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| author | www-data <www-data@mail.pglaf.org> | 2026-05-16 12:18:17 -0700 |
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| committer | www-data <www-data@mail.pglaf.org> | 2026-05-16 12:18:17 -0700 |
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+ border-top: 1px solid black; + border-bottom: 1px solid black; + min-width: 1em; +} + +.log2 th.no-border-right, +.log2 td.no-border-right +{ + border-right: none; +} + +.log2 td.no-border-right-right +{ + border-right: none; + text-align: right; +} +.log2 th.no-border-bottom +{ + border-top: 1px solid black; + border-bottom: none; + +} + +.log2 th.no-border-top +{ + border-top: none; + border-bottom: 1px solid black; +} + +.log2 th.no-border-top-right +{ + border-top: none; + border-bottom: 1px solid black; + border-right: none; +} + +.log2 td.border-bottom +{ + border-bottom: 1px solid black; + text-align: right; +} + +.log2 td.border-bottom-no-border-right +{ + border-bottom: 1px solid black; + border-right: none; + text-align: right; +} + +.log2 td.border-bottom-no-border-left +{ + border-bottom: 1px solid black; + border-right: none; + text-align: left; +} + +.log2 td.border-bottom-border-left +{ + border-bottom: 1px solid black; + text-align: left; +} + +.log2 td.no-border-top +{ + border-top: none; + border-bottom: 1px solid black; +} + +.log2 td.indent +{ + padding-left: 1.2em; +} + +.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: small; + text-align: right; + font-style: normal; + font-weight: normal; + font-variant: normal; + text-indent: 0; +} /* page numbers */ + +blockquote { + margin-top: 0; + margin-bottom: 0; + margin-left: 5%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + +.center {text-align: center; text-indent: 0;} + +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + +figcaption {font-weight: bold;} +figcaption p {margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: .2em; text-align: inherit;} + +/* Images */ + +img { + max-width: 100%; + height: auto; +} + +/* Footnotes */ +.footnotes {border: 1px dashed;} + +.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + +.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + +.fnanchor { + vertical-align: super; + font-size: .8em; + text-decoration: + none; +} + +.author { + text-align: right; + margin-right: 20% + } + +.x-ebookmaker body {margin: 0;} +.x-ebookmaker-drop {color: inherit;} + +.ph2,.ph4 { text-align: center; text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; } +.ph2 { font-size: x-large; margin: .75em auto; } +.ph4 { font-size: medium; margin: 1.12em auto; } + +.tnote {border: dashed 1px; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; +padding-bottom: .5em; padding-top: .5em; padding-left: .5em; +padding-right: .5em;} + +.indent { + margin-left: 2em; +} + +.float-right {float: right;} +.float-left {float: left;} +.x-ebookmaker .float-right {float: right;} +.x-ebookmaker .float-left {float: left;} +.height {height: 2em;} + + </style> +</head> + +<body> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78696 ***</div> + + + +<h1> +HUNGARY AND<br> +DEMOCRACY +</h1> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> +<blockquote> + <p> + THE STORY OF<br> + THE NATIONS + <br> + <span class="smcap">New Editions</span> + </p> +</blockquote> +</div> + +<br> +<blockquote> +<p>THE BALKANS: Rumania, Bulgaria, +Serbia and Montenegro. By <span class="smcap">William +Miller</span>, M.A. Third Edition. With +Maps and 39 Illustrations.</p> + +<p>TURKEY. By <span class="smcap">Stanley Lane-Poole</span>, +assisted by <span class="smcap">E. J. W. Gibb</span> and <span class="smcap">Arthur +Gilman</span>. With a Map and 43 Illustrations.</p> + +<p>BOHEMIA: From the Earliest Times to +the Foundation of the Czechoslovak Republic +in 1918. By <span class="smcap">C. Edmund Maurice</span>. +Second Edition Revised. With Maps and +38 Illustrations.</p> +</blockquote> + +<blockquote> +<p><i>An illustrated prospectus of “The Story of +the Nations,” the best popular library of the +world’s history, is ready, and will be sent post +free to any address on application.</i></p> + + +<p> + T. FISHER UNWIN LTD LONDON +</p> +</blockquote> +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> +<p class="ph2">HUNGARY AND<br> +DEMOCRACY</p> + +<p class="ph2"><i>By</i> C. J. C. STREET<br> +WITH A FOREWORD BY<br> +T. P. O’CONNOR</p> + +<br> +<br> +<br> +<p class="ph2">T. FISHER UNWIN LTD<br> +LONDON: ADELPHI TERRACE</p> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> +<p class="ph4"><i>First published in 1923</i></p> + + +<p class="ph4">(<i>All rights reserved</i>)</p> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="FOREWORD"> + FOREWORD + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>There is no more dangerous centre of future +disturbance, if not of a new war, than the +regions which include Hungary and its immediate +neighbours. For the moment there is in Hungary herself +the domination of a reactionary and somewhat militaristic +party; and this party is lending encouragement, secret +or open, to just the kind of movements that want to stir +up war. The materials for this campaign exist mainly +in the transfer of some of the population of the Old +Hungary to the New States that have come into existence. +With this transfer, a large body of Magyars have been +placed under the control of men of another race; the +numbers are formidable: 800,000 under the Rumanians, +636,000 under the Czechoslovakians, and 100,000 under +the control of Yugo-Slavia.</p> + +<p>That such a transfer of allegiance should be bitter to +a proud race like the Magyars is intelligible; one can +sympathize up to a certain point with them. But the +answer to the complaint must be found in their own +inexcusable and almost incredible persecution of those +other races, while they held omnipotent sway over not +only the Magyar but many other races. The Magyar +ascendancy had nothing like it in the modern world outside, +perhaps, the Orange regime in the six counties of Ulster; +suffice it to say that there is no form of ascendancy which +was not carried out ruthlessly and deliberately; jerrymandering, +incredible under-representation in the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</span>Parliament; relentless suppression of the language and +the schools of those other races; with now and then the +exercise of brute force to prevent the expression of opinion, +and occasionally this suppression in blood. To ask any +of these now emancipated peoples to go back to such +servitude would be at once unjust and impossible.</p> + +<p>It is a misfortune of these Magyar peoples who have +been transferred that geography has so intermingled them +with the majorities of the other races and new kingdoms, +that you could no more separate them from their present +habitations than cut out the heart of a body and expect +it still to live. These Magyars have the right to the +liberties of every minority—even though they themselves +never respected these liberties in others; liberty as +to language and school and Church—and any of the new +Governments which now rule them will fall under the +disapproval of all liberal thinkers in the world if they do +not live up to this obligation.</p> + +<p>The writer of this book is a man trained in observation, +has visited these regions, and gives the results of his +investigations in what appears to me a fair and impartial +spirit; and I recommend the perusal of his pages as the +best guide to the problems of this storm-tossed centre; +and as a useful antidote to the agitation which is being +carried on in this country against the new kingdoms by +the British reactionaries who naturally throw their +sympathies to the side of reaction elsewhere.</p> + +<div class="height"> +<p class="float-left"><span class="float-left"><i>March, 1923.</i></span></p> + +<p class="float-right"><span class="float-left">T. P. O’CONNOR.</span></p> + +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION"> + INTRODUCTION + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>The downfall of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy has +resulted in a redistribution of territory among the States +of Europe. The old Kingdom of Bohemia has been +united with the Slovak districts of the former Hungary to form +the Czechoslovak Republic, Serbia has absorbed the territories +of her Yugoslav kindred, Italy has regained the Italian districts +of the former Austria, Poland has been re-united after a +partition lasting more than a hundred years, Rumania has +been awarded the care of her Transylvanian brethren. As a +consequence of this redistribution, Austria and Hungary, the +partners of the former Dual Monarchy, have shrunk to a +fraction of their former size.</p> + +<p>In these circumstances it is inevitable that complaints as +to the justice of the new frontiers should be heard. To the +casual observer it might seem that Austria and Hungary have +suffered for their defeat in the war by the dismemberment +of their territories, the usual fate of vanquished nations. +Hungary to-day covers an area of approximately 33,000 square +miles, and has a population of about seven and a half millions. +The Kingdom of Hungary before the war covered an area of +about 125,000 square miles, and had a population of about +twenty millions. The disparity seems enormous, and at first +glance would seem to display the savage vengeance of her +enemies, an act of far greater ruthlessness than the tearing +of Alsace-Lorraine from France in 1871. Had Hungary been +a homogeneous nation, this would indeed be the truth. But, +in fact, the former Hungary was never homogeneous, and was +inhabited by races of widely divergent aims and culture. It +was no policy of vengeance that inspired the partition of +Hungary, but the operation of the principles of self-determination +in the interests of the component races of the former +Kingdom.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</span></p> + +<p>Present-day Hungary is that part of the former kingdom +in which the Magyars are in the majority. Before the War +the Magyars laid claim to the whole of the territory ruled by +them, regardless of the fact that their yoke was bitterly resented +by the non-Magyar nationalities. It is perhaps natural that +they should protest against the dismemberment of this territory, +and should make every endeavour to present a case for the +restitution to them of their former frontiers. Attempts are +being made throughout Europe and America to represent the +Magyar race as the victims of injustice, with the ultimate +object of influencing some future readjustment of the Peace +Treaties in their favour. With this end in view the Magyars +have embarked upon an intensive campaign of propaganda, +the methods of which vary with the section of the community +it is desired to influence. This propaganda starts from the +assumption that Hungary is and always has been a democratic +country. Upon these premises the argument is built up that +Hungary, the traditional friend of the Allies, has been unjustly +treated, that her division was contrary to the principles of +self-determination, and that her continued existence within +her present boundaries is impossible. The only rightful and +expedient course is therefore to restore her to her former state.</p> + +<p>The object of the present book is to adduce the facts +necessary for a dispassionate examination of the arguments +of the Magyar propagandists. It is, of course, impossible to +reply to each of the Magyar contentions in detail; the most +that can be done is to give some idea of the form in which +they are presented. A single instance must suffice. A +periodical entitled <i>Chains</i> is published at Oxford, and describes +itself as “The Organ of the Oxford League for Hungarian +Self-Determination.” The following is an extract from the +Editorial in its issue of March 16, 1922: “<i>It is fundamentally +wrong to suppose that the accident which placed Hungary by the +side of our enemies is sufficient to warrant our silent acquiescence +in the destruction of the economic and political stability of a +country whose ideals have so nearly approximated to our own for +centuries past.</i>” In the same issue Lord Newton contributes +an article on “Hungary under the Trianon Treaty.” Extracts +from this article are as follows: “Why was Hungary treated +with such vindictive ferocity?” “<i>The rewards of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</span>Succession States were, except in the case of Serbia, out of all +proportion to their services during the War, and unfortunately for +the Hungarians were made chiefly at their expense.</i>” “It is +customary to exact territory from a conquered enemy; there +was, therefore, nothing surprising in the fact that Hungary +was forced to surrender territory to States against which she +had fought.”</p> + +<p>Now let us examine the above dispassionately. In the +first place the editors speak of the “accident” which placed +Hungary by the side of our enemies. What was this accident? +The clamour for war in July 1914 was nowhere louder than in +Hungary; it was no accident which precipitated the Magyars +into war with France and Russia, but hatred of those countries +on account of their support of Serbia. The contemporary +Magyar Press is sufficient proof of this. “<i>What have the +French, the English and the Russians in common except spiritual +decadence and moral infamy, the only ties which bind them? +Their ideal is the brutal force of superior numbers.... Light +struggles against darkness, human dignity against slavery, the +inspiration of the soul against the brutishness of masses, idealism +against barbarity and against a perversity which wears the mask +of a false culture</i>” (<i>Pester Lloyd</i>, September 19, 1914). “In +the true sense of the word we are confronted with an alliance +of ruffians; Russia wishes to steal territories from the Austro-Hungarian +Monarchy both on her own account and on that of +Serbia; France wishes to steal from Germany Alsace-Lorraine +and more besides; as for England, she wishes to steal from +Germany her economic powers and her commerce” (<i>Az Ujsag</i>, +February 4, 1915). During the whole period of the War the +Magyar Press poured out a torrent of abuse against the nations +at war with Hungary. There is no trace among its pages +of any accidental participation on Hungary’s part.</p> + +<p>Again, the editors of Chains speak of Hungary as a country +“<i>whose ideals have so nearly approximated to our own for +centuries past</i>.” I leave my readers to judge by the light of +the facts adduced in the following chapters how far this +assumption is justified. To those who wish to pursue the +subject further, I recommend Dr. Seton-Watson’s <i>Racial +Problems in Hungary</i>, published in 1908 (now, unfortunately, +out of print).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</span></p> + +<p>Lord Newton, as will be seen from the quotations from +his article given above, bases his arguments upon the assumption +that Hungary was dismembered solely to reward her +enemies. This is the first and principal contention of the +discontented Magyars of to-day. Their second contention is +that the transfer of the nationalities to the jurisdiction of +other States was contrary to their own wishes, and that those +States are not capable of governing their new subjects with +the same justice and impartiality as they enjoyed under +Magyar rule. In order to examine the truth of this contention +it will be necessary to investigate the conditions under which +the new nationalities existed before the transfer and their +position at the present day. Finally, the Magyars complain +that their racial minorities in the States surrounding Hungary +are oppressed and denied adequate representation in the +Government of those States, while the national minorities still +remaining in Hungary are treated with the greatest consideration. +The status of these various minorities will +therefore require investigation.</p> + +<p>In the past the Magyars have regarded the non-Magyar +nationalities within their borders as of inferior culture. In +the article already quoted, Lord Newton treats the superiority +of the Magyars as a fact established beyond question. “Millions +of Hungarians have been transferred,” he says, “without any +opportunity of expressing their wishes, to alien States of an +inferior civilisation.” This is in exact accordance with the +public utterances of the most prominent Magyar statesmen in +the past.</p> + +<p>The present book is in no way inspired by hostility towards +the Magyar race, nor is it intended to create a prejudice against +that race among its readers. It is merely an attempt to supply +the necessary data for a fair examination of the arguments of +the Magyars, and incidentally to trace the relations between +present-day Hungary and democracy in the true sense of the +word. If the Magyars can prove their case, there are adequate +grounds for their appeal for a revision of the Treaty of Trianon. +If the partition of Hungary was inspired by motives of +revenge; if the nationalities of the former Hungarian Kingdom +are indeed misgoverned and oppressed by States to which they +yield a reluctant obedience, while in those States the Magyar +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</span>minorities suffer political persecution, it would undoubtedly +be in the interests of the world at large that Hungary should +be restored to her former frontiers. But, on the other hand, +if it appears that all these contentions on behalf of the Magyars +are inspired by the imperialism of a reactionary and oligarchic +people, which has for centuries been accustomed to treat non-Magyar +nationalities within its borders as hewers of wood +and drawers of water, and whose pride is wounded by the +emancipation of those nationalities, the reactionary tendencies +of Magyar aims will be exposed and the motives of their +complaints revealed.</p> + +<p>The Magyar attitude at the present day may be exemplified +by a quotation from an interview accorded by Admiral Horthy +to a representative of the <i>Chicago Tribune</i> on October 19, 1922. +“Admiral Horthy received me in the colossal castle formerly +occupied by Emperor Francis Joseph at the top of the +ridge overlooking the Danube,” reports the interviewer. +“When I asked the possibility of Hungary paying £300,000,000 +(as reparations), he snapped back, ‘We cannot pay £3. You +cannot change Nature and make rivers run uphill over +mountains just by shifting frontiers,’ said the Regent, his +eyes glancing at the map of Transylvania. ‘That territory +drains Hungary economically, commercially, morally.’”</p> + +<p>It is impossible within the compass of such a book as this +to give more than a bare summary of events and facts, but I +have endeavoured throughout to give references to sources +whence fuller information may be obtained. In general it +may be remarked that an excellent summary of Hungarian +history is contained in Professor Alison Phillips’s article in the +<i>Encyclopædia Britannica</i>, and that Dr. Seton-Watson’s <i>Racial +Problems in Hungary</i> is a mine of information on the subject +of the Magyar treatment of the nationalities up to the year +1908.</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS"> + CONTENTS + </h2> +</div> + + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +CHAPTER +</td> +<td> +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +PAGE +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +FOREWORD +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_5">5</a> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +INTRODUCTION +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_7">7</a> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +I. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +HUNGARY BEFORE THE WAR</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_13">13</a> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +II. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +THE NATIONALITIES AND THE MAGYARS +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_33">33</a> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +III. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +REPRESENTATION AND JUSTICE +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_52">52</a> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +IV. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +EDUCATION +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_72">72</a> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +V. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +WAR, REVOLUTION AND COUNTER-REVOLUTION +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_92">92</a> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +VI. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +HUNGARY AND HER NEIGHBOURS +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_111">111</a> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +VII. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +THE MINORITIES IN HUNGARY TO-DAY +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_128">128</a> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +VIII. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +THE MAGYAR MINORITIES IN THE NEW STATES +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_147">147</a> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +IX. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +MAGYAR PROPAGANDA +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_160">160</a> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +X. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +HUNGARY’S ATTITUDE TO-DAY +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_183">183</a> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +XI. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +HUNGARY AND DEMOCRACY +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_198">198</a> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +INDEX +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +<a href="#Page_205">205</a> +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Hungary_and_Democracy"> + Hungary and Democracy + </h2> +</div> + + +<hr class="r5"> + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I"> + CHAPTER I + <br> + HUNGARY BEFORE THE WAR + </h2> + + + +<p>It is beyond the scope of this book to deal, however +briefly, with the history of Hungary before the famous +Ausgleich, or Compromise, of 1867. This Compromise +determined the status of Hungary as a modern State, +independent to all intents and purposes, but linked with +Austria under a common monarchy. It is sufficient +for our present purposes to point out that this link in +no way prejudiced the freedom of Hungary to manage +her own internal affairs; it is no exaggeration to say that +her domestic policy was as unfettered by it as that of +England or America. The treatment of the Slovaks and +Rumanians by the Magyars was in no way influenced +by Austrian legislation, although it was undoubtedly +affected by the example of the Austrians in their dealings +with the Czechs. The Magyars, owing to the measures +which they took for their own supremacy, were dominant +in an independent Hungary, and up to the outbreak of +war in 1914 the internal policy of the Hungarian nation +was governed by the will of the Magyar race.</p> + +<p>The population of Hungary at the time of the Compromise, +according to the official Hungarian census of +1869, was 13,579,000, of which 6,027,000 were of Magyar +nationality, and 7,552,000 of other nationalities. From +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</span>this it will be seen that the Magyars were in a minority, +forming as they did 44·4 per cent. of the total. But in +consequence of the agreement between the Magyars and +the Hapsburg Monarchy, the former, although forming +a minority upon the territory which they occupied, contrived +to become the sole directors of the State. At the +same period, Hungary was composed of the same territories +as in 1914. These were Hungary proper, Transylvania +and Croatia-Slavonia. In the first the population was +preponderatingly Magyar, in the remaining two various +nationalities were closely intermingled. It is and always +has been impossible to draw definite lines of demarcation +between the different races. The most that can be done +is to indicate roughly the areas in which any given race +forms the majority of the population. In order to give +a general idea of the geographical distribution of the +various races included in the former kingdom, it may be said +that the Magyars formed the majority of the population of +the central and western districts, the Serbs and Croats the +south-western corner from the Drave to the Adriatic, +the Rumanians the eastern and south-eastern portions, +the Ruthenes the north-east, and the Slovaks the north-west +and north. The Germans were distributed in +compact colonies throughout Hungary proper and +Transylvania, with their greatest strength in the western +frontier between Hungary and Austria, and the Szekels, +allied to the Magyars, formed a compact block in the +extreme east of Transylvania.</p> + +<p>It will be seen from this rough description that the +Magyars occupied the hub of the wheel while the other +races were situated about its rim. Further, each of these +outlying nationalities were in close contact with their +kindred in other countries, with whom they naturally +sought union, if not definitely political at first, at least +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</span>cultural. They had interests beyond the frontiers of +Hungary which drew them away from, rather than towards, +the Magyars of the centre. They felt that they were +parts of living nationalities, each with its own national +characteristics, rather than the remains of defunct races +of which the inevitable destiny was absorption in a Magyar +Hungary. But, given judicious treatment, there was +no reason why this feeling should have evinced itself +in disloyalty to the country in which they were included. +Had the Magyars possessed the gift of good government +there was no reason why even such a polyglot country +as Hungary should not have developed into a contented +State. But the Magyars have always regarded themselves +as a superior and noble race created by God to rule over +the subject races. A Magyar, Erno Baloghy, in his book +published in Budapest in 1908 entitled <i>Magyar Culture +and the Nationalities</i>, says: “Our Nationalities cannot +substitute any other culture for the Magyar, for there is +not and cannot be a special Serb, Rumanian or Slovak +culture.” This remark is merely typical of other utterances, +both written and verbal.</p> + +<p>The result of this attitude on the part of the Magyars +has been to alienate the nationalities, and to force them +still further away from the centre. Where capable and +tactful treatment would almost certainly have bound +them by links of common policy and interest to the Magyar +nucleus, coercion and irritation have driven them to look +for their political future beyond the borders of the State. +Through the Compromise the Magyars obtained complete +control over their domestic affairs, and they utilised this +control to embitter the nationalities with whom they +might have lived in perfect harmony.</p> + +<p>The first important event which followed the Compromise +was the “Law of Nationalities,” which was adopted +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</span>by the Hungarian Parliament on December 1, 1868. +This law is a most remarkable document, and had it +ever been administered in the spirit of its preamble, +and the letter of its provisions, it might very possibly +have solved the whole problem of racial difference in +Hungary.⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_1" href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The principal provisions of the law deal with the +language to be employed in Courts of Justice, Schools, +Churches and Institutions. In general, the provisions +ensure that any Hungarian subject can employ his native +tongue in the course of his dealings with the State or +with his fellow subjects. In the case of schools, the +wording of the law is peculiarly definite. “Since, from +the standpoint of general culture and well-being, the +success of public instruction is one of the highest aims of +the State also, the State is, therefore, bound to ensure +that citizens living together in considerable numbers, +of whatever nationality, shall be able to obtain instruction +in the neighbourhood in their mother-tongue, up to the +point where the higher academic education begins.”</p> + +<p>The manner in which this law was administered will +be dealt with in a subsequent chapter. For the moment +it is only necessary to state that it was never enforced. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</span>One after another prominent Magyar politicians admitted +in Parliament that the law was a dead letter, or that it +was impossible to fulfil its provisions owing to the fact +that those whose duty it was to administer it were almost +exclusively Magyars ignorant of any other language but +their own. The most striking commentary on the +Magyar outlook upon the law after forty years’ experience +of its operation was contained in a leading article +in the <i>Budapesti Hirlap</i>, a leading Hungarian newspaper, +of April 3, 1908. Speaking of the provision already +quoted with regard to schools, the writer points out +that the educational stipulations cannot be carried out, +“<i>because the necessary teaching staff who could teach in +a foreign tongue and also the necessary customers are +wanting</i>.” The Magyar organ, it will be noticed, uses +the adjective “foreign” to describe the languages spoken +by more than half the population of Hungary, and is +apparently unaware of the existence of that half. It +is interesting to compare this statement with the official +Hungarian statistics of population for the year 1900, +which show that out of a total civil population whose +mother-tongue was not Magyar, of 8,132,740 only +1,365,764, or 16·8 per cent., could speak Magyar.</p> + +<p>The next incident of importance was the Electoral +Law of 1874, which is one of the most curious perversions +of franchise which it is possible to imagine. Under the +provisions of this law, the qualifications for the vote +are extraordinarily complicated, and are such as to +restrict the voters to the propertied and official classes.⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_2" href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +Only 6 per cent. of the population enjoyed the vote +under the law, and care was taken that of these the +majority should be Magyar. Not content with this +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</span>partial measure, the Magyars introduced a special franchise +for Transylvania, so ingeniously contrived that the majority +of voters in the province should be composed of the Szekels +of Magyar sympathies, while the Rumanian element, +which forms the majority of the population, was almost +excluded. In fact, it was estimated that of the population +of Transylvania not more than 3·2 per cent. were enfranchised.</p> + +<p>The Electoral Law was mainly the work of Coloman +Tisza, who controlled the policy of Hungary for some +eighteen years. “Tisza’s aim was to convert the old +polyglot Hungarian kingdom into a homogeneous Magyar +State, and the methods which he employed—notably +the enforced Magyarisation of the subject races, which +formed part of the reformed educational system introduced +by him—certainly did not err on the side of moderation.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_3" href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> +This process of Magyarisation, as it came to be called, +will be dealt with more fully in a subsequent chapter. +For the moment it will be sufficient to give a short sketch +of the Hungarian educational system.</p> + +<p>Until 1867 education in Hungary had been entirely in +the hands of the Churches of various denominations, +with very slight superintendence by the Government. +To show the great diversity of religious belief in Hungary +proper, excluding Croatia-Slavonia, where the population +was about 70 per cent. Roman Catholic, 25 per cent. +Orthodox, and 5 per cent. various, and where an entirely +different system of education prevailed, the statistics +given on the following page may be quoted.</p> + +<p>It must be borne in mind that in many instances +nationality and religious faith overlap. The Serbians are +mostly Greek Orthodox (Greek Catholic); the Ruthenians +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</span>are Uniat Greeks (Greek Oriental); the Rumanians are +either Greek Orthodox or Greek Uniats; many Slovaks +are Lutherans; the only other Lutherans being the Germans +in Transylvania and in the Spis (Zsepes) country in +Slovakia. The Calvinists are composed mostly of Magyars, +so that in the country the Lutherans are designated as +the “German Church” and the Calvinists as the “Hungarian +Church.” The Unitarians are all Magyars. Only to the +Roman Catholic Church belong several nationalities.</p> + + +<table class="log2"> +<tr> +<th class="no-border-bottom"> +</th> +<th colspan="2"> +1869. +</th> +<th class="no-border-right" colspan="2"> +1900. +</th> +</tr> +<tr> +<th class="no-border-top"> +Religion. +</th> +<th class="no-border-top"> +Number. +</th> +<th class="no-border-top"> +Per Cent. +</th> +<th class="no-border-top"> +Number. +</th> +<th class="no-border-top-right"> +Per Cent. +</th> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Roman Catholic +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +6,215,251 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +45·8 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +8,136,108 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +48·7 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Greek Catholic +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1,583,043 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +11·7 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1,830,815 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +10·9 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Greek Oriental +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +2,067,778 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +15·2 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +2,187,242 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +13·1 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Lutheran +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1,096,184 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +8·0 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1,250,285 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +7·5 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Calvinist +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +2,017,391 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +14·9 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +2,409,975 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +14·4 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Unitarian +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +54,345 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +0·4 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +67,988 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +0·4 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Jewish +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +542,257 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +4·0 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +826,222 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +4·9 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="border-bottom-border-left"> +Other Sects +</td> +<td class="border-bottom"> +2,880 +</td> +<td class="border-bottom"> +— +</td> +<td class="border-bottom"> +12,939 +</td> +<td class="border-bottom-no-border-right"> +— +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>“In 1869 there were only 13,646 primary schools in +existence, or one to every 995 inhabitants; and of these +hardly any were fully equipped with the necessary +teaching appliances. Many of the buildings were overcrowded, +insanitary or even too dilapidated for use; +1,598 communes were without a school of any kind, and +of the total number of children liable to attend under +the new Act, barely 48 per cent. actually attended.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_4" href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> It +was obvious that in these circumstances it was the duty +of the State to interest itself in the matter of education +and to supplement the efforts of the denominations by +the establishment of national schools or by subsidising +the existing religious organisations. This duty was +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</span>emphasised by the census of 1869, which revealed that +63 per cent. of the population was entirely illiterate.</p> + +<p>The result was the Primary Education Act introduced +in 1868 by the Minister of Education, Baron Eötvös. +The main provisions of this Act were compulsory education +between the ages of six and twelve, and the obligation +imposed upon the communes of erecting schools where +no denominational school already existed, and where at +least thirty children were not otherwise provided for. +This Act was amended by the educational policy of Count +Apponyi in 1907, which was frankly Magyarising in its +tendencies. The results of this policy were that for the +period 1913-14 Hungary (excluding Croatia-Slavonia) +contained 16,929 elementary schools, with 35,253 teachers +and 1,971,141 pupils. The number of Magyar elementary +schools was 13,608 with 29,963 teachers and 1,666,270 +pupils. The number of pupils according to native +language was 1,107,497 speaking Magyar and 256,020 +speaking Slovak, a proportion of 4·3 to 1, which is +approximately the proportion of Magyars to Slovaks in +the population of the country. According to official +Hungarian statistics 214,267 of the Slovak pupils were +allocated to Hungarian elementary schools, that is to say +schools where Magyar was used exclusively in imparting +instruction. The number of purely Slovak elementary +schools was 365, with 42,186 pupils. In other words, +while the proportion of Slovak pupils was 19 per cent. +of the total speaking Magyar or Slovak, only a little over +3 per cent. of these were receiving education in their +mother-tongue. But this is not even yet a complete +presentment of the state of national education. Under +the Apponyi Act the law provided the Government with +a decisive voice in the control of all the denominational +schools, irrespective of whether they received a Government +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</span>grant or not. The Minister of Education might, +and in practice almost invariably did, arrange the hours +of instruction in Magyar (which was a compulsory subject +in all schools) in such a manner that little time was left +for instruction in other subjects. As a result, in elementary +schools which were officially designated as Slovak, German, +Rumanian or Serbian, the Magyar language was cultivated +to such a degree that these schools differed but little +from purely Magyar schools, instruction in the Magyar +language being carried on for four-fifths of the time, +leaving only one-fifth for the teaching of other subjects, +which might be carried on in the pupils’ mother-tongue.</p> + +<p>As a natural consequence the educational results were +very unsatisfactory, and the number of illiterates was +very large. The average percentage of people who could +read and write had certainly risen to 63 throughout the +entire area, but the increase was mainly in the Magyar +districts. In the Slovak districts the percentages were +not nearly so favourable. In the district of Saris it was +only 48·6, and in the Uzgorod (Ungvar) district only +43·5. In 1913 there were 32,700 Slovak children, including +those who by law were supposed to attend continuation +schools, who were not registered in any school +at all.</p> + +<p>These figures are extremely interesting, as demonstrating +the practical working of the alleged equality of nationalities +in pre-War Hungary. The results of Magyar policy +were in effect to deny adequate education to those unwilling +to abandon their native tongue and accept teaching +in Magyar. It must not be supposed that this policy +was inspired by the idea that the other languages spoken +within the borders of Hungary were moribund languages, +whose abandonment would be of benefit to civilisation. +The exact opposite is indeed the case, and it may safely +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</span>be stated that but for the artificial efforts made to keep +it alive, Magyar as a modern tongue would gradually +disappear. The proscribed languages were those spoken +by millions, and were in no case confined to Hungarian +territory. It was rather fear of a spreading of these +languages, and with them the national ideals of their +users, that inspired the Magyar legislators. They believed +that they could overcome the centrifugal tendencies of +the nationalities by a policy of forcing them to abandon +the tongues with which they conversed with their brethren +beyond the frontiers, and grafting on them in the place +of these tongues the Magyar language, and with it the +Magyar culture and ideals. Subjection rather than +alliance was the formula which was to secure the union +of Hungary, or, as one of the most prominent of the +Magyar politicians, Coloman Tisza, put it, the so-called +subject nationalities must be taught to “<i>be silent and pay</i>.” +A Magyar writer, Bela Grünwald, in a work entitled +<i>The Highlands</i>, is refreshingly frank on the subject. “<i>The +secondary school is like a huge machine, at one end of which +the Slovak youths are thrown in by hundreds and at the +other end of which they come out Magyars.</i>”</p> + +<p>Enough has been said already to give the reader a rough +idea of the Magyar policy with regard to the nationalities. +It may be summarised by the statement that the Magyars, +while on the surface passing legislation which seemed to +demonstrate the perfect equality which prevailed in +Hungary between the constituent nationalities, in the +administration of the law took every precaution that +the nationalities should be subordinated to the Magyar +race. Before the War, as well as at the present time, +Magyar publicists made every effort to spread throughout +the world the fable of the liberty enjoyed by the nationalities +which composed the realms of the Crown of St. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</span>Stephen. Both nationalities and citizens, according to +them, enjoyed the most complete freedom. Hungary +was the true home of democracy, a modern Utopia. How +far they succeeded in imposing upon their hearers is proved +by the words already quoted: “<i>a country whose ideals +have so nearly approximated to our own for centuries past</i>.” +The ideal of the English-speaking races has been true +freedom and equality of all citizens in the eyes of the +State. The legislation and the administration of Hungary +have been directly opposed to this ideal. Is it possible +to make any comparison between the franchise of England +or America and that of a country where until recently +only 6 per cent. of the population was entitled to the +vote? Or between the educational systems of these +nations and one which, at the beginning of the War, +had so far succeeded that a third of the population of +the country was utterly illiterate?</p> + +<p>Far from being the home of democracy, Hungary was, +and, as will be seen later, still is the stronghold of an +oligarchy comparable only with that of Venice before the +Napoleonic era. The Magyar spirit has always been +reactionary and oppressive. It would almost seem that +a true Magyar is unable to realise that other nationalities +have rights in the political sense, or that their love of +their own language, customs, history or culture is due +to anything but the most deplorable ignorance. It is +quite certain, from the perusal of the utterances of Magyar +spokesmen or the leading articles of Magyar journals, +that the rank and file of the Magyar race honestly believed +that the “subject nationalities,” as they habitually speak +of the Slovaks, Serbs and Rumanians, would be far +better off as the helots of the Magyars than as their equals. +But, unfortunately, the nationalities did not see eye to eye +with their would-be masters. They exhibited an incomprehensible +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</span>desire to follow their national bents, +and an equally incomprehensible dislike of the idea of +incorporation in the Magyar race. They were consequently +accused, almost tearfully, of ingratitude, of +thrusting aside the hand which endeavoured to lead them +to higher planes of existence and culture.</p> + +<p>As a matter of fact, the Magyars have always been +incapable of dealing with the problem presented to them. +If, instead of a policy of coercion, they had followed the +advice of St. Stephen of Hungary, they might have welded +the constituent parts of the nation into a homogeneous +whole. “<i>Treat the new-comers well</i>,” he writes to his +son Emmerich, at a time when he was insisting upon +the advantages which would accrue to his country from +the immigration from the West, to which he had himself +opened his kingdom. “<i>Hold them in honour, for they +bring fresh knowledge and arms into the country; they +are an ornament and support of the throne, for a country +where only one language and one custom prevails is weak +and fragile.</i>” Enlightened advice, more easily attributable +to a statesman of the twentieth than to a monarch of +the eleventh century. Almost every modern nation has +at one time or another in its history been confronted +with the problem of absorbing into a unanimous State +the different nationalities inhabiting its territories. +History proves that it is only by a policy of give and take +on the part of each of these nationalities that the desired +end can be reached. Any attempt by one of them to +employ force in the subjugation of the rest, even though +the former may be in an overwhelming majority, leads +inevitably to failure. Scotland and Ireland are cases +in point. Towards the former, England, once she +abandoned her policy of aggression, adopted an attitude +based upon natural alliance. The alliance led by easy +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</span>stages to union, and union to so close an association that +at the present day Scotch and English are politically +indistinguishable. Towards Ireland, England maintained +the policy of aggression until it was too late, with the +result that union was proved to be unwelcome, and the +Irish nation has chosen for itself an independent position +in the Empire.</p> + +<p>It is useless to speculate now how far the Magyars +might have changed the centrifugal tendencies of the +other nationalities, which originated in the first place +in geographical position, into a centripetal tendency +founded upon mutual interest. It is possible that the +racial tendencies of the nationalities are so divergent +from those of the Magyars that the attempt would have +been unsuccessful. But it is obvious to any student of +even the most limited history that a race which formed +the minority of the population of the country could not +hope to bend the majority to cheerful acceptance of its +will by the employment of coercion. That the Magyars +should have contemplated such an enterprise shows +them to be alien in thought to the democratic nations +of the modern world. It is enough for them that they +claim a moral superiority; let other races fail to recognise +it at their peril!</p> + +<p>Count Czernin, a former Austro-Hungarian Foreign +Minister, has placed on record his opinion of the Magyar +outlook. “One is forced to ask oneself what the Magyars +understand by ‘nation.’ If we apply the term to the +inhabitants of Hungary, we see that the Magyar race +forms only 40 per cent. of them, that is to say, that it +is in a minority. By what right do the Magyars employ +as synonymous the expressions ‘nation’ and ‘Magyar +State’? The opinion of the majority in Hungary—that is +to say, the real will of the nation—is never expressed; +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</span>which is due not only to the nature of the Hungarian +suffrage, set up with a view to favouring the Magyar +minority, but far more to the intimidation, unique in +Europe, to which all anti-Magyar opinions are subjected. +In addition to the nationalities, humiliated, oppressed, +and reduced to silence, there exists in Hungary, even among +the Magyars themselves, a number of people of all classes +and in every station in life who do not approve of this +policy. However, any protests would involve such measures +of repression on the part of the Government, the courts +of justice and the authorities, that these people dare +not express openly what their conscience urges, that +their submission is only due to force. Hungarian elections +are proverbial in Europe, and the manœuvres +of which the Prime Minister Banffy availed himself +when they were held, the unheard-of terrorism which +he employed, are still fresh in the memories of all +of us.”</p> + +<p>This utterance may be compared with Count Apponyi’s +description of Hungary as the “<i>island of liberty</i>” on the +occasion of his visit to America in 1911, and with the +proud declaration of the Hungarian newspaper <i>Budapesti +Hirlap</i> on June 20, 1917: “<i>We proclaim in the face of +the whole world that on no part of the earth’s surface are the +problems of nationality treated with greater patience, loyalty, +and humane liberality than in Hungary.</i>”</p> + +<p>This astonishing declaration followed the words of +Count Tisza, who, on January 24th of the same year, +in the course of a speech in the Hungarian Chamber +had said, amid loud cheers: “<i>I am confident that I am +expressing the opinion of the whole House, without distinction +of parties, when I say that public opinion throughout +Hungary respects the principle of nationality, that the public +opinion of the Magyar race desires the free development +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</span>and the prosperity of the nationalities.</i>” It must be +remembered that these declarations were made under +the influence of war-time conditions, when every nation +was doing its best to justify itself in the eyes of its neighbours. +In the less strenuous days of peace there had +been certain Magyars, more honest or less hypocritical +than most of their fellow-countrymen, who did not scruple +to employ the German doctrine of necessity in justification +of their treatment of the nationalities. For instance, +a certain Dr. Rez, a professor in the University of +Kolozsvar, had stated publicly in the <i>Budapesti Hirlap</i> +of May 26, 1910: “<i>Our object is to establish the supremacy +of the Magyars: there is no sense in concealing the fact. +Let us say openly that we do not desire equality of right, +because political equality and political supremacy are contradictory +conceptions. Supremacy is inequality, it is the +domination of one race over another.</i>”</p> + +<p>The ethnological problems of Hungary have been +extremely well set out by Gustave Beksics, an eminent +Magyar publicist, in his book <i>Nemzeti Akcio</i>, which was +published in 1912. “There is fought a confused and +bloodless struggle, sustained by social and economic +means, in which the Magyars must be victorious or perish. +The Magyars would fain spread over the whole country, +or, in other words, secure a decisive majority over the +other nationalities, in such a way as to reduce them +to relative insignificance, lest the non-Magyar races +spread over the country in their turn, stimulating their +national consciences and their culture in opposition to +the Magyars, and so the idea of a Magyar State fall +into oblivion. This must be the end of the underlying +motive of our national struggle: the motive of a Magyar +entity, political and social. Thus, in the near future, +Hungary must either be transformed into a natural State, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</span>or she must cease to exist as a State in her present +form.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_5" href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The Magyars, obsessed by their national ideal of making +Hungary a Magyar State at the expense of the other +nationalities, had already, in the years before the War, +realised that the task of suppressing the non-Magyar +races was beyond their unaided strength, and they had +therefore sought help from abroad. They knew that +they could not count entirely upon their union with +Austria, for the German element in that country was +itself engaged in a desperate struggle for supremacy with +the non-German races, of which the principal was the +Czech, closely related by origin and language with the +Slovaks. The Magyars therefore centred their hopes +in Berlin, believing that German aspirations to world-sovereignty +coincided with their own ends.