrist +(E. Gilson, <cite lang="fr">Philosophie au Moyen Âge</cite>, p. 218).—<i>Tr.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_936" href="#FNanchor_936" class="label">[936]</a> <a href="#p288">P. 288</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_937" href="#FNanchor_937" class="label">[937]</a> Greek fire was only to terrify and to ignite, but here the tense force of the gases of explosion +are converted into energy of motion. Anyone who seriously compares the two does not understand +the spirit of the Western technique.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_938" href="#FNanchor_938" class="label">[938]</a> Marx is quite right; it is one of the creations (and what is more, the proudest creation) of the +bourgeoisie. But, spellbound as he is by the ancient-mediæval-modern scheme, he has failed to +note that it is only the bourgeoisie of this one single Culture that is master of the destiny of the +Machine. So long as it dominates the earth, every non-European tries and will try to fathom the +secret of this terrible weapon. Nevertheless, inwardly he abhors it, be he Indian or Japanese, Russian +or Arab. It is something fundamental in the essence of the Magian soul that leads the Jew, as entrepreneur +and engineer, to stand aside from the creation proper of machines and devote himself to +the business side of their production. But so also the Russian looks with fear and hatred at this +tyranny of wheels, cables, and rails, and if he adapts himself for to-day and to-morrow to the inevitable, +yet there will come a time when he will <em>blot out the whole thing from his memory and his environment</em>, +and create about himself a wholly new world, in which nothing of this Devil’s technique +is left.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_939" href="#FNanchor_939" class="label">[939]</a> Compared with this mighty contest between the two handfuls of steel-hard men of race and of +immense intellect—which the simple citizen neither observes nor comprehends—the battle of +mere interests between the employing class and the workers’ Socialism sinks into insignificance +when regarded from the distant world-historical view-point. The working-class movement is what +its leaders <em>make</em> of it, and hatred of the owner has long enlisted itself in the service of the bourse. +Practical communism with its “class-war”—to-day a long obsolete and adulterated phrase—is +nothing but the trusty henchman of big Capital, which knows perfectly well how to make use of it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_940" href="#FNanchor_940" class="label">[940]</a> In this sense the interest-politics of the workers’ movements also belong to it, in that their +object is not to overcome the money-values, but to possess them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_941" href="#FNanchor_941" class="label">[941]</a> <a href="#p345">P. 345</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="transnote"> +<h2>Transcriber’s notes</h2> + +<ul> +<li>Apparent typographical errors in English were silently corrected, while +non-English text is almost always rendered as printed, with occasional +corrections (especially in citations) when further inquiry was made. +The index contained dozens of incorrectly spelled or variant proper +nouns; where this was noticed, the index spelling was made consistent with +the main text. The index entry was not moved even if the new spelling +would require it.</li> + +<li>Any “{sic}” in this text is the transcriber’s.</li> + +<li>Most italic text is marked up with emphasis, language or citation tags in HTML, to +aid accessibility.</li> + +<li>Redundant part-title pages for chapters have been removed. This accounts for +three-page gaps in page numbering (including associated blank pages) in the formats that +display page numbers.</li> + +<li>Chapter XI lacks a section numbered IX. This error was not corrected in +later reprints (e.g. Knopf 1965). Chapter IV does not have an explicit +section I.</li> +</ul> + +</div> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78914 ***</div> +</body> +</html> diff --git a/78914-h/images/cover.jpg b/78914-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..20d1b13 --- /dev/null +++ b/78914-h/images/cover.jpg |