</p> + +<p>It will be necessary to conclude this chapter with a +brief survey of Magyar foreign policy prior to the War. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</span>Gambetta styled the Magyars “<i>jingo barbarians</i>.” +Bismarck said that their policy was a compound of lawyer-like +sophistry and of hussar-like arrogance. It may be +added that they displayed the unforgiving temperament +of a Corsican. It is possible to trace throughout the +latter part of the nineteenth century the national desire +for revenge for the defeat of Villagos, in 1849, where +the Hungarian armies, commanded by Gorgei, in revolt +against Austria, were defeated by the Russians, who +had been called in by the Emperor. Their anger was +directed rather against the Russians, the leaders of an +imaginary “Pan-Slav” movement which had for its +supposed object the union of the Slavs throughout Europe +in opposition to the Magyarising tendencies evinced in +Hungary. It must be remembered that all Hungarian +policy was directed by the Magyars, and that the other +races had no voice in it. The consequence was that the +Magyars consistently opposed the Slav races and all +other nations suspected of being friendly or allied to +them. This is, in fact, the key-note of Hungarian foreign +policy. After the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina +in 1909, the Magyars intrigued at Vienna and elsewhere +in favour of war against Serbia. Things reached so +advanced a stage that a manifesto was already drawn +up and even approved by the Emperor, ready for issue +to the Austro-Hungarian Army. This manifesto called +upon the troops, relying upon their prowess, for which +they were famous, to punish the insolence of the Serb +nation. The men at the helm of the Magyar State were +already dreaming of a war against Russia, to which the +Serbian war was to be but a prelude, and for this reason +they inclined towards Germany, which they had hitherto +hated cordially, as the motherland of the German nationals +within their borders, who showed a powerful resistance +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</span>to the Magyarisation of their districts. So violent had +been this hatred that in 1879, after the alliance between +Andrassy and Bismarck, Coloman Tisza had been compelled +to deny it for fear of the disturbances which threatened +to arise throughout the country. But desire for vengeance +proved stronger than this old antagonism, and from this +time the Magyars became devoted friends of the Germans.⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_6" href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Long before the War, the Magyar circles in Hungary +did their best to incite the Empire to war against the +Serbs, the Russians and the French. The conclusion +of the Entente between England and France was sufficient +to destroy the traditional friendship, to which the +Magyars are so fond of referring, between Hungary and +the Anglo-Saxon races. Henceforth, England was regarded +as a possible enemy. The Magyar newspapers habitually +launched violent attacks against the countries suspected +of friendship towards the Russians and Serbs, and extolled +German policy and German aims. It was not to +be expected that the Germans in their turn would remain +insensible of the advantages to be gained from this change +of heart on the part of the Magyars, although it would +seem that its significance was lost upon the other +nations of Europe. On September 21, 1897, the Kaiser +took advantage of a visit to Budapest to make a characteristic +speech on the subject of Magyar foreign policy. It +was not the speech of a mere political ally, desirous of +making the most of a momentary identity of interests, +and ready to abandon his friends as soon as that identity +ceased. It was the speech of a ruler convinced that +the political ambitions of the Germans and of the Magyars +were inseparably bound together and complementary +to one another.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</span></p> + +<p>The nations of Western Europe seemed not to have +realised the change of policy which had taken place in +Hungary since the days of Kossuth. In France it was +believed that the taste exhibited by the Magyars for +French fashions, literature and art was a sign of friendship +towards France. In England it was similarly believed +that their passion for racing, moulded upon the English +model, was a proof of political solidarity with that country. +In America the persuasive words of Apponyi convinced +his hearers that Hungary was shaping a democratic +policy on the lines of the great Republic. Not one of +these nations seemed to be aware that for half a century +Hungarian policy had gravitated towards Berlin, and +had chosen Germany as her political and military ally. +Western Europe anticipated a Magyar revolution against +the bonds that held Hungary to Austria, and this illusion +was encouraged and exploited by the Magyars in order +to hide their true intentions. Kossuth, the leader of +the Revolution of 1848-49, was regarded as the modern +champion of independence and liberty, rights so dear +to the hearts of all democracies. But the Western nations +seem to have overlooked the fact that while Kossuth +struggled against the centralism of Austria and the policy +of Metternich, he concurred in the Magyar policy of +coercion of the Slovaks, the Serbs, the Croats and the +Rumanians. He wished to centralise Hungary for the +benefit of the Magyars, and he, the champion of right, +refused to listen to the appeals for justice made by the +non-Magyar nationalities, for the granting of that justice +would have sounded the knell of the domination of +Hungary by the Magyar race. The change in the attitude +of Hungary towards Austria passed almost unnoticed in +the West. As soon as Vienna abandoned her policy of +centralisation of Hungary in the interests of the Germans, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</span>and resigned the Kingdom of St. Stephen to the Magyars, +the latter abandoned their revolt against Austria. Had +this tendency been noticed and understood, there could +have been no surprise at the part played by Hungary +during the War. It was no “accidental” enmity towards +the Entente Powers that animated the Magyars, but a +definite antagonism founded upon self-interest. They +were persuaded that their interests were identical with +those of the Germans of Austria, whose supremacy was +equally menaced by the national movements and consciousness +of their “subject races.” Both Austria and +Hungary sheltered their political ambitions under the +wings of the German eagle.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"> +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_1" href="#FNanchor_1_1" class="label">[1]</a> It is too long for full quotation here, but it may be found in +full in <i>Racial Problems in Hungary</i>. The preamble is as follows: +“Since all citizens of Hungary, according to the principles of the +Constitution, form from the political point of view one nation ... +the indivisible unitary Hungarian nation ... of which every +citizen of the Fatherland is a member, no matter to what +nationality he belongs; since, moreover, this equality of right +can only exist with reference to the official use of the various +languages of the country, and only under special provisions, in +so far as is rendered necessary by the unity of the country and +the practical possibility of government and administration; the +following rules will serve as standard regarding the official use of +the various languages, while in all other matters the complete +equality of the citizens remains untouched.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_2" href="#FNanchor_2_2" class="label">[2]</a> See page <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_3" href="#FNanchor_3_3" class="label">[3]</a> A. N. Bain and W. A. Phillips, <i>Encyclopædia Britannica</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_4" href="#FNanchor_4_4" class="label">[4]</a> See Seton-Watson, <i>Racial Problems in Hungary</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_5" href="#FNanchor_5_5" class="label">[5]</a> Even the most fervent admirers of the Magyars do not attempt +to deny the repressive policy carried out by them against the +nationalities; they attempt no more than to minimise it. +“Under the influence of the Jewish Press an excessive nationalism +developed in Hungary, which created discord among populations +which for a long time had been accustomed to get on fairly well +together. There is no doubt that this Magyar Chauvinism had +nothing of the brutality which disgraced the Prussian rule in +Poland. Never were Serbian or Rumanian children beaten in +Hungary for the offence of having said their prayers in their +mother-tongue! It was rather the ebullition of a puerile vanity, +which manifested itself mainly in irresponsible chatter (<i>bavardages +de café</i>), in articles in the newspapers and in oratorical displays. +However, if the word ‘oppression’ is too strong to express the +attitude of the Magyars towards their nationalities, it must be +admitted that they were not treated as equals. Nothing, or next +to nothing, was done for their material, intellectual or moral +development. The blunder of the Magyars was to regard them +with supreme indifference. As someone graphically remarked: +‘The non-Magyar populations do not go on foot, they travel third-class’” +(J. and J. Thiraud, <i>Quand Israel est Roi</i>, Paris, Plon-Nourrit +et Cie).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_6" href="#FNanchor_6_6" class="label">[6]</a> See also <i>Magyars et Pangermanistes</i>, Paris, Editions Bossard, +1918.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II"> + CHAPTER II + <br> + THE NATIONALITIES AND THE MAGYARS + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>We must now examine the relations between the +Magyars and the other nationalities in Hungary +rather more closely. At the census of 1910 +the official Hungarian Government figures as to distribution +of population in nationalities were as follows:—</p> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Nationality. +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +Number. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Magyars +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +10,050,575 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Germans +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +2,037,435 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Slovaks +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1,967,970 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Rumanians +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +2,949,032 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Ruthenes +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +472,587 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Croats +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1,833,162 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Serbs +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1,106,471 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Other races +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +469,255 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +————— +</td> + +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Total +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +20,886,487 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +————— +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>It will be advisable to supplement these figures by +others, showing the apparent increase in the proportion +of Magyar to non-Magyar inhabitants in Hungary, excluding +Croatia-Slavonia, where the proportion has remained +nearly constant for many years, owing to the +peculiar conditions prevailing in that province, which will +be mentioned later.</p> + +<p>In the table⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_7" href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> given on page <a href="#Page_34">34</a> the first column denotes +the year of the census from which the data are extracted, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</span>the second the total population to the nearest thousand of +Hungary, excluding Croatia-Slavonia, the third and fourth +the percentages of Magyars and non-Magyars respectively +in that population, as returned by the Magyar officials.</p> + + +<table class="log2"> +<tr> +<th> +Year. +</th> +<th> +Total Population. +</th> +<th> +Magyars,<br>per cent. +</th> +<th class="no-border-right"> +Non-Magyars,<br>per cent. +</th> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1787 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +8,003,000 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +29 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right"> +71 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1869 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +13,579,000 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +44·4 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right"> +55·6 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1890 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +15,163,000 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +48·5 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right"> +51·5 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="border-bottom-border-left"> +1910 +</td> +<td class="border-bottom"> +18,265,000 +</td> +<td class="border-bottom-border-left"> +53·1 +</td> +<td class="border-bottom-no-border-left"> +46·9 +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + + +<p>At first sight it would appear that the Magyars were +to some extent justified in their policy of Magyarisation. +The percentage of other races in Hungary was steadily +decreasing, while that of the Magyars was increasing +correspondingly. They might have argued, as indeed +they did, that the other races were effete and moribund, +and were rapidly being displaced by the higher and more +virile civilisation of the Magyars. But this conclusion +is erroneous. It is beyond the bounds of credibility +that so rapid an increase in the Magyar percentage could +be due to natural causes alone. The non-Magyar races +were for the most part an agricultural and pastoral +people, with a birth-rate well up to the average. This +decrease is all the more remarkable because the Slavs +and Rumanians were in occupation of the soil long before +the Magyar invasion of 891, and have always been profoundly +attached to their mother-tongue and their national +traditions. It is also a fact that the percentage of Magyars +has only increased since the time when they determined +to make Hungary a purely Magyar State.</p> + +<p>But the official Hungarian figures, compiled as they +were by Magyar enumerators, must be regarded with +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</span>considerable suspicion. The Magyars, wishing to justify +their policy as far as possible in the eyes of the world, +made every effort to demonstrate that they possessed +a majority in the country. It is notorious that the +census officials, acting in accordance with confidential +instructions issued by the Government, entered as Magyars +large numbers of those Slovaks, Ruthenes, Croats, Serbs +and Rumanians who spoke Magyar. Prominent Magyars +have admitted as much. Count Apponyi himself, in +proposing the health of the chief Censor, who had been +in charge of the census, at a banquet at Budapest in +1910, said: “<i>Our honoured colleague combines in himself +the poet and apparently the most prosaic statistician. But +this incompatibility is only apparent, for having collaborated +with him for many years, I know that his acute mind has +enabled him to introduce into the figures of his statistics a +similar sentiment, to arrange these figures in such a way that +the poetry of patriotism is apparent in them at the first +glance.</i>” This is probably the most remarkable compliment +ever paid to a statistician, more especially to one +connected with such a vital matter as a census. It may +be suggested that a Government having no axe to grind, +would prefer that the “poetry of patriotism” was not +so obvious in its official returns. This observation on +the part of the man who was at the time Minister of +Education is an eloquent proof of the fact that official +statistics were shaped to suit the ends of the Magyar +race, and that they could not be relied upon to show the +true numerical proportion of the various nations included +in the realm of St. Stephen.⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_8" href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>This tendency in the official figures makes it impossible +to gauge the true proportions of the various races. It +is certain, however, that the figures shown for the Magyars +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</span>are too large, while those shown for the non-Magyars +are too small. According to Professor Niederle, in his +book <i>The Slav Nation</i>, the Slovaks in 1900 numbered +2,600,000, instead of the 1,991,402 returned in the census +of that year, while the Ruthenes were some hundred and +fifty thousand more numerous than was reported. The +Magyar socialist leader, Deszo Bokanyi, declared in a +speech delivered at Szeged in August 1917, that there +were not more than eight millions of Magyars in Hungary, +and that it was even doubtful whether they reached that +figure. He added that it was well known that the official +statistics gave every opportunity to jobbery.</p> + +<p>Another factor which helps to explain the increase in +the Magyar percentage shown in the official figures is +the emigration from Hungary to America, which was +on the increase during the years before the War. The +number of emigrants from Hungary in the year 1906 +reached the alarming total of 178,170, or approximately +1 per cent. of the total population. Of these +emigrants the greater number were of non-Magyar +nationality, the Magyar emigrant forming less than +one-third of the whole.⁠<a id="FNanchor_9_9" href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Grünwald, in the work already quoted, declares that +Magyar policy towards these non-Magyar races. “The +awakening of a national conscience among the non-Magyar +races constitutes a danger to the Magyar State. +The only possible culture in Hungary is the Magyar. +<i>It is impracticable to win the Slovaks to the idea of a Magyar +State by kindness. The only means which remains to us is +to exterminate them utterly.</i> If the Magyars desire to +survive, it is necessary that they should strengthen themselves +by the assimilation of the non-Magyar races.” +So notorious did this policy become throughout Europe +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</span>that even men like Björnson, the eminent Norwegian +poet and publicist, who from his well-known sympathy +towards pan-Germanism might have been expected to +approve of the parallel pan-Magyarism, were moved to +protest against it. In the course of an article contributed +to the <i>Neue Freie Presse</i> of Vienna (November 15, 1907), +Björnson used the following words:—</p> + +<p>“You have certainly read the story of Peter Maupertuis, +and of the celebrated proposition which he made to +Frederick the Great, of the advice which he gave in order +to ensure that the people should speak Latin? The +king was to enclose part of the country within an insurmountable +wall. This having been done, a large number +of young children were to be taken from their parents +and immured behind this wall, where they would only +hear Latin spoken, nothing but Latin, from morning to +night. This extraordinary proposition was fully appreciated +at the time by Voltaire, as you know. It is, +however, to the Magyars, that original people, that chance +has reserved its execution. The Magyars have built +this wall; it is the Hungarian frontier, rendered impassable +by the famous valour of the Magyars. Teachers exist +also, the partisans of Greater Hungary. Armed with +book and law, with whip and rifle, these masters introduce +Magyar into the schools, a language with which I am not +acquainted, but which, I am told, resembles Turkish and +is consequently far superior to Latin.</p> + +<p>“The motive behind this action is perfectly simple. +There are not enough Magyars; the Magyars are in the +minority in their own country. They are not very prolific, +Heaven knows why. <i>It follows, therefore, that Magyars +must be manufactured. This is the chief Hungarian industry.</i> +It is a peculiarity of the partisans of Greater Hungary +that everything they are or do is the finest in the world. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</span>I have recently learnt from a Magyar Government paper +that the Slovaks are with regard to the Magyars in the +same relation as the Esquimaux are to the Norwegians. +But these Esquimaux of Hungary have produced a +number of great men, such as Petofi and Kossuth. These +Esquimaux of the Great Magyars are thus far superior +to the other Esquimaux.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_10_10" href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>We may examine the methods of this “<i>chief Hungarian +industry</i>,” as Björnson so aptly styled it.</p> + +<p>The Slovaks, despite lively opposition on the part of +the Magyars, succeeded in establishing three “gymnasia” +(secondary classical schools, intended as preparatory to +the Universities), and a society for the study of their +national literature, the Slovenska Matica. But the +existence of these schools was contrary to the policy +of the Magyars. They closed the schools in 1874, and +a year later, by methods which were acknowledged at +the time to be contrary to the principles of justice or +equity, they dissolved the Slovenska Matica, confiscating +the funds of which it had become possessed. The buildings +themselves they turned into Government offices. Since +the closing of these establishments the Magyars have +been obstinately opposed to the founding of the gymnasia +which the Slovaks have desired to establish at their own +expense. The Slovaks were therefore deprived of any +secondary school in which teaching might be carried out +in their mother-tongue. According to the last official +census before the War, Slovakia, inhabited by a compact +Slovak population, possessed thirty-three establishments +of all sorts in which secondary education was imparted, in +every one of which Magyar was the language of instruction.</p> + +<p>All Slovaks, therefore, who were desirous of availing +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</span>themselves of secondary educational facilities, were compelled +to attend the Magyar secondary schools. The +secondary schools, then, were the machinery employed +in the factories where the great Hungarian industry +was carried on. But even when the Slovak youth had +entered the machines, it was subject to persecution. If +the Magyar authorities discovered that the Slovak pupils +endeavoured to keep up their knowledge of their own +language, or were even in possession of books written in +Slovak, they were immediately expelled from school.</p> + +<p>Nor were the secondary schools the only agencies +employed by the Magyars in manufacturing countrymen +for themselves. The lot of Slovak elementary school +children was no better. Under the Tisza Government, +which did not come to an end until May 1917, the elementary +schools in the Slovak areas of the country contained +266,107 Slovak pupils, of whom 18,312 only could +be accommodated in the so-called Slovak schools, and +even in these, in conformity with the Education Act +of Count Apponyi, the Magyar language was taught for +eighteen hours a week. The total hours of instruction +per week in these schools was on the average twenty-four. +There were, besides, 978 schools, at which 86,363 Slovak +children attended, where the sole language used was +Magyar, and 899 schools, attended by 89,299 Slovak +children, in the two lowest classes of which the Slovak +language was allowed as an auxiliary tongue. Under +the Esterhazy Government, which followed that of Tisza, +it was ordained that the elementary schools were not +to use any language but Magyar, even as an auxiliary, +and a little later that Magyar was to be used as the +language of instruction even in the Church schools.</p> + +<p>But the great Hungarian industry began even before +the non-Magyar child reached elementary school age. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</span>“The Government fully recognised the value of the +primary school as a political instrument, but, possessing +a more intimate knowledge of the prevailing educational +and administrative chaos than was vouchsafed to the +general public, they were tempted to resort to still more +drastic measures. Twelve years’ experience had taught +them what the common sense of pedagogic specialists +had foretold from the beginning—that a language so +difficult as the Magyar can only be effectually acquired +in a Magyar atmosphere, and that Slav or Rumanian +village children, who perhaps only attend school for half +the year and during the remaining six months seldom +hear a syllable of Magyar spoken around them, are hardly +likely to make any real progress in the language, unless +the teaching staff is multiplied twenty-fold. An ingenious +device was invented to cope with this practical difficulty, +which exists even when there is no reluctance on the +part of pupils and parents.... In 1891, therefore, a +Bill was introduced by Count Csaky for the compulsory +erection of Infant Homes (kindergarten and asiles) +throughout the country. The ostensible aims of the new +law were (<i>a</i>) to place under proper supervision young +children whose parents were not in a position to give +them personal attention, and (<i>b</i>) to promote their physical +development and inculcate habits of cleanliness and +intelligence.... Another aim is regarded by Hungarian +statesmen as infinitely more important than the reduction +of infant mortality and the appalling over-crowding +and lack of medical treatment to which the mortality +is mainly due. This aim is the Magyarisation of the +coming generation of non-Magyars. Lest I should be +accused of exaggeration, I prefer to use the inimitable +words of an official Hungarian publication.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_11_11" href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> The publication +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</span>referred to by Dr. Seton-Watson is <i>L’enseignement +en Hongrie</i>, published by the Hungarian Ministry of +Religion and Public Instruction in 1900. According to +this publication, since 1867 the kindergarten movement +had lost more and more its humanitarian character, +and its important side became daily more apparent. The +provision regarding language made of the question of +the teaching of the children a factor in political culture. +This circumstance possesses all the more importance as +it becomes more and more evident that infancy is the +most favourable age for the teaching of the Hungarian +(i.e. Magyar) language.... The completely national +mission of our establishments for infant teaching is what +distinguishes them above all from similar institutions +abroad. Such a bare-faced admission is rare even among +the cynical declarations of the Magyars.</p> + +<p>With the exception of 656,324, who were domiciled +in Hungary proper, the Serbs and Croats were mainly +to be found in Croatia-Slavonia. In accordance with +the Hungarian-Croatian agreement of 1868, which was +ratified by the respective Parliaments of Budapest and +Zagreb, Croatia-Slavonia was nominally an independent +State. “In theory the viceroy, or <i>ban</i>, of Croatia-Slavonia +is nominated by the Crown, and enjoys almost unlimited +authority over local affairs; in practice the consent of +the Crown is purely formal, and the <i>ban</i> is appointed by +the Hungarian Premier, who can dismiss him at any +moment.... Electors must belong to certain professions +or pay a small tax. The privileged members are the +heads of the nobility, with the highest ecclesiastics and +officials. (These privileged members formed about half +of the national assembly, or parliament, of Croatia-Slavonia +and were not subject to election, holding their +seats <i>ex officio</i>.) As a rule they represent the “Magyarist” +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</span>section of society, which sympathises with Hungarian +policy. The chamber deals with religion, education, +justice and certain strictly provincial affairs; but even +within this limited sphere, all its important enactments +must be countersigned by the minister for Croatia-Slavonia, +a member, without portfolio, of the Hungarian +Cabinet. At the polls, all votes are given orally, a system +which facilitates corruption; the officials who control +the elections depend for their livelihood on the <i>ban</i>, +usually a Magyarist; and thus, even apart from the +privileged members, a majority favourable to Hungary +can usually be secured.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_12_12" href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Although the legal status of Croatia-Slavonia was that +of a sovereign state, the Magyars never hesitated to +violate that sovereignty. The law of 1907 concerning +the railways is an example, for by it the Magyars sought +to impose their language upon Croatia-Slavonia. The +Serbo-Croats protested loudly against this violation of +their national rights and of the sacred obligations of +the treaty. In reply the Hungarian Government instituted +a reign of terror in Croatia-Slavonia under the pretext +of pacifying the country. Serbo-Croats were imprisoned +on the grounds that they had conspired with Serbia +against the Hungarian State. The notorious trial for +high treason of fifty-three Serbo-Croats at Zagreb (Agram) +in 1907 is a prominent example of Magyar persecution.</p> + +<p>Again, it is possible to quote a Magyar authority in +condemnation of Magyar policy. Count Joseph von +Mailath, a well-known Magyar statesman and a member +of the Hungarian House of Magnates, produced a book +entitled <i>Rural, Social and Political Hungary</i>, intended as +a panegyric of the Magyar national policy. In this +book he writes as follows: “I think it preferable to put +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</span>forward the political side of the Croatian question, for +this question is first of all a question of power; the +point is above all to know who is the strongest. To +maintain the Hungarian character of the railways of +the Hungarian State, <i>to assure, if necessary, by force and +at a pinch even by fire and sword the supremacy of the +Hungarian language</i> on the Croatian lines of these railways, +is for Hungary a question of life or death; indeed, +we cannot reach our port of Fiume except by passing +through Croatia. It is essential that we should be masters +of the route to Fiume even if right were not on our side.” +In fact, right must give way to expediency where Magyar +interests are concerned. Necessity knows no law.</p> + +<p>As the Croats and Serbs were more or less segregated +in Croatia-Slavonia, so the Rumanians within the domains +of the Crown of St. Stephen were concentrated in Transylvania. +“The population (of Transylvania) in 1900 +numbered 2,456,838. Until 1848 the chief influence and +privileges, as well as the only political rights, were divided +among the three ‘privileged nations’ of the Hungarians, +Szeklers and Saxons. The first are the descendants of +the Magyar conquerors. The Szeklers are of disputed +origin, but closely akin to the Magyars. The Saxons +are the posterity of the German immigrants brought by +King Geza II (1141-61) from Flanders and the lower +Rhine, to cultivate and repeople his desolated territories.... +The Hungarians and Szeklers together number +814,994, and the Saxons 233,019, but by far the most +numerous element, though long excluded from power +and political equality, is formed by the Rumanians, +1,397,282 in number, who are spread all over the country.... +The efforts of the Rumanian inhabitants to secure +recognition as a fourth ‘nation,’ and the opposition of +the non-Magyar population to a closer union with Hungary, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</span>led to troubles early in the nineteenth century, culminating +in 1848. In 1849 Transylvania was divided from Hungary +by an imperial decree, and became an Austrian crownland; +but in 1860 Transylvania became an autonomous +province, with a separate Diet, and a high executive power +of its own. The Diet assembled in Nagy-Szeben in 1863 +decreed the complete separation from Hungary, the union +with Austria, and the recognition of the Rumanians as +the ‘fourth nation.’ But the Hungarian Government did +not recognise this Diet, and the Diet assembled at Kolozsvar +in 1865, in which the Hungarians had the majority, +decreed again the union with Hungary. By the Compromise +of 1867 Austria granted the union of Transylvania +with Hungary, which was completed in 1868. Transylvania +lost every vestige of autonomy, and was fully +and completely incorporated with Hungary. Since that +time the Magyarisation of the Principality has steadily +been carried through, in spite of the bitter protests and +discontent of both Saxons and Rumanians. A Hungarian +university was founded at Kolozsvar in 1872; and +Hungarian is recognised as the official language.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_13_13" href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>A single example must serve to show the methods +which the Magyars employed in their treatment of the +Rumanian population. In 1892, the Rumanian National +Party addressed a petition to the king. This document +called in question the legality of the annexation of Transylvania +to Hungary. It also set out the grievances of +the Rumanians against the Magyars. The Hungarian +Government refused the Rumanian deputation the right +to approach the king, but the National Party published +the text of the petition. This action roused the ire of +the Magyars, who prosecuted the authors of the document +and those who were concerned in its publication, accusing +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</span>them of “inciting to revolution against the Magyar +race.” As a result of these prosecutions, fifty Rumanians +were condemned to terms of imprisonment varying from +two to five years. Their sole crime had been that they +had taken the liberty of drawing attention to their grievances +against the Magyars, and had declared the facts +of their oppression by the dominant race.</p> + +<p>In the attempt to extirpate the national existence +of the Rumanians of Transylvania, the Magyars followed +their usual policy of depriving them of educational facilities. +Alarmed by the sympathy shown for Rumania during +the War, the Government ordered the closing of the +Rumanian normal schools in Transylvania. Some days +later, Count Apponyi, then Minister of Education, issued +the following circular with reference to the schools maintained +by the Greek Orthodox Church: “In view of +the maintenance of the security of the Magyar State and +the Magyar nation, the Minister of Education has decided +to convert all the Rumanian national schools in the +counties bordering on Rumania into Magyar Government +schools, in order to put an end to the anti-Magyar movement +originating in neighbouring Rumania. This result +can be achieved if the Rumanian schools pass into the +hands of the Magyar Government. The Minister finds +himself compelled to take this step in consequence of +the fact that at the time of the invasion of Transylvania +by the Rumanians, many teachers and pupils displayed +signs of hostility towards the Magyar State.”</p> + +<p>Referring to this circular, one of the Rumanian newspapers +published in Transylvania remarked that the +Minister of Education was profoundly mistaken if he +supposed that the conversion of Rumanian schools into +Magyar schools would in any way affect the patriotic +spirit of the Rumanians. Liberty rather than oppression +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</span>would foster the spirit of patriotism. The <i>Budapesti +Hirlap</i> stigmatised the remark of the newspaper in question +as unheard-of insolence. “It is liberty which gave the +Rumanians the opportunity for their traitorous conduct, +which, in its turn, provoked the ministerial edict.” The +<i>Budapesti Hirlap</i> went on to express the hope that Count +Apponyi would devote all his energies to the carrying out +of his edict, with the object of putting an end to the +anti-Magyar agitation which menaced the existence of +the Magyar State.</p> + +<p>It will be convenient to conclude this chapter with +a short account of the relations between the nationalities +of Hungary up to the time of the Ausgleich. Towards +the end of the seventeenth century, when the Turks were +almost entirely driven from Hungarian soil, Hungary +was inhabited by scarcely two million people, of whom +scarcely half a million were of Magyar nationality. Thus +the Magyars, forming only a quarter of the population, +were not in a position to play the leading part in the +country. The Austrian administration, which always +retained the decisive vote in the internal affairs of Hungary, +was not disposed to favour the Magyars beyond the other +nationalities. It was only in the reign of Charles VI +(1685-1740) that the Hungarian administration was set +up and Hungarian courts were allowed. In the eighteenth +century Latin had not ceased to be the official language +of all the Hungarian nationalities. The Magyar tongue, +being then only in the first stages of its literary development, +could not have replaced it, even had the Magyars +been capable of exercising the preponderating influence +in the country. In the fifteenth century attempts had +been made at the time of the Hussite struggle to make +use of it as a written language; its development was +encouraged by the Reformation in the sixteenth century. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</span>But these revivals were followed in the seventeenth century +by a period of decline. Only in Transylvania did the +Magyar tongue achieve any success, where as early as +1565 it was already the language of several of the county +assemblies. But when the Hapsburg dynasty acquired +Transylvania at the end of the seventeenth century +Magyar was no longer encouraged as an official language, +and Latin was again introduced as the language of legislation +and administration.</p> + +<p>The renaissance of the Magyar language did not begin +until the reign of Maria Theresa. But in spite of the +brilliant beginnings of a new Magyar culture, whole +blocks of the population remained strangers to Magyar +ideals. It was not until the “uncrowned king,” Joseph +II, directed the Hungarian administration in 1784 to +use German in lieu of Latin that the national conscience +of the Hungarian nobility was aroused. The Magyar +tongue began to regain its ascendancy, Latin gradually +lost its hold, and the use of the Magyar crept into the +administration of the State and into the courts of justice. +In 1840 Magyar had become the sole official language +of the Government and the Diet, to the exclusion of all +the other national languages of Hungary. Magyar jingoism, +not content with the successes achieved in Hungary +itself, endeavoured to enforce its language even on the +Croats, notwithstanding the special position occupied by +the latter.</p> + +<p>The Magyars developed rapidly a presumptuous arrogance +and a brutal tyranny. They alone were the chosen +race; the non-Magyars, and especially the Slovaks, +might think themselves fortunate in being allowed to +merge themselves into the noble Magyar nation. <i>Tot +nem ember</i>, the Slovak is not a man, was the common +expression of Magyar pride, which Count Szechenyi, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</span>“the noblest of the Magyars,” inveighed against in a +lecture before the Hungarian Academy. “<i>I do not know +a single Magyar</i>” he said, “<i>who, though his hair be white +as snow or his face lined by experience or by the struggle +of life, who does not at once become an irresponsible madman, +or at least a man without conscience, devoid of the feelings +of honour or justice, as soon as our nationality or our language +is in question. In such moments our compatriots lose their +mental balance, the most far-seeing become blind, and the +most reasonable forget the everlasting commandment, ‘Do +unto others as you would they should do unto you.’</i>”</p> + +<p>But Szechenyi’s words fell on deaf ears. The Magyars +lost all sense of proportion, and alienated the other +nationalities by suppressing their native tongues and +replacing them by their own. Although Magyarisation +made rapid strides, it seemed to the Jingoes that its progress +was still too slow. They desired to Magyarise +the whole country in the course of a few years, a desire +which evinced itself in outbursts of indignation against +the Throne, whose occupants endeavoured to moderate +their fanatical zeal, and who, in the beginning at least, +took the non-Magyar nations under the wing of their +feeble protection. By 1848 the Magyar crusade reached +its height. The pusillanimous king and all his entourage +with him abandoned their efforts in the face of the insatiable +greed of the Magyars. On April 11th of that +year the new constitutional laws were sanctioned, giving +Hungary her independence and dividing the monarchy +into two halves. The new Constitution dealt a blow +at all the non-Magyar nationalities, especially the Croats, +whose country became a mere province of Hungary. +A desperate struggle began between the nationalities +and the Magyars, leading to the Magyar revolt against +Vienna. It was only in July 1849 that Kossuth declared +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</span>himself willing to sanction the law guaranteeing their +free development to all Hungarian nations. The battle of +Villagos and the capitulation of Gorgei put an end to the +revolution, and an era of Germanism began throughout +the whole monarchy, strangling every nationality except +the Germans. The Magyars rid themselves gradually +of their unhealthy megalomania. When Kossuth was +exiled in 1859 he endeavoured to found on alien soil a +confederation of the three Danubian States—Hungary, +Serbia and Moldavia—with Wallachia, thus showing a +different outlook towards those nations from the one he +had assumed the year before. The Magyars were to +be reconciled with the Serbs and Rumanians, and all +citizens, irrespective of their nationality or religion, were +to enjoy equal rights and liberties. This was the attitude +of a representative Magyar at a time when the Magyar +race was undergoing political eclipse.</p> + +<p>The policy of absolutism brought the monarchy to +the verge of ruin, and led to the disastrous war in Italy. +Following the defeats sustained in 1859, the Court of +Vienna sought new means of retrieving its position. It +was decided to admit the people to a share in the deliberations +of the Empire, and after a short time negotiations +were set on foot in both Hungary and Croatia. +These negotiations were hastened by the Austrian defeat +at the hands of the Prussians at Königgrätz in 1866. +The skill of Beust composed the quarrel between the +Magyars and the Crown, and recommended the division +of the monarchy into two autonomous halves. The +Germans of Austria and the Magyars of Hungary were +to have equal rights of aggrandisement at the expense +of the other nationalities. Each was to be allowed elbow +room in his own country in order to deal with its +internal affairs. The Germans were to have the right +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</span>to oppress the non-German races of Cisleithania, while +the Magyars were to exercise the same right towards +the non-Magyar nations of Transleithania. Dualism was +agreed to, and the monarchy assumed the form it retained +until the end of the War.</p> + +<p>Beust and the Emperor Francis Joseph had perpetrated +a glaring act of injustice towards the subject nationalities. +Two nations alone profited by the new regime of Dualism. +They alone could enjoy liberty in the spheres of politics, +economics and culture, while the other nations were +relegated to the rank of their vassals. The Hungarian +nationalities were delivered to the mercies of the Magyars, +and heavy as had been the German yoke, the nationalities +soon discovered that that of the Magyars was far heavier. +In an instant the Magyars cast off the mask of liberalism +and showed themselves once more in their true rôle of +brutal oppressors. The Law of Nationalities of 1868 +was passed indeed, but only to serve as a veil for their +true policy, but they never fulfilled the least of its promises, +which they violated from the very inception of Dualism. +But their persecution of the nationalities only reached +its height during the administration of Coloman Tisza.</p> + +<p>From the time that he assumed office, it was as though +the Law of Nationalities had never existed. “For the +Hungarians the very existence of the State was menaced +while the Magyars were not in the majority and so long +as the other nations were not assimilated, willy-nilly. +To this end they devised every expedient to spread the +Magyar element and to wipe out the other nations. On +this principle everything worked to build up the Magyar +State; the Hungarian Government and administrative +officials, the Church, Members of Parliament, newspapers, +societies, schools, kindergartens, the intellectuals and +particularly the Jews. The Administration played the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</span>chief part in this policy of Magyarisation, having in its +power means which no other organisation possessed. +In spite of the law all non-Magyar languages were suppressed +in the courts and the administration, in State +undertakings such as railways, posts and telegraphs, in +the schools, and in the very churches and religious houses. +The Government pushed its reforming tendencies so far +that it refused to tolerate even the Slovak secondary +schools maintained by religious associations.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_14_14" href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The methods by which this Magyarisation was carried +out will be dealt with in greater detail in the following +chapters.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"> +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_7" href="#FNanchor_7_7" class="label">[7]</a> Extracted from evidence adduced before the League of +Nations, September 1922.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_8" href="#FNanchor_8_8" class="label">[8]</a> See also <i>Magyars et Pangermanistes</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_9" href="#FNanchor_9_9" class="label">[9]</a> See also <i>Racial Problems in Hungary</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_10" href="#FNanchor_10_10" class="label">[10]</a> For a collection of Björnson’s letters and articles dealing with +Hungary, see <i>Björnson et Apponyi</i>, by E. Lederer, Prague, 1921.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_11" href="#FNanchor_11_11" class="label">[11]</a> <i>Racial Problems in Hungary.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_12" href="#FNanchor_12_12" class="label">[12]</a> K. G. Jayne, <i>Enc. Brit.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_13" href="#FNanchor_13_13" class="label">[13]</a> <i>Enc. Brit.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_14" href="#FNanchor_14_14" class="label">[14]</a> Dr. Kadlec, <i>Les Magyars et la République Tchécoslovaque</i>, 1921.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III"> + CHAPTER III + <br> + REPRESENTATION AND JUSTICE + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>In order that the full scope of Magyarisation may +be understood, a short summary of the principal +Magyarising provisions of the laws of Hungary is +given. This summary is by no means complete, but it +is sufficient to give some idea of the legal aspect of the +industry.</p> + +<p>Paragraph 7 of the law of 1792 states that the Magyar +language will form a branch of study regularly taught +in the schools, and that every Hungarian subject must +learn Magyar, as in the future only those knowing this +language will be employed in the public services.</p> + +<p>Paragraph 14 of the law of 1805 introduces Magyar +as the official language of the Royal Hungarian Chancery, +and ordains that the political authorities are to make +use of it in their dealings with the municipalities. Only +the departmental (local) bodies are left to decide for +themselves whether they wish to use it in their own +affairs and before the courts and Government authorities.</p> + +<p>Paragraph 8 of the law of 1830 decides that the Prefectures +are to use Magyar. The provision that candidates +for the public services must know Magyar is repeated.</p> + +<p>Paragraph 3 of the law of 1836 proclaims the Magyar +wording and version of the laws as authoritative. This +language becomes the official one in the Royal tribunals, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</span>and ecclesiastical authorities are instructed to keep the +parish registers in Magyar.</p> + +<p>Paragraph 6 of the law of 1840 declares Magyar to be +the official language to be used in representations made +by the Houses of Parliament to the Crown, in the law +courts, in the business of the prefectures and in parish +registers throughout the country. All priests must know +Magyar. A knowledge of Magyar must extend to military +matters.</p> + +<p>Paragraph 2 of the law of 1844 prescribes that all decrees +and regulations of the Royal Chancery and all legislation +are to be drawn up in Magyar, and that all parliamentary +debates are to be carried on in Magyar, except in the +case of speeches by Croatian deputies ignorant of the +language. This latter concession, however, is to hold +good only for a period of six years.</p> + +<p>Paragraph 5 of the law of 1848 proclaims Magyar as +the sole diplomatic and legislative language in Hungary. +By virtue of this proclamation, nobody who is ignorant +of Magyar can become a deputy. Paragraph 16 of the +same law declares that Magyar is the official language for +all parts of the country.</p> + +<p>Paragraph 42 of the law of 1870 relating to the establishment +of municipalities decides that one-half of the departmental +(county) assemblies is to consist of those who, +being entitled to a personal vote, pay the most taxes. +In order that the non-Magyars, however they may be +qualified, should be effectively barred from office, it is +stipulated that for the committee of candidature, consisting +of six members, the assembly itself should nominate +three members and the prefect the other three; further, +that on this committee the president, who shall be the +prefect himself, shall have the casting vote in case +the voting should be equal. It is thus assured that +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</span>the committee cannot nominate any individual as a +candidate against the will of the prefect.</p> + +<p>Paragraph 18 of the law of 1886 grants the president of +a local area, in his capacity as presiding officer at municipal +elections, the right of submitting as candidate for mayor, +district attorney and medical officer “anyone whom he +regards as worthy” of these offices. As only one candidate +may be submitted for any vacancy, the submission of +a candidate is equivalent to his election.</p> + +<p>The law of 1874 relating to the changes introduced +into the regulations for parliamentary elections entrusts +the committee drawing up the lists of voters with +the task of fixing the rating limit which is to be the +qualification of the vote.</p> + +<p>Paragraph 18 of the law of 1879 relating to elementary +schools declares Magyar to be a compulsory subject +throughout the elementary schools of Hungary.</p> + +<p>The law of 1898 decrees the Magyarisation of all place +names in Hungary.</p> + +<p>We may deal with the various methods of Magyarisation +suggested by the above summary in turn, considering +first the means employed by the Magyars to prevent +adequate representation of the non-Magyar races in +the county assemblies and the national parliament.</p> + +<p>The basis of the local government of the country has +always been the county system. Under this system, +which was introduced by St. Stephen and endures in all +essentials to the present day, the county, municipal +and communal assemblies were entrusted with a very +large share in the administration. In 1886 the laws +governing the election and duties were revised. The +membership of the county assemblies varied according +to the population of the county from 120 to 600, only +half of whom were elected. Half of the seats on the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</span>assembly were awarded automatically to those members +of the community who paid most taxes, in other words +to the great landowners, whose support for the Magyar +nation and ideal could be taken for granted. In the +nature of things they were Magyars themselves, and +opposed to any measures which might alleviate the lot +of the peasant class or the nationalities. Having thus +secured the adequate representation of the oligarchical +party, the law proceeded to announce a so-called democratic +franchise for the election of the remainder of the members. +But this franchise was no more than the absurd and complicated +parliamentary franchise of Hungary.</p> + +<p>But in order to assure that the privileged class should +in all cases have a clear majority, it was ordained that +the county officials should be ex-officio members of the +assembly. These officials were indeed elected by the +assembly itself, if the word election can be applied to +their appointment. The candidates for these posts are +nominated by the president of the assembly, who was, +of course, invariably a faithful Magyar, and the members +of the assembly, as the elective body, were only permitted +to record votes in favour of the candidates. Further, +no opposition candidates might be nominated, so that +nomination of a candidate was equivalent to his election. +The result was that the privileged members with the +support of the officials were always assured of a majority +in the assembly. Few better examples of the undemocratic +nature of the Magyar administration could be +supplied.</p> + +<p>The same principles were applied in the case of municipal +and communal assemblies. The Magyar working and +peasant classes as well as the members of the nationalities +were thus denied all participation in the government of +the country, and it was easy to pass any oppressive +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</span>measures which might be indicated from the Magyar +circles of the central Government. The system had +the further advantage from the Magyar point of view +that it ensured that all local officials should be of Magyar +birth and proclivities, or else Magyarised members of +the racial minorities. So effective was it in this direction +that one of the most serious problems of the new States +after the War was the disposal of the Magyar officials +with which their new territories were littered.</p> + +<p>The parliamentary franchise has already been touched +upon. According to the law of 1874, the qualification +for the vote was as follows:—</p> + +<p>(<i>a</i>) Property qualification. 1. In free towns, owners +of houses which contain three dwellings paying house +tax, and owners of land paying taxes on a direct income +of 32 crowns. 2. In country districts, owners of a quarter +urbarial session (about 14 acres) or its equivalent. Owing +to special provisions of the law, this qualification varies +in different counties. 3. Owners of houses whose house +tax was imposed on a basis of 210 crowns of clear +income.</p> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) Taxation qualification. 1. Merchants, manufacturers +or town artisans, paying taxes on income of at +least 210 crowns. 2. In boroughs, those who pay taxes +for at least one apprentice. 3. Those paying State +taxes on a direct income of at least 210 crowns. 4. Those +paying income tax on 210 crowns income in Class I, on +1,400 crowns in Class II, or in the case of officials on 1,000 +crowns in Class II.</p> + +<p>(<i>c</i>) Professional and official qualification. All members +of the Hungarian Academy, academy artists, professors, +doctors, veterinary surgeons, engineers, chemists, foresters, +public and communal notaries, advocates, clergy, schoolmasters.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</span></p> + +<p>(<i>d</i>) Ancestral qualification. All those possessing the +franchise previous to 1848. (In 1905, 32,712 persons +still voted by right of ancient privileges.)</p> + +<p>Remarkable as this franchise was, it contains even more +remarkable exceptions. For instance, not only are servants +in the widest sense of the word excepted, but also all +apprentices and agricultural labourers. “The proletariat +has no share in political life, and if it has not been found +possible to exclude the non-Magyar races entirely from +the franchise, numerous devices have been successfully +employed for the past forty years to keep them from the +polls or to prevent them from electing men of their own +nationality.... The constituencies have been cut up +in the most arbitrary fashion, in defiance of geography, +population and nationality, but with the one great object +of favouring the Magyar element.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_15_15" href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>In consequence of the agreement between the Hapsburgs +and the Magyars, the latter, although forming a minority +upon the territory which they occupied, contrived to +become the sole possessors of State authority. In practice +the non-Magyar nationalities were excluded from any +appreciable share in Hungarian legislation. In Hungary +the nobility alone had the power of decision, and from +the beginning of the “constitutional” era they made +it impossible, with the help of armed power, to elect +representatives of the non-Magyar peoples to parliament. +How the Slovaks were represented in the Hungarian +parliament can be judged by the following figures: In +the 58 electoral areas of Hungary, inhabited almost entirely +or for the greater part by Slovaks, there were elected:—</p> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Date. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Magyar Deputies. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Slovak Deputies. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1865 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +58 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +0 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1869 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +58 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +0<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</span> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1872 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +56 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +2 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1875 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +58 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +0 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1878 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +58 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +0 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1881 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +58 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +0 +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>From the latter year onwards the Slovak political +parties, seeing that their efforts were useless against the +electoral machinations of the Magyars, adopted an attitude +of passivity, which they maintained until 1901, making +till then no attempt to secure the election of candidates. +From then the numbers elected were as follows:—</p> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Date. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Magyar Deputies. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Slovak Deputies. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1901 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +54 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +4 +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>Of these four deputies, two were sentenced to one +year’s imprisonment each for having advocated an unauthorised +policy in his election speeches.</p> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Date. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Magyar Deputies. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Slovak Deputies. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1905 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +56 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +2 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1907 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +51 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +7 +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>Of these seven deputies, one was forced to resign his +seat by the ecclesiastical authorities, another was deprived +of his seat for having advocated an unauthorised policy +in his election addresses, and two others were sentenced +to a year’s imprisonment each for the same offence.</p> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Date. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Magyar Deputies. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Slovak Deputies. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1910 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +56 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +2 +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>During the elections which took place after the Slovak +parties had decided to resume their activities, the list +of the candidates and voters sentenced for “crimes” +in connection with these elections is most instructive. +In 1904 a candidate of the name of Veselovsky was sent +to prison for a year and fined 1,000 crowns for alleged +incitement to revolt in his election addresses. One of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</span>his supporters was sent to prison for five days for shouting +“Long live our candidate Veselovsky!” In the previous +year a candidate was sentenced to a year’s imprisonment +and a fine of 1,000 crowns for “incitement to revolt,” +another to five months and 500 crowns for the same +offence. The brother of the latter, a doctor, was imprisoned +for two months and fined 200 crowns <i>for the +crime of “political activity at election meetings by recommending +his brother to the voters!”</i> Another supporter, +a Protestant clergyman, was sentenced at the same time +to three months and 300 crowns, also for “<i>political +activity at election meetings</i>.”</p> + +<p>“Violence or excesses during elections” is another +favourite crime with which non-Magyar voters were +charged. In 1905, 31 farmers were awarded sentences +aggregating a year and ten months for this offence. In +the next year the figure rose to 56 and the aggregate +sentences to five and a half years. In 1907 the figures +were about the same.</p> + +<p>The utmost endeavours were made by the authorities +to prevent the non-Magyar electors recording their votes. +The constituencies and polling stations were so arranged +that the Magyar communities were assured of easy access +to the poll, while the non-Magyar communities had to +travel great distances. It was no uncommon trick for +the local authorities to declare roads and bridges unsafe +for traffic on the day of the election, or for all the horses +in non-Magyar districts to be placed under veterinary +supervision and forbidden to move outside the commune. +As soon as the elections were safely over, these restrictions +were removed. There was no time fixed for the closing +of the poll; this was left to the discretion of the returning +officer, who was always an official of safe Magyar views. +This was most convenient, for if the Magyars voted early, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</span>the poll could be closed before the non-Magyars had a +chance of arriving, whilst if any important section of the +Magyars were delayed, the poll could be held open until +they had arrived. In order to silence complaints, the +Magyar newspapers published alarming stories of intimidation +by groups of non-Magyar voters, which had rendered +it necessary for the returning officer to protect the Magyars. +This in spite of the fact that an election was the signal +for what was practically a mobilisation of the Austro-Hungarian +Army, which was called in to maintain order, +and naturally maintained it in the direction indicated +by the authorities. In the elections of 1910, according +to an official report <i>only</i> 194 battalions of infantry and +114 squadrons of cavalry were employed for this purpose!</p> + +<p>The famous “Memorandum” which the Rumanian +party in Transylvania attempted to present to the Emperor +in 1892, and for which it was persecuted in typically +Magyar fashion, contained a reference to the methods +by which elections were conducted. It asserted that a +non-Magyar citizen could only take part in an election +at the peril of his personal safety, and that his attempts +to record his vote practically resulted in a civil war against +the nationalities. The troops and gendarmerie used +every means of force and injustice to keep the non-Magyar +electors from the polls, and instances of their +brutality during the elections were so frequent as almost +to pass without remark.</p> + +<p>It was the endeavour of the officials in charge of the +registers to manipulate them in such a way that even +when the opposition voter reached the polling booth he +more often than not discovered that he was disqualified. +The voting lists were drawn up exclusively in Magyar, +which made it easy to insert false particulars without +the knowledge of voters of subject nationalities. For +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</span>instance, the voter’s age, address or calling might be +incorrectly entered, so that when he appeared he did +not answer to the description entered on the list. Further, +there was no secret ballot; voters were compelled to declare +aloud before the returning officer, and incidentally before +various other officials seated with him in the booth, the +name of the candidate for whom they wished to vote. +If they voted thus for the opposition candidate they +became at once marked men, upon whom the eyes of +the local officials were directed, and the latter took the +first opportunity of trumping up against them some +charge which involved a fine or imprisonment. It thus +required considerable courage for a Slovak or Rumanian +voter to vote for a non-Magyar candidate, or even for a +Magyar peasant to vote against the wishes discreetly conveyed +to him by the representatives of the Government +party.</p> + +<p>The voter could not even be sure that the returning +officer would record his vote correctly. A nominee of +each candidate was present in the polling booth, but +the returning officer had power to eject any of these representatives +on the most trivial excuse. In such cases, +while a substitute was being procured the returning +officer had ample leisure to transfer votes from the +candidate he represented to the one officially favoured. +Again, it is the Magyar custom to describe an individual +by his surname followed by his Christian name. Should +a voter declare his intention to vote for John Smith, +to anglicise the position, he was promptly told there was +no such candidate, and sent away before he had time to +correct his mistake and describe the candidate as Smith, +John.</p> + +<p>Complaint was worse than useless, as it merely branded +the originator of the complaint as disaffected and opposed +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</span>to the Magyar nation. The officials whose duty it was +to deal with the complaint were those in whose hands +the control of the election lay. The following letter, +written by a departmental returning officer to his subordinate +at Ipolysag, a district of mixed Magyars and +Slovaks, during the elections of 1881, explains the official +attitude.</p> + +<p>“I am sending you the 400 florins asked for; I know +that you need them. But in order that I may be able +to keep my accounts in order, I ask you to make a detailed +note of it, and always to sign receipts. In matters of this +sort I like to be methodical, for I have seen and I still +see what harm has been done by the contrary procedure. +<i>Keep a careful list of the opposing side, and admit only +10 out of every 100 of them to the urns. That is the chief +thing. Those who do not like it can complain. But no +concessions!</i>”</p> + +<p>The letter was signed by the prefect himself, and his +reference to complaints is interesting, seeing that he +himself administered the appeal tribunal which heard +such complaints.</p> + +<p>Björnson published an article dealing with the electoral +conditions in Hungary in the <i>Courrier Européen</i> of February +25, 1908, part of which is well worthy of translation here.</p> + +<p>“I belong to a free and independent nation, and in +Norway no more than in any other secondary nation is +electoral fraud known. To falsify the votes of the people +would be in our eyes as grave a crime as to poison the +water they drank. Falsify votes! What sort of chambers +could be thus elected? And what laws would these +chambers pass? And what sort of morality would those +who carried out these laws possess? Yet that which +we look upon in our political life as the worst of calamities +is the constant practice of the Hungarian aristocracy.</p> + +<p>“It is impossible for me to explain in a few words the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</span>electoral system of Hungary. It is involved in inextricable +confusion. But I can safely affirm that the electoral +law of Hungary of 1848, partially recast in 1874, is an +unjust act committed for an unjust end. If this be +thought too severe, let us no longer consider the law, but +the electoral organisations which result from it. According +to these arrangements, 5,161 electors in Hungarian +Rumania are distributed in twelve districts, to elect +twelve—12—Magyar representatives, but 5,275 electors +are concentrated in a single district to elect a single—1—Rumanian +representative!</p> + +<p>“As though this unjust organisation did not sufficiently +assure the end aimed at, the law contains a provision +by which a candidate can be proposed by ten electors +and elected by acclamation before the mass of the electors +have had time to arrive. This is how things happen. The +poll is set up in a place to which access is as convenient +as possible for the Magyars, and as inconvenient as +possible for the Rumanians. Voting begins at 9 o’clock, +and within the space of half an hour there is time to propose +a candidate and to elect him by acclamation. The law +contains other similar provisions which are nothing but +traps. I shall not mention them, I shall merely state +that Magyars alone are appointed to supervise the +elections!</p> + +<p>“And the elections themselves! I think of the districts +where the Magyar aristocracy is afraid of not securing +a majority. I have been sent a description of the elections +in a country where the great majority of the electors +were German. But for all that the deputy elected was +a Magyar. People were so far from daring to go and +vote that they barricaded their doors.”</p> + +<p>The representation of non-Magyar nationalities in +Hungary before the War has been shown to have been +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</span>farcical. The Magyar system was completely oligarchical +and utterly opposed to any idea of democracy. Its +tendency was to treat the non-Magyar as a foreigner, +and as far as possible to deny him any facility for the +expression of his rights. It would be possible to quote +instance after instance of corruption in elections and +of the disqualification and imprisonment of deputies +once they were elected, but space will not permit of it. +The way in which the electoral system was made to serve +the interests of Magyarisation has been described first, +for representation is the first principle of a democratic +nation. It will now be necessary to investigate the +prostitution of justice for the same ends.</p> + +<p>Under sections 7 and 8 of the Law of Nationalities, +every Hungarian subject is permitted to employ his +mother-tongue before his local courts, and has a choice +of languages in those courts where his own is not officially +employed. But in the latter case the judge is compelled +to take the necessary measures, including the use of an +interpreter if necessary, to ensure that the parties concerned +can follow the proceedings, particularly the verdict. +But these provisions were flatly disregarded. Summonses +were issued, trials conducted, and verdicts issued in +Magyar, even in districts where hardly any of the general +population, and certainly none of the litigants, understood +that language. This was merely another means +of compulsion used towards the racial minorities to +employ Magyar as their natural language. A Slovak +or a Rumanian who remained ignorant of Magyar found +himself to all intents and purposes an outlaw; he was +at the mercy of anyone who chose to proceed against +him on the flimsiest excuse. He could understand neither +the basis of the charge nor the case against him, nor would +the court listen to his defence. Finally, when the case +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</span>had gone against him by default, he was ignorant of +the sentence inflicted upon him. The judge entirely +disregarded his right to an interpreter; if he wished +for such a luxury, he was compelled to pay the man’s +fees himself, which in a trial of any length were entirely +beyond the means of a man of the peasant or labouring +class.</p> + +<p>Nor was the language question the only slur upon +Hungarian so-called justice. The judges themselves were +the constant recipients of communications from the +central Government on the subject of the conduct of +the cases before them. They were very carefully selected +from that class of the community which could be trusted +to employ its influence in favour of the Magyar ruling +class and against the lower classes and the nationalities. +They were bidden to employ every resource of justice +to suppress “class war,” which in Hungary meant any +protest by the nationalities or the Magyar peasant or +labouring classes against the intolerant rule of the landed +classes. In the eyes of the Magyar rulers justice was +merely a convenient handmaiden to the sacred principles +of oligarchy, and the purveyors of this justice were expected +to act in accordance with this idea. In the rare cases +where judges were non-Magyar, care was taken to appoint +them to courts distant from the districts inhabited by +their fellow nationals. In 1910, of 2,633 judges and +official lawyers in Hungary, 2,601 were Magyar, 31 were +German, and 1 was Slovak. The latter was kept in +Budapest, well under the eye of the Minister of Justice. +This practice ensured that the judge would be unable +to conduct a case in the language of the racial minorities, +even had he wished to do so. There was yet another +means by which judicial procedure could be used as an +instrument against those who had become unpopular +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</span>with the authorities, either from their democratic tendencies +or because they sympathised with the aspirations of the +nationalities. They had only to be accused of inciting +to class war or of conduct to the prejudice of the Magyar +nation and arrested. There was no difficulty in delaying +the trial for a year or more; it was rare in Hungary for +a trial to follow an offence with less delay. Then, even +if by some carelessness the accused was eventually +acquitted, he or she had served quite a useful term of +imprisonment, which would act as a salutary warning +against the holding of similar views in the future.</p> + +<p>It can now be realised how admirably the Magyars +had contrived the judicial procedure of Hungary to suit +their own ends. The length to which political persecution +was carried was so great that any complete description +of it would require a book to itself. Echoes of the more +sensational political trials even reached the outside +world, as, for instance, the trial of Father Hlinka, the +Agram trials and the “Memorandum” trial, directed +respectively against the Slovak, the Croat and the +Rumanian races of Hungary. The most impartial method +of obtaining some idea of political persecution in Hungary +is to take the leading cases for a single year. This summary +was published in a slightly different form by Björnson in +<i>März</i> of December 1907.</p> + +<p>The year in question extends from the end of August +1906 to the end of August 1907. It must be realised +that at that time there was no suggestion of sedition on +the part of the non-Magyar nationalities. It has been +urged that the Magyars have been engaged in a justifiable +attempt to put down smouldering rebellion against the +State, that they were taking steps similar to those which +must be taken by every nation faced with rebellion. +This is utterly untrue. It has even been represented +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</span>that the non-Magyar nationalities were at this period +in the same state of revolution against the State as were +the Irish Sinn Feiners against the British power in 1920. +Nothing could be further from the truth. It would be +far more correct to describe the nationalities as being +as peaceful as the Welsh. The political persecution +carried out by the Magyars was just as unjustifiable as +a similar persecution would have been if carried out by +the English against the Welsh, just because they were +Welsh.</p> + +<p>On August 27, 1906, a master carpenter was sentenced +to three months’ imprisonment and a fine of 50 crowns +for incitement to disturbance. He had criticised the +new amendments to the Education Act, and had declared +that it was unreasonable to martyrise the children of +non-Magyar parents by forcing them to learn Magyar. +On September 24th the Supreme Court of Budapest +confirmed the sentence of the editor of a Slovak paper +to a month’s imprisonment and a fine of 200 crowns. +On October 20th his successor was sentenced to a fine of +500 crowns for defamation of character, which was incurred +by his publication of a letter blaming the violence +of a Magyar official.</p> + +<p>On September 16th two citizens were sentenced to +three months’ imprisonment and fines amounting to 1,100 +crowns for having ostentatiously left church when a +schoolmaster, who had been appointed against the wishes +of the parish, began to play the organ.</p> + +<p>On November 16th the Slovak deputy and priest, Ferdis +Juriga, whose election had been particularly obnoxious +to the authorities, was condemned to two years’ imprisonment +and a fine of 1,200 crowns for the crime of incitement +against the Magyar nationality. He had published two +newspaper articles in which he had attacked the Jingoism +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</span>of the Magyars and had defended himself against charges +of unpatriotism. The offence was, of course, merely an +excuse; he was less of a menace to the policy of Magyarisation +in prison than in parliament.</p> + +<p>On December 6th the famous Hlinka sentences were +pronounced. As the result of his advocacy of the Slovak +cause, Father Hlinka had become a popular figure, and +on the occasion of his arrival in the village of Rozsahegy +a crowd assembled to meet him. It was dispersed by +gendarmes without disorder, but a week later Father +Hlinka and a number of other Slovaks were arrested and +left for five months in prison without trial. The accused +were charged with instigation against the Magyar +nationality. Ninety-seven witnesses were summoned for +the prosecution and close upon forty for the defence, +but of the latter all save four were disallowed by the +court. Father Hlinka was sentenced to two years’ imprisonment +and a fine of 1,500 crowns. One of the other +defendants was sentenced to a year and 900 crowns; +one to four months and 300 crowns; three to a total +of sixteen months and 800 crowns, and the remaining +six to three months each and a total of 5,500 crowns.</p> + +<p>On January 31, 1907, a man was sentenced to five days’ +detention and a fine of 60 crowns for threatening to +disturb the peace during an election.</p> + +<p>On February 11th the manager of a Slovak paper was +sentenced to a year’s imprisonment and a fine of 80 +crowns for the crimes of incitement against the Magyar +nation and of approval of acts contrary to law. His +offence was the publication of an article inviting the prayers +of the populace for Juriga, Hlinka and other condemned +Slovaks. On the 19th of the same month a contributor +to the same paper was sentenced to a year’s imprisonment +and a fine of 400 crowns in connection with the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</span>same offence. On February 28th and March 27th two +other Slovak editors who had ventured to criticise the +actions of the Magyars were sentenced, one to two months +and 400 crowns, the other to a year and 1,200 crowns.</p> + +<p>On April 12th a man was sentenced to fourteen days +and 50 crowns for words used in the course of his election +speeches.</p> + +<p>On April 8th six Slovaks were fined 50 crowns each for +having organised a collection to pay the fine of deputy +Juriga. On the 19th a man was sentenced to three months +and 100 crowns for inciting the people against the Magyars +in an article contributed to a Slovak paper.</p> + +<p>On April 24th four citizens were sentenced to 34 days’ +imprisonment for daring to offer opposition to Magyars +who were trying to wreck Slovak political meetings.</p> + +<p>On May 1st Hlinka was awarded an additional sentence +of one month’s imprisonment and a fine of 500 crowns +for criticism of the actions of a Magyar official.</p> + +<p>On May 2nd a man and twenty-three women of Zohor +were sentenced to imprisonment totalling three years +and ten months. They had requested that a priest of +the name of Zak should be appointed to the parish. The +ecclesiastical authorities had overridden the expressed +desire and the right of the parishioners and appointed +a well-known advocate of Magyarisation, Imrich Hojsik. +No sooner had he been appointed than the women of +Zohor drove him out of the commune.</p> + +<p>On June 17th four men of Lab were sentenced to three +months’ imprisonment each for having shown in their +windows, on the occasion of a religious fête, portraits +of Juriga.</p> + +<p>On June 9th and 10th the local school examinations +took place at a Slovak village. The school children +decorated the school with flags of the Slav colours in +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</span>honour of the event. This was interpreted by the Magyar +authorities as an attack against the independence of +the Hungarian State, and the three masters in charge +of the school were sentenced to fifteen days’ imprisonment +and a fine of 200 crowns each.</p> + +<p>During the same month a printer was sentenced to +detention for fourteen days for an article discovered in +a newspaper which was printed by him but which circulated +entirely beyond Hungarian territory.</p> + +<p>On July 15th a man was sentenced to three months’ +imprisonment and a fine of 50 crowns for having criticised +in public the actions of a Magyarising priest who had +denounced certain Slovak journalists from the pulpit.</p> + +<p>On July 21st three Czechs were arrested in the village +of Lucky, having been denounced by the public notary +for the crimes of speaking to the women and children +of the place and making inquiries as to the methods of +Magyarisation employed in the schools. One of them +was detained in custody for four weeks, and was only +released on the intervention of the Austrian Minister +of Justice.</p> + +<p>This extraordinary list will serve to show the measures +taken by the Magyar authorities against the men of +the non-Magyar nationalities in the name of justice.</p> + +<p>But it must be borne in mind that the Magyar system +of representation bore hardly on the Magyar lower classes +as well as upon the non-Magyar nationalities. Although +the lower class Magyar was not submitted to the persecution +which was the lot of his non-Magyar neighbours, +he was almost equally disenfranchised. Oscar Jaszi, +an enlightened and liberal Magyar, in a book written in +1912, said: “The pressure of agrarian feudalism weighs +as completely upon the other nationalities as upon the +Magyars themselves, and the pressure consists in <i>an +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</span>Asiatic administration, unjust taxation, bad schools and +economic usury of every description</i>. But the oppression +of the nationalities is much more serious than that of the +Magyars. The Magyar Junker, maddened by nationalist +hatred, sees in the non-Magyar peasant even less of a +man than in the Magyar peasant.”</p> + +<p>The spirit of the Magyar oligarchy has not changed; as +will be shown later, it is as opposed to the principle of +democracy as it has ever been. The Hungarian Republic +of to-day hides the germ of reaction within the husk of +hypocritical pretence. To permit any extension of its +boundaries would be to surrender anew to despotism nations +which after years of suffering have at length escaped from +its toils. Sympathy with the tortuous policy of Hungary +means sympathy with the forces of reaction and of a +feudalism which has long been extinct in all enlightened +countries. The Magyar trades upon the revulsion of +feeling which all generous nations experience towards +a beaten enemy, in order to secure the consent of the +world to his schemes for imperilling the existence of the +non-Magyar nationalities.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"> +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_15" href="#FNanchor_15_15" class="label">[15]</a> <i>Racial Problems in Hungary.</i></p></div> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV"> + CHAPTER IV + <br> + EDUCATION + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>The Magyarisation policy of the Hungarian +Government, although, as we have seen, it +prevailed in the realms of representation and +justice, attained its full development in the educational +system of the country. All Magyar claims to consideration +before the tribunal of the democratic nations are +vitiated by the briefest consideration of their reactionary +attitude towards public instruction. In order that this +may be fully realised, it will be necessary to devote a +whole chapter to the subject of the condition of education +in Hungary before the War. It will be demonstrated +later that even since the establishment of the Hungarian +Republic the treatment of the non-Magyar minorities +has been regarded in the same tyrannical manner.</p> + +<p>It is, of course, impossible to treat so large a subject +adequately in so small a compass. I have only attempted +to give a brief sketch of the results that accrued; the +reader who desires to pursue the subject in greater detail +may be referred to Dr. Seton-Watson’s <i>Racial Problems +in Hungary</i>, in which the question is treated in great +detail.</p> + +<p>According to the official Hungarian statistics for the +school year 1908-1909 there were 16,496 elementary +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</span>schools in Hungary, with 31,817 teachers. Of this number +there were only 467 Slovak schools, with 672 teachers. +Nevertheless, by the education law of 1906, these schools +were transferred into establishments for Magyarisation +purposes. In the same way the secondary schools and +all the technical schools were entirely Magyar, and from +the year 1874 onwards it was impossible for the Slovak +student to obtain higher education in his native language. +The universities, of course, were also purely Magyar, +not only in language, but in spirit and organisation. +Slovak pupils at Hungarian secondary schools were not +even allowed to speak Slovak among one another, to +read Slovak books or newspapers. During the whole +of their school career they were compelled to conceal +their national sentiments, and those who failed to do +so were in danger of expulsion or even judicial persecution. +The school authorities made a special point of emphasising +all the elements of Magyar culture and Magyar history, +while everything with Slovak associations was either +ignored or made the subject of derision or belittlement. +It is, therefore, not surprising that during the period of +their studies the young Slovaks were largely deprived +of their national consciousness and, with the exception +of a very small percentage, became Magyarised. For the +period of 1913-1914 the number of secondary schools +in Hungary was 229, with 3,640 teachers and 77,636 +pupils. Of these, 64,118 are described as Magyars and +only 1,620 as Slovaks. The proportion of pupils of other +non-Magyar nationalities was correspondingly small. But +when one remembers the convenient habit of Magyar +enumerators of designating as Magyars all those upon +whom the process of Magyarisation had been carried +out, it is safe to estimate the minimum number of students +of Slovak nationality as not less than four thousand. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</span>This would make the number of Magyarised students +originally of Slovak nationality about 2,380, a not improbable +figure.</p> + +<p>It may be objected that the comparative ease with +which the process of Magyarisation succeeded was a +proof of its justification, that if education prevailed upon +the Slovaks to abandon their nationality so rapidly +it was because the Magyar culture displayed to the +awakened mind of the Slovak its superiority to the ideals +in which he had been brought up. But, as a matter of +fact, the very reverse is the case. The more highly the +Slovaks were educated, the more clearly they could see +that Magyar culture and civilisation owed whatever +it possessed to outside and borrowed influences, among +which their own were predominant. The true reason +for the success of Magyarisation in secondary schools +is to be found in the fact that unless the student consented +to be Magyarised, outwardly, at all events, his education +was a waste of time. As shown below, employment by +the State or in the professions was practically closed to +him. This was impressed upon him from the first, and +he was faced with the alternatives of accepting the imposition +of Magyar nationality upon his own or abandoning +all hope of remunerative employment.</p> + +<p>If it be considered that the process of Magyarisation, +which increased in intensity as the student rose to the +higher classes of the schools, was carried out with meticulous +thoroughness, it is fair to assume that the actual +number of Magyarised pupils was higher than that +mentioned above. At all events, the number of students +with Slovak as their native language at the Hungarian +universities in the year 1913-1914 was only 106, and it +is therefore obvious that only a small percentage of the +Slovak pupils who passed through the ordeal of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</span>Magyarisation machinery succeeded in preserving their +nationality. And this, be it remembered, in spite of +the sonorous preamble to the law of 1868: “The State +is bound to ensure that citizens living together in considerable +numbers, of whatever nationality, shall be able +to obtain instruction in the neighbourhood in their mother-tongue, +up to the point where the higher academic (i.e. +university) education begins.”</p> + +<p>The training colleges for teachers were entirely Magyarised. +There were a few institutions upon whose curriculum +the Slovak language figured as a subject of instruction, +two hours a week being devoted to it on the +so-called “direct” method. But nowhere was the Slovak +language cultivated in a scientific manner, and the educational +authorities, whose task it was to reorganise the +schools in Slovakia after the majority of the teachers +had departed for their native land at the end of the +year 1918, were faced with extreme difficulties in the +direction of finding teachers with any experience of their +profession who were capable of imparting instruction in +Slovak.</p> + +<p>The statistics of these secondary schools and training +colleges are interesting. In 1908-1909 there were in +Hungary:—</p> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +139 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Magyar classical schools. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +7 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +German classical schools. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +4 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Rumanian classical schools. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +1 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Serbian classical school. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +0 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Slovak classical schools. +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>During the same period there were:—</p> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +30 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Magyar modern schools. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +2 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +German modern schools. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +0 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Slovak modern schools. +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</span></p> + +<p>The figures for training colleges for teachers were:—</p> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +59 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Magyar. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +5 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Rumanian. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +4 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +German. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +1 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Serbian. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> +0 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Slovak. +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>All the special technical schools in Hungary were +Magyar.</p> + +<p>About 1860 the Slovaks had established three classical +schools with the help of funds which they had collected, +but the Hungarian Government did not tolerate them +for long. After a successful activity which lasted for +twelve years, the Slovak classical school at Volca Revuca +was suppressed by the Government in 1874. In the +following year the same fate befell the Slovak classical +school at Turocz St. Marton, which had been in existence +for eight years, and that of Klaster pod Zniovem, which +had been in existence for six years. The funds and the +premises of these establishments were confiscated by the +Government, and the teachers were discharged without +compensation and without pension. The Slovaks then +abandoned the idea of founding secondary schools. When, +in 1910, the Evangelical clergyman Lichner began to +collect funds to establish a Slovak classical school he +was fined by the political authorities, and the sum which +had already been collected was confiscated.</p> + +<p>As has already been mentioned, Slovak pupils in the +secondary schools who ventured to pursue Slovak studies +in their spare time rendered themselves liable to expulsion. +The following table, which covers a period of ten years, +gives the number of Slovak pupils expelled from free +schools for having privately devoted themselves to the +study of Slovak language and literature.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</span></p> + + +<table class="log2"> +<tr> +<th> +Year. +</th> +<th> +Type of School. +</th> +<th> +Locality. +</th> +<th class="no-border-right"> +No. expelled. +</th> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1881 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Normal school +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Lucenec +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +7 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1882 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Normal school +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Presov +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +7 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1882 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Girls’ high school +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Bratislava +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +5 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1882 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Academy of law +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Bratislava +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +2 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1882 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Classical school +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Rim. Sobota +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +1 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1885 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Academy of Protestant Theology +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Bratislava +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +3 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1885 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Academy of law +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Bratislava +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +5 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1885 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Classical school +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Bratislava +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +4 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1885 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Catholic seminary +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Ostirhom +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +2 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +1886 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Classical school +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Levoca +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +11 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="border-bottom-border-left"> +1887 +</td> +<td class="border-bottom-border-left"> +Central Catholic seminary +</td> +<td class="border-bottom-border-left"> +Budapest +</td> +<td class="border-bottom-no-border-right"> +2 +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>According to the census of 1910, the Slovaks constituted +11·9 per cent. of the total population of Hungary. The +extent to which they participated in higher education +is shown by the following figures:—</p> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Per cent. +</td> + +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +The training colleges for teachers contained +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +4·8 +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Slovaks +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +The classical and modern secondary schools +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +2·6 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +The girls’ higher secondary schools +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +0·9 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +The universities +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +0·9 +</td> +<td class="tdc"> +” +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>It is natural that under these circumstances the educated +classes contained few avowed Slovaks. Moreover, the +conditions which had to be fulfilled by applicants for +posts under the Government were such that it was extremely +difficult for Slovaks to obtain such posts. In +1887, for example, the Government issued a regulation +in accordance with which even the foresters and their +assistants in the State forests had to understand Magyar. +In any case the sentiments of the Magyars towards the +non-Magyar nationalities was almost sufficient to preclude +the appointment of a Slovak to a vacancy in the public +services. Hungarian official statistics afford abundant +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</span>proof of this. The following figures relating to Government +officials denote the conditions obtaining in the +year 1910.</p> + +<p>Judges and official lawyers in Slovakia: 461 Magyars, +0 Slovak. In the whole of Hungary: 2,601 Magyars, +1 Slovak (in the Budapest district).</p> + +<p>Law court and prison officials in Slovakia: 805 Magyars, +10 Slovaks. In the whole of Hungary 4,756 Magyars, +16 Slovaks.</p> + +<p>Elementary teachers in Slovakia: 4,257 Magyars, 345 +Slovak. In the whole of Hungary: 18,480 Magyars, +404 Slovaks.</p> + +<p>Higher elementary teachers in Slovakia: 226 Magyars, +0 Slovak. In the whole of Hungary: 1,268 Magyars, +2 Slovaks.</p> + +<p>Elementary and higher elementary women teachers in +Slovakia: 199 Magyars, 1 Slovak. In the whole of +Hungary: 1,336 Magyars, 1 Slovak.</p> + +<p>Secondary school teachers in Slovakia: 638 Magyars, +10 Slovaks. In the whole of Hungary: 3,518 Magyars, +23 Slovaks.</p> + +<p>Medical officers in Slovakia: 713 Magyars, 26 Slovaks. +In the whole of Hungary: 4,914 Magyars, 35 Slovaks.</p> + +<p>These figures are only typical. At this time, it must +be explained, 70 per cent. of the inhabitants of Slovakia +spoke Slovak and scarcely 25 per cent. understood +Magyar.⁠<a id="FNanchor_16_16" href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>From the moment when the Compromise put the +Magyars in control of the internal policy of Hungary, +they set to work to use the means of education as the +principal machinery in their factories for Magyarising +the “subject nations.” Their first attempt was clumsy, +because it was too brutal. They organised what was to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</span>all intents and purposes a press-gang for the collection +of poor children, whom they clothed in a distinctive +uniform, numbered and transported to farms in the Alföld, +the central district of Hungary, where they would be +subjected to a healthful Magyar atmosphere. There they +were often ill-treated; some of them escaped and contrived +to reach their homes, clothed in rags and dying of hunger. +Their parents, who had been deceived by lying promises, +naturally kept them at home. In 1874, 400 children +were transported in this way; in 1892 the number had +fallen to 174, and in 1900 only 24 could be collected. +The experiment was then abandoned.</p> + +<p>It was, however, unnecessary to transport a whole +people. A more subtle means of Magyarisation was +discovered. Let the children of the non-Magyar nationalities +be subjected to the process of Magyarisation +throughout the period of their education, so that these +nationalities would in due course die a natural death. +In the national schools the non-Magyar pupils were +given a thorny path to tread. Life was made a burden +to them if they remained faithful to their national ideals, +while, on the other hand, they were pampered and extolled +if they allowed themselves to be converted to the true +Magyar faith. In order to escape these temptations the +Slovaks succeeded in establishing three secondary schools +at their own expense. Their fate has already been recounted. +An inquiry was opened in 1874 into the state +of the school at Revuca. The inspector, a fierce Magyarist, +reported that “the Slav, and consequently anti-Magyar, +tendencies discernible preclude all hope that results +favourable and useful to the State can accrue from the +teaching,” and the school was immediately closed.</p> + +<p>Trefort, the Minister of Education, had his appetite +aroused by this success. He sent another commission +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</span>to inspect the establishment at Klaster pod Zniovem, +which was unable to discover any grounds for objection. +A second commission was equally unsuccessful. At last +the Minister discovered that the buildings were old, and +did not conform to modern sanitary requirements. The +managers of the school explained that they were just +about to move into new quarters. But the educational +authorities were not to be baulked so easily. They +inspected the new premises and reported that the walls +were not dry enough to allow of the occupation of the +buildings. In the middle of term, 200 pupils were sent +home and the school was closed. That of Turocz soon +followed suit. Since that time every request of the +Churches or the communes for the erection of new Slovak +secondary schools remained unanswered, despite the +sentiment expressed in the law of 1868.</p> + +<p>As regards primary education, the public establishments, +that is to say those kept up by the State, were +exclusively Magyar. In 1868 there were, in round figures, +in northern Hungary 6,000 Magyar schools, and 6,500 +non-Magyar. In 1896 there were 9,700 Magyar against +4,100 Slovak. The county of Zemplin contained 295 +Magyar schools for 141,000 pupils, and 20 Slovak schools +for 107,000 pupils. This meant that every year thousands +of children were deprived of education altogether, or +compelled to enter schools where it was impossible for +them to learn anything, instruction being carried out +in a tongue unknown to them, and where the sole object +of their teachers was to humiliate them.</p> + +<p>Besides the schools maintained by Government funds, +the law allowed private individuals, communes or Churches, +to maintain private schools at their own expense. The +Magyars did not dare to suppress these openly in the +non-Magyar districts, but effectual means were taken to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</span>make the continuation of their existence extremely difficult, +and to use them for the purposes of Magyarisation. +In order to obtain a teacher’s certificate it was necessary +that the applicant should possess a good knowledge of +the Magyar tongue; the private schools were subjected +to the inspectors of the national schools, who exercised +discretionary powers; it was ordered that Magyar should +be taught in all schools without exception, and the number +of hours during the week, in which such instruction should +take place, was fixed by the Minister of Education. In +1902 these hours were fixed at from eighteen to twenty-four +per week; at the end of four school years the pupils +were expected to be able to speak and write Magyar +correctly, and the teachers were held responsible for +their progress.</p> + +<p>This law was so absurd that, despite the zeal with +which it was enforced, the results produced by it were +negligible. The census of 1890 established the fact that +46 per cent. of the population did not understand a word +of Magyar; the progress made in the preceding decade +had been negligible. The Jingoes were seriously alarmed. +They attributed their ill-success to the obstinacy of the +teachers in the denominational schools, and they turned +their attention to endeavours to abolish these schools. +A law of 1893 fixed a minimum salary for the teachers +in the denominational schools, and as the parishes as a +rule were too poor to pay the salaries fixed by this law, +the State offered to pay a contribution in such cases. +But this contribution was to be very dearly bought. +In return for it the State claimed the right of supervision +of the school. Once the subsidy was accepted, +the State had the power to remove schoolmasters of whom +it did not approve. Further, in all subsidised schools +Magyar was to be the language in which teaching was +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</span>carried out, and for ever after they were to be in exactly +the same position as State schools.</p> + +<p>In 1900 the Hungarian Government issued a report +upon the conditions of education in the country. (<i>L’enseignement +en Hongrie.</i> Ministère Royale des Cultes et de +l’Instruction Publique. Budapest, 1900.) According to +this report, “primary education is one of the most powerful +means of consolidation of the Hungarian State.... +This is the reason why State elementary schools are found +principally in the poorest communes and in the districts +where the population is mixed and employs a foreign +tongue (de langue étrangère). The Hungarian race demands +protection when it finds itself, as is often the case, +enclosed within a solid block of people speaking a foreign +tongue.... <i>The schools guarantee to the Hungarians the +increase of their power and extend the race towards the +frontier.</i>”</p> + +<p>In 1904 a fresh law was passed giving the country +officials the power to control the schoolmasters; to +suspend or even to prosecute those whose teaching of +Magyar did not produce the results demanded by law. +In the training colleges for teachers, instruction was +given only in Magyar, and as the students came from the +higher elementary schools, which, as we have seen, were +also Magyarised, they frequently found themselves unable, +when they became qualified teachers, to make themselves +understood by their pupils. In view of the inconvenience +of this state of affairs, it was ordained in 1908 that Slovak +might be taught in the training colleges for two hours +per week.</p> + +<p>The process of Magyarisation, so painstakingly evolved +for half a century, received its final form by the Education +Act of Count Apponyi, in 1907. Wekerle, then President +of the Council, declared that “<i>nowhere are people speaking +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</span>an alien tongue so liberally dealt with as in Hungary</i>.” +Apponyi himself introduced his Act with a flourish of +trumpets. “A Minister of Education would commit a +crime against the State, and against those of its citizens +who speak another language, if he deprived them of +the chance of learning, besides their own tongue, the +Magyar language; this would be to isolate them artificially +and, in fact, to exclude them from political life, +in which Magyar is the dominant factor. I repeat, in +this kingdom the Magyars are supreme, but in that lies +no menace to the other nationalities.”</p> + +<p>The Magyars are past masters in the art of camouflage, +and the administration of the law of 1907 is a striking +commentary on the generous phrases of its framers. +According to it, all teachers, irrespective of the nature +of their schools, are Government officials, with a minimum +salary fixed by statute. Private associations too poor +to pay this minimum are compelled to give up their +schools or to accept a subsidy. But even more onerous +conditions are attached to the acceptance of this subsidy +than before. The teachers in schools where it is granted +must be able to read, write and teach in Magyar; the +hours to be devoted to the teaching of Magyar are to +be fixed by the Minister of Education; the official primers +must be used in the school. If the subsidy granted is +over 200 crowns, the Minister has the right to refuse to +ratify the choice of teachers, and if the alternative +candidate is not acceptable to him, he may nominate +his own without further delay. Whenever he may deem +it necessary in the public interest, the Minister may order +a judicial inquiry into the conduct of any teacher who +neglects the teaching of Magyar to his pupils, professes +sentiments hostile to the State, which, being interpreted, +means showing any sympathy for non-Magyar ideals, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</span>or who excites animosity towards the upper classes. +If the finding of the court of inquiry is unfavourable, +the choice of a new teacher must be approved by the +Minister. Should the offence be repeated, the school is +to be closed and replaced by a national school.</p> + +<p>In non-Magyar schools, whether subsidised or not, +Magyar must be taught under conditions to be prescribed +by the Minister. Wherever Magyar has once been introduced +as the language in which teaching is carried out, +it can never be replaced by any other language. In all +higher elementary schools instruction must be carried out +in Magyar. The school inspectors may recommend to +the Minister those teachers whose conduct merits +reward.</p> + +<p>The Royal Arms are to be placed above every school, +and the Hungarian flag is to be hoisted on ceremonial +occasions; no other emblems are to be allowed. The +class-rooms are to be decorated with pictures displaying +the exploits of Magyar heroes. Pictures which would +tend to the encouragement of ideas hostile to the State +are to be removed (for example, portraits of St. Cyril +or St. Methodius, the traditional Slav saints, or of prominent +Czech writers). All written matter used in the +schools is to be in Magyar, even to the copy-books. And +in upholding this law Count Andrassy had the face to +say, in May 1908: “<i>It is not true that the language of +the Germans, the Rumanians, indeed of any nationality is +threatened; it is not true that the Government engages in +Magyarisation.</i>”⁠<a id="FNanchor_17_17" href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>In 1907 three prominent Czech⁠<a id="FNanchor_18_18" href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> wrote a letter to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</span>Björnson, which was subsequently published by him in +the periodical <i>März</i>, of Munich. This letter so aptly +described the conditions in Hungary at the time, that +an extract from it is worth reproducing.</p> + +<p>“Perhaps you will ask, where are the natural protectors +of this country? Where are the clergy, the schoolmasters, +the intellectuals of this people (the Slovaks)?</p> + +<p>“The clergy? The Catholic and Protestant dignitaries, +if they are of Slovak origin, are renegades who, in the +name of the Gospel, pursue, like bloodhounds, their own +nation. In that they are assisted by the other members +of the clergy, and only a small number of priests faithful +to the Slovak cause exist in miserable little parishes, +surrounded by spies.</p> + +<p>“The professors? There are none, for the three secondary +schools which the Slovaks established some years ago +at their own expense have been closed, as has the +Slovak national museum, founded at the cost of great +sacrifices.</p> + +<p>“The schoolmasters? Poor, persecuted men, living in +terror of unjust denunciation. The political autonomy +of the Slovaks no longer exists; their miserable religious +autonomy is violated. The Education Law, which has +recently been passed by the two Houses of the Hungarian +Parliament, will destroy the last vestiges of national +autonomy as soon as it is passed. The 700,000 Slovak +Protestants are not even allowed to maintain denominational +schools at their own expense unless they permit +Magyar to be the language of instruction for 24 hours +per week. On the other hand, there are on Slovak soil +33 classical schools, 6 modern schools, 16 colleges for +teachers, 4 academies of law, 14 theological institutes, +143 technical schools, all Magyar!</p> + +<p>“There are besides, according to the provisions of a +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</span>law of 1891, infant schools set up in each commune, to +which children between the ages of three and six are +obliged to go to learn Magyar.</p> + +<p>“Czech and Slovak books are taken from school children +and burnt. Pupils who have been discovered reading +such books at home, or who have had their photographs +taken in groups, or who have even signed their names +in Slovak, are expelled. An example of this last offence +occurred a few days ago.</p> + +<p>“All these things are done in the name of the Magyar +State, which sees in Panslavism the Mene, Tekel, Upharsin +written on the wall.</p> + +<p>“When, in June 1901, the Slovak deputy Juriga +appealed for at least one secondary school for his +nation, another deputy, amid the applause of the whole +Chamber, answered him: ‘<i>You shall have no secondary +school, but a rope!</i>’ Count Apponyi, the Minister of +Education, in replying to the speech of the Slovak deputy +Bella in January the same year, said, ‘<i>I shall make +teaching impossible to those schoolmasters who refuse to +make their pupils into good Magyars. The principle that +in this country the Magyar alone is master, holds good for +every citizen of the State.</i>’ The Chamber applauded these +words.</p> + +<p>“We should have to compile bulky volumes if we tried +to describe how Hungarian history is falsified in the +school primers; how the schools, the Churches, the State +in all its functions, shamelessly lend themselves to the +most violent Magyarism; how the activity of the Magyar +societies produces an almost pathological passion.... +The Rumanians, the Ruthenians, the Serbs, even the +Germans, but above all the Slovaks, are the victims of +the Magyar fury. A whole series of Government Slovak +newspapers exists, whose only aim is to ridicule and slander +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</span>the Slovaks in their own language, and on the other hand +to extol Magyar civilisation.</p> + +<p>“Slovak orphans are taken from their native districts +and sent into Magyar areas to be educated as good +Hungarian patriots; in reality in order to become the +slaves of their Magyar protectors and often to perish in +their exile.</p> + +<p>“Place names which have existed for over a thousand +years have been Magyarised by law throughout the whole +State; thousands and thousands of Magyar names have +been made up for this purpose. Nevertheless, the Magyars, +although they have been absolute masters in their country +since 1867, have, according to the published statistics, +more than 50 per cent. of illiterates in their own ranks.</p> + +<p>“The Magyars use every means to transform their agricultural +State into an industrial one, but in spite of their +efforts, they find it impossible to put an end to the terrible +pauperism of the population. So miserable are the +conditions that more than 200,000 citizens, including +40,000 Magyars, leave Hungary for America every year.</p> + +<p>“This terrible gamble must necessarily end in disaster. +Who are the instigators, the tyrants in this matter; who +are the actors in this terrible drama?</p> + +<p>“The aristocracy, deeply in debt, ruined morally and +physically, to which the State is obliged to give employment +lest it die of hunger; the financial speculators, +mainly Jews, who surpass in Magyar Jingoism their +Christian competitors, pure-blooded Magyars or renegades.</p> + +<p>“But Europe, except in the persons of a very few who +are in touch with the situation in Hungary, knows nothing +of all this, for the Magyar comedy of liberty is brilliantly +played.</p> + +<p>“Wherever the fruits of civilisation are displayed, the +Magyar heroes are to be found. They are to be met at +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</span>international meetings for the furtherance of liberty, at +scientific assemblies, rattling their spurs, full of enthusiasm +for liberty and fraternity.</p> + +<p>“They send telegrams to the Boers, address indignant +manifestoes against Russian autocracy, plead for the +liberation of India. Yet at the same time they take care +to except themselves and their peoples from their programme.</p> + +<p>“The idea of the Magyar State, which has become the +staple of these swindlers, pervades the market. It prevails +not only in the salons of the Magyar Tories, but +also in the Courts of Law, in all the official institutions +of Hungary, in all the pulpits of the Churches, in the +money markets of Vienna and Budapest. It must always +be maintained at a high rate of exchange, for a lowering +of its value would immediately bring down the house of +cards built by the imperialistic folly of the Magyars. +It is necessary to the existence of thousands of people +who, if it collapsed, would be without the means of +subsistence. That is why this tragi-comedy is played +with such earnestness.”</p> + +<p>The reference in this letter to the Magyarisation of +place names requires some explanation. In 1897 a law +was passed for the Magyarisation of all place names in +Hungary. The old historic names were banished from +the map, and their places taken by unknown and in many +cases fabricated and barbaric substitutes. All post office +and railway notices and tickets employed these new +names and were drawn up in Magyar, even in the localities +where this tongue was unknown to the large majority +of the people.</p> + +<p>Nor was this form of Magyarisation confined only to +place names. Every inducement was offered to Hungarian +subjects to change their Slav, Rumanian or other names +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</span>into a Magyar form. The fee for registration of change +of name was reduced to tenpence, and pressure was +employed to compel as many citizens as possible to avail +themselves of the facility.</p> + +<p>Two examples of this pressure are extracted from the +Appendix of Dr. Seton-Watson’s <i>Racial Problems in +Hungary</i>.</p> + +<p>“In 1881 the various forestry departments of Hungary +received the following circular from Headquarters:—</p> + +<p>“... Hence it is easy to justify the endeavour of +leading circles, that, hand in hand with the development +of Magyar literature and with the declaration of patriotic +feeling, the officials of the forestry department should +crown with a list of names of good Magyar sound the +building whose foundation has cost so much self-sacrifice, +trouble and activity. But it is regrettable that, despite +the evidence of this good feeling, there should be hardly +a body in all Hungary in which we meet with so many +foreign-sounding names as among the forestry officials. +Both in order to restore this balance, and also as your +benevolent superior, who is convinced that under equal +conditions the Magyarisation of your names does involve +some advantage for you, I consider it to be my duty, +in order to further your best interests, to urge and encourage +you to a general movement. But I also enjoin +you to endeavour to plant a similar spirit among the +subordinate foresters. The formalities for the Magyarisation +of names have now been made so easy that it is +merely necessary to hand in to the vice-sheriff of the +county a petition bearing a one-crown stamp, accompanied +by the baptismal certificates of the children and +employment papers. In the latter, the places of birth +and abode, position and moral character are to be filled +in.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</span></p> + +<p>On January 25, 1898, a private circular was addressed +by Orban Sipos, the School Inspector of Bihar County, +to all schoolmasters under him:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>“I call your attention to the fact that by permission +of the Minister of Education your colleague, Nicholas +Radovich, teacher at the State school of Kozepes, has +changed his name to ‘Keti’; Aug. Bruckenthal, teacher +at the State school of Haimagi, to ‘Bihari’; and finally, +John Modora, teacher at the State school of Olosig, to +‘Tinodi.’ I therefore request you in your correspondence +with them in future to use Magyarised names. In +this connection I express the hope and expectation, that +these patriotic examples, which affect neither religious +conviction nor the interests of the mother tongue, but +are merely a proof of a patriotic sentiment above all +question, will be speedily followed by the teachers who +do not as yet possess names of a Magyar sound; for +otherwise I should, to my great regret, be forced to the +conviction that the teachers in question have not the +necessary will and courage to offer unequivocal proofs +of their loyal devotion to the Magyar Fatherland, or they +would prove that they subordinate this lofty aim to other +trivial considerations. While urging you to further the +patriotic movement to which I have referred, I remain, +with regards,</p> + +<p class="author"> + “<span class="smcap">Orban Sipos</span>,<br> + “Royal Inspector of Schools.” +</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>With these telling examples of official Magyarisation +before us, we may now proceed to investigate the influence +of the War upon the peoples who, in 1914, found themselves +under the dominion of the Crown of St. Stephen. In +the space at my disposal I have been unable to do more +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</span>than give the barest outline of what Magyar rule meant +to those subjected to it. But even this outline should +suffice to explain how it was that the great catastrophe +found the subject races of Hungary, the Slovaks, Rumanians +and Slavs, burning to throw off the Magyar yoke +and, either of themselves or by union to some already +established nation akin to them, to seek the political +and social freedom so long denied them.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"> +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16_16" href="#FNanchor_16_16" class="label">[16]</a> Compare page <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17_17" href="#FNanchor_17_17" class="label">[17]</a> See also Professor Ernest Denis, <i>Les Slovaques</i>, Paris, Librarie +Delagrave.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18_18" href="#FNanchor_18_18" class="label">[18]</a> They were Lederer, a prominent lawyer, Heydrek, the poet, +and Kalal, a well-known writer.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V"> + CHAPTER V + <br> + WAR, REVOLUTION AND COUNTER-REVOLUTION + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>The outbreak of war came at a time when +Magyar oppression of the nationalities was +approaching a crisis. The Hungarian Government +felt and feared the danger which was already +looming on the horizon. They felt the ground +trembling under their feet, despite every effort to +reduce the subject races to passive obedience to their +will. Of all the influences which urged the Central +Empires to select 1914 as the year in which to +launch their long-meditated plans, that of the Magyars +was the most potent. The result of a war in which +Germans and Magyars were allied would be the final +submission of the Slav races of Hungary under the +Magyar yoke.</p> + +<p>So firmly was the idea of Magyar domination fixed in +the minds of the ruling classes of Hungary that in a sense +they regarded the War as a defensive measure. They +had undertaken the struggle in order to defend the place +which they had usurped and which threatened to be +taken away from them. The German conception of +<i>Mitteleuropa</i> offered them a means of reasserting their +supremacy. In exchange for their compliance, they +would be awarded an important position in the great +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</span>scheme, and would secure the assistance of the all-powerful +German Empire in an enlarged policy of subjection of +the subject races. Oskar Jaszi, in an article published +in May 1916 in <i>Wirtschaftszeitung der Zentralmachte</i>, +elaborated this idea. “<i>The uneasiness and the fears +felt by 10 millions of Magyars in the face of an equal number +of non-Magyars who necessarily feel themselves drawn in +spite of themselves towards their kindred beyond the frontiers +is understandable. If the 60 million Germans, politically +and economically united, are indeed anxious to superintend +the peaceful economic and political development of a nation +of 120 millions, it is easy to understand that we should +succeed in breaking the teeth of national hatreds.... A rich +and well-organised Hungary would be for Central Europe +the surest route towards the Balkans.... Central Europe +under German hegemony, the Balkans under the protection +of Hungary, such is the dawn of the new era.</i>”</p> + +<p>With such a rosy prospect before her, Hungary was +not disposed to wait for victory before putting into effect +improved measures for the disciplining of the minorities. +These measures grew steadily more strict as the War +continued. In 1916 the Hungarian Parliament contained +413 deputies, exclusive of the 40 deputies from +Croatia-Slavonia. Of these 405 were Magyar, and only +8 of other nationalities. On a basis of representation +by population, the proportion should have been 215 +Magyars to 198 of other nationalities. The subject +races being thus denied a voice in the affairs of their +country, the way was clear for the introduction of any +repressive measures which might be thought necessary. +In February 1917 a Bill was brought in by the Opposition +for the adoption of universal suffrage. The franchise +question had been for many years a burning one in +Hungarian politics, and it might have been thought that +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</span>the Government would have been glad to have settled +it in this way in order to conciliate the mass of the people, +who had already shown signs of restlessness. But fear +of the minorities stood in the way. Count Tisza opposed +it vehemently. “<i>Universal suffrage is a national danger</i>,” +he said. “<i>Racial tendencies must be resisted even if the +wheel of universal history passes over the body of him who +resists. Trifling as may be my strength, I shall employ +it to save the nation from any thoughtless extension of the +franchise.</i>” That he had the opinion of the majority +of the House with him is proved by an incident which +occurred about the same time. Deputy Juriga, who was +one of the eight non-Magyar members, asked permission +to read a letter in Slovak, which the party he represented +had written, thanking the Minister of Education for +having allowed, as a war-time measure, the Slovak +language to be taught in secondary schools as an optional +subject. His request was drowned by cries of “Nothing +but Magyar!” to which he retorted that quotations in +French or English, the languages of the enemy, were +allowed in the House, but that Slovak, the language of +a part of Hungary, was forbidden.</p> + +<p>The sentiments of Parliament were reflected in the +actions of the local administrative authorities. In +October 1917 the Lord Lieutenant of Nyitra, a county +of Slovakia, in the course of a public speech, put the matter +as bluntly as possible. “The Slovaks must not forget +that they live in the Magyar State, and that they must +not demand anything which conflicts with Magyar aspirations. +Learn Magyar, all of you, this is the best advice +I can give you, for Magyar is a universal language. +Of what use would Slovak schools be to you? They are +useless. <i>The main thing is for you to guard against all +ideas of separation, for the moment I perceive anywhere +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</span>the slightest tendency towards upsetting the existing state +of affairs I shall make the Slovaks feel my power</i> and shall +punish them with the utmost severity. I recognise +the need for a policy of agreement and counsel, but this +must be in exclusive accord with the Magyar spirit. Our +sole ideal must be the Unitary Magyar State. He who +opposes it will be punished mercilessly. <i>I repeat, I shall +punish all who do not act as the Magyar State wishes.</i>”⁠<a id="FNanchor_19_19" href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Two months previously the <i>Pesti Hirlap</i> (August 19, +1917) had put the Magyar attitude in a nutshell: “<i>It is +necessary to put an end to all bargaining with the nationalities. +Hungary must be rendered Magyar.</i>” As soon +as he came back to office, Count Apponyi set to work +to give expression to this desire. He ordered the closing +of the Rumanian elementary schools and forbade the +use of the Slovak language as a medium of religious +instruction, which was the only subject in which it +was used in the schools. But this was not enough. +Dr. Roland von Hegedüs, of the University of Budapest, +urged on the Government the adoption of a novel agrarian +policy. “The State cannot in future leave the land +in the frontier regions in the hands of proprietors whom, +as the War has taught us, it is impossible to trust from +the military point of view,” he declared. “In future the +State cannot leave the land in the hands of the non-Magyar +nationalities. The State must adopt an agrarian +policy which will permit it to exercise a right of option +in the frontier districts and of furthering in them the +process of national assimilation.” Something of the +kind had already been suggested. On June 14, 1917 +the <i>Szegedi Naplo</i>, in the course of an article entitled <i>The +Democratisation of Hungary</i>, had suggested a scheme of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</span>wholesale deportations. Having proved statistically that +the non-Magyar nationalities occupied mainly the frontier +districts, the article went on to explain that as some sort +of democratic reform was necessary, but would be a +source of danger to the Magyar State, it would be a +good plan to remove the non-Magyar nationalities from the +territories which they at present occupied, to scatter +them over the centre of the kingdom, and to replace +them by good and faithful Magyars. If this policy were +carried out simultaneously with the reform of the Electoral +Law, even the most extended suffrage would not be a +menace to the Magyar State. The <i>Pesti Hirlap</i> referred +to the matter on August 4, 1917 in the course of an article +entitled <i>Magyar Colonisation</i>. In the work of strengthening +the Magyar nation, the principal parts must be undertaken +by the Ministers of Agriculture and Education. +The duty of the latter was to suppress non-Magyar +education in the schools and to enforce the Magyar +language. The former must, at the end of the War, +initiate a national and colonising policy. He must set +himself to the task of readjusting the ethnographic map +of the country. Backed by public education given solely +in Magyar, a policy of colonisation would serve to diminish +the menace of the nationalities, which split up into +Magyar islands the continuity of the great anti-Slav +ocean. This policy was the only hope of upholding +the national unity and territorial integrity of the State.</p> + +<p>It was not long before the suggestions bore fruit. On +October 25th the Parliament of Budapest approved a +Bill presented by Mezossy, a member of the Government. +He explained the purport of his Bill to a representative +of the <i>Pesti Hirlap</i>, which paper published it next day. +“In the first half of the War the melancholy fact was +realised that in the most fertile regions of southern Hungary +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</span>the land was in the hands of an unreliable population.... +The same was apparent in the north.... The land in +these threatened regions should be in the hands of men +worthy of confidence. In order to achieve this end, the +transfer of ownership of land will be regulated by the +consent of the authorities. Not only the transfer of +land, but the lease of it as well will depend on the +authorities. The duration of a lease will not exceed ten +years. In the last resort, the Minister of Agriculture +will examine any particular case should there be any complaint. +I can assure everybody that I shall use this +right for the sole advantage of the national agrarian +policy of Magyarism.”</p> + +<p>In Austria, Mezossy’s measure was criticised as savouring +of barbarism, but in Hungary, the Magyar spirit +regarded it as insufficient. On November 28th, the <i>Pesti +Hirlap</i> returned to the charge. “The State should have +unlimited rights of expropriation in order to be able +to parcel out and colonise the land. A sane allocation +of land to the Magyar nation, which alone sustains the +State, must be contrived. In the south, the Serbs occupy +the best land; in Transylvania, the Rumanians. Thus +the decree of Mezossy is merely a beginning. We demand +that this policy be continued on a large scale. So long +as the Government retains the power to do so, it should +endeavour to make the Magyars the masters of Hungarian +soil.” In the programme produced by the reconstructed +Cabinet at the end of January 1918, Wekerle showed +himself not unmindful of this advice. He declared that +measures would be taken in the interests of the definite +safeguarding of the ideals of the nation and the State. +By that it must be understood that he would do all in +his power to assure to the Magyar nation the exercise +of all its prerogatives. Of these the most important +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</span>was the right of expropriation. In the matter of agrarian +policy Magyar interests demanded first of all that the +land should be in Magyar hands. This end could be +achieved, without infringing the sacred rights of private +ownership, by the application of the right of expropriation.</p> + +<p>By this time it was clear that if the Central Empires +won the War the non-Magyar nationalities of Hungary +would be subjected to a period of oppression even more +drastic than they had hitherto experienced. On the +other hand, even the Magyar Jingoes realised that the +loss of the War would mean the dismemberment of their +much-vaunted “Unitary Magyar State.” Germany, the +predominant partner, was their one hope, and during +the whole of the War the Magyars did their best to support +her by every means in their power, particularly in the +matter of the supply of foodstuffs, even to the detriment +of Austria. At the time of the campaign in the Carpathians, +the Magyars realised that the future of Hungary was +in the balance, and at the same time they were careful +to send only Croatian and Slovak regiments into the +front line. This was throughout the policy of the Magyars, +to oppose to their Slav enemies the hated and despised +nationalities of Slav origin, in the pious hope that they +would mutually destroy one another and so leave the +coveted districts at the disposal of the Magyar nation. +It was proved by Deputy Jerzabek that among the nations +of the Dual Monarchy the Magyars had suffered the +smallest number of casualties. This may be taken as +another proof of Magyar skill in inducing others to pull +the chestnuts out of the fire for them, while substituting +for the traditional valour of the race of Arpad a noisy +bluster and a virulent abuse of the Entente nations.⁠<a id="FNanchor_20_20" href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>When President Wilson first formulated his famous +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</span>Fourteen Points, the Magyar Press rejected them unanimously +as the product of an utterly unpractical point +of view. Count Czernin declared, on the subject of +self-determination, that the Monarchy would decide for +itself the details of its internal affairs, and would not +brook outside interference. Up to the last moment +the attitude of Hungary was one of stiff-necked obstinacy. +The Magyar ruling class did not care what lessons the +War might have taught; their whole policy was still +concentrated upon securing for themselves the best +possible terms and the largest possible area upon which +to batten.</p> + +<p>But the population of Hungary was utterly war-weary, +even the military caste was for the moment incapable +of being goaded into further effort. The <i>coup d’état</i> of +November, by which Hungary declared herself a Republic, +was inspired by the desire to make a display of sympathy +with the principles of democracy which had won the +War. The Republic of Hungary might escape the punishment +hanging over the heads of autocratic Germany +and Austria; it might even hope that the arbiters of +peace would be moved to restore to it the allegiance of +the nationalities, who had already expressed their desires +in no uncertain terms. But Karolyi, the first President, +although even at the time he probably honestly believed +that the introduction of democracy was Hungary’s only +hope of salvation, was a weak man, unhappily placed +between the socialistic demands of the disfranchised +proletariat and the oligarchic dreams of the ruling class, +who, although they had retired from the stage, remained +very close behind the scenes. It is doubtful whether +any man could have stemmed the Bolshevist flood which +already threatened the nation; the inability of Karolyi +to do so was proved almost immediately. Instead of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</span>devoting all his energies to framing a constitution for +the purely Magyar districts of Hungary, which it was +evident were all that would be left to her, and so +endeavouring to satisfy the democratic instincts of the +working classes, awakened by the War to the sense of +their political importance, he wasted valuable time in +launching plaintive denunciations of the wrong that +had been done to the “thousand-year old Magyar State,” +and in intrigue directed towards reversing what was +already in effect a <i>fait accompli</i>.</p> + +<p>Success in these directions could not be achieved by +force of arms; in the eyes of the old ruling classes there +remained only the forces of misrepresentation. Unscrupulous +propaganda might yet save the day that +political incompetence had lost. The <i>Pesti Hirlap</i> voiced +the prevailing panic. “In the three coming months +we have to concentrate all our efforts on the work abroad; +no matter how much it costs, whether it is one million +or 100,000 millions, it is worth it. <i>Every article written +in French, English or Italian will save for us one square +kilometre of Hungarian territory. It will be the duty of a +clever manager to spread into the circle of our enemies what +the staff of writers will prepare. It is necessary to send into +every foreign country Magyar Socialists who speak foreign +languages fluently.</i>” To uphold their nationality in +foreign countries was surely a novel rôle for “Socialists.” +We may suspect the Socialists of the <i>Pesti Hirlap</i> of +skin-deep convictions only.</p> + +<p>The methods of Magyar propaganda will be dealt with +in a later chapter. For the present it is sufficient to +say that the most determined attempts were made to +seduce the inhabitants of the new States from their +allegiance. The agents employed in this campaign were +the officials of the old Magyar regime, who for the most +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</span>part had been left at their posts. The <i>Slovensky Vychod</i> +of February 27, 1919 said of these men: “The new +regime does not please them at all; for until now they +had been the supreme masters of the ‘stupid’ Slovaks. +Under the Magyar regime they took bribes from everybody +who merely made inquiries of the administration. +Under the new order of things this sort of corruption +is not allowed. A certain number of these Magyar +officials have been dismissed the service because they +refused to recognise the sovereignty of the Czechoslovak +State in Slovakia, but they have remained within the +borders of the State and have thus been enabled to +continue their subversive activity.” Side by side with +these attempts, the Magyars used every means of influencing +foreign opinion in their favour. The Karolyi +regime was made to appear as the dawn of democracy +in Hungary, a sort of millennium in which all citizens +enjoyed the most unfettered freedom; the argument +being that the non-Magyar nationalities should be +induced to return to the fold for their own sakes as much +as for that of Hungary.</p> + +<p>But Karolyi’s People’s Republic was short-lived. His +failure to influence the Entente in favour of Hungary +discredited him in the eyes of the ruling classes; his +flirtations with Communism, undertaken in the attempt +to gain popularity for his regime in the eyes of the proletariat, +had afforded opportunities to the followers of +Lenin of which they were not slow to take advantage. +Despite the efforts of Oskar Jaszi, his Government had +failed to win the nationalities, and by March 1919 +he perceived that he was friendless within Hungary +and without. The power slipped from his hands into +those of a Soviet Republic under the presidency of +Alexander Garbai, the existence of which was proclaimed +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</span>on March 21st. Karolyi disappeared from the stage of +Hungarian politics, in his exit accusing the Entente of +planning to make Hungary a base of military operations +against the Bolsheviks of Russia.</p> + +<p>For rather more than four months Hungary was given +over to the rule of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, +and became the scene of famine and bloodshed. Bela +Kun, the true leader of the new revolution, had declared +in February that he had brought with him from Russia +a sum of 300,000 crowns with which to overthrow Karolyi’s +People’s Republic and replace it by Soviet rule. Hungary +was admirably situated to form the focus of the World +Revolution. It lay in the centre of Europe, surrounded +by States suffering in greater or less degree from the +exhaustion of the War and the fierce cross-currents of +reconstruction. Let Bolshevism but gain a firm foothold +in Hungary, so Lenin and his supporters argued, and it +could not fail to spread until it covered the face of Europe.</p> + +<p>For a time Bolshevism dominated the country and +succeeded in organising a by no means despicable Red +Army with which it attacked the Czechs in the north +and the Rumanians in the south-east. Bela Kun believed +that the surest way of converting his neighbours to his +own views was by force of arms. At the same time, by +means of his soldiers and especially of his “Terror-boys” +under Szamueli, a ruffian with an insatiable blood-lust, +he contrived to suppress all attempts at counter-revolution. +Time after time the adherents of the old +ruling classes endeavoured to rise against the new tyranny, +but on every occasion they were prevented. The Hotel +Hungaria in Budapest became the scene of political +murders, while Szamueli, scouring Hungary with his +executioners in a special train, made away with such +individuals in the provinces who threatened to become +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</span>centres of resistance to the Soviet rule. It was not until +July that the military caste succeeded in setting up a +White Government in Szeged.</p> + +<p>But even then this Government was powerless and +isolated, mainly through its own supineness.⁠<a id="FNanchor_21_21" href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> The +measures of the Soviet were successful in preventing a +rising of the masses in their favour, although by this +time the majority in Hungary were heartily sick of the +Bolshevik experiment and anxious to return to some +form of sane democracy. It might have been supposed +that even the Magyar aristocracy had learnt from the +events of the past months that although Bolshevism +was unacceptable to the nation, the old regime would +be almost equally so. The mass of the people, at all +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</span>events, believed that this lesson had been learnt, and +were prepared to allow their old leaders to accept the +task of cleansing the country from the stain of Bolshevism +and of establishing a new order on modern Western +lines. If the people of the country were prepared to +agree to this, there was no reason for the Entente to +oppose their wishes. The Rumanians were eventually +allowed to enter Budapest to restore order, and with the +advance of their disciplined forces the Bolshevist regime +disappeared like a shadow. On the first of August the +Soviet “resigned,” and the control of the country was +taken over by a military dictatorship, with Admiral +Horthy as Commander-in-Chief and Mr. Friedrich as Prime +Minister.</p> + +<p>The Military Dictatorship was the direct outcome of +the White Government of Szeged, and it immediately +set about the work of persecuting all those suspected +of sympathy with the Bolsheviks. In the words of a +Liberal Magyar,⁠<a id="FNanchor_22_22" href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> “<i>The victims of the Red Terror, according +to an official statement, amount to about 300; but those +of the White Terror are estimated at 6,000.</i> These atrocities +must not be placed to the account of the Hungarian +people as a whole, which is naturally kindly and humane; +they are mainly the work of the Hungarian ‘gentry’ +class, which is both economically and politically in decay, +and which contains within it elements sufficiently corrupt +and demoralised to employ such methods to prop up +their traditional regime.” The doings of the Horthy +Government will be examined later; we are only concerned +here with the factors which led up to its establishment. +It was natural that a reaction from Bolshevism should +sweep the country in the first moments of relief from its +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</span>sway, and it was confidently expected that as soon as +the Military Dictatorship had restored order it would +give place to some form of Parliamentary government +elected on a truly democratic franchise. But the months +passed by, and it became apparent that the old ruling +classes, having regained the saddle with the assistance +of the military clique, had no intention of relinquishing +it. The danger to Hungary involved in this state of +affairs was obvious to every onlooker. Oskar Jaszi, +writing in the <i>New Europe</i> of November 20, 1919, said: +“If the ancient regime re-establishes itself in Hungary, +if the magnates and prelates, with their traditional allies, +the autocratic country gentry and the Jewish usurers of +the cities, regain their ancient power, then all the democratic +gains of our October revolution are lost, and +Hungary, a prey to race hatred and Chauvinism, reverts +to its old policy of oppressing the peasantry, the working +classes and such few non-Magyars as remain.”</p> + + +<p>That the Horthy Government had every intention of +restoring in Hungary not only the conditions which +obtained before the Bolshevik experiment, but also those +which obtained before the establishment of the Karolyi +Government, is proved by the fact that they refused +admission to the country to Karolyi himself and all his +supporters. To support democratic tendencies was in +their eyes treason to the State and destructive of the +ultimate object which had they in view, the restoration +of the Hapsburgs. Not only must democracy be suppressed +with an iron hand, but any encroachment on the power +of the ruling classes must be strenuously avoided. Their +attitude to the agrarian question is a case in point. In +Hungary, perhaps more than elsewhere, the distribution +of land has for many years been in grave need of reform. +For the most part agriculture has been in the hands of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</span>large owners employing very little labour, and in consequence +the land hunger of the people has grown more +and more acute. Under the Karolyi Government, attempts +were made to readjust the tenure of land, but very little +had been achieved before the fall of the Government +at the hands of the power of Bolshevism. As the author +already quoted,⁠<a id="FNanchor_23_23" href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> remarks: “As a result of the territorial +demands put forward at Budapest by Colonel Vyx +in the name of the Allies, the working classes suddenly +went over in large masses to the Communist camp. The +Soviet Government which followed annulled the Buza +land reform (instituted under the Karolyi regime), and +one of the people’s commissaries afterwards publicly +boasted at a meeting that the Communists had succeeded +in preventing or reversing the subdivision of the large +estates which had already partially begun, and that in +this they had been aided by the large proprietors, who +mobilised their influence for this common aim.” This +policy was, in fact, one of the fundamentals of Communism. +The land was the property of the State, and the large +estates were, therefore, State property which was not +to be privately owned by any section of the people. But, +in order to manage these estates, they were put in the +hands of agricultural co-operative societies, and in many +cases the original owner was left as “manager” of his +own estates for the co-operatives. The net result was +that the labourers were as far from owning the land +under Bolshevism as they had been under the former +oligarchy.</p> + +<p>“As a natural result the Proletarian State roused the +mistrust of the great majority of the agricultural labourers, +while the small and medium peasant proprietors were +no less alienated by so dishonest a policy. Their +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</span>suspicions were confirmed when the Communists came +out as open opponents of small peasant ownership.... +The Hungarian Soviet Dictatorship owes its really miserable +failure only partially to its corruption and excesses, +which have often been exaggerated. The foremost +cause was that it aroused, by every possible means, the +hostility of the great majority of the agricultural population, +and this proved fatal to its food policy and also +in other respects. The Communist experiment would +in any case have failed owing to its internal weaknesses, +especially in the matter of workmen’s discipline, but it +need not have left such a hateful memory behind it and +injured so gravely the whole cause of progress if the +Soviet Government had pursued a less doctrinaire and +dishonourable agrarian policy.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_24_24" href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The counter-revolution thus found the conditions of +land tenure practically untouched, and it took good +care that no undesirable democratic ideas should disturb +it. Divide the land to some extent it certainly did, +but in such a way as to produce in Hungary a pure and +undiluted mediæval feudalism. “Nothing shows so well +its (the Horthy regime) feudal character as the provision +that owners of the new peasant or medium holdings enjoy +certain privileges, and are consequently liable to military +service ‘if social order is threatened.’ The Ministerial +decree, published in August 1920 in the official gazette, +<i>Budapesti Kozlony</i>, says: ‘Recognised patriots who have +distinguished themselves in the War will receive from the +hands of the Chief of State, Governor Nicholas Horthy, +of Nagybanya, a grant of small holdings for the most part, +but in some cases also a lesser manorial estate. <i>The +land received in fief is a reward for valour in the War,’ +but everyone who receives land ‘must always be ready for +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</span>such public services as aim at protecting social order and +social peace.’</i> Those receiving such grants obtain all +the privileges of entail; their land cannot, therefore, +be alienated, and will be inherited undivided by the +eldest male survivor. In addition to this they also +receive exemption from taxation, and the further privilege +that their land cannot be mortgaged. Such proprietors +are allowed to add to their name the hereditary predicate +of <i>Vitez</i> (which means ‘the brave,’ or, in old parlance, +the equivalent of knight). Thus the effect of the Horthy +land reform is to create a new armed nobility.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_25_25" href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Lest it should seem absurd to apply the term “nobility” +to landed proprietors on so small a scale, it must be +explained that Hungary is accustomed to such a use +of the word. Indeed, until 1848, the franchise had been +confined to the “nobility” so called, who were exceedingly +numerous, and indistinguishable from the remainder of +the people either by manners or wealth. They were +known as <i>bocskoros nemesseg</i>, “sandal nobility,” from +their down-at-heel appearance. But they could be relied +upon to use their votes in the Magyar interest, and were +therefore invaluable to the Government.⁠<a id="FNanchor_26_26" href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> It is obvious +that the Horthy regime is anxious to reintroduce this +state of things, and to organise a band of supporters +upon whose votes and military training it can depend +for its continuance in power.⁠<a id="FNanchor_27_27" href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The tendency of the present Government of Hungary +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</span>is evident from this example of its internal policy. It +represents almost exclusively the privileged classes, who +are bitterly opposed to the introduction of any form of +democracy into the Magyar State. The Government +believes that for the time the people, alarmed at the +ease with which the democracy of Karolyi degenerated +into the Communism of Bela Kun, will not resist the +reinstatement of an oligarchy. During this period of +consent to its administration, it is working hard to +entrench itself throughout Hungary, so that by the time +the people grow restless under its rule they will find +themselves bound hand and foot and powerless.</p> + +<p>It was not until the Entente intervened that the +White Government of 1919 showed any signs of legalising +its dictatorship by the summoning of a National Assembly, +which it finally did in November 1919. But even then +organisations like the “<i>M.O.V.E.</i>” and the “<i>Awakened +Magyars</i>”⁠<a id="FNanchor_28_28" href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> took good care that the assembly should +contain as few elements as possible likely to be dangerous +to the cause they had at heart. An extremely strict +censorship guarded against unfavourable reports of these +elections reaching the ears of the outside world, which +was, indeed, for the most part, too vitally engaged upon the +problems of its own reconstruction to worry much about +the details of Hungarian conditions. On the surface +things appeared to be going well. Bolshevism had been +defeated, a National Assembly was in process of formation. +Only the new States watched anxiously, knowing the +dangers which lurked behind the false appearance of +a pacified Hungary. It is only now, when the internal +conditions of the countries of the world are becoming +more stabilised, that their inhabitants have eyes to spare +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</span>for the dramas being enacted in other lands than their +own. In the following chapters of this book, therefore, +I shall endeavour to inquire as to how far the new +States, having achieved national unity, are employing +that unity for the furtherance of democratic ideals, +and are thereby demonstrating the justice of their +existence in the modern world; Hungary alone, the prey +of an autocratic ruling class, we shall find slipping back +into reaction, and thereby becoming a danger to the +peace of Europe.⁠<a id="FNanchor_29_29" href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>⁠</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"> +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19_19" href="#FNanchor_19_19" class="label">[19]</a> See <i>New Europe</i>, October 4, 1917.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20_20" href="#FNanchor_20_20" class="label">[20]</a> See page <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21_21" href="#FNanchor_21_21" class="label">[21]</a> An interesting picture is given of the inactivity and lack +of initiative of the White Government when a bold move on its part +might have saved Hungary from the ignominy of salvation at +the hands of her late enemies the Rumanians, is given by +MM. Jerome and Jean Thiraud, in their book, <i>Quand Israel est Roi</i> +(Paris, Plon-Nourrit et Cie). “They were French officers who +went to seek at Vienna, where they have taken refuge, Count +Teleki and his friends, in order to put them at the head of the +Government of Szeged. But few magnates, however, elected to +follow them, the majority of these gentlemen preferring to remain +in Vienna at the famous Hotel Sacher, where they lived on the +fat of the land and wasted their money in gambling. It was by +virtue of a French safe conduct, and escorted by French officers, +that Count Teleki and a few others were enabled to cross the +Hungary of Bela Kun without hindrance. It was under the protection +of our troops, under the friendly eyes of our Staff, that +they were able to organise their Ministry and their army. If +they had shown at once a greater promptitude of decision, if they +had wasted less time in futile discussion and in mutual recrimination, +if the odd thousands of officers who were collected at Szeged +had resolutely marched upon Budapest with the arms and munitions +which we had lent them, they would have secured on the +way to support of many of the peasants of the Plain, and would +perhaps have overthrown the Bolshevik forces, already almost +dissolved. Instead of that, they schemed and made merry at +Szeged, and allowed the Supreme Council time to declare that it +did not recognise this reactionary Government.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22_22" href="#FNanchor_22_22" class="label">[22]</a> Arnold Daniel, a supporter of Karolyi, in the <i>Slavonic Review</i>, +June 1922.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23_23" href="#FNanchor_23_23" class="label">[23]</a> Arnold Daniel, in the <i>Slavonic Review</i>, June 1922.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24_24" href="#FNanchor_24_24" class="label">[24]</a> Arnold Daniel, in the <i>Slavonic Review</i>, June 1922.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25_25" href="#FNanchor_25_25" class="label">[25]</a> Arnold Daniel, in the <i>Slavonic Review</i>, June 1922.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26_26" href="#FNanchor_26_26" class="label">[26]</a> For a description of the sandal nobility, see <i>Racial Problems +in Hungary</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27_27" href="#FNanchor_27_27" class="label">[27]</a> “Fortunately this reversion to the Middle Ages can only take +place on a very small scale, because the depletion of the Treasury +and the interests of the big landlords do not permit of large purchases +of land, except in so far as the State lays its hands upon +the communal land” (Arnold Daniel, <i>loc. cit.</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28_28" href="#FNanchor_28_28" class="label">[28]</a> Societies for the propagation of Magyar sentiments by force. +See page <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29_29" href="#FNanchor_29_29" class="label">[29]</a> The point of view of an active member of the Magyar aristocratic +class towards the events from October 1918 to March 1919 +may be perceived in Miss Cécile Tormay’s <i>An Outlaw’s Diary</i> +(London, 1923).</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI"> + CHAPTER VI + <br> + HUNGARY AND HER NEIGHBOURS + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>The issue of the War had proved beyond dispute +that the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy could no +longer exist in the form in which it had existed +previously. Apart altogether from the various <i>coups +d’état</i> which had already shattered it beyond repair, the +very nature of the victory which had been achieved +made a redistribution of the nationalities which had +composed it a sacred duty. In the eyes of the majority +of the human race the War had been a struggle between +the power of Might, as represented by Germanism and +Magyarism, and the power of Right, as represented by +the Allied and Associated nations, to use the convenient +formula of the Treaties. In the past, Might had stood +for the acquisition of territory, irrespective of the wishes +of the inhabitants, in order to strengthen the aggressive +power of the great nations. In the future, Right was +to proclaim the doctrine that the allocation of territory +must be governed by the will of those who lived within +its borders.</p> + +<p>This was the true meaning of self-determination. The +small nationalities, bound against their will to an alien +race and forming a factor of its aggrandisement, were +now to be given the opportunity of working out their +own salvation. Europe, so long subjected to the swords +of the dominant Powers, was again to be resolved into +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</span>the nationalities, hidden for so many years on the maps +under the patches of colour which marked the empires +of their masters, but none the less sentient and race-conscious. +The nationalities, freed from their chains, +could choose their own form of government, and in the +future were to stand or fall according to the measure of +their capacity for self-government, displayed in the +manner in which they made use of their freedom. It +is important to remember that the rise of the new +nations was a natural result of the War, and not an +artificial structure of the Treaties. “Democracy had +triumphed over autocracy, and nationality over oligarchy. +The absolute rule of the Emperors of Germany and +Austria-Hungary, of the Sultan of Turkey, of the Tsar +of Bulgaria, had been destroyed; the innumerable minor +potentates of Germany had disappeared....</p> + +<p>“The races of the Hapsburg Monarchy, previously +exploited by an Austro-Hungarian oligarchy, were freed. +Poles were liberated from subjugation to Austria, Russia +and Germany, and had already constituted themselves +into an independent State. When the Paris Congress +assembled, Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugo-Slavia had +already existed as free States for three months. This is +important to remember, as it is often loosely said that +the Treaty of Versailles ‘created’ these States. The +Treaty ratified their independence, of which they could +certainly have only been deprived by force.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_30_30" href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The true reason for the establishment of the new +States must be fully realised. They were the manifestations +of national will, and were not erected by the +victorious side as monuments of their complete defeat +of the Central Empires. Indeed, it is not too much to +say that in some cases the existence of the new States +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</span>proved an embarrassment to the Allied diplomatists. +Had their boundaries been determined by the tribunal +of the victors alone, had they been composed of such +portions of the Central Empires as the decision of this +tribunal deemed the just spoils of war, there might have +been some justification for the complaints of the Magyars +and their sympathisers that Hungary had been unjustly +dealt with. But of this there was no pretence. The +existence of the new States was a <i>fait accompli</i>, it only +remained for the Powers to see that they were indeed +formed in genuine regard for the wishes of the nationalities. +It was not a question of rewarding friends or +punishing enemies. The world had learnt that the +surest way of sowing the seeds of future war was to +tear from the vanquished any part of its territory +inhabited by a people of its own race. The Allies were +scrupulously anxious to avoid any opportunity of creating +in any nation a just hunger for territory brutally +torn from it. Racial preference was to be the deciding +factor, not the wish to weaken an enemy lest at some +future time she might again be dangerous. Indeed, in +more than one case enemy nations were awarded districts +which had previously been beyond their frontiers. +The transfer of the Burgenland from Hungary to Austria +is a case in point. In this case, as in all others, the +matter was decided by the wishes of the population.</p> + +<p>But—fortunately or unfortunately—geographical exigencies +have a modifying influence upon the theory of +self-determination. Theory demands that self-determination +should extend downwards to the individual; +practice cannot pursue the process of integration beyond +comparatively large communities. This difficulty has +been brought home to the British nation in the course +of the settlement which it has entered into with Ireland. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</span>“How far was the principle of self-determination to +extend? If Ireland had a right to secede from her +union with Great Britain, surely Ulster had a right to +secede from the rest of Ireland?... During the latter +months of the year, various local bodies in the Six +Counties proclaimed their allegiance to Sinn Fein ... +but in their turn certain parishes in the dissentient areas +protested against such a course, and, to go a step further, +individual Sinn Feiners within these parishes evinced +a disposition to determine themselves in opposition to +their neighbours.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_31_31" href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>It was, of course, the same story with the boundaries +of the new nations. Geographical considerations and +the necessity for short and easily defined frontiers made +it impossible to exercise the principle of self-determination +to the theoretical limit. Nations had to be considered +as Nature had made them; their boundaries +already existed and it was impossible to alter them. +The result was that the problem of minorities still prevailed, +though in a very modified form. In no case +could the new nations or the old be so delimited that +their boundaries included no individual of an alien race. +The best that could be done was to reduce the necessary +minorities as much as possible, and to secure the insertion +of safeguards in the Constitutions of the reformed +nations which should guarantee the minorities in those +nations from oppression.</p> + +<p>It is difficult to see how the Magyar propagandists +can maintain, in the face of these very obvious facts, +the contention that injustice was done them by the +Treaty. The whole history of Magyar rule is one of +ill-treatment of what they themselves stigmatised as +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</span>“subject races” and the release of these races from +their yoke is only an act of elementary justice. This +point was ably expressed in a reply to one of Lord +Newton’s articles on Hungary: “<i>The fundamental error +made by Lord Newton is due to his assumption that the +Treaty of Trianon constitutes a punishment to the Magyars +for their conduct during the War. Far from it. The +Treaty of Trianon is a mere act of elementary justice, +rendering it impossible in the future for a number of races +to be ruled over by a nation whose past record most clearly +demonstrates that it is utterly devoid of the most rudimentary +qualifications for such a task.</i>”⁠<a id="FNanchor_32_32" href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> Injustice would +have been committed had the victors, for example, +taken the Alföld, or some other Magyar district, from +Hungary as the spoils of victory and awarded it to the +Czechs, Serbs or Rumanians as the price of their support +during the War. It is important to distinguish the two +motives. Slovakia, for example, was taken from +Hungary not as a punishment but because her previous +misrule had determined the Slovak nation to cast off +her chains. Nothing but a coercion as brutal as her +own would have brought Slovakia back into the +Hungarian hegemony. The Magyars of Hungary may +regret the loss of territory which was once hers, but +that regret will not be reciprocated in Slovakia. Had +the Alföld been taken from Hungary, on the other hand, +both the Magyars of Hungary and of the disunited Alföld +would have felt the same passion for reunion and a +longing to right the injustice done to them. And it is +these mutual passions and longings which breed future +wars.</p> + +<p>So much for the establishment of the new nations. +But in order to justify the continuation of their existence +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</span>it is necessary for them to give proof of their +capability of ruling the races under their sway in the +true principles of freedom and democracy. Four years +have now passed since their establishment, and, in the +light of all evidence, it is fair to say that they have as +far as possible in so short a time supplied this proof. +The autocracy and oligarchy of the old order have given +place to the democracy of the new; the old methods +of tyranny have yielded to the modern methods of +popular suffrage and government. The freed nations, +allowing for certain temporary difficulties and local +mismanagement caused by the disregard of official +policy by certain inexperienced officials, have introduced +for themselves and for the minorities within their borders +a new era of liberty which contrasts strikingly with the +coercion under which they suffered. But there is an +exception to this happier state of things in Central +Europe, an ugly shadow upon the fair picture. The +Magyars, “the most truculent people in Europe,” have +not seen fit to alter by a hair’s breadth their traditional +domineering policy. Crushing her racial minorities, now +greatly reduced, but still a factor in world politics, +beneath her feet, Hungary looks with angry and covetous +eyes towards the territories which formed part of +the “thousand-year-old Unitary Hungarian State.” Her +people cannot realise that the age in which territory +was held by the sword has disappeared, and that its +place has been taken by an age in which men strive to +build States in accordance with the wishes of their +inhabitants as a whole and not of their ruling classes +alone.</p> + +<p>In the present chapter and the two which follow it, I +shall endeavour to show how the democratic and +enlightened state of the nations delivered from the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</span>Magyar yoke contrasts with the sullen and rebellious +attitude of Hungary. Magyar propagandists, anxious +to create a feeling for the revision of the Treaties in +favour of Hungary, are prone to speak of the “Balkanisation” +of Europe and of the “mushroom States” so +created. The surest way of refuting them is to demonstrate +that these so-called “mushroom States” are +energetically developing themselves in accordance with +modern ideals and enlightened practice, while Hungary +remains wrapped in the oligarchic dreams of the past. +The liberated nations look forward to the light; Hungary +turns her eyes back to the days when Arpad and his +wild horsemen scoured Central Europe for the captives +of their spears.</p> + +<p>Of the new States Czechoslovakia is necessarily the +most interesting, both because it is a new name upon +the map of Europe and because it includes the Slovaks, +who were probably the most sorely oppressed of the +former Hungarian nationalities. But although it is a +new name on the map, it must not be forgotten that +Czechoslovakia is mainly the recrudescence of one of +the oldest nations of Europe, the Kingdom of Bohemia. +The instincts of nationality and self-government, so +long in abeyance, are none the less living forces among +the Czechs and their kindred the Slovaks, and these +instincts have given proof of their existence in the form +in which the Republic has developed. “The revived +State was faced by a formidable cultural problem in Slovakia +and Ruthenia, as a result of the Magyars having +repressed all national education and literature in those +districts. Particularly since the Apponyi Education Acts +of 1907, Slovak education had been virtually abolished, +since the few hundred denominational schools which +still survived were only nominally Slovak. To-day there +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</span>are in Slovakia more than 2,600 new Slovak national +elementary schools; over 80 grammar schools; over 30 +secondary schools and also the beginnings of its own +university. In Ruthenia, also, there are already about +700 Ruthene elementary schools, in addition to grammar +and secondary schools and also infant schools. Moreover, +the Republic is also turning its attention to the +hygenic improvement of this much-neglected country; +State hospitals are being established, and epidemic and +endemic diseases are being stamped out. It may be +said without exaggeration that the cultural policy here +pursued by Czechoslovakia has few parallels in the new +Europe....</p> + +<p>“All the national minorities have their schools; the +Germans, by reason of their numbers and their high +development, have, in addition, their own university, +two technical high schools and an agricultural academy +(this latter established by the Republic).”⁠<a id="FNanchor_33_33" href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>“The Charter of the Constitution expressly declares +the Czechoslovak Republic to be democratic, and the +State to be unified, not federative. Only the territory +of Ruthenia enjoys a special position with regard to +public rights. In accordance with the Treaty of St. +Germain the autonomy of this territory is guaranteed, +and besides this, the members of the national assembly +elected in Ruthenia are admitted to full rights of discussion +and participation in all acts of the National +Assembly.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_34_34" href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>It is instructive to compare the position of Ruthenia +in Czechoslovakia with that formerly occupied by +Croatia-Slavonia in Hungary. Theoretically the cases +are to some extent parallel, but in practice they are as +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</span>wide apart as the poles. The Czechoslovak Government +has made it its business to develop, at considerable +expense to itself and with no prospect of reaping a +reward for many years, if at all, the territory of Ruthenia, +one of the most backward in Europe. On the other hand, +the Magyars, in their treatment of Croatia-Slavonia, had +done their best to hinder the development of the country +lest it should evince resistance to the Magyarising +policy of its masters. “The Hungarian Government, +through fear and hatred of the Slavs, deliberately +prevents the progress of the country (Croatia). The +service of the State railways is arranged of set purpose +to confine Croatian trade to Hungary and hinder its +development elsewhere. Even communication with +Vienna is made difficult, for the Magyars are afraid of +the Austrians coming to an understanding with the +Slavs.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_35_35" href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>We have here an example of the entirely different +outlook of the new States compared with the narrow +self-seeking of the old. If it were necessary to make +any defence for the policy of entrusting the smaller +nationalities to the government of their kindred, the +cases of Ruthenia and of Croatia-Slavonia might be +cited as evidence of the wisdom of that policy. In the +first we have an example of an active and sympathetic +democracy striving to confer the benefits of modern +civilisation upon a community backward through the +oppression of its late masters; in the second we see the +process by which oligarchy hoped to render a subject +people subservient to its will. Those who are inclined +to spare Hungary a measure of sympathy with her +claims from a spirit of chivalry towards a beaten nation, +should remember that she still practices the measures +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</span>of coercion which made her rule hateful in the past, and +that any extension of her influence would deprive a +corresponding number of human beings of their new-found +liberty.</p> + +<p>Contrast, for example, the liberty enjoyed in Czechoslovakia +with the servitude under which the subject +nationalities of Hungary lived before their release. “A +special section of the Constitutional Charter is devoted to +the so-called ‘fundamental rights and liberties’ of the +citizens, which are comprehensively enumerated. Privileges +derived from sex, birth, or calling are not recognised; all +residents of the Republic are guaranteed complete and +absolute security of life and personal freedom of which +they cannot be deprived except upon legal grounds. +Private ownership is inviolable and may be restricted +only by law. The Constitution guarantees complete +freedom of the Press, of assembly, freedom of instruction +and of conscience and religious creed, liberty of expressing +opinion, the right of petition, postal inviolability +and domestic liberty. Marriage, the family and motherhood +are placed under the special protection of the law. +All these guarantees and rights are protected by the +Supreme Administrative Court, which sees to the legality +of public administration.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_36_36" href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Nor are these provisions mere words. In the new +States the freedom so dearly won is a treasured possession. +The examples of Austria and Hungary are present +to the mass of the population as well as to their rulers. +Neither have the least intention of imperilling the future +existence of the new States by incurring the resentment +of the racial minorities they contain. The Magyar +minorities, as might be expected, are vociferous on the +subject of their imaginary wrongs, which consist in +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</span>the inability to display their alleged racial superiority. +Despite the inevitable confusion resulting from the many +changes of government, it is safe to say that no minority +community in the new States has more than trivial +grievances, which are due to the period of transition and +will disappear as soon as the machinery works with +greater freedom.</p> + +<p>I may be allowed to quote at length from an eminent +authority on the subject. “It cannot be emphasised too +strongly that it is the duty of this country—of all who +desire to see reconstruction and stable conditions in +Europe, and a new life budding among the ruins of the +old world—to give their active help and sympathy to +the new States—Poland, Bohemia, Rumania and Jugoslavia—and +to help them to adjust their mutual differences, +to overcome the internal difficulties created by +war, and to organise their shattered political and economic +systems. That is a perfectly practical programme +for the future; and I contend that it is the only programme +for that part of Europe which has the slightest +prospect of success.</p> + +<p>“During the War those who advocated the break-up +of Austria-Hungary as the key to political (as opposed +to purely military) success, were condemned in certain +quarters as being merely destructive in their aims, and +as putting forward a programme which, owing to its +criminally impossible character, was calculated to prolong +the War. Some of us never hesitated to take up +this challenge; indeed, we claimed that, so far from being +impossible, this programme was the only sure road to +victory, and that although Austria-Hungary was rotten +to the core and uniformly unsuccessful in the field, she +none the less provided Germany with the ‘cannon +fodder’ (35 millions of unwilling victims!) and with the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</span>strategic frontiers without which she could not have +ventured upon, still less maintained so long, her struggle +against the whole world. Even in high politics you +cannot put the cart before the horse; and it should have +been obvious from the first that if the League of Nations +is the goal (and it must be the goal of all sensible students +of foreign affairs) you must have your nations there, +before you can form them into a league. So long as +Europe contained a whole series of anti-national States +like Austria-Hungary or Turkey or the Old Russia, +holding down by main force a score of nations struggling +to be free, it was obviously impossible to devise a +scheme of order on any basis save that of the Holy +Alliance, whose members, starting from the highest +moral professions, ended with what was virtually a +mutual insurance against the spread of liberal and progressive +ideas. It is only now that most of these nations +have at last been set free, that it is possible to set to +work in earnest upon the task of constituting a League +of Nations.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_37_37" href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>These words were spoken in 1919, and the sequel has +demonstrated the truth of the ideas which underlie +them. Not only have the new States, in the close +alliance known as the Little Entente, proved that their +common policy is directed towards the insurance of the +peace of Europe, but they have even proposed and +secured the admission of Hungary to the League of +Nations, in the face of the doubts expressed by the +Powers. This action of the new States, each one of +which has suffered and is still suffering from the effort +made by Hungary to undermine their influence and +their reputation in the eyes of the world, is a striking +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</span>example of their determination not to allow resentment +or the memory of old oppression to interfere with the +peaceful settlement of Central Europe. The speech of +Dr. Osusky, the delegate of Czechoslovakia, in recommending +the admission of Hungary to the League, was +a solemn warning to Hungary that her admission was +only due to her expressed undertaking to abandon the +policy she had hitherto adopted. He explained that +Article 1 of the Covenant laid down that no State could +be admitted to the League unless it showed a sincere +intention to observe all its international obligations. +Hungary, by the Treaty of Trianon, engaged to disarm +and abolish compulsory military service. It was true +the latter had been abolished by law, but he had +observed in Hungarian newspapers in the present year +notices calling up the classes of 1898 to 1902 for military +training, and at Szeged, in February and March, violent +demonstrations took place against the application of +compulsory military service. The inter-Allied Commission +of Control appointed by the Peace Treaty had +obtained evidence of a number of facts which would +seem to show a certain lack of sincerity on the part of +the Hungarian Government in applying the law abolishing +compulsory military service, and it had had to apply +certain important reservations as to the way in which +this law was applied with regard to the destruction of +material of war. It was true that very little concealed +material had been found, but in the opinion of the +Military Commission this alone did not form sufficient +proof that none existed, and certain obstacles in the +way of control and investigation had been placed by +the Hungarian Government in the way of the Commission. +The Treaty of Trianon laid down that all subjects +of the Hungarian State should enjoy equal political +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</span>rights. Without wishing to call attention at length +to the condition of the Hungarian minorities, there +was the Hungarian Law, Article 25 of which provided +that only Hungarian inhabitants whose moral spirit +was considered satisfactory would be allowed to +vote as electors. The abolition of this law had been +frequently demanded, but, so far, the Hungarian +Government refused to do so, on the ground that its +provisions were necessary for the protection of the +Hungarian race.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding these facts, the Committee of the +League had recommended the admission of Hungary on +the strength of a solemn undertaking on the part of +Count Banffy by which Hungary firmly declared its +intention to observe all its international engagements. +This solemn declaration had been noted by the Committee, +and its terms allowed of no doubt whatever, +especially as regards the question of the restoration of +the Hapsburg dynasty. On the strength of this declaration +alone had the recommendation been made, in fulfilment +of the policy of the new States. Dr. Osusky concluded +by remarking that he hoped this evidence of the +spirit which animated these States would be of assistance +to Hungary in the fulfilment of the undertakings of Count +Banffy. As the result of this speech, Hungary was +admitted to the League on September 18, 1922. She +has yet to prove that she merits this act of forgiveness +on the part of her once oppressed nationalities.</p> + +<p>It must be realised that the democratic tendencies of +the new States are such that the condition of the +Magyar peasant and working classes is far more favourable +under Czech, Rumanian or Serbian rule than it was +formerly, or for that matter is now, under the rule of +the Magyar oligarchy. The Magyar system of election, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</span>justice, assembly and many other State-controlled functions +bore very heavily upon the Magyar poorer classes, +who were, in fact, oppressed in much the same manner, +though to a lesser degree, as the racial minorities. In +the new democratic States the Magyar landowner is +equal legally and politically to the labourer of his own +or any other nationality. It is this fact which clouds +the Magyar understanding, and makes it impossible for +a member of the Magyar ruling classes to see any good +in the organisation of the new States. The idea of the +divinely bestowed superiority of the Magyar over the +man of any other Central European nationality is so +firmly implanted in Hungary that it is impossible for +anybody brought up in the traditions of Magyar supremacy +to believe that States conducted upon any other +lines can possibly survive the wrath of heaven. But in +some cases there are other more mundane forces at work +among the Magyar landowning class. It is perhaps +largely as the result of these forces that the rulers of +Hungary are straining every nerve to produce a feeling +in favour of the return of the territory of the “subject +races” to the Magyar yoke. The present regime at +Budapest is very largely swayed by the influence of the +Magyar feudal magnates, and these magnates are +very large landowners in Transylvania. The Teleki, +Banffy and Bethlen families alone owned no less than +200,000 Joch (284,000 acres) between them in what +is now Rumanian territory. They argue that this +was Hungarian land, and that its transfer to Rumania +was an act of injustice. The fact that these great +estates were owned by Magyars is, of course, no argument +for the return of a territory inhabited by a majority of +Rumanians, but it serves as an argument in Budapest. +The influence of these families upon Admiral Horthy’s +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</span>Government is at all events sufficient to cause the leader +of the State to refer to Transylvania in the terms +already quoted.</p> + +<p>It is the uncompromising attitude of the Magyar +ruling classes towards the democratic leanings of the +Magyar peasantry of the minorities remaining in the +States bordering Hungary which causes the greater part +of the difficulties met with by the administrations of +those States. The Magyar peasantry would show no +marked hostility towards their new rulers, especially as +they begin to understand and experience the vastly +improved position to which they can raise themselves, +were it not for the constant encouragement and instigation +they receive from those whom for generations +they have been accustomed to regard as the masters of +their destinies. In their disgust at finding their aristocratic +and hereditary privileges disregarded by the new +Governments, the Magyar nobility owning land in the +new States leave no stone unturned to incite their fellow-nationals, +of whose welfare they have hitherto been +singularly indifferent, to protest and even rebellion. The +war of the Magyars against the new States is not only +a war against the hated nationalities, but even more—a +war between the hereditary privilege of oppression and +the democratic ideal of liberty.</p> + +<p>The present book has no concern with the attitude or +the policy of the States surrounding Hungary, except in +so far as these concern that country. Enough has, therefore, +been said in this chapter to show the divergence +between their ideals and the traditional predatory +tendencies of the Magyars. We may sum up by saying +that the goal towards which the former are working is +enlightened and progressive, while that of the Magyars +is obscurantist and reactionary. In supporting the new +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</span>States we are supporting the cause for which so many +of the English-speaking race laid down their lives in the +Great War; in supporting the Magyars we are risking +the regeneration of the very circumstances which made +that war inevitable.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"> +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30_30" href="#FNanchor_30_30" class="label">[30]</a> A. L. Kennedy, M.C., <i>Old Diplomacy and New</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31_31" href="#FNanchor_31_31" class="label">[31]</a> See the author’s <i>Ireland</i> in 1921. I should, perhaps, apologise +for quoting my own words.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32_32" href="#FNanchor_32_32" class="label">[32]</a> Jaroslav Cisar, in <i>Eastern Europe</i> for October-November 1921.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33_33" href="#FNanchor_33_33" class="label">[33]</a> President Masaryk, in the <i>Slavonic Review</i> for June 1922.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34_34" href="#FNanchor_34_34" class="label">[34]</a> <i>The Czechoslovak Republic</i>, Cisar and Pokorny.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35_35" href="#FNanchor_35_35" class="label">[35]</a> <i>The Slavs of the War Zone</i>, W. F. Bailey, C.B.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36_36" href="#FNanchor_36_36" class="label">[36]</a> <i>The Czechoslovak Republic.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37_37" href="#FNanchor_37_37" class="label">[37]</a> From an address delivered at Edinburgh on October 22, 1919, +by Dr. Seton-Watson.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII"> + CHAPTER VII + <br> + THE MINORITIES IN HUNGARY TO-DAY + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>According to Hungarian official statistics, the +population of the Republic of Hungary is now +7,482,000, composed as follows:</p> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Magyars +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +6,612,000 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Germans +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +500,000 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Slovaks +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +166,000 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Yugo-Slavs +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +111,000 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Rumanians +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +49,000 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl" colspan="2"> +And a small fraction of other nationalities. +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>As a matter of fact, the estimates of the non-Magyar +nationalities are probably too small, for the reasons +already set out in a previous chapter. The Slovaks +themselves estimate their numbers as 267,500, and it is +certain that the correct estimate is nearer the latter +figure. In the present chapter we may examine the +treatment of these minorities by the Magyars.</p> + +<p>As regards the Slovaks, although they inhabit certain +districts in a compact mass, and although, even according +to official Hungarian statistics, they form either a +majority or a considerable minority in 99 towns, they +have not yet been provided with a single elementary +school, not to speak of secondary or technical schools.</p> + +<p>The Hungarian Government, in order to evade the +duties devolving upon it in accordance with the Treaty +of Trianon, relative to the protection of racial minorities, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</span>declares that the Slovaks now settled in Hungary do +not desire schools in which instruction is carried out in +their native tongue. A strange light is thrown upon +the accuracy of this statement by the fact that in March +1919 a deputation was sent by the Slovak inhabitants +of the Bekes area, which contains more Slovaks than +any other part of present-day Hungary, to Karolyi, +then President of the Hungarian Republic, and to +Berinkey, then President of the Council, to submit a +memorandum claiming Slovak schools for the Slovak +minority in present-day Hungary. The President of the +Council promised them this, but only on the condition +that they should sign a manifesto protesting against the +union of Slovakia with the Czechoslovak Republic. The +deputation declined to comply with this condition, and +their request was consequently refused.</p> + +<p>Another proof that the Slovaks in Hungary wish to +have their own schools is that, at the period when the +Rumanian Army occupied a large part of Hungary after +the defeat of the Bolshevik troops, the Slovaks in that +area applied to the Rumanian Government for the +establishment of Slovak schools.</p> + +<p>But the Magyars have in no way abandoned their +Magyarising tactics against the non-Magyar races. On +the contrary, the oppression of the latter has grown +even more severe, although now that the majority of +these races have been delivered from the Magyar yoke, +the Magyars have no longer reason to fear that the +Magyar ideals of Hungary may be menaced. In order +to create the impression that the Slovaks are contented +with their lot, and do not desire the establishment of +Slovak institutions, the Magyar Government systematically +terrorises the humbler classes of the racial minorities, +and with the help of armed threats forces them to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</span>sign declarations against the establishment of their own +schools and other national means of expression.</p> + +<p>They have even gone further than this. The Slovak +minority has been deprived of the negligible number of +schools in which instruction was carried on partially in +Slovak, and these schools now use nothing but Magyar. +This has occurred at Kestuc, at Slovensky Komlos, at +Pitvaros and elsewhere. In the latter town, two teachers +were dismissed from their posts by the Hungarian +Government and deported to an unknown destination, +because in spite of orders to the contrary they had continued +to use Slovak as the language of instruction. In +the Churches belonging to the non-Magyar nationalities +Magyar has been forcibly introduced into Divine Service, +as, for example, at Slovensky Komlos. Slovak pupils in +secondary schools have been forbidden to speak Slovak +in the streets.</p> + +<p>The non-Magyars are being subjected to persecution +and imprisonment, and in some cases even to torture. +Instances can be cited by the dozen. A former Slovak +deputy named Hrabovsky, now a farmer at Caba, was +imprisoned and tortured, together with about fifty of +the principal citizens of Caba, Slovensky Komlos and +Pitvaros. They were kept in prison for twenty months +without being brought to trial. For no reason whatever +Martin Morhac, a Slovak Evangelical clergyman of Budapest, +with his wife and daughter, were treated in the +same way. Again, the Slovak preacher Rohacek, of +Niredhaza, was sentenced to five months’ imprisonment +for having urged his fellow-Slovaks not to conceal their +nationality when filling in the census returns. It is +instances such as this last which makes it allowable to +doubt the correctness of the Hungarian census. Where +terrorism prevails among a poor population, it is certain +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</span>that a large percentage of that population will yield to +it rather than incur the danger of fine and imprisonment. +It is impossible to estimate even roughly how many +Slovaks alone were led by these considerations to +inscribe themselves as Magyars in the census papers.</p> + +<p>The hatred which the Hungarian officials feel towards +the Slovaks is shown on the slightest occasion. A +typical incident is the case of Jan Calik, a farmer of +Caba, who, on May 4, 1922, asked the superintendent of +police to vacate the rooms he was occupying in his house, +as his son was getting married and needed them. The +superintendent attacked Calik and beat him savagely +with the flat of his sword.</p> + +<p>But the Hungarian Government faithfully followed +the precedent laid down by its predecessors of 1868. In +order to have a reply to criticism, it re-enacted to all +intents and purposes the Law of Nationalities which +had been a dead letter during the years before the +War. On August 21, 1919, it issued the following +decree:⁠<a id="FNanchor_38_38" href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>⁠</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>“1. All Hungarian citizens have completely equal +rights. The fact that they belong to a racial minority +cannot give them any privileges nor expose them to +disabilities.</p> + +<p>“2. Subjects of the State belonging to racial minorities +can freely make use of their native language in +the Hungarian Parliament, in district and communal +assemblies, as well as on their committees, wherever +they have the right to make speeches.</p> + +<p>“3. The laws and decrees of the Government are to +be published in the languages of all the racial minorities; +the Magyar text is authoritative. District and communal +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</span>regulations will be published in the administrative +language of the communal area, and also in the +language used there at the meetings of the administrative +bodies.</p> + +<p>“4. The administrative language of a district assembly +is fixed by the district at a general meeting. Proceedings +are to be reported in that language and also in those +languages which at least one-fifth of the members of +the departmental representative body desire to use. +The administrative language is the authoritative one.</p> + +<p>“5. The district assemblies can make use of their +administrative language in all their requests and decisions, +but if this language is not Magyar they are bound +to subjoin a Magyar text.</p> + +<p>“6. The administrative language of communal bodies +is determined by their assembly. As regards the reports +of their proceedings, see paragraph 4.</p> + +<p>“7. The communal bodies can use their administrative +language in their requests and decisions.</p> + +<p>“8. Subjects of the State belonging to racial minorities +can use their native language in communicating +with legislative bodies, the Government, the Ministries, +district and communal administrative authorities, as well +as with the public services.</p> + +<p>“9. The administrative bodies will issue their decisions +and replies in the same language as the applications, +complaints and requests submitted to them, and +in communicating with communal bodies, societies, institutions +and private persons, they will use the same +language as the latter, provided it is the administrative +language of the area.</p> + +<p>“10. Whosoever requires the protection of the law +and the assistance of the law courts, either as plaintiff, +defendant or appellant, can use his native language, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</span>provided that it is the administrative language for the +area within the jurisdiction of the court concerned.</p> + +<p>“11. The law courts will issue their decisions in the +same language as the application, etc. The evidence of +witnesses and other judicial procedure will be taken in +the language of the witness or the parties interested, +with the same proviso as in paragraph 10. Under the +same conditions, appeals will be made in the language +of the appellant provided that the court is aware which +language this is. All other judicial decisions, including +the verdict of the highest appeal court, will be given +in the language of the interested parties at their request.</p> + +<p>“12. Ecclesiastical administrative authorities, religious +communities and parishes, can decide freely what is to +be the official language of their Church or the language +of instruction in their schools, and they can make use +of it in their dealings with State and autonomous +administrative bodies.</p> + +<p>“13. Care must be taken that citizens of the State +belonging to racial minorities and living in sufficiently +considerable compact masses in the territory of the +State may have facilities in the State educational establishments +of the area where they reside for their children +to be educated in their native language as far as the +initial stages of higher education. In the universities +special chairs will be established for the study of the +languages and literatures of each racial minority.</p> + +<p>“14. Municipalities, communal areas, Churches, parishes +or private persons belonging to any racial minority may +found elementary, secondary or higher schools from +their own resources or jointly. For this purpose, and +in the interests of developing the national and economic +resources, citizens of the State belonging to racial minorities +can form societies and make collections under the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</span>legal control of the State. Educational and other establishments +founded in this manner will enjoy the same +rights as other schools and establishments. The founders +will decide what language is to be used in them.</p> + +<p>“15. The fact of belonging to any racial minority +will not be an obstacle in the way of attaining rank or +employment, whatever they may be. The Government +binds itself to see that judicial and administrative +posts, especially those of sub-prefects, are filled, wherever +possible, by persons belonging to racial minorities +and knowing their languages. Officials now in office +are obliged to take the necessary steps so as to be able, +within a period of two years, to satisfy the linguistic +requirements of the racial minorities inhabiting the +area in which they are carrying out their duties.</p> + +<p>“16. The competent Ministerial authorities are +entrusted with carrying out the present decree in co-operation +with the Minister of racial minorities, who will +keep a continual check on the manner in which this is +done, and who will organise for this purpose a special +section for each of the racial minorities.</p> + +<p>“The present decree will come into force on the day +of its publication.”</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The decree is most ingenious in its wording. It would +appear at first sight that absolute freedom was given +to the racial minorities to choose the language they would +use for official purposes. But upon closer inspection it +will be seen that this free use is circumscribed by limitations +depending upon the “administrative language of +the area.” As a matter of fact, the “areas” in present-day +Hungary are comparatively large and scattered, +and in consequence, even though the provisions of the +decree were faithfully carried out, it would be difficult +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</span>to find the requisite proportion of the racial minority, +not to determine the administrative language, but even +to determine the alternative language permitted under +paragraph 4.</p> + +<p>The working of the law may be illustrated by the +manner in which it applies to the Slovak minority. This +minority occupies the districts lying along the frontier +between Hungary and Czechoslovakia, for the most +part, although it is also found in other parts of Hungary. +Following the events of 1918, a Minister of Racial +Minorities was appointed. Oskar Jaszi, who had gained +a reputation for Liberalism, was nominated to the post, in +order that some pretence at least might be made of the +intention of the Government to pursue a policy of conciliation +towards the minorities. Jaszi made every effort +to win over the Slovaks to Hungarian nationality by +promising them autonomy, and he even recognised a +portion of eastern Slovakia as an independent Republic +under Hungarian protection.</p> + +<p>The Dictatorship of the Proletariat in Hungary did +not assist the racial minorities to secure their rights, +and it is quite evident that the so-called struggle for +liberty of the Bolsheviks in Slovakia was nothing more +than an attempt to secure national unity in Hungary. +The Bolsheviks desired, at least at first, to extend the +bounds of Soviet Hungary at least as far as those of the +ancient monarchy, in order to secure contact with the +neighbouring States, in which their next move was to +take place. Consequently there was no further step +taken with respect to the minorities until the counter-revolution +had restored the Magyars to power. This +step, when it came, was the decree of August 21, 1919.</p> + +<p>The motives which inspired the Government in the +issue of this decree are apparent in the words used by +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</span>the Minister of the Interior in introducing the new provisions. +He desired to extol the generous justice of +the Hungarian nation towards the minorities, once so +large, now from their reduced size of so much less +importance. As a matter of fact, as will be shown later, +his real intention was to continue the traditional policy +of Magyarisation, and he had no idea of altering the +existing condition of things. In his introduction to the +decree he said:</p> + +<p>“The Hungarian State has always recognised, honoured, +and even assured to the racial minorities the right of +using their language and of freely developing their +national civilisation. That this is beyond question is +brilliantly proved by the fact that on the territory of +the thousand-year-old Hungarian State not only have +the non-Magyar inhabitants been able to preserve their +national languages, but large numbers of them speak no +other. <i>Besides being able to use freely their mother +tongues in their private life and in their schools, these +inhabitants exercise in public life more extensive rights +than those accorded by any European State to those of its +subjects who speak other languages but those of the State.</i>”</p> + +<p>Had one not become accustomed to the utterances of +Hungarian politicians in the past, this sort of statement +is enough to take one’s breath away. The argument +that many members of the racial minority spoke no +language but their own because they had been allowed +freedom to do so is laughable. The history of events +in Hungary before the War proves conclusively that +every attempt was made to stamp out the use of any +language but Magyar, and that the reason for the continued +existence of the other languages of Hungary was +due to the most desperate efforts of the minorities to +retain their national characteristics. The fact that so +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</span>many of the inhabitants of Hungary spoke no Magyar +conceals a fact which exposes the whole Hungarian +policy. If the Minister of the Interior had been forced +to pursue his argument to the end, he would have been +compelled to admit that this large population who spoke +no Magyar were entirely illiterate, and were composed +of those who, rather than have Magyar thrust down +their throats, as would have happened had they attended +any place of education in Hungary, had preferred to +evade the education laws and to deny themselves the +benefit of any schooling whatever. The rest of his statement +quoted is merely untrue. As Björnson said of Magyar +utterances meant to impress foreign countries: “It is +waste of time to explain to them (foreign countries) +things as they are. They do not understand them. It +is consequently necessary to remodel them, to embellish +them, to transform them. <i>In our simple European +languages we have a single word for this which cannot be +used here. I am, however, assured that in Magyar there +exists a fine majestic word which we can perhaps translate +very closely by ‘patriotic language.’ When a Great Magyar +says something which is not quite true he speaks patriotic +language.</i> They have achieved in that respect a skill +incomprehensible to outsiders, which doubtless has its +origin in their racial talents.” We may, therefore, define +the Minister’s statements as patriotic language.</p> + +<p>His subsequent words bear out this supposition. +“Nevertheless, those States which for political reasons +complain so loudly of the oppression of their brothers +within the Hungarian State provide thereby a convincing +proof of their limitless intolerance and of their attempts +to oppress irrespectively not only their Magyar subjects, +but all their foreign subjects as well, and even those +who speak a kindred language.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</span></p> + +<p>He continues by adjuring the racial minorities not to +endanger the Hungarian State, which is their own +country, by exaggerated demands. It is within the +borders of this State that they will prosper, in contrast +to those who in other States are powerless to resist the +efforts of alien races to assimilate them.</p> + +<p>In order that the true application of the decree and +of the Minister’s words may be fully understood, it will +be necessary to summarise very briefly the legal situation +of the racial minorities in Hungary as they existed before +the publication of the decree. It is, of course, true that +by the law of 1868 the equality of the nationalities was +nominally established, but those who have read the +earlier chapters of this book will be aware of the +differences between the wording and the practice of this +law.</p> + +<p>The most important point concerns the local assemblies. +According to the law of 1868, which is followed +in this respect by the decree of 1919, the minutes of +these assemblies were to be kept in the official language +of the State, but they could also be kept at the same +time in that language which at least one-fifth of the +members of the body representing the jurisdiction +wished. This language may be termed for our present +purposes the auxiliary language of the assemblies. +According to the law, this auxiliary language might be +used in all courts and administrative bodies within the +area of the assembly. As the province of the assemblies +extended not only over their internal affairs, but over +the whole of the services of the State, so far as these +were not entrusted to other bodies, the important position +thus given to the language of the minorities can be +seen. But the auxiliary language had to be demanded +by at least a fifth of the members of the assembly, and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</span>under the Hungarian system of election such a proportion +of non-Magyars on the local bodies was unheard of. The +net result was that up to the time of the <i>coup d’état</i> +there was not a single local body in Slovakia where +Slovak was used as an auxiliary language. If this fact +be borne in mind, and the various laws be recalled by +which Magyar was introduced to the exclusion of all +others, it will be seen that even under the provisions of +the Law of Nationalities the use of a non-Magyar +language in the courts was so restricted as to be to all +intents and purposes inoperative.</p> + +<p>A Slovak could only use his native tongue before his +own communal court, of which the jurisdiction was +limited to matters involving a value of not more than +50 crowns. The exclusive language of all higher courts +was Magyar, as was the language of appeal from the +communal courts to the district courts. All members of +the legal profession pleading before the courts and the +judges and magistrates presiding over those courts were +restricted to the use of Magyar, whether engaged upon +their own cases or acting as the legal representatives of +minors or others. In practice Magyar was the only +language in which legal proceedings could be conducted. +In the matter of education the situation was similar as +has already been seen (<a href="#CHAPTER_IV">Chapter IV</a>).</p> + +<p>The decree of 1919 was nothing more than a continuation +of the existing state of things, for it did not amend +the law of 1868 in any vital provision. Wherever the +decree authorises the employment of a non-Magyar tongue, +it limits this authorisation by the condition that the +language must be either the official or the auxiliary +language of the area. As things are, it is impossible +that either language could ever be Slovak. As a matter +of fact, there is at present no commune in Hungary +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</span>where Slovak is the official or auxiliary language, far less +is there any larger administrative area.</p> + +<p>But even this illusory right was still to be denied to +the members of the legal profession, as was shown plainly +enough by a proclamation of the Minister of Justice +dated January 17, 1920.</p> + +<p>A statement of Pechany⁠<a id="FNanchor_39_39" href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> of November 17, 1921, +reproduced in the <i>Pester Lloyd</i>, is interesting.</p> + +<p>“By virtue of a commission from the Hungarian +Government, I have paid official visits to nearly all the +communes in which there is a Slovak-speaking majority. +Everywhere I have assembled the inhabitants and have +invited their views on intellectual, social and economic +questions. In all cases minutes were kept. As a result +of these minutes and of the speeches made in the +assemblies, I can state the following: The population +is primarily interested in economic questions. The +recorded wishes and petitions are mainly concerned +with the bettering of their material situation. The +population of the communes in question can prove that +a considerable improvement has taken place during a +relatively short time. A very good feeling exists in +the intercourse between Magyars and Slovaks, and as +every Slovak speaks Magyar as well,⁠<a id="FNanchor_40_40" href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> it is not even +possible to perceive that a polyglot population inhabits +the communes. In fact, purely Magyar villages are +found in the neighbourhood. The natural result is that +both Slovaks and Germans make every effort to learn +Magyar in their own interests. At each conference I +made special inquiries into the language of instruction +in the schools, and I prepared a special report on the +expressed desires of the inhabitants. The fixing of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</span>extent to which they desire Slovak to be used in the +schools depends entirely upon the inhabitants themselves. +The necessity for the teaching of Magyar was +everywhere positively expressed. There were a few +Slovak communes where, owing to the enthusiasm caused +by the Lovaszy Decree on the subject of languages, the +teaching of Magyar had been reduced to the minimum, +but the decree was soon changed by the force of circumstances, +for it was realised that it is preferable that +children should acquire Magyar at school, rather than +subsequently to seek employment or enter service in +Hungarian towns for the purpose.”</p> + +<p>It was hardly to be expected that the Slovaks, +terrorised by the brutality of the Magyar local officials, +would stand up in public and oppose their voices to +the soft and Magyarising words of the Special Commissioner. +It is not through the medium of public +meetings that the true sentiments of a <i>coerced</i> country +are ascertained.</p> + +<p>It is true that in the Hungary of to-day there are no +Slovak schools, and the reason is not the one so naïvely +put forward by the Commissioner Pechany. The slightest +sign of Slovak or other non-Magyar sympathies in +Hungary is rewarded with the consequences which the +non-Magyars know so well. The system of county +organisation which exists in Hungary makes such persecution +not only possible but easy. The control of every +individual in the communes and small towns is vested +in the local officials, who are in every case, owing to the +Magyar system of elections, men who have been specially +trained in the school of Magyar Jingoism. No one dares +protest against the Magyarising tendencies of the central +Government or its local officials. Even if direct molestation +were not to follow, it is quite certain that the offender +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</span>would never cease to feel the results of his act. At +every step he is dependent upon the goodwill of the +local officials, and the forfeiture of their goodwill means +that existence is made intolerable to the object of their +displeasure. To the citizens of a democratic country +the power of petty officials is incomprehensible, but in +a country such as Hungary it is no exaggeration to say +that the struggle for existence is impossible in the face +of the opposition they are enabled to exert.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Minister of Racial Minorities had ceased +to worry about the rights of the non-Magyar nationalities +in Hungary itself, and had turned his attention to their +brothers in the adjoining States. An article in the <i>Pesti +Hirlap</i> of January 14, 1921, gave the game away +completely.</p> + +<p>“The principle of the national Unitary Magyar State +excludes all idea of the appointment of a special +Ministry for the nationalities, and the <i>Pesti Hirlap</i>, as a +defender of the national policy, has always protested +against the idea. However, when our country was +dismembered, when the nationalities torn from us, +notably the brave Slovaks in the northern provinces, +the patriotic Ruthenians and the faithful Germans, gave +proofs of their attachment to the Hungarian State, the +establishment of a Ministry which should concern itself +with these patriot nationalities became justifiable. That +is why we ourselves have acquiesced in it. We shall +not raise any objection if, for the same reasons, the +Ministry is continued, for its suppression at the present +moment would be used by our enemies as a weapon +against us among our non-Magyar brethren. The situation +is such that the Ministry may be <i>a means of +maintaining the integrity of our territory</i>, if it is used +intelligently. Its continued existence should signify that +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</span>we consider our nationalities⁠<a id="FNanchor_41_41" href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> as forming part of the unity +of the national unitary Magyar State, and that we look +forward to their return to Great Hungary. It is, therefore, +evident that the object of the Ministry of Nationalities +cannot be to manufacture nationalities in a mutilated +Hungary.”</p> + +<p>The <i>Pesti Hirlap</i> no more recognises racial minorities +in Hungary than it recognises their rights. On the +contrary, it impresses on the Ministry the right, or +rather the duty, to occupy itself with the internal affairs +of the neighbouring States. The Ministry of Racial +Minorities has been suppressed, but it continues to +function, as suppressed Government departments are so +apt to do, in another form. It is now disguised as +Government Commissions on various nationalities. The +mouthpiece of these Commissions, so far at least as the +Slovaks are concerned, is Pechany, whom we have +already quoted. On another occasion he repeated his +strange theories, under conditions which ensured for +them the maximum publicity, trusting that the world +at large had forgotten the grain of salt with which it is +necessary to take the statements of a Magyar politician. +“There can be no question of the suppression of Slovak +schools,” he said. “Attempts have been made to teach +Slovak in secondary schools both at Bekescsaba and at +Szarvas. An insignificant number of scholars took up +the course and very soon abandoned it. There is at the +moment no obstacle to Slovak being taught in secondary +schools, elsewhere if necessary, if application is made +for it. Based on the statistics of Bekescsaba and +Szarvas, I can testify that the number of pupils seeking +instruction in Slovak in these two establishments is +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</span>relatively very low, that in general Slovak pupils are +only found in the lower classes of the schools, and go +at once to the agricultural school or remain at home to +engage in farming. Of the 441 pupils entered in the +higher classes of the secondary school of Bekescsaba in +1921-22, only 63 speak Slovak. Among these are some +Protestant Magyars and eleven Jews. Of the 451 pupils +entered in the higher classes of the secondary school of +Szarvas, 96 only speak Slovak.”</p> + +<p>In fact, Pechany is unable to perceive the existence +of any Slovak minorities in Hungary at all, in spite of +the fact that their existence is demonstrated by the +census figures of his own Government.</p> + +<p>After the experiences of representative Slovaks, particularly +those of the well-known Slovak patriot, Juraj +Grabovsky, who, together with 54 of his fellow-citizens +of Bekes, spent two years in prison for the crime of +having suggested the annexation of that province to +Rumania during the Rumanian occupation, it is hardly +surprising that Pechany found so little openly expressed +enthusiasm for Slovak speech or Slovak ideals. In the +communes in which the Slovaks predominate the detachments +of gendarmerie have been strengthened, and anyone +suspected of “Panslavism” is promptly removed to +prison.</p> + +<p>On February 1, 1922, the former deputy, Stephen +Rakovszky, declared that Hungary’s chief mistake was a +false policy towards the nationalities, that the Slovaks +were being alienated by the neglect of their language +and their institutions, and that it was only possible to +regain the lost districts by a favourable policy towards +the racial minorities.</p> + +<p>On February 25, 1922, more than three years after +the end of the War, Count Andrassy published in <i>Az Est</i> +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</span>a stinging criticism of the Magyar system of oppression +of the minorities in Hungary. “For myself,” he said, +“I have not long been a supporter of the secret ballot; +my reasons having been the faulty policy pursued towards +the nationalities, as a result of which the whole Magyar +nation found itself on every occasion in opposition to a +large number of voters of other nationalities. Hungary +was faced with the alternatives of either changing its +attitude towards the nationalities, or keeping to an +electorial system which enabled the Government to +exercise a decisive influence over the elections. Now +the situation is reversed. In the first place we no longer +have the nationalities, in the second everyone is agreed +that the attitude towards the nationalities in the past +was bad, and that in any case it is impossible to return +to it. Under these conditions I consider that public +voting is a crime against the right of the nationalities +to self-determination, and I most emphatically condemn +it.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_42_42" href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>These words of Count Andrassy convey an entirely +different impression from a sincere desire to further the +rights of the nationalities, since he does not appear to +be aware of their existence in present-day Hungary. It +is safe to assume that the Slovaks at least do not enjoy +any of the rights provided for racial minorities, since +their “Commissioner” maintains that they do not +desire to exercise these rights.</p> + +<p>Nor is it only the Slovaks who suffer. The experiences +of the German inhabitants of Oedenburg form a +case in point. According to the <i>Budapesti Hirlap</i> of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</span>February 6, 1922, before the plebiscite of Oedenburg a +deputy of Germans of that locality waited upon Count +Bethlen, the President of the Council, to acquaint him +with the wishes of the German inhabitants of that town +and to assure him of their devotion to the Hungarian +Fatherland. The President asserted that the application +of the Law of Nationalities and the decree of 1919 +would not be subject to any delay, and promised the +deputation that the desires of the German population +should be met. In the <i>Nemzeti Ujszag</i> of January 25th +Anthony König voiced the complaints of the Germans, +who, having heard so many promises and fair words, +were getting impatient for something to be done. Those +who are familiar with the situation as regards education +in the areas inhabited by the Germans have gained the +impression that no move has yet been made in the +direction of applying the laws.</p> + +<p>As for the other minorities in Hungary, the same +conditions prevail. The Rumanians have been awarded +a Government Commissioner and nothing more. The +Hungarian Government apparently does not recognise +the existence of the Ruthenes, Serbs or Slovenes.</p> + +<p>It is clear that the old passion of the Magyars for +their domination at the expense of the non-Magyar +nationalities still burns as fiercely as ever, and that the +country which now proclaims the injustice which has +been done to her has yet no intention of dealing justly +with the minorities within her own borders.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"> +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38_38" href="#FNanchor_38_38" class="label">[38]</a> Signed by the Prime Minister, Stephen Friedrich, and published +November 19, 1919, in the official gazette.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39_39" href="#FNanchor_39_39" class="label">[39]</a> Commissioner to the Slovaks in Hungary.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40_40" href="#FNanchor_40_40" class="label">[40]</a> Compare the remark of the Minister of the Interior (page <a href="#Page_136">136</a>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_41_41" href="#FNanchor_41_41" class="label">[41]</a> Evidently meaning the subject nationalities of <i>former</i> Hungary.—C.J.C.S.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_42_42" href="#FNanchor_42_42" class="label">[42]</a> Compare the article on Hungarian Elections, by A. Kristicz, +in the <i>Oxford Hungarian Review</i>, vol. 1, No. 2, p. 164, where the +author says: “In the rural districts the polling is public and oral, +corresponding to the frank character of the provincial Magyar +and his sense of responsibility for the open deeds done.”</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII"> + CHAPTER VIII + <br> + THE MAGYAR MINORITIES IN THE NEW + STATES + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>It is one of the principal complaints of the Magyars +that since the division of Hungary the Magyar +minorities in the surrounding States have been +oppressed and unfairly treated. That such a complaint +should be made by a nation, the whole of whose recent +history has been one of coercion of racial minorities, is +astonishing; but the very fact of the accusation having +been put forward makes it necessary that it should be +investigated.</p> + +<p>Magyar minorities exist at the present day in Czechoslovakia, +Rumania and Yugo-Slavia, each of which States +includes some part of the former dominions of the Crown +of St. Stephen. According to recent figures, Czechoslovakia +contains a Magyar population of about 636,000, +mostly in Slovakia; Rumania a Magyar population of +about 800,000 (if the Szeklers are included among the +Magyars), mostly in Transylvania; and Yugo-Slavia a +Magyar population of about 100,000, mostly in Croatia. +It will be seen, therefore, that the Magyar minorities +in Czechoslovakia and Rumania are the most important.</p> + +<p>We may deal first with the position of the Magyars +in Slovakia under the rule of the Czechoslovak Republic, +upon which we have been able to obtain indisputable +evidence, and which may help us in estimating the value +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</span>of the Magyar charges in other cases. Enough has been +said of the condition of Slovakia under Magyar rule in +earlier chapters of this book to make further reference +to the subject unnecessary. It is sufficient to say that +the Magyar minority in Slovakia comprises 21·2 per cent. +of the population of the province, and about 5·5 per cent. +of the total population of the Republic.</p> + +<p>Articles 8 and 9 of the Treaty of St. Germain (September +10, 1919) between the Allied and Associated Powers and +Czechoslovakia, stipulate that Czechoslovak subjects +belonging to racial minorities are to be granted the liberty +of founding, managing and governing schools and other +institutions established specially for them, and that the +Czechoslovak Government is to grant all its subjects, +whatever may be their mother-tongues, adequate educational +facilities. The children of such subjects are to be +granted the right of instruction in their native languages +when they form a considerable fraction of the total number +of the inhabitants of a town or district.⁠<a id="FNanchor_43_43" href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>⁠</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</span></p> + +<p>So much for the theory of nationalities in the Czecho-Slovak +Republic. We will now turn to the practical +manner in which this theory has been carried out. It +will be remembered that in Slovakia under Magyar rule +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</span>there were no schools in which the Slovak population +could secure general instruction in the Slovak language. +It is interesting to see how the Magyars fare in their +turn. The tables which follow give the educational +figures for Slovakia alone for the year 1921. In examining +them it must be borne in mind that the proportion of +Magyars in the population of Slovakia, contemporaneous +with these figures, was 20·6 per cent.</p> + + +<table class="log2"> +<tr> +<th> +Language of Instruction. +</th> +<th> +No. of<br>Schools. +</th> +<th> +Per Cent. +</th> +<th> +No. of<br>Classes. +</th> +<th class="no-border-right"> +Per Cent. +</th> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +<i>Elementary Schools:</i> +</td> +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +<td class="no-border-right"> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Slovak +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +2,613 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +70·7 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +4,207 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +68·2 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Magyar +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +762 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +20·6 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1,373 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +22 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Magyar-Slovak-German +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +3 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +— +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +20 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +0·3 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Magyar-Slovak +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +26 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +0·7 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +53 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +0·8 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Magyar-German +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +2 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +— +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +48 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +0·7 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="no-border-right"> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +<i>Higher Elementary Schools:</i> +</td> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="no-border-right"> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Slovak +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +85 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +77·3 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +434 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +77·9 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Magyar +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +15 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +13·7 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +94 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +17·2 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Slovak-Magyar +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +2 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1·8 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +— +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +— +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Magyar-German +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +2 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1·8 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +— +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +— +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="no-border-right"> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +<i>Secondary Schools:</i> +</td> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> + +</td> +<td class="no-border-right"> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Slovak +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +28 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +70 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +267 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +69·5 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Magyar +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +4 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +10 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +— +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +— +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Slovak-Magyar +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +3 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +7·5 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +31 +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +8 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Slovak-German-Magyar +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +2·5 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +— +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +— +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Magyar-Slovak +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +2·5 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +— +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +— +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Magyar-German-Slovak +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +2·5 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +— +</td> +<td class="no-border-right-right"> +— +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>From the above it will be seen that as regards elementary +education the Magyar minority in Czechoslovakia +obtains better terms as regards education than are +provided for in the Treaty. The latter only provides for +facilities for elementary education for the racial minorities, +whereas the Magyar minority not only gets this in greater +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</span>proportion than its strength warrants, but also gets the +advantages of higher elementary and secondary education +in its own language. As for the Slovak majority, their +lot is so different now that Slovakia is released from the +Magyar yoke, that it is almost unrecognisable. The population +now has complete freedom in educational matters, +and facilities for their enjoyment. Instead of being compelled +to imbibe what knowledge it could through the +medium of a foreign tongue, it has at its hand a modern +and extensive system of schools of all grades. As a +consequence the percentage of illiterates is decreasing by +leaps and bounds, and the backward state of the remoter +parts of the country, such as Ruthenia, which under +Magyar rule were left in mediæval darkness, is rapidly +giving place to intellectual consciousness.</p> + +<p>Nor does the Czechoslovak Government spare expense +in equipping Magyar schools. The outlay on education +in Slovakia for the year 1921-22 was:—</p> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Czechoslovak Crowns. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +For State Elementary Schools +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +41,661,957 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +For Private Schools +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +90,808,142 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +————— +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Total +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +132,470,099 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +————— +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>Out of this total expenditure, the following grants +were made for non-Slovak schools:—</p> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +State Schools. +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +Private Schools. +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Magyar +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +5,770,173 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +24,245,763 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +German +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +1,587,318 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +4,267,981 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Ruthenian +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +141,650 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +4,177,172 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +———— +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +————— +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="indent"> +Total +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +7,499,141 +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +32,690,916 +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +———— +</td> +<td class="tdr"> +————— +</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p>Thus the Magyar schools receive 22·5 per cent. of the +whole sum spent on elementary education in Slovakia. +The outlay on secondary schools in Slovakia amounted +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</span>to 9,712,526 crowns for 1921-1922. Out of this sum the +Magyar schools received 2,048,006 crowns, or 21 per +cent. of the total.</p> + +<p>As regards the admission of Magyars into the public +services, the Czechoslovak Government adopts an entirely +unprejudiced attitude. The following figures show the +distribution of the nationalities in various branches of +the public services of Slovakia for the year 1921. They +are worth comparing with the similar statistics for the +same province under Magyar rule in 1910, which will +be found on page <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Political Administration: Czechoslovaks 1,763, Magyars 397.</p> + +<p>Posts, Telegraphs and Telephones: Czechoslovaks 1,631, +Magyars 1,423.</p> + +<p>Elementary School Teachers: Czechoslovaks 4,676, Magyars +1,685.</p> + +<p>Higher Elementary School Teachers: Czechoslovaks 413, +Magyars 137.</p> + +<p>Secondary School Teachers: Czechoslovaks 431, Magyars 138.</p> + +<p>Doctors and employees in State Hospitals: Czechoslovaks 248, +Magyars 88.</p> + +<p>Judges and Lawyers: Czechoslovaks 198, Magyars 160.</p> + +<p>Public Works: Czechoslovaks 869, Magyars 144.</p> + +<p>Agricultural Services: Czechoslovaks 993, Magyars 576.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>From the above it will be seen that the proportion +of Magyars in the public services of the Czechoslovak +Republic is far greater than the actual strength of the +Magyar minority would warrant.</p> + +<p>In the Czechoslovak Parliament, including both the +Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, the representatives +of racial minorities can use their own language, both in +speeches and written communications.</p> + +<p>Racially the present Chamber of Deputies has 199 +Czechoslovak members, 72 Germans, and 7 Magyars. +The Senate has 103 Czechoslovaks, 37 Germans, and +3 Magyars.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</span></p> + +<p>The manner in which the Czechoslovak Courts carry +out their proceedings, even against Magyars who have +committed acts of sedition, has received no higher justification +than the tribute which was paid to it in the +Parliament of Budapest by the deputy Rassay, who commended +it to the notice of the Magyar Courts as a model +of justice and impartiality. In any degree of court in +the Republic racial minorities are permitted to plead in +their own tongues.⁠<a id="FNanchor_44_44" href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>In carrying out agrarian reforms in Slovakia, the +Government is showing the fullest consideration for the +demands of the Magyar peasantry. It is natural that +the owners of the large estates in this district, the majority +of whom are of Hungarian nationality, should endeavour +to delay the process of agrarian reform as much as possible, +but the small farmers, whether Magyar or Czechoslovak, +are opposed to their attitude. Wherever land has been +distributed, it has been allotted to the workers irrespective +of their nationality, according to the locality in which +it was situated. Thus the whole of the Coburg estate, +which is situated in a Magyar locality, and the area of +which was about 2,500 acres, was divided exclusively +among Magyar workmen.</p> + +<p>The Czechoslovak law of languages does not restrict +itself to the conditions imposed by the Treaty of +St. Germain, but accords to the minorities far greater +advantages than that Treaty contemplates. Where the +Treaty mentions a racial minority, Czechoslovak law +does not limit this expression to a given nationality, +represented by a sufficient proportion of members, but +extends the rights of minorities to all groups of citizens +speaking other languages, who form a fifth of the population +of any district. Thus, in a district of 20,000 inhabitants +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</span>it is sufficient that there exist 4,000 citizens speaking +other languages, not necessarily the same, to endow that +minority with the rights appertaining to minorities in +general. It is not only in this sense, but in a number of +others, that Czechoslovak practice outstrips the letter of +the obligation. For instance, the Treaty provides that: +“Notwithstanding the establishment of an official language +by the Czechoslovak Government, appropriate facilities +shall be given to Czechoslovak subjects speaking languages +other than Czech, for the oral or written use of their +language before the courts.” The Supreme Administrative +Tribunal published an order on October 5, 1921, +to the effect that all members of racial minorities were +to be given the advantage of this provision, whether +they were Czechoslovak subjects or not.</p> + +<p>Again, the Government is not obliged, under the Treaty, +to give the lingual advantages defined above except before +the courts. But the law of languages extends the right +of usage of a minority language beyond the courts to +“all other services, branches of administration and agencies +of the Republic”; in other words, to the postal, educational, +financial, political and other services.</p> + +<p>The Treaty speaks of “appropriate facilities,” which +must be given the minorities for the use of their languages.</p> + +<p>In Yugo-Slavia, also, the Magyar minority has been +afforded every facility for the continuance of its national +existence. It is confined almost exclusively to Croatia +and Slavonia, which were formerly in Hungarian territory, +and where, even then, the Magyars formed a very small +fraction of the population. The Slavs of those districts +have shown no tendency to retaliate upon their former +masters the indignities they once suffered; the Magyars +are permitted free use of their language and are subject +to no restrictive legislation, notwithstanding the intrigues +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</span>which exist between them and the irredentist societies +of Hungary.</p> + +<p>In Transylvania the problem which confronts the +Rumanians is more complicated. The conditions which +existed in this district before the War have already been +touched upon, and the injustices of Magyar rule exposed. +In Transylvania, and the same remark applies with equal +force to the other transferred regions, the Magyar population +was to a large extent made up of the official classes, +who had been appointed by the Hungarian Government +for the purposes of Magyarisation. Upon the transfer +of the regions, these officials were offered terms, in many +cases extremely favourable, upon which to continue in +their posts, as long as they showed their intention of +keeping faith with the new authority and refrained from +supporting Magyar irredentist policies.</p> + +<p>In many cases these officials showed themselves unworthy +of the trust displayed in them. In Transylvania +especially was this the case. Many of the leading Magyar +families owned large estates in the agricultural districts +of Transylvania, and were able to exert a pernicious +influence upon those officials and others who, originally +appointed under Magyar rule through the influence of +the landowning families, preserved their appointments by +the transfer of their allegiance. In many cases this +transfer was only nominal, and was effected deliberately +in order that they might be in the position to further the +schemes of the Government of Budapest. As a result, +the Rumanians have been faced with grave difficulties +in assimilating their Magyar subjects, who have remained +closely in touch with the sources of sedition. The defection +of the official classes has been seconded by the efforts +of the Magyar propagandists, and Magyar subjects of +Rumania have been encouraged to offer a policy of passive +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</span>resistance to the efforts of the administration to form a +homogeneous Kingdom of Rumania, combined with an +unceasing stream of complaints as to the injustice with +which they assert they are treated under the new regime.</p> + +<p>In many cases the Rumanians have been compelled +at short notice to replace disaffected officials by men of +Rumanian birth whose loyalty is unquestioned. Naturally +the supply of men trained for such posts is limited, and +in some cases men may have been appointed whose ideas +of local administration have been modelled upon the +methods of the Magyars when Transylvania was under +their rule. The Magyar propagandists, always keenly +on the watch for any incident upon which to base their +protestations, have seized with avidity upon the acts of +their Rumanian pupils to demonstrate the tyranny with +which they are treated under Rumanian rule.</p> + +<p>As a matter of fact, in Transylvania the Magyars under +Rumanian rule are far better off than the Rumanians +ever were under Magyar rule, even in the most extreme +cases, which the Magyars themselves have been able to +quote. But such a state of affairs is not sufficient to +ensure the peaceful settlement of Transylvania, and of +this the Rumanian Government is well aware. The +oppressive acts of local officials, which are in fact limited +to misinterpretation of the provisions of the law-giving +freedom of language, education and religion to the Magyar +minority, are entirely contrary to the express instructions +of the Government of Bucharest, which is deeply concerned +to enforce the provisions of the Treaties which ensure +the protection of minorities. But the Government is +in an extremely difficult position. The Rumanian population +of Transylvania, from the highest to the lowest, is +deeply incensed at the Magyar efforts, overt and covert, +to stir up strife and to secure by hook or by crook the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</span>return of the province to Hungarian rule. The Magyar +irredentists regard Transylvania as the Sinn Fein irredentists +regard Ulster; both alike proclaim the iniquity +of “partition,” regardless of the presence in Transylvania +and Ulster respectively of large majorities in favour of +such partition. In both the irredentist minority have +committed acts of aggression against the majority; in +both the servants of the Government have been guilty +of hasty and ill-advised actions in restoring order and +administering the law. But no reasonable person accuses +the Ulster Government of a policy of repression of the +Sinn Fein minority in Fermanagh and Tyrone. It would +be equally unreasonable to accuse the Rumanian Government +of a policy of repression of the Magyar minority +in Transylvania.</p> + +<p>That local officials and members of the civil population +of Transylvania have been guilty of foolish and arbitrary +actions is undeniable, and not to be wondered at. It is +indeed extraordinary that, overrun as the country is +with Magyar <i>agents provacateurs</i>, these actions have not +been of greater violence and frequency. Exasperated by +the overbearing demeanour of their late tyrants, their +political dishonesty and their perpetual efforts to stir +up discord, the Rumanian inhabitants have at times +retaliated by furtive efforts at petty persecution, not +one of which has been allowed to pass unnoticed by the +delighted Magyar propagandists. It is regrettable that the +Rumanians have thus played into the hands of these men, +as it affords them a ground upon which to base their +futile cry for the restitution of Transylvania to Hungary, +and so to delay the peaceful settlement of that province.</p> + +<p>A distinguished Englishman,⁠<a id="FNanchor_45_45" href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> as the result of investigations +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</span>on the spot, sums up the situation as follows. +“The Rumanian character is extraordinarily easy-going. +They are not hustlers (perhaps it would be better for +them if they <i>could</i> hustle a trifle), and no one would +suggest that in all sections of their country their administration +is perfect. It must not be forgotten, however, +that the country has been roughly doubled in area and +that in the newly annexed territories it was impracticable +to retain a large number of civil servants who had been +brought up in the machinery of another State—at any +rate, as far as the leading officials were concerned; but +it may here be mentioned that the majority of the minor +personnel on the Transylvanian railways, as well as postal +officials, etc., who worked under the old regime, have +been retained by the Rumanian Government. Every +Englishman knows how long it has taken us to build +up an efficient Civil Service. Rumania is a country +which has not behind her the traditions of organisation +which Great Britain enjoys, and in the selection of the +various administrative officials during the short period +which has succeeded the War, there have undoubtedly +been appointed some men who have proved themselves +unfitted to carry out the work. Humanly speaking, this +was bound to happen, and in my humble opinion the +Rumanian Government is doing all that is possible to +make good when failure in this respect is discovered.”</p> + +<p>Despite the exaggerated claims of the Magyars, there +is no question that the Magyar minority in Transylvania is +in every respect far better off than ever was the Rumanian +majority under Hungarian rule. Such minor injustices +as have been perpetrated towards the Magyars have been +due to the misplaced zeal of isolated local officials, and +are in no way representative of official Rumanian policy. +Beyond these, Rumanian demonstrations of triumph +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</span>inspired by the acquisition of an essentially Rumanian +province, are naturally distasteful to a proud people. +But of grievances such as would justify a reconsideration +of the Treaties, even the Magyar propagandists can +adduce no trace.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"> +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_43_43" href="#FNanchor_43_43" class="label">[43]</a> These terms of the Treaty are embodied in the Czechoslovak +Constitution, which contains the following provisions:—</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>128.</p> + +<p>1. All Czechoslovak citizens are fully equal before the law and +enjoy the same civil and political rights, without distinction of +race, language or religion.</p> + +<p>2. Differences of religion, confession, opinion or language can +be no bar to a Czechoslovak citizen, within the limits fixed by +the general laws, particularly to admission to the public service, +offices or honours, or in the exercise of the various professions or +industries.</p> + +<p>3. Czechoslovak citizens may, within the limits fixed by the +general laws, employ freely any language, in private or commercial +matters, in the exercise of their religion, in the Press or +in any form of publication, or at public meetings.</p> + +<p>4. The rights in these respects belonging to State agencies +according to the laws at present in force or those which may be +passed in the future, in the interests of public order, the safety +of the State or of efficient supervision, are not prejudiced by the +foregoing.</p> + +<p>129.</p> + +<p>The principles of the right of language in the Czechoslovak +Republic are fixed by a definite law forming part of the +Constitution.</p> + +<p>130.</p> + +<p>The general laws according to citizens the right to establish, +direct and control at their own expense charitable, religious or +social institutions, schools and other educational establishments—all +citizens, without distinction of nationality, language, religion +or race, are equal and enjoy the right to use freely their own +tongue and practise freely their religion in these establishments.</p> + +<p>131.</p> + +<p>In towns and districts containing a reasonable proportion of +Czechoslovak subjects speaking a language other than Czechoslovak, +the children of these Czechoslovak subjects are guaranteed +the possibility, within the limits fixed by the general educational +laws, of receiving instruction in their own tongues, but Czechoslovak +may be declared an obligatory subject.</p> + +<p>132.</p> + +<p>In cases where in towns and districts inhabited by a reasonable +proportion of Czechoslovak subjects belonging to racial, religious +or linguistic minorities, certain portions of the public revenue are +earmarked for educational, religious or charitable purposes by +State, communal or other budgets, part of the amount so earmarked, +corresponding to the appropriation and the objects, shall +be applied to these minorities, within the limits of the general +regulations concerning the public administration.</p> + +<p>133.</p> + +<p>The putting into force of the principles of 131 and 132, and +particularly the definition of the expression “Reasonable proportion,” +will be provided for by special legislation.</p> + +<p>134.</p> + +<p>Any measures of forced denationalisation whatever are forbidden. +Violation of this principle may be declared by law a criminal act.</p> +</blockquote> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_44_44" href="#FNanchor_44_44" class="label">[44]</a> See also below for an amplification of this statement.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_45_45" href="#FNanchor_45_45" class="label">[45]</a> Sir Harry Brittain, in <i>Eastern Europe</i>, October-November, +1921.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IX"> + CHAPTER IX + <br> + MAGYAR PROPAGANDA + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>From the moment when Hungary realised that her +defeat in the field would result in the loss of +the territory populated by what the Magyars +termed the subject races, she devoted all her energies +towards regaining them by the use of the more subtle +weapons of propaganda. The analysis of a propaganda +campaign is always extremely difficult, unless the strategic +scheme of those directing it is known. The tactics of +propaganda can usually be unmasked, but the true motives +which inspire those tactics are frequently difficult of discernment. +Propaganda in the modern sense means the +influence of opinion by the dissemination of some particular +idea or theory. It is based upon the psychological +fact that people upon whom a point of view is perpetually +impressed will in time insensibly adopt it as their own. +If this point of view is skilfully presented, it is unlikely +that the general public will see any motive behind it. +Further, unless the point of view concerns some set of +conditions with which the particular section of the public +it is desired to convince is remarkably familiar, the arguments +adduced in favour of it need not necessarily be +founded on the strictest fact.</p> + +<p>The Magyars, taught by their German allies, became +during the War adepts at the gentle art of clothing fancies +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</span>with the convincing garments of fact, and as soon as +their nation decided to take up the weapons of propaganda +they had no difficulty in finding the men to wield them. +But even so their methods displayed a certain native +clumsiness, which makes it possible to counter their +strokes by the only really convincing method. To attempt +to refute propaganda point by point is a wearisome task, +and one which often plays into the adversary’s hand, by +giving him opportunities of reply. The surest method +of making it harmless is to expose the object of the propaganda +and the sources whence it rises. I shall not attempt +to deal with Magyar propaganda except by the quotation +of the Magyars themselves, with an occasional commentary +where necessary to explain them.</p> + +<p>The ratification of the Treaty of Trianon compelled +the Magyar propagandists to assume a veil of secrecy, +and to disguise official propaganda under the guise of +the operations of unofficial bodies. Of these bodies the +“League for the Defence of Hungary’s Integrity” has +taken the lead and has absorbed many of its smaller +competitors. The General Secretary of this League is +Dr. Alexander Krisztics, a Professor at the University of +Budapest. On January 23, 1921, at the General Assembly +of the League, he made a report, from which may be +extracted the following passages:—</p> + +<p>“We have carried out a task worthy of Sisyphus. +In January 1920 I accompanied the Hungarian Peace +Delegation, inciting them not to dare to cede even a jot +of our ancestral rights. The same demand was shouted +to them by the people at every station on the way. We +used this means of strengthening the morale of the delegation +in this direction. In the report of the delegation, +however, passages have been observed which indicate +that they had consented to bargaining. But even these +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</span>have failed to soften the hearts of the Entente Ministers. +They have returned with the most intolerable conditions. +We have done everything in our power to ensure that +the protest of the nation should be as weighty as possible. +We held a whole series of meetings for the purpose of +protesting against these conditions, in Budapest as well +as in the country, ending up with enormous processions +and scientific lectures. Our protests found an echo even +in the foreign Press. In vain. Not even at the second +attempt has the delegation been able to bring back more +advantageous conditions. Consequently we began an +agitation against the signature of the Treaty, exploiting +absolutely everything. But we could not even prevent +this. We hoped from the assurances we received that +the ratification would not be carried out. We then +expected that the Magyar Sisyphus would finally complete +his task, pushing his heavy burden to its goal and thus +ridding himself of it. But again we were disappointed. +We failed to obtain even the postponement of the ratification +of the Peace. We therefore shoulder our burden +once again. Now we fight for the revision of the Treaty, +and prepare ourselves for new and great national efforts, +hoping to be victorious in this new attempt. The faith +is the old one. It is invincible, being an eternal source +of power for our future happiness. If we had all united +in the service of the Fatherland instead of admitting +discord, we should have obtained palpable results to +show for our efforts to regain our integrity. Sisyphus +himself often loses his strength through this discord +and busies himself with too many difficult problems, +when indeed he has but one problem to solve, namely, +the regaining of territorial integrity, which is all important +and without which no other problem can be solved.</p> + +<p>“Until we solve the problem of territorial integrity +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</span>none of our internal problems can be seriously and satisfactorily +solved.”</p> + +<p>“In the month of August Mr. Galocsi held a series +of conferences on the question of nationalities with the +leaders of the aforesaid nationalities. The minutes of +these meetings remain eternal documents from which +one can ascertain that the nationalities themselves <i>do +not desire more than what is granted by Article No. 44 of +the law of 1868</i>. It remains to be seen whether these +delegates have acted according to their statements made +at the conferences or not.</p> + +<p>“We have done all that is possible to maintain a +favourable spirit for the internal propaganda. In 1920 we +held 85 big meetings combined with concerts and lectures, +and 280 popular meetings; and we have distributed +34 different pamphlets, 58 different placards, 71 different +letters, and 8 kinds of propaganda stamps.</p> + +<p>“The provincial Press, which has not appeared for +a considerable time, has resumed work, and its newly +organised Press section under the leadership of Dr. +Okolicsany Laslo has worked with admirable results. +During two months 250 articles issued by our Press section +have appeared in the provincial Press, all serving the +cause of integrity.</p> + +<p>“In Western Hungary we have distributed 6 different +pamphlets, 9 different German manifestoes (loose leaves), +the paper <i>Westungarische Briefe</i>, and a German calendar.</p> + +<p>“For the occupied territories we have settled the +methods for placing at the disposal of the various nationalities +our pamphlets in their respective languages. We +have made every effort in this direction to promote the +movement and to give help to the branch league and +to the refugee municipal council. The refugee municipal +councils are already official organs, according to a ministerial +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</span>order by which the refugee officials must present +themselves to the respective municipal councils for the +verification of their offices.”</p> + +<p>“Propaganda abroad has met with great success, both +in connection with the Peace Delegation and otherwise, +with the result that European public opinion is acquainted +with our grievance and sees that the Hungarian question +is an open wound in the body of Europe. We have +succeeded in creating the Hungarian question, and it is +the duty of the League to keep it on the surface of European +politics until it is solved in our favour. This is +the basis of propaganda abroad.</p> + +<p>“Up to the present we have distributed 28 different +pamphlets in the English language, 17 in French, 8 in +Italian. The number of pamphlets in these languages +amounts to 300,000; if these distributed by other organisations +all over the world be included, the amount is +400,000.</p> + +<p>“We have also sent 25,000 copies of our review, <i>The +Hungarian Nation</i>. Of the political-economic map of +Hungary, worked out by Feodor Ferentz, with German, +English, French, Italian and Magyar text, 10,000 copies +have been distributed abroad with excellent results.</p> + +<p>“Among our more important publications we have the +English <i>East European Problems</i>, of which ten numbers +have appeared up to the present; of the <i>Questions de +l’Europe Orientale</i> six numbers have appeared. The +pamphlet dealing with the refutation of the allegations +made with regard to the White Terror in Hungary we +have published in English as <i>Reports of the White Terror +in Hungary</i> in greater numbers than usual.</p> + +<p>“During 1920 we have sent abroad 250 parcels containing +our books, reviews and pamphlets to the most prominent +statesmen and institutions.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</span></p> + +<p>“For the distribution of our material abroad we have +established close connections with important bookstalls +in London, New York, Paris, Berne, Geneva and Milan. +<i>As our publications were not bought by the public, we have +directed the booksellers to distribute them gratis to the +customers.</i>”</p> + +<p>“The relations we have had with foreigners who have +visited our country have had splendid results, thus, as +a result of our influence a book appeared from the pen +of Mme. Hedvig Latter Correvoh, the Swiss journalist, +and Dr. John Polterra, Deputy of the canton of Zurich. +Similarly, two articles by the American journalist, Kenneth +Roberts, have been published in the <i>Saturday Evening +Post</i>, which has a circulation of three million copies, one +article on the division of Hungary and the other on +Northern Hungary. The former is very strong, and our +illustrations were published with it, with the result that +the article and illustrations together filled a whole page +of the paper.</p> + +<p>“We have sent commissioners abroad for the service +of propaganda, of whom Dr. Varosy Karoly achieved great +success in Switzerland, making proposals regarding our +cause even to the President of the League of Nations, +and founding the Magyar League in that country. Our +emissary to Italy has personally discussed the matter +with the Pope of Rome and the high dignitaries of the +Holy See.</p> + +<p>“The activity of a member of the Reformed Church, +Magyerosi, has been very marked in Holland. He held +26 lectures on Hungary in 24 towns, as well as two +matinées, which were attended by the highest aristocracy +of the country. He also informed us that Western +public opinion is beginning to appreciate the machinations +of the Rumanians, Czechs, Serbs, etc., and that +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</span>nobody has any faith in the consolidation of those +States.”</p> + +<p>“We have received six foreign journalists, to whom +we have given information, and have also shown them +the impossible frontier. In Berne we have arranged +an exhibition of our maps and pamphlets, by which we +have demonstrated the impossibility of dividing Hungary. +The exhibition was a great success.</p> + +<p>“Abroad we have up to the present 34 emissaries in +30 large cities who work zealously for us, not only Magyars +but also foreigners, drawn from the ranks of those who +have visited our country, and whom we have won to +our cause.</p> + +<p>“The information in the foreign Press is conveyed +both directly to the newspaper offices and indirectly +through our bureaus and agents. In 1920 we have +employed six such agents and we are negotiating with +six others.</p> + +<p>“We send our news direct to 182 English and American +papers every week through our Press service. In these +communications we show the impossible internal situation +of the States which have taken possession of our territory, +the atrocities committed on our territories, expounding +at the same time the unanimous wish of the +population of those territories for the old Unitary Hungary, +and insisting on the revision of the Peace Treaty. All +this appears as informatory news.</p> + +<p>“We have close connections with 18 daily papers +abroad, which publish without any modification the matter +given them by us, as, for instance, the American review, +<i>The Commentator</i>. Our emissaries and agents receive +from us articles and information to be sent to the +Press of the locality in which they work, which device +has given splendid results. We have registered 15,000 +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</span>addresses to which we regularly send all our printed +matter.”</p> + +<p>“Our action for the revision of the Treaty has the +support of 53 deputies, with Dr. Karafiath Jeno at their +head, who further our efforts in every direction.</p> + +<p>“Our programme for the future comprises the improvement +and the completion of the foreign services, particularly +of the Press service, by sending information to +the Press of the world in its various languages. We shall +publish pamphlets in all languages to advocate our aims +and shall distribute them universally.</p> + +<p>“We particularly wish to send a considerable stock +of books to our Hungarian brokers in America, and we +shall do everything within our power to provide literary +books for our agents in the occupied territories. The +stock of correspondence we propose to use entirely for +the strengthening of the militarist spirit.</p> + +<p>“In the above we have the honour of presenting to +you the report for the year 1920.”</p> + +<p>There are one or two points in the above report which +may require some elucidation. Mr. Galocsi, in his much +vaunted conferences with the leaders of the nationalities, +took care to get in touch only with those few malcontents +whose private concerns would have shown more profit +under the corrupt Magyar rule. “Article 44 of the year +1868” is the infamous Law of Nationalities. It is quite +credible that the nationalities desired no more than was +included in its provisions. But, as we have already shown, +these provisions were never put into force under Magyar +administration.</p> + +<p>The reference to “refugee officials” in the occupied +territories, by which term the new States are referred +to throughout, is perhaps a trifle obscure. It must be +remembered that when Slovakia and the other transferred +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</span>territories were part of Hungary, they were ruled by a +swarm of local officials, all of them Magyar or of assured +Magyar sympathies. These officials in many cases used +the extreme toleration with which they were treated by +the administration of the new States, most of them being +continued in their posts, but with widely different orders +as to their duties, to intrigue against their new masters. +Their actions were repeatedly overlooked, but in extreme +cases it was necessary to expel certain of them +from the new States. Even those who remained were +approached by the Hungarian authorities, especially by +the officials of the Ministry of Nationalities, in order that +they might be used as agents for hostile propaganda +to the States to whom they had taken the oath of +allegiance.</p> + +<p>The admission of the report that the League had +created the Hungarian question is interesting. The implication +is that there would be no such question in the +mind of the world but for its agitation, which is very +near the truth.</p> + +<p>The Press service of the League deserves further description. +It consists of a printed slip, headed “East +European Press Service. Published by Alexander L. +Krisztics, LL.D. Editorial Office: Budapest IV, 1 Maria +Valeria Street.” A typical issue contains a report of a +visit paid by a deputation of American and English +Unitarians to Transylvania, and of the devastating conclusions +reached by it; three other items whose contents +may be gathered from their headings, “The National +Minorities excluded from the Rumanian Parliament” +(dated from Bucharest), “North Hungary a Second +Siberia” (dated from Prague, and apparently designating +Slovakia as North Hungary), and “Czech Opposition and +the Hapsburgs” (also dated from Prague), and a paragraph +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</span>headed “Polygamy and Free Love in Bohemia” (dated +from Prague), which contains an entirely fictitious account +of the introduction of a law in favour of polygamy into +the Czechoslovak Parliament! Professor Krisztics’ estimate +of the gullibility of the English-speaking Press +appears to require revision. It is amusing to note that +this farrago of nonsense is inscribed “Subscription Price: +annually £1 or $5.” But as a matter of fact it shares +the fate of the doctor’s other propaganda material, of +which he reports so pathetically that it had to be distributed +gratuitously for lack of purchasers.</p> + +<p>The League and its associates had made every endeavour +during the year covered by the above report to arouse +dissension in Slovakia against the Czechoslovak Republic. +During the first period of their union with the Czechs +a fraction of the Slovaks were inclined to look with +searching eyes into every move of the new State. They +had suffered for so long under Magyar domination that +they were unaccustomed to honest dealing on the part +of the Government responsible for their well-being, and +were consequently on the look out lest the Czech administration +should adopt the traditions of the Magyars. The +existence of this vague feeling was at once seized upon +by the Magyars as the basis of subversive propaganda +in Slovakia, and the energies of the propagandists were +directed to fanning it into open revolt. It is hardly +necessary to say that they failed entirely, and that +at the present day the Slovaks are as loyal to the +Republic as the Czechs themselves. But the methods +of Magyar propaganda are none the less instructive, +and form a useful illustration of their methods in +other directions.</p> + +<p>The object of the propaganda during 1920 was twofold; +the overthrow of the Czechoslovak Republic and the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</span>restoration of the Monarchy. Its headquarters were at +Vienna, and its chiefs were Gustav Gratz,⁠<a id="FNanchor_46_46" href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> the Magyar +Envoy, and Arpad Reich, who dealt with the Press under +his instructions. Gratz and Reich looked to Budapest +for general guidance in their campaign. In Vienna Reich +had a special committee for carrying on propaganda in +Czechoslovakia. The head of this committee was Leopold +Mandl,⁠<a id="FNanchor_47_47" href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> who was on the staff of the <i>Neues Wiener Journal</i>, +and one of its members was a former People’s Commissary +for Slovakia of the Magyar Soviet Republic. The committee +maintained paid spies in Czechoslovakia, among +whom were Koloman Tobler, a member of the Czechoslovak +Chamber, who contrived to supply Gratz with papers +stolen from the Czechoslovak Foreign Office, and a +captain in the Czechoslovak Army of the name of Schenschich. +At Budapest the head of the whole organisation +was Tibor Eckart.</p> + +<p>In July 1920 Reich sent the following report to the +Hungarian Minister for Racial Minorities and to Eckart. +The report is marked “Strictly Confidential.”</p> + +<p>“As a result of numerous discussions and negotiations +with regard to the irredentist movement in Upper Hungary, +an irredentist association and various irredentist committees +have been founded.</p> + +<p>“Our confidential agents who were dispatched to the +occupied territory arranged the necessary meetings, organised +the movement, allotted the individual activities, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</span>and also managed the material side of the matter. To-day +practically every village is represented. The Upper +Territory is divided into four areas, each of which is +managed by a special committee. Ruthenia forms a +special area whose committee works in complete independence +and submits its reports to the main committee +in Vienna. It has its own Press and working funds, its +printing is managed in Budapest, and its news service +in Vienna.</p> + +<p>“The following four towns are suggested as the +headquarters of these four committees: (1) Bratislava, +(2) Kosice, (3) Banska Bystrice, (4) Nove Zamky (or +some other town).</p> + +<p>“Connection with Bohemia is much easier from Vienna, +where we have excellent printing arrangements and an +extensive network of espionage.</p> + +<p>“Important services are being rendered to us by the +well-known editor Mandl, whose articles in the Viennese +Press pursuing anti-Czech tendencies have considerable +influence and are quoted abroad.</p> + +<p>“The objects of the committee are partly of a political, +partly of a military character. The military affairs and +the organisation of troops are managed by high military +authorities who are co-opted on the committee, and they +are having excellent results. I will refer to this activity +again later.</p> + +<p>“The individual committees are in mutual connection, +but one is not subordinated to the other. The Czechs +have an extensive espionage which works well.</p> + +<p>“As the population in Slovakia is very devout, it is +necessary that every priest, as far as he is not known as +a pronounced friend of the Czechs, should be won over +for the movement.</p> + +<p>“Besides the priests, the persons of chief importance +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</span>to us are the teachers and lawyers. The destinies of the +people are in the hands of these intellectuals, and it is +therefore upon them and not upon the people that our +main effort should be concentrated.</p> + +<p>“The harvesters, who were last year obtained from +the occupied territory in numbers much greater than +were needed for performing harvest operations for the +Hungarian estate owners, were chosen so that they should +bring irredentist ideas back home with them, disseminate +them, and at the given moment put them into practice.</p> + +<p>“The preparations for winning over and using the Press +are already completed with good results. With few +exceptions the papers are practically all in good hands.</p> + +<p>“On account of the liberty of the Press, no changes +were carried out among the editorial staffs; the old guard +is in its place and is entirely on our side. There are +only a few insignificant exceptions which are not worth +referring to. It is a matter of absolute indifference +whether the papers pursue white or red tendencies, +whether they are Jewish or Christian, whether they follow +national or class interests. The only thing that matters +is whether they are in favour of Magyar tendencies +or whether they are convinced adherents of the Czechoslovak +State.</p> + +<p>“The French are well aware that the present conditions +in Central Europe cannot last, and that there must be +a complete restoration of the former state of affairs. +The French⁠<a id="FNanchor_48_48" href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> will not hinder this, although if necessary +they will apparently oppose it, while actually agreeing +with us and giving us their support. The French feel +the same need as we do, and are convinced that the Czech +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</span>State is incapable of continued existence. It is, of course, +well known that there are politicians in France who +pursue a different policy, but they will become weaker +and weaker, and only those whom we need will remain +in power.</p> + +<p>“A number of papers at Bratislava are for sale. We +have already begun negotiations.</p> + +<p>“A number of important officers in the present Czech +Army are in connection with us, and so we can obtain +prompt information of every military activity. As a +result of their former military training these officers +have remained our brothers and regarded themselves as +officers of the Monarchy and not of the Czech State.</p> + +<p>“We are acquainted with military secrets which alone +would justify our faith in our ultimate success.</p> + +<p>“It is of special advantage to us that we have our +representatives in the Slovak Ministry, who are better +able to manage this organisation and keep us informed +of everything.</p> + +<p>“Steps have been taken so that Slovak troops will +refuse to serve in Czech districts, and this will lead to +a slackening of discipline and help to bring the army on +our side at the necessary moment.</p> + +<p>“The officers who were selected for the most important +positions, and who are now serving as Czech officers, +are doing excellent work.</p> + +<p>“Our plans have been sanctioned by the French,⁠<a id="FNanchor_49_49" href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> +and their representatives are already on their way to +Budapest, where they will negotiate with the politicians.</p> + +<p>“In any case the return of Kosice and Bratislava can +be regarded as settled, but the Magyar politicians, with +the help of military pressure, will demand a complete +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</span>capitulation. Strategic plans with regard to Upper +Hungary are ready, and are on such a large scale as to +make the use of artillery unnecessary.</p> + +<p>“Through the pressure of the French politicians we +shall be obliged to enter into an alliance with Rumania. +Rumania will demand strong guarantees, but we shall +do the same. The French politicians and military leaders +have undertaken to negotiate this friendship, which is +really due to the visit of the Queen of Rumania to Paris. +The King of Rumania is said to be using his influence +to bring about a union with us against his allies. The +Rumanians would have no objection to the return of +the Hapsburgs, for the King of Rumania personally +sympathises with King Karl.</p> + +<p>“The Czechs certainly know about this affair, and +also in Austria they are to some extent aware of it; +Renner is already preparing his counter measures. There +is great excitement behind the scenes among the Czechs, +and the Czech Embassy continually appeals to Paris, +whence it receives courteous but evasive answers. We +know for certain that the Austrians are negotiating with +Renner as intermediary, and that before very long an +open union will be reached between Prague and Belgrade +for defence and resistance in common. But this alliance +need not cause us any alarm, as after the elections in +Austria there will inevitably be a change.</p> + +<p>“In Upper Hungary the lion’s share of the work has +been performed by estate owners and the Magyar nobility. +It is a fortunate thing that they are Slovak subjects, +and therefore not easily amenable to political control.”</p> + +<p>There is little need for comment on the above report. +I prefer to let it stand in its naked audacity.</p> + +<p>The method by which Gratz and Reich endeavoured +to influence their compatriots is indicated by the following +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</span>document. It is a slip handed to Magyar subjects applying +at the Hungarian Embassy for passports to enter Czechoslovakia.</p> + + +<p class="center">“<span class="smcap">Hungarian Embassy at Vienna.</span></p> + + +<blockquote> +<p>“Travellers proceeding to Upper Hungary are to do +everything to intensify the opposition to the Czechs +which prevails among the people, and should avoid +anything that might harm the Magyar cause. Every +Magyar who proceeds to Upper Hungary should regard +himself as an envoy of the Magyar national interests, +whose moral duty it is by every word he utters to aim +at strengthening the trust and confidence in the future of +Hungary among the inhabitants of the occupied territory.</p> + +<p>“Travellers should speak about such matters which, +being duly circulated, can do harm to the authority of +the Czechs. Such are, the ‘Freedom from Russia’ movement +among the Czech clergy. Bolshevism is developing +in Bohemia, and with it is associated the persecution +of Christians. The Czech industries are robbing the +Slovaks. The prices of industrial products are not fixed, +while the prices of agricultural products are. Food +supplies are being taken from the people, and the trains +which transport them to Prague start off at night. All +these misfortunes are due to the fact that the Slovaks +have seceded from the Crown of St. Stephen. All the +Jews have escaped to Slovakia, where they are safe because +the Czechs are their abettors. The Slovak language is +being suppressed, and even the taxation records are +written in incomprehensible Czech. The economic and +financial conditions are desperate, Czechoslovakia having +in one year contracted debts to the amount of 5,000 +million. Misery and distress will last until the territories +of Hungary are again united; it was God Himself who +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</span>created them as a unity, marking them off by a huge +chain of mountains. The rivers, too, do not flow to +Prague, but to the Hungarian plains. The Czechoslovak +State is an unnatural product. He who is in favour +of this product is also in favour of the starvation and +suffering of the people. Let each one choose where he +wishes to belong, either to Christian Hungary which gives +and assures full liberty to all its citizens, in order that +the hardships of the past may not return, or to the Czechs, +who are oppressing the Slovaks in economic matters, +in religion and language, are starving them, and desire +to reduce the Slovak nation to beggary.</p> + +<p>“Travellers must avoid anything that might place +Hungary in a bad light. Whatever is imperfect and +burdensome there must be depicted with the forbearance +of children who do not declare their parents’ weaknesses +to the whole world. Above all, comparisons of Hungarian +conditions with those in the territories occupied by the +Czechs must be avoided, in order that it may not seem +as if the latter were better; this would be nothing less +than betrayal of our country. If, nevertheless, anything +unfavourable must be mentioned, it must be modified +and depicted as the result of circumstances during a +period of transition. Among all reliable people it must +be emphasised that justice must prevail and that soon, +since the Czechs cannot maintain themselves in their +State, which is an economic and geographical impossibility, +against nations which are numerically stronger +and are inimically disposed. It is absolutely impossible +that military occupation of Slovakia should continue for +long, and the Entente will not protect this State which +is incapable of permanent and independent existence. +The feeling of the Entente is beginning to turn away +from the Czechs and to incline towards the Magyars, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</span>it being no longer possible to-day to govern according +to Wilson’s principles. Our best friends in the Entente +are to be found principally among the English, the +Americans and the Japanese, and if our rights did not +fully prevail immediately on the conclusion of Peace, +this was only due to the fact that the Entente was obliged +for the sake of its honor to fulfill the undertakings it +had made. These commitments, however, will lapse with +the conclusion of the final Peace terms. The League +of Nations, which is being founded by England and +America, will be composed of reasonable elements who +will respect national wishes. It is obvious that in the +future the Entente will adopt the attitude that the natural +course of events must not be hindered and that European +peace must not be menaced by the retention of unnatural +conditions. Hence it depends entirely upon the probity +and perseverance of the Magyars whether our rights +will prevail. A very large number of utterances abroad +indicate the sympathies which Hungary has gained by +crushing the hydra of Bolshevism, and, in spite of unfavorable +conditions, bringing about order and creating +a strong army within a short time.</p> + +<p>“The Poles are supporting us most eagerly, and they +desire to have common frontiers with Hungary, since +otherwise they also would be surrounded by hostile +nations. In all the occupied territories a feeling of +moderation is beginning to show itself, even among that +part of the population which at first was opposed to us, +because it now realizes that separation from Hungary +is unfavorable even from its point of view. The greatest +dissatisfaction prevails in Slovakia, where we are informed +that the great majority of the inhabitants desires to break +away from the Czechs and return to the old Hungarian +State.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</span></p> + +<p>“Travellers to Slovakia who are stopping in Budapest +should pay a visit to the headquarters of the Upper +Hungarian League, or should go to the Information Bureau, +where they will obtain printed matter indicating the +kind of information required by the League. If, however, +they cannot proceed to Budapest, they should bring a +reliable and accurate reply to the following questions: +(1) feeling among the people; (2) coercion on the part +of the Czechs; (3) strength of the Czech and Slovak +troops in various places and the feeling among them; +(4) official measures taken by the Czechs; (5) any signs +of unrest or typical utterances; (6) what circumstances, +events and opinions are, according to their experiences, +favourable to Hungarian policy in the occupied territories, +and what arrangements, measures or actions should +be adopted.</p> + +<p>“Reports or information should be brought or else +sent in writing to the headquarters of the League. Persons +wishing to work in other ways for the League should +make personal application. In conclusion, it should +once again be emphasised that all pessimistic feeling +does harm to our cause, and it is therefore the patriotic +duty of every traveller to Slovakia to strengthen confidence +in our future by all his actions.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>“<span class="smcap">Budapest</span>, <i>December 20, 1919</i>.”</p> +</blockquote> +</blockquote> + +<p>It is necessary to make one or two comments upon +the above in order that it may be fully understood. In +the first place the reference to “incomprehensible Czech” +demands some mention of the question of language in +the Czechoslovak Republic. The Magyar propagandists +have made great capital out of the allegation that the +Czechs have enforced the use of their language throughout +the Republic, to the exclusion of Slovak. As a matter +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</span>of fact, the languages are almost identical. Without +entering into a discussion as to their theoretical differences, +I shall content myself by quoting the experience of Mr. +Crawfurd Price, whose personal acquaintance with Central +Europe makes him a reliable and impartial witness. “My +own plan,” he says, “consisted of taking a Czech who +had never been to Slovakia and never studied the so-called +Slovak language, and using him as an interpreter among +the peasants in the remote districts of the country. I +found that neither party experienced the least difficulty +in understanding the other, and I was led to the conviction +that Czech and Slovak are merely dialects of one and the +same language, with less essential difference between +them than exists say, between London and Lancashire.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_50_50" href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The document itself contains an implication which is +alone sufficient to demolish the whole structure which +Magyar propaganda strives so laboriously to build up. +Magyars are not to discuss conditions in Hungary on +Czechoslovakian soil, lest the obvious superiority of the +institutions of the latter should become too apparent. +To admit this “would be nothing less than betrayal of +our country!”</p> + +<p>Recently the <i>League for the Defence of Hungary’s +Integrity</i> has formed the <i>Magyar National Union</i> as a +purely propagandist organisation. The Union issues propagandist +and irredentist pamphlets, postcards, stamps, +posters, poems and songs, which are offered for sale at +various celebrations, in schools, offices, shops, banks and +elsewhere. The proceeds of these sales are extremely +profitable to the Union, as rich Jews and others are coerced +into paying ridiculous prices for the goods offered them. +The Union also acquires funds from public collections +and more or less voluntary contributions. For instance, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</span>even small communities such as Szeghalom and Veszto +have contributed 100,000 crowns each for the furtherance +of the irredentist movement. Among the foremost workers +on behalf of the Union are to be found Ivan Rakovszky, +the Minister of the Interior, Dr. Eugen Karafiath, State +Secretary, Julius Gömbös, the leading light of the <i></i>M.O.V.E., +Baron Lers, Count Gedeon Raday, Baron Albert Kaas, +who is in charge of propaganda on the Ruthenian frontier, +and many others.</p> + +<p>With the co-operation of the <i>Union of University +Students</i> (Mefhosz) the Union sends a selected student +to England, usually Oxford. It was at this university +that the Oxford League for Hungarian Self-determination +was founded. The expenses incurred in sending these +students are defrayed by public subscription, or in some +cases the students are sent at the expense of individual +municipalities.</p> + +<p>The Union is assisted in its work by the Pedagogic +Museum, the Director of which, Ministerial Councillor +Alexander Hadasi, requested English publishers to use +the Magyar names of places in books issued by them.</p> + +<p>The Union numbers about half a million members, +and its motto is <i>nem, nem, soha</i> (no, no, never), which it +declares to be the unanimous reply of the Hungarian +Nation to the frontiers imposed upon it by the Treaty +of Trianon. A special Irredentist Banner of the Union +is preserved by the main altar in the Basilica at Budapest. +With the Union are associated the various other irredentist +organisations, mostly formed by the so-called “refugees” +from the neighbouring States. A special Union has been +formed for Slovakia, Transylvania and the Banat, with +branches for such areas as Spis and Bratislava. In these +organisations the former departmental officials represent +the separate local areas as though these were still in the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</span>Hungarian State. The Magyar Government, wisely apprehensive +of the criticism of the League of Nations and +foreign countries, leaves the direction of political propaganda +to private persons, restricting its own participation +to the suggestion of general tendencies and to providing +pecuniary assistance.</p> + +<p>The Government attaches far greater importance to +what is termed cultural propaganda. This emanates +from the Ministry of Education, and is directed by State +Secretary Julius Pekar. This type of propaganda is also +indulged in by the Magyar Foreign Society, which is +presided over by Dr. Albert Berzeviczy and Count Apponyi. +Besides the activities of the Mefhosz already mentioned, +this society organises travelling scholarships and local +student societies on the German model. These organisations +are pledged to keep alive the agitation for the +restoration of Hungary to her former boundaries. They +are wholly militarist in their spirit and activities.</p> + +<p>An expressly irredentist propaganda is carried on by +the political party known as the Honvedelmi Part (Party +for the Protection of the Country), which originated from +the Union of Protective Leagues formed on the territory +of Hungary’s neighbours. The President of the Party +is the former deputy Nandor Urmanczy, and Slovak +affairs are supervised by F. Persay, a former Vice-Governor, +Oliver Eottevenyi, a former Governor, Dr. Galocsy, +Zikmund Strobl, and others. The leading workers include +a former State Secretary, Gustav Ilosvay, the poetess +Papp-Vary, Koloman Kovacs, the chief Pastor in the +Basilica and guardian of the Irredentist Banner, and +many other well-known Hungarians. During the elections +of 1922 this party was extremely active in the areas with +a Slovak majority, especially at Bekesska Caba, and it +applied considerable sums to the support of students +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</span>from the separated territories. It also issues leaflets and +pamphlets of an irredentist character, and advocates the +forcible revision of the Treaty of Trianon and the restoration +of former Hungary. It arranges competitions in which +prizes are awarded for irredentist slogans, poems, songs, +etc. From time to time it issues a report to its members, +entitled <i>Magyar Irredenta</i>.</p> + +<p>With the insight into the methods and aims of Magyar +propaganda afforded by the documents quoted above, +the English-speaking reader may be trusted to avoid the +pitfalls spread before his feet by Magyar guile. It is, +even to-day, a safe maxim to regard all news or comment +favourable to Hungary or derogatory to the new States +as being inspired by the corps of Magyar propagandists, +unless clear evidence exists of its pure and unbiassed +source. This may seem a sweeping statement, but it +is in conformity with experience. The pronouncements +of Magyar politicians, the contents of Magyar newspapers, +the influences brought to bear upon visitors to Hungary, +the whole force of Magyar culture are all at the service +of the propagandists in order that Hungary, by sowing +dissension beyond her own borders, may establish a +claim to the restitution to her of the territories of the +Crown of St. Stephen. Before the War we were accustomed +to regard Germany as the menace to the peace of Europe. +We may now with equal justification regard Hungary, +with her complete disregard of the truth, her unblushing +intrigue and her almost undisguised reactionary tendencies, +as the bar to the peaceful settlement of the problems which +still exercise the minds of the statesmen of Central Europe. +And it is undeniable that a menace to the peace of Central +Europe is a menace to the peace of the world.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"> +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_46_46" href="#FNanchor_46_46" class="label">[46]</a> Gustav Gratz was an intimate adherent of the ex-Emperor +Karl, and is consequently a legitimist of the most earnest type. +He was Minister for Foreign Affairs and is a frequent contributor +to the <i>Pester Lloyd</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_47_47" href="#FNanchor_47_47" class="label">[47]</a> Leopold Mandl is well known in Austria as one of the most +venomous and scurrilous opponents of Serbia and the Yugo-Slavs, +a rôle he has played since 1907 or so. Before the War he maintained +close relations with the Ballplatz and particularly Count +Aerenthal.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_48_48" href="#FNanchor_48_48" class="label">[48]</a> It should be explained, although Reich is careful not to do +so, that the attitude ascribed to “the French” was not that of +the French Government, but of certain groups in Paris.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_49_49" href="#FNanchor_49_49" class="label">[49]</a> Here, too, it is necessary to repeat the comment contained in +the previous note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_50_50" href="#FNanchor_50_50" class="label">[50]</a> <i>Eastern Europe</i>, October-November, 1921.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_X"> + CHAPTER X + <br> + HUNGARY’S ATTITUDE TO-DAY + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>The hostile attitude of Hungary towards the new +States and her determination to seek revision +of the Treaty of Trianon, are demonstrated by +methods other than those of propaganda. It is unfortunately +true that in present-day Hungary exists a State +whose rulers and the majority of whose people have +abandoned all attempts to organise the Magyar territory +which remains to them into a stable modern State, in +favour of a policy of self-seeking and aggression. The +traditional Hungarian policy of refusing all share in the +government of the country to all but a privileged class +was followed by a natural corollary after the War. The +tenets of Bolshevism found a fruitful soil in the “unitary +Magyar State.” The attractions held out by its exponents +were bound to appeal to a proletariat which had for +ever been excluded from any semblance of power. The +Soviet Republic was the result, which lasted until the +people had discovered that they had only exchanged +one tyranny for another. Then came the reaction, which +was no less disastrous to Hungary’s prosperity and good +name than the revolution had been. And through the +whole of this sequence can be traced their primal cause, +the incapacity of the Magyar spirit to accommodate itself +to modern democratic ideas.</p> + +<p>Hungary, under the rule of Horthy, is no more worthy +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</span>of sympathy than she has ever been in her history of +oppression and crime. That this is so can be proved +out of the mouths of patriotic Magyars, themselves not +guiltless of the sins committed in the past by Hungary’s +rulers, but now exiled because they have shown symptoms +of relaxation of the principles of Magyar oligarchy. These +men are Michael Karolyi, the President of the Hungarian +Republic established in October 1918, John Hock, who +was President of the National Council, and three of the +Ministers of their Government, Oskar Jaszi, the first +Minister of Racial Minorities, Bela Linder and Paul +Szende. On the occasion of the meeting of the Inter-Parliamentary +Conference at Vienna in August 1922, this +“group of Hungarian Democratic and Republican +<i>Émigrés</i>,” issued a pamphlet entitled “On the sham +Parliamentary Government instituted by a Military +Dictatorship in Hungary and on the need of replacing +it by true Parliamentarianism.” Extracts from this +pamphlet follow. It must be explained that the pamphlet +is addressed to the members of the Conference.</p> + +<p>“It is our duty to lay before you sincerely the real +condition of Hungary and to leave nothing undone to +impress you with the truth, that the actual situation in +Hungary is not only disastrous to the Hungarian people, +but that it is also a formidable obstacle and impediment +to European consolidation.”</p> + +<p>“Hungary is at present the only member of the former +Central Powers on the territory of which the <i>ancien +régime</i> is still in full swing. Nay, it is flourishing more +strongly than ever.</p> + +<p>“Except for a short interruption, <i>Hungarian feudalism +has never ceased to live and assert itself</i>. Before the collapse +of the old order of things through the October Revolution +of 1918, Hungarian Parliamentarianism had never been +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</span>more than a democratic screen, behind which feudal +nobility continued its reign. An excessive property +qualification and open voting were essential to the Hungarian +Constitution. Electoral districts were artificially +arranged in such a way that the urban wards, including +several thousand voters, were counterbalanced by small +country divisions numbering only a few hundred voters. +Bayonets, alcoholic drinks and bribes: such were the +traditional means by which the Government fought out +its electoral battles in Hungary.</p> + +<p>“The alliance of the great landowners, the Hungarian +governing class, with the dynasty set up a barrier against +democratic reformist movements. The Hungarian ruling +class provided for the military needs of the dynasty, +in return for which the dynasty left the privileges of +Hungarian feudalism untouched. By these means Hungarian +aristocracy and nobility, in common with the +plutocracy of finance, were able to maintain their rule +over the Hungarian people and the non-Magyar nationalities +of Hungary, even up to the beginning of the +twentieth century. Hungary continued to be the stronghold +of Central European feudalism.</p> + +<p>“As the result of Magyar pseudo-democracy illiteracy +was excessively widespread, the masses were decimated +by diseases, especially by consumption; great bodies of +workers had to emigrate to America and to other countries, +while the welfare and general culture of Hungary remained +on the very lowest level.</p> + +<p>“<i>It was only the October Revolution of 1918, following +on the military collapse of the Dual Monarchy, which raised +Hungary for a short time to a higher level. A democratic +Republic was established, with universal suffrage, secret +ballot and proportional representation; the freedom of +meetings, coalitions and of the Press, was proclaimed, the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</span>equality of racial minorities guaranteed; the social conditions +of the workers was improved on Western lines.</i>”</p> + +<p>“Counter-revolution began by erecting a Military +Dictatorship in Hungary.... The Military Dictatorship +had to create <i>a parliamentary screen</i>. Universal suffrage +and secret ballot were actually given, but the elections +were placed under the control of the military <i>détachements</i>. +Moreover, the Hungarian Fascisti, the so-called +<i>Awakened Magyars</i>, helped to suppress the meetings of +the opposition, kidnapping, imprisoning, whipping and +torturing the recalcitrant voters. The very moderate +Social Democratic Party of Hungary was forced to quit +the field, and to boycott the elections.”</p> + +<p>“Such were the antecedents of the meeting of the first +National Assembly under the Military Dictatorship. Yet +even then <i>the détachement of Ostenburg had to occupy the +Parliament House, in order to secure the election of Vice-Admiral +Horthy, the chief of the military clique, to the +Governorship of Hungary</i>. The election of the National +Assembly had been achieved by him with the help of +the bayonets of his <i>détachements</i>; his election to the +Governorship was due to the assistance of his officers. +In spite of pretended democracy and mock elections, the +first Assembly of the counter-revolution represented no +more than a puppet-show in the hands of a military +clique.</p> + +<p>“With the exception of a very few honest and brave +men, this Assembly as a whole had not a word of protest +against the murders committed by Horthy’s officers. +It was left unmoved by the hecatombs of Orgovany, +by the cruelties with which the White Terror butchered +the social democratic editors Somogyi and Bacso, together +with Cservenka, the Secretary of the Social Democratic +Party, and many others.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</span></p> + +<p>These references are to the orgy of revenge which +followed the establishment of the counter-revolution. +After the suppression of Bolshevism in August 1919, +vengeance for the excesses committed by Bela Kun and +his bloodthirsty lieutenant Szamueli was, with the connivance +of the Government, undertaken by two Societies, +known respectively as the <i></i>M.O.V.E. (Magyar orszagos vedo +egyesulet, League for Hungarian Integrity) and the +<i>Awakening Magyars</i>. These societies used as their physical +arm the <i>Physical Force Formations</i> and the <i>Détachements</i>, +which were in effect organised bands of ex-officers and +soldiers, and whose chief occupation was the murder +of so-called Communists, in fact of anyone whom +they suspected a sympathy with the Bolsheviks.⁠<a id="FNanchor_51_51" href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> There +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</span>was a certain rough and ready justice about their original +formation, for it was an undisputed fact that the Bolsheviks +had shed large quantities of innocent blood. But they +very soon abandoned any pretence of justice for the +more lucrative employment of assassinating anybody who +became obnoxious to the counter-revolution, or from +whose murder any loot might be derived. In the massacres +of Orgovany and Kecskemet it is estimated that 170 +victims were murdered, and the guilt for these crimes +was fixed upon the leader of one of the bands, by name +Hejjas. The bodies of the three men referred to above, +Somogyi, Bacso and Cservenka, the two former of which +were responsible for the Socialist newspaper <i>Nepszava</i>, +were found in the Danube, and this crime also was brought +home to Hejjas and his band. The Memorandum of +Karolyi and his associates goes on to describe the further +adventures of this man.</p> + +<p>“The methods employed by the military dictatorship +were thrown into sharp light by a recent trial. Ivan +Hejjas, an officer very influential with Horthy, was +falsely informed by a confidential agent that three merchants +in the country had offered to pay a million and +a half crowns to the Rumanians as the price of their +staying three weeks longer in the district as an army of +occupation. Although no inquiry whatever was made +by him, Hejjas nonetheless gave orders that these citizens +be executed instantly. In his written evidence sent to +the court, he expressed himself in the following manner: +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</span>‘<i>My patriotic feelings having been shocked by what I heard, +I ordered Zbona and Danics to kidnap the three Jews and +to put them to death.</i>’”</p> + +<p>“Ivan Hejjas, this ‘best officer’ of the Governor (as +he was called by Horthy when addressing the British +Labour Delegation led by Colonel Wedgwood, M.P.), +when pardoned for his numberless murders and other +crimes, flung back this amnesty to the Court of Justice +with the following words: ‘Concerning the mercy granted +to me, I declare that I do not need it and refuse to accept +it most emphatically. I have not implored anybody’s +mercy and do not expect mercy from anybody.’ This +declaration of Hejjas remained as unpunished as did his +greater crimes. According to the statement of a Government +paper, political balance in Hungary depends on +Hejjas. And, indeed, the man by whose mercy the present +system is living little needs any mercy from this system.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_52_52" href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>“The ruling clique, being in their own opinion identical +with the Hungarian State and the Hungarian Nation, +everybody lessening the authority or impairing the credit +of the Military Dictatorship or using an abusive expression +against the <i>détachements</i> is prosecuted under Statute III +of 1921 (which punishes such an offence by five years’ +penal servitude). The Parliament of Military Dictatorship +does not, of course, regard its own actions as high treason +against a people deserving a better fate. But it regards +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</span>as treasonable any description of its own barbarous +system of government, and any attempt to draw the +attention of Europe to these extreme abuses.”</p> + +<p>This is a reference to the conditions under which the +Press works in Hungary. By a law of December 1920 +statements appearing in the Press which were deemed +likely to impair Hungary’s good name abroad were made +punishable offences, and the penalties were fixed according +to the gravity of the offence. Fines up to 100,000 crowns, +imprisonment for life, or expulsion from Hungary could +be awarded. So-called freedom of the Press was restored +in December 1921, but it was limited to the conditions +obtaining during the War. The value of this freedom is +shown by the fact that newspapers are not allowed to +print verbatim reports of debates in the Assembly.</p> + +<p>“Not even this National Assembly was, however, +inclined to restrict the franchise by which it was elected. +The Government omitted to submit the draft of a Constitutional +Bill to the Parliament, spending its whole +time in framing the specifically Hungarian institution of +a kingdom without a king. In the very last week of the +two years’ session, Parliament was suddenly taken unawares +by a Bill for the regulation of elections. When +the National Assembly attempted to resist this unexpected +attack, the Government restricted the franchise by a +<i>ukase</i>. By the new ‘law’ some million and a half citizens +lost their right to vote.”</p> + +<p>Under this law the suffrage was restricted as follows:</p> + +<p>Men. Over twenty-four years of age, who have been +citizens of the Magyar State for ten years, have resided +for two years in the same district, and have passed through +four classes of an elementary school.</p> + +<p>Women. Over thirty years of age, the same national +and residential qualifications as men, and in addition must</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</span></p> + +<p>(<i>a</i>) Be lawfully married and have at least two children.</p> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) Support themselves from their own property or +earnings.</p> + +<p>(<i>c</i>) Have passed through eight classes of a secondary +school or be married to a man of equivalent educational +standing.</p> + +<p>“Not only the poorer classes, but also ‘politically +unreliable persons’ were excluded from the franchise. +Electoral qualification and eligibility are denied to those +who are under the charge of a political offence. The +franchise is denied also to those <i>who gave utterance privately +or in the Press to their sympathy with the enemy during +the War</i>.... Disfranchised are, further, all public officials +discharged by arbitrary decree on account of their political +attitude, whereby the flower of Hungarian <i>intelligentsia</i> +is robbed of its political rights.</p> + +<p>“The darkest blot of all on this reactionary electoral +law is the paragraph supplanting ballot by open vote.⁠<a id="FNanchor_53_53" href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> +With the exception of the larger urban wards, in more +than two-thirds of the country divisions the electoral +decree ordains open voting. This is practically identical +in Hungary with the dominance of the gendarmerie, the +publican and the local bankers at the polls. The repeal +of secret ballot means, therefore, the utter moral self-condemnation +of the existing system. It means an open +confession that the present regime in Hungary can only +maintain itself with the help of military pressure and +corruption.”</p> + +<p>“The electioneering campaign was aptly opened by +the bombing attempt against the Democratic Club in +the Elisabeth district of Budapest. At this place a +banquet was to be held in honour of Charles Rassay, +ex-M.P., the leader of the liberal opposition. The chief +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</span>leaders of the parliamentary Liberal Party were also to +be in attendance on this occasion. More than three +hundred persons were present. The politicians were +happily some minutes late, when a terrific explosion rent +the walls of the building. An infernal machine had +exploded and laid everything in the hall in ruins. Eight +persons were killed, more than thirty severely wounded. +A series of attempts by bombs followed. These murderous +attempts were committed by the <i>Awakened Magyars</i>, +who went so far as to cheer the criminals responsible +before the club-house of the Democratic Party, at the +moment when the infernal machine exploded. Detective-Inspector +Kovacsevics saw some ill-famed <i>Awakened +Magyars</i> leaving the critical spot immediately after the +explosion had taken place. Other reliable witnesses could +give authentic evidence on utterances of conspicuous +<i>Awakened Magyars</i> regarding the attempt. The editor +of the official paper of the <i>Awakened Magyars</i> gave evidence +in connection with another bombing affair, that +he had himself given some hand-grenades to an <i>Awakened</i> +in the official premises of the <i>Awakened Magyars</i>. A +proclamation posted by the <i>Awakened</i> states that ‘the +Home Secretary has in three instances implored the chiefs +of the <i>Awakened</i> to ask for an investigation against +themselves,’ which they, however, haughtily refused to +do. Under the pressure of public opinion the Home +Secretary had finally to instruct the police to search +one of the rooms in the premises of the <i>Awakened</i>. Although +the Society of the <i>Awakened Magyars</i> had ample +leisure to remove anything it thought fit, yet several +bombs were found in the course of this very superficial +investigation. After this the search slackened, the +<i>Awakened</i> who happened to have been detained were +again released and publicly honoured by their comrades. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</span>At a banquet given in honour of one of the released chiefs +of the <i>Awakened</i>, Julius Gömbös, formerly captain on +the Staff, and at that time head of the electioneering +machine of the Government Party invested with dictatorial +powers, did not fail to appear. Count Albert Apponyi +is reported by the papers to have made the following +statement on this affair: ‘Regarding the antecedents +and circumstances of the case it is not too much to say +that the good name of the country as well as the safety +of the citizens depends on a positive result of the investigations.’ +It scarcely needs to be said that the investigations +led to no positive result at all.”</p> + +<p>The elections took place during May and June 1922. +The policy of the Government was to disallow public +meetings during as many days of the campaign as they +dared, on all sorts of ridiculous pretexts.</p> + +<p>“During the short time when meetings were permitted, +those of the opposition were usually prohibited by special +order of the local authorities or simply broken up by the +<i>Awakened</i>. Special decrees were issued with respect to +the agenda of meetings, in general forbidding any debate +on the question of land reform, excluding thereby the +main problem of actual Hungarian politics from discussion. +No wonder that opposition voters were sent to the internment +camps, were arrested, kidnapped, stabbed, beaten +(women not being spared), that nomination papers were +stolen and torn up, that voters were imprisoned under +the sole charge of attempting to present to the authorities +the nomination paper of an opposition candidate, as +happened in the case of the Liberal leader Ladislaus +Fenyes. No wonder that even the candidates themselves, +such as Buza Barna, Ladislaus Fenyes, Ernest Nagy, +and Louis Szilagyi were arrested, nearly all candidates +of the opposition having been threatened with death! +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</span>Candidates were forbidden to express their policy, as +it happened with Imre Veer in Szentes, the motive given +being that the candidate was known to hold republican +views. The head of the gendarmerie in the district of +Sajo-Szentpeter called the candidate, Rudolph Krupa, +a ‘swinish scoundrel.’ Krupa, having asked for a proof +of his identity, the gendarmerie official whipped out +his revolver and apostrophised the candidate thus: ‘<i>There +is my proof of identity, and if you don’t shut up, I will +let it into you swiftly enough.</i>’</p> + +<p>“On the election day military terror was at its height. +Three days were appointed for the voting, the official +reason given being that the military force of the Government +was not sufficient to complete the elections in one +day. In spite of open terror, the Government could +only succeed <i>in the districts where voting was open, only +18 per cent. of votes being gained by the Government Party +in wards with secret ballot, whilst in districts with open vote +67·2 per cent. of votes were gained by the Government</i>. That +is why the Government abolished the ballot and re-established +in Hungary the shameful practice of open +voting.</p> + +<p>“Although some five and twenty Socialists and a +dozen Liberals succeeded in getting seats (mostly in wards +with secret ballot), the National Assembly only represents +the interests of the great landed estates. The peasantry +is far more inadequately represented than it was in the +first Assembly. The great majority of the Assembly +are under the direct influence of the great landowners. +The territory of Hungary covers 7,404,383 hectares (about +18 million acres), of which 3,339,174 hectares (about 9 +million acres) belong to 1,500 landlords, each of them +owning more than 575·5 hectares (about 1,400 acres). +These 1,500 great landowners are the masters of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</span>National Assembly by permission of the Military Dictatorship. +In this Parliament there is restored the system +of Tisza which was one of the primary factors of war.”</p> + +<p>I must impress upon my readers that this is no highly +coloured report derived from anti-Magyar sources, but +the actual wording of a considered statement drawn up +by five leading Magyars, and that it describes, not an +exceptional state of affairs under transitory conditions, +but the Hungarian elections of 1922 under the actual +regime which prevails at this moment in Hungary, the +country, according to its apologists, “whose ideals have +so nearly approximated to our own for centuries past.”</p> + +<p>The conclusions reached by the authors of the Memorandum +are equally interesting.</p> + +<p>“Military Dictatorship in Hungary is the obstacle to +all real parliamentarianism. That Parliament which was +elected by the force of a terrorist suffrage does nothing +but <i>strengthen military dictatorship</i>. And as long as this +Military Dictatorship, as long as the Governor’s <i>détachements</i> +are in power, all Central Europe has reason to fear +that the peace of this hopelessly storm-tossed Europe +will be utterly broken by the Hungarian military gangs. +The safety of Europe must not depend on that same Ivan +Hejjas, who, according to a recently published record, +made the following statement: ‘I have been watching +events in Austria for a long time. I have noticed that +Austria is proceeding on her downward path of ruin, so +that the proclamation of Proletarian Dictatorship will +be inevitable.... <i>For some length of time I have been +systematically recruiting soldiers in all parts of the country +in order to form a body of insurgent troops.... I have +organised these bands with the single aim of being able to +operate with them in a more independent and uncontrolled +fashion in the dismembered parts of Hungary, as I cannot +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</span>use the regular troops for some of my actions which are +prompted by patriotism.</i>’”</p> + +<p>“But not only the peace of Central Europe is threatened +at every moment by Hungarian Reaction. As in Hungary +civil war is not yet ended, as, in defiance of the explicit +agreement in the Treaty of Trianon, the ruling classes +are continually attacking the workers, the outbreak of +revolution in Hungary may be expected at any minute. +This revolution would certainly not leave untouched the +European balance. Is it imaginable that there should be +no revolutionary tension in a country where, for instance, +the Sheriff at Vac breaks up a public meeting dealing +with economic measures with the declaration that ‘owing +to the recent elections the mood of the people is not such +as to justify the permission to hold public meetings’? +Where the Home Secretary by Order 44, 126/1922, confers +the power to allow or forbid the establishment of Local +Groups of Trade Unions on the local administrative +authorities, who may forbid them if they are pleased to +think that the establishment of the Local Group is ‘not +sufficiently justified by public interest?’”</p> + +<p>“The dangers of a <i>coup d’état</i> abroad and revolution +at home will not disappear in Hungary until Military +Dictatorship disguised by a mock Parliament is replaced +by real democracy, real parliamentarianism. Therefore, +we are prompted by true patriotism (which is never +opposed to the interests of international civilisation), +to beg all friends of democracy, all true European citizens, +to work for the transformation of that state of mind +which has allowed the restoration of feudalism in Hungary, +into one capable of restoring the ideas of the democratic +October Revolution of 1918, i.e. of Hungarian Democracy +in the European sense of the word.</p> + +<p>“<i>Finally, we desire to state that we are ready to prove all +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</span>facts mentioned in this Memorandum, as well as many points +connected with them, before the League of Nations or any +other responsible international institution by means of sworn +testimony and documents.</i>”</p> + +<p>The Memorandum is signed by its five authors.</p> + +<p>No more damning evidence of the rottenness of Hungary +and Hungarian institutions could be adduced. Karolyi +and his associates, however much they may be maligned +by the military clique in Hungary for their actions in +the fateful days of October 1918, at least attempted to +reorganise the Hungarian nation on modern democratic +lines. That they failed does not alter their intentions +or deprive their criticism of the present state of affairs +of its value.⁠<a id="FNanchor_54_54" href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>⁠</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"> +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_51_51" href="#FNanchor_51_51" class="label">[51]</a> “This paroxysm of fury died down gradually, but still I have +witnessed scenes like the following: It is evening in a Budapest +café. One of those cafés which are always full, in which a large +part of the life of the citizens is passed. Suddenly men are +heard running in the street outside; carriages drive up at full +speed; at the door appear various uniforms, belonging to the +various officers’ <i>détachements</i>, and behind them about a hundred +adherents of the anti-Semitic League of Awakening Magyars or +<i></i>Awakened Magyars. A panic ensues in the café. Customers are +to be seen crawling under the billiard table and the sofas, some +run to the closets, others to the telephone. But an Awakened +Magyar stops the latter with the words: ‘It’s no good trying to +warn the police, all the wires are cut!’ Meanwhile the officers +pass from table to table politely asking everyone to justify themselves, +as they call it, that is to say, to show their identity papers. +A Jew is recognised merely by the way in which he gets up before +anything is even asked of him. He is immediately seized and +passed from hand to hand, and by a magical process he has not +reached the door before he has been relieved on the way of his +pocket-book, purse, watch and cigar-case. Then he is thrown to +the crowd, which receives him with howls and execrations, of +which I remember this one: ‘Knock him on the head, in case +he gets crippled!’ The café having been purged, the band of +inquisitors salutes the remaining customers politely and goes on +elsewhere to repeat its not over heroic exploit.</p> + +<p>“One day, in the course of one of these affrays, a Jew urged +in his defence that he had been baptized, and forthwith produced +his certificate of baptism.</p> + +<p>“‘All right,’ replied the officer. ‘Say the Lord’s Prayer.’</p> + +<p>“‘Our Father, Who art in heaven——’</p> + +<p>“The recent Christian knew no more. He was incontinently +bundled into the street ‘to learn the rest.’”—(J. and J. Thiraud, +<i>Quand Israel est Roi</i>.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_52_52" href="#FNanchor_52_52" class="label">[52]</a> In a “manifesto” published during the winter of 1921-1922, +Hejjas and his fellow-ruffian Baron Pronay speak of the work of +the National Assembly as “Two years of cockcrowing” in which +“traitors and perjurers have talked the loudest.” The Manifesto +goes on to say: “Till now we have watched with clenched fist +the game of the National Assembly, though anger has choked us. +Yet amid the sighs of our starving frost-pinched women and half-naked +children we have proved that we too desire order—the +Christian order. But we have waited long enough. We mean +now to enter on paths of deeds.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_53_53" href="#FNanchor_53_53" class="label">[53]</a> See page <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_54_54" href="#FNanchor_54_54" class="label">[54]</a> At the time of going to press the Budapest Parliament is about +to consider two Bills introduced by the Government. The first +deals with Public Order, and, among other things, provides for the +internment in “Labour Institutes” of any person who by his +political tendencies may prove obnoxious to the authorities. The +second deals with Military Taxation, and ordains that every male +Hungarian subject between the ages of 20 and 31 shall be liable to +a poll-tax, unless he enrols himself in the army, the gendarmerie, +the police or the customs or forestry services. This Bill is thus a +thinly veiled measure of conscription, and is in any case contrary +to the provisions of the Treaty of Trianon.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XI"> + CHAPTER XI + <br> + HUNGARY AND DEMOCRACY + </h2> +</div> + + +<p>The result of the War may justly be described +as the victory of liberal ideas and the triumph +of democracy. The autocratic empires have +disappeared, and upon their ruins have been built up +a series of States in which the Government is founded +upon the will of the people. Hungary under her present +regime is the only exception. In name a republic, she +is in fact ruled by an oligarchy which controls her policy, +both internal and external, in its own interests and +without reference to the welfare of the mass of her people. +The whole history of Hungary since the Compromise +demonstrates the opposition exerted by the Magyars to +modern democratic ideals and the intensity of their struggle +for the maintenance of privilege. We see the Magyar +ruling caste, represented by such men as Apponyi and +Tisza, straining every effort to deprive not only the non-Magyar +nationalities, but the lower classes of their own +race, of every vestige of participation in the legislation +of the country. Nor did their measures of repression +stop at disenfranchisement. Popular education was made +as difficult as possible, lest the downtrodden classes should +find in it a means of equalling their masters. Every +commune in Hungary had its local despot, the nominee +of the greater despot at the head of the county, who was +in turn the trusted deputy of the central Government. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</span>The life, public and private, of the individual was in the +hands of these men; the possession of ideas contrary to +the policy of the ruling class was so practically discouraged +that the only alternatives before the Hungarian citizen +were their abandonment or else emigration to a country +where the political atmosphere was purified by the breezes +of freedom.</p> + +<p>Under these conditions it was natural that the Hungarian +nation should become divided into two contrasting and +antagonistic sections: the Great Magyars, the upper +classes which formed the military caste, and the uneducated +and politically unimportant lower classes, which formed +the mass of the nation. The War brought a measure of +enlightenment to these latter, as it brought enlightenment +to so many hitherto unconsidered fractions of the +world’s population. But, owing to the policy of their +masters, they sought this enlightenment not from their +own countrymen, but from the disciples of Marx, who +whispered in their ears the delusive but enticing doctrines +of Communism. The sense of patriotism was killed, and +no clear ideas were born in them to replace it.</p> + +<p>The long pressure of the War and the final realisation +of defeat let loose upon Hungary this accumulated flood +of supreme dissatisfaction. But those who were dissatisfied +knew only that the ancient form of government +was corrupt. Their lack of education in the past, and the +influences to which they had recently been subjected, +made it impossible for them to visualise the true principles +of democracy. It was too late for Karolyi and his associates +to build up on the ruins of the old Monarchy any +enduring structure of popular government. The stream +had been dammed up too long; the dam once broken, +the raging torrent refused confinement in constitutional +channels. Bolshevism, the sinister tutor of the Magyar +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</span>populace, was already entrenched, largely by the influence +and financial support of the Jews. Karolyi was hated by +the Great Magyars for what they termed the surrender +of the ideals of the Magyar State, and mistrusted by the +people as a member of the ruling class. From the first +his fall was inevitable. Hungarians have blamed the +Entente for what followed, but outside agencies had +little influence on the course of events. The scourge of +Bolshevism which swept over Hungary was in reality +the inevitable consequence of the traditional Magyar +policy, as surely as the Reign of Terror in France was +the inevitable consequence of the policy of the Monarchy. +Hungary lay helpless at the feet of a gang of ruffians +who maintained themselves by the simple expedient of +affording a licence to the lowest classes of an exasperated +populace for unrestrained robbery and violence.</p> + +<p>Nor was it Hungary who saved herself from this orgy +of destruction and bloodshed. The various attempts at +counter-revolution were utterly unsuccessful until the +world became alarmed at the prospect of the plague +spreading. To Rumania was assigned the task of restoring +order, and in her execution of it she displayed an ability +and a restraint which will for ever redound to her credit. +Bolshevism was extinguished, and Hungary was once +more given a chance to take her place among the nations +of Europe.</p> + +<p>From the first it was made clear to her that modern +Europe could not tolerate a reactionary Monarchy in +its midst. The new democratic States had suffered too +greatly at the hands of that Monarchy to render it possible +for them to view its re-establishment without alarm. +But there was nothing to prevent the Magyar nation +from choosing for themselves an unrestricted middle +course between the rock of absolutism and the abyss of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</span>Soviet misrule. It might have been imagined that her +recent history would have taught Hungary wherein lay +her political salvation.</p> + +<p>But the suppression of Bolshevism had produced a +swing of the pendulum as violent as that which had followed +the collapse of the Monarchy. To those who had suffered +under the blood rule of Bela Kun and Szamueli the old +ruling class appeared as their only saviours. They thought +only of the vengeance against their late oppressors, and +their untrained minds did not foresee the effects of the +reinstatement of the very class from whose yoke the +War had released them. But the restored military clique +perceived their opportunity and from the first took full +advantage of it. On the pretext of extirpating the +remains of Bolshevism, they secured their ascendancy by +the removal of those who were likely to oppose them, and +by the erection of national institutions which could be +relied upon to support their policy. The world at large +and even the Hungarian proletariat were deceived by +their specious promises, and it was not until their unsuccessful +attempts to restore the Monarchy revealed their +true aims that either perceived their mistake.</p> + +<p>Hungary to-day differs little from the Hungary of +the years before the War. It is ruled by an oligarchy +whose agents strive their hardest to disguise the fact. +The old oppression of all democratic ideals continues, +rendered more dangerous by the determination of the +jealous rulers of the State to undermine their neighbours, +in whose territories these ideals flourish. Hungary, while +professing poverty and proclaiming her impossibility to +exist within the limits imposed by the Treaties, expends +her revenues in the maintenance of a military organisation +with which at the propitious moment to attempt the +invasion of the surrounding States. Despite the teachings +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</span>of history, despite the convictions of the modern world +that territories belong to the races which inhabit them, +the Magyars still insist upon their ridiculous conception +of a “unitary Magyar State,” and pretend a divine right +to the lands over which St. Stephen ruled. The prosperity +and wealth of the nation is sacrificed by them to +the vision of the restoration of the former Hungary, +while the political consolidation of the present Hungary +remains uncared for. It is the fable of the dog and the +bone over again.</p> + +<p>The statement that under modern conditions no nation +can continue to exist in splendid isolation has become +the sheerest truism. Every nation is more or less dependent +upon the goodwill of its neighbours, more +especially those nations upon the continent of Europe +which are surrounded by States with which a reciprocal +intercourse is an essential to their existence. But on +the other hand, apart altogether from any exhibition of +definite hostility, no oligarchy can secure really sympathetic +consideration by the popular mind of a democratic +country. Hungary’s rulers complain of the coldness of +their neighbours; of the antagonism displayed towards +them by the Entente Powers. But they make no attempt +to bring their country into line with the requirements +of the present day; they seem unable to comprehend +the very meaning of the principles by which democratic +states are governed. A recent Magyar apologist compares +the state of Croatia-Slavonia under Magyar rule with the +state of any of the great British Dominions. He apparently +believes that the height of democratic ideals was +reached by the permission accorded to the Croatian deputies +to deliver speeches in their own language in the Budapest +Parliament.</p> + +<p>Until Hungary abandons her present reactionary tendencies +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</span>and adopts in their place the liberal ideas which +from time to time have for an instant shown themselves +within her borders,⁠<a id="FNanchor_55_55" href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> only to be quenched by the energetic +action of the Magyar oligarchs, she cannot hope for the +sympathy of the world. Her actions must be regarded +with mistrust; the utterances of her leaders must be +judged only by their actions. Defiance and propaganda +can be no substitute for a genuine intention to abandon +the errors and the absolutism of the past, and to develop +a true Hungary along the lines of modern progress.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, Hungary’s neighbours, eager to proceed to +the restoration of normal conditions within their borders, +and prepared to devote all their resources to that end, +are compelled to spend a large proportion of their energies +in watching Hungary and concerting measures of defence +against her aggressions, moral and physical. They dare +not expose an unguarded flank to the <i>Awakening Magyars</i>, +whose declared object is the restoration of the former +Hungary by force of arms, or to the “League for the +Defence of Hungary’s Integrity,” which strives towards +the same end by force of propaganda. Central Europe +is conscious of the volcano in its midst, and longs only +for the fires in the volcano to become extinct, so that it +may become a firmly established democratic mountain. +Nowhere is there any antagonism to Hungary as a State. +One of the foremost leaders of thought in the new States +has said: “There can be no doubt that the democratic +ideas and principles of all these neighbour States are +just one huge guarantee of peace and order, and of the +definitive creation of friendly relations and a commonsense +system of live and let live among the various nations. +If the popular classes in Hungary grasped in this respect +their political and national problem, they would quickly +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</span>recognise in what manner this crisis should be solved. +Ninety-five per cent. of their difficulties with their neighbours +would diminish the moment these neighbours perceived +a tendency towards democracy and republicanism, +and could be without anxiety regarding the internal +regime in Hungary.... History teaches us that we +and the Magyars cannot live in permanent opposition +and hostility to each other.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_56_56" href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>It remains then for the Hungarian nation to abandon +its present policy of obstinacy and wilful blindness. +However great her efforts may be, they will not enable +her to reverse the flow of the river of modern tendencies. +The old days of isolation of State from State are gone, +never to return, and the establishment of a mediæval +feudalism is no longer possible in modern Europe. Unless +Hungary consents to look facts in the face, unless she +abandons her propaganda and her armed bands and +sets herself to develop the Magyar race as the nationalities +she once described so contemptuously as “subject races” +have already developed themselves, the future can hold +nothing for her but ruin. The false policy of its rulers +is rapidly driving the “thousand years old Magyar +nation” towards collapse and ultimate extinction. At +the field of Mohacs Hungary fell gloriously, her valour +overcome only by overwhelming odds. But, unless the +Magyars abandon their present “awakening” for one +more in accordance with practical politics, the fall which +threatens their country now will be the ignominious +failure of a nation which refuses to grasp its own destiny.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"> +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_55_55" href="#FNanchor_55_55" class="label">[55]</a> As, for instance, in 1848 and 1918.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_56_56" href="#FNanchor_56_56" class="label">[56]</a> Dr. Beneš in the <i>Czechoslovak House of Deputies</i>, January 27, +1921.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</span></p> + + + <h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX"> + INDEX + <br> + <span class="smcap">Note.</span>—<i>An asterisk indicates that the reference will be found in the + footnote to the page indicated.</i> + </h2> +</div> + + +<ul class="index"> + <li class="ifrst">Agram, <i>see</i> <a href="#Page_207">Zagreb</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Alison Phillips, Professor, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Andrassy, Count, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Anti-semitic persecutions, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx">Apponyi, Count, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, + <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, + <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ausgleich, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li> + + <li class="indx">“<i></i>Awakened Magyars,” <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>*, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, + <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Az Est</i>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Az Ujsag</i>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Banffy, Count, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Beksics, Gustave, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Beneš, Dr., <a href="#Page_204">204</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx">Bethlen, Count, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Beust, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bismarck, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Björnson, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Björnson et Apponyi</i>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx">Bohemia, Kingdom of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bokanyi, Deszo, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Bolshevism in Hungary, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Brittain, Sir Harry, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Budapesti Hirlap</i>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Budapesti Kozlony</i>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Burgenland, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Calvinists, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Chains</i>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Charles VI, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Chicago Tribune</i>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Children, transportation of, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Cisar, Jaroslav, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx">Classical Schools, Slovak, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Commentator, The</i>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Compromise, <i>see</i> <a href="#Page_205">Ausgleich</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Courrier Européen</i>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Croatia-Slavonia, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Croats, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Csaky, Count, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Czechoslovak constitution, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Czechoslovak education, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> + + <li class="indx">Czechoslovak justice, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Czechoslovak Republic, The</i>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>,* <a href="#Page_120">120</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx">Czechoslovakia, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Czechs, the, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Czernin, Count, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Daniel, Arnold, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>,* <a href="#Page_106">106</a>,* <a href="#Page_107">107</a>,* <a href="#Page_108">108</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx">Democratic Club outrage, <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Détachements</i>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dictatorship of the Proletariat, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Dualism, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst"><i>Eastern Europe</i>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>*, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>*, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx"><i>East European Problems</i>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Electoral Law, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Elementary schools, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Emigration, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Encyclopædia Britannica</i>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>*, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>*, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx">Entente, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Eötvös, Baron, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Erno Baloghy, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Esterhazy, Count, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Expulsion of Slovaks from schools, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Fiume, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Francis Joseph, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Friedrich Decree of 1919, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Friedrich, Stephen, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx">Frontiers, delimitation of, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Gambetta, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Garbai, Alexander, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Germans, the, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Germany, policy of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Geza II, King, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gömbös, Julius, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gorgei, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Grabovsky, Juraj, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Gratz, Gustave, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>*, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Greek Orthodox Church, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Grünwald, Bela, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</span>Hegedüs, Dr., <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hejjas, Ivan, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Highlands, The</i>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hlinka, Father, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hock, John, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Horthy, Admiral, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Horthy regime, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungarian agrarian policy, <a href="#Page_95">95</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungarian churches, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungarian elections, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, + <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungarian education, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, + <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungarian feudalism, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungarian franchise, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, + <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungarian institutions, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungarian justice, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungarian languages, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungarian legislation, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Hungarian Nation, The</i>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungarian population, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, + <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungarian propaganda, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a> + <i>et seq.</i></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungarian statistics, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hungary—</li> + <li class="isub1">area, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li> + <li class="isub1">nationalities in, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li> + <li class="isub1">partition of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Hussite wars, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Illiteracy, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Infant Homes, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Irredentism, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, + <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li> + + <li class="indx">“Irredentist Banner,” <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Jaszi, Oscar, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, + <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Jerzabek, Deputy, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Joseph II, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Juriga, Ferdis, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Karolyi, Count, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, + <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Kolozsvar, Diet of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Königgrätz, battle of, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Kossuth, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Krisztics, Dr., <a href="#Page_145">145</a>*, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Kun, Bela, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Latin, use of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Law of Nationalities, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, + <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> + + <li class="indx">League for the Defence of Hungary’s Integrity (<i></i>M.O.V.E.), <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, + <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li> + + <li class="indx">League of Nations, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lederer, E., <a href="#Page_38">38</a>*, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>L’enseignement en Hongrie</i>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Little Entente, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Local Assemblies, <a href="#Page_33">33</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Local officials, <a href="#Page_54">54</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, + <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Lutherans, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Mailath, Count Joseph, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mandl, Leopold, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>*, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Magyar Culture and the Nationalities</i>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Magyar Foreign Society, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Magyar Irredenta</i>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Magyar minorities, <a href="#Page_147">147</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> + + <li class="indx"><i></i>Magyar National Union, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Magyar, use of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Magyars et Pangermanistes</i>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>*, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx">Maria Theresa, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>März</i>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Masaryk, President, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx">“Memorandum” of Rumanian Party, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Metternich, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Mezossy’s agrarian measure, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Military Dictatorship, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Minister of Racial Minorities, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Nagy-Szeben, Diet of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Names, Magyarisation of, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li> + + <li class="indx">National Assembly, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Nemzeti Akcio</i>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Nemzeti Ujszag</i>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Nepszava</i>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Neue Freie Presse</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>New Europe, The</i>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Newton, Lord, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Niederle, Professor, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Nyitra, Lord Lieutenant of, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Oedenburg, Germans in, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Old Diplomacy and New</i>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx">Orgovany, massacres at, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Osusky, Dr., <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Outlaw’s Diary, An</i>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Oxford Hungarian Review</i>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx">Oxford League for Hungarian Self-Determination, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</span>Pan-Slavism, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Peace Treaties, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, + <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, + <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pechany, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li> + + <li class="indx">People’s Republic, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Pester Lloyd</i>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Pesti Hirlap</i>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, + <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Petofi, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i></i>Physical Force Formations, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Place-names, Magyarisation of, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Poland, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Press, freedom of, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Press prosecutions, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Price, Mr. Crawfurd, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Primary Education Act, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Private schools, subsidising of, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Pronay, Baron, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst"><i>Quand Israel est Roi</i>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>*, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>*, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Questions de l’Europe orientale</i>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Racial Minorities, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Racial Problems in Hungary</i>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, + <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Recent prosecutions, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rakovszky, Stephen, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Red Terror, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Reich, Arpad, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rez, Dr., <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Roman Catholic Church, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rumania, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Rumanians, the, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a> + <i>et seq.</i></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Rural, Social and Political Hungary</i>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ruthenes, the, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Ruthenia, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">St. Stephen, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Saturday Evening Post</i>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Saxons, the, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Secondary schools, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Serbs, the, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Seton-Watson, Professor, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Slav Nation, The</i>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Slavs, the, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Slavs of the War Zone, The</i>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>*</li> + + <li class="indx">Slovak language, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Slovakia, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Slovaks, the, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, + <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, + <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li> + + <li class="indx">“Slovenska Matica,” <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Slovensky Vychod</i>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Soviet Republic, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Szamueli, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Szechenyi, Count, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Szeged, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>*, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li> + + <li class="indx"><i>Szegedi Naplo</i>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Szekels, the, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Teleki, Count, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tisza, Coloman, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Tisza, Count Stephen, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Transylvania, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, + <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Uniat Greek Church, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Union of Protective Leagues, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Union of University Students, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Unitarians, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Universities, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Upper Hungarian League, <a href="#Page_178">178</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Villagos, Battle of, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Vyx, Colonel, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Wekerle, Prime Minister, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li> + + <li class="indx">White Government, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li> + + <li class="indx">White Terror, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> + + <li class="indx">Wilhelm II, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Yugo-Slavia, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li> + + + <li class="ifrst">Zagreb, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li> +</ul> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</span></p> +<div class="chapter"> +<p class="ph4"><i>Printed in Great Britain by</i><br> +UNWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED<br> +LONDON AND WOKING</p> +</div> + + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> +<div class="tnote"> + <h2 class="nobreak" id="Transcribers_note"> + Transcriber’s note + </h2> + + +<p>New original cover art included with this eBook is granted to the +public domain.</p> + +<p>Minor punctuation errors have been changed without notice. +Hyphenation and proper names were standardized. The word, ascendency was standardized to ascendancy.</p> + +<p>Page number references in the index are as published in the original publication and have not been checked for accuracy in this eBook.</p> + +<p>Spelling was retained as in the original except for the following +changes:</p> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_17">17</a>: “eduational stipulations” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“educational stipulations” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_17">17</a>: “most curious pervertions” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“most curious perversions” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_34">34</a>: “excluding Crotia-Slavonia,” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“excluding Croatia-Slavonia” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_49">49</a>: “Prussians at Koniggratz in” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“Prussians at Königgrätz in” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_65">65</a>: “which judical procedure” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“which judicial procedure” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_66">66</a>: “the judical procedure” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“the judicial procedure” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_102">102</a>: “Budapest become the” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“Budapest became the” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_116">116</a>: “proof of thei capability” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“proof of their capability” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_134">134</a>: “chose the language they” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“choose the language they” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_159">159</a>: “dduce no trace” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“adduce no trace” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_189">189</a>: “<i>detachements</i> is” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“<i>détachements</i> is” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_205">205</a>: “Bekrics, Gustave, 27” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“Beksics, Gustave, 27” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_206">206</a>: “Königgratz, battle of, 49” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“Königgrätz, battle of, 49” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_206">206</a>: “L’enseignment en Hongrie” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“L’enseignement en Hongrie” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_207">207</a>: “Rakovsky, Stephen, 144” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“Rakovsky, Stephen, 144” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_207">207</a>: “Slovaks, the, 13, 19, 28, 36, 38, 47, 57, 58, 128, 138, 135” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“Slovaks, the, 13, 19, 28, 36, 38, 47, 57, 58, 128, 135” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Page <a href="#Page_207">207</a>: “Vilagos, Battle of, 29, 49” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“Villagos, Battle of, 29, 49” +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> + +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +<br> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="tdl"> +Footnote <a href="#Footnote_43_43">43</a>: “expresion “Reasonable”” +</td> +<td class="tdl"> +“expression “Reasonable”” +</td> +</tr> +</table> +</div> +</div> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78696 ***</div> +</body> +</html> diff --git a/78696-h/images/cover.jpg b/78696-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..31a28bd --- /dev/null +++ b/78696-h/images/cover.jpg |
