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diff --git a/78654-0.txt b/78654-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9e219a4 --- /dev/null +++ b/78654-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,15833 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78654 *** + + + + +WILLIAM CAXTON. + + + + + THE BIOGRAPHY AND TYPOGRAPHY OF + + WILLIAM CAXTON, + + _ENGLAND’S FIRST PRINTER_. + + + BY WILLIAM BLADES. + + + _SECOND EDITION._ + + + ~New York~: + SCRIBNER AND WELFORD. + 1882. + + + + +[Illustration] + +PREFACE. + + +In 1861 was published in quarto the first volume of “The Life and +Typography of William Caxton, England’s First Printer, with evidence of +his typographical connection with Colard Mansion the Printer at Bruges. +Compiled from original sources by William Blades;” the second volume +appearing in 1863. + +In 1877, the year of the Caxton Celebration, a condensed edition of the +quarto work was issued in one volume octavo by Messrs. Trübner & Co. +In this some alterations and additions rendered necessary by recent +discoveries were incorporated. + +The same publishers now offer a revised reprint, containing all the +matter and all the plates of the previous octavo issue, with the +addition of remarks upon the meaning and origin of Caxton’s Device, +and upon his system of punctuation. + +A real study of our early printed books brings with it the knowledge, +more or less, of all the arts and sciences generally taught in the +fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. In this lies one of its chief +attractions to the bibliographer. The invention of printing gave new +life to all branches of knowledge, and if we thoughtfully consider +the wonderful effects which have proceeded from it--effects far more +important to mankind than even the discovery of steam power, electric +power, or any other invention--we shall surely feel deeply interested +in all that concerns its introduction and spread in our own country. + +[Illustration] + + + + +[Illustration] + +CONTENTS. + + + ~Part I.~ + + CHAPTER I. + + Caxton’s birthplace and parentage--Flemish settlers in the + Weald of Kent--Eyren = Egges--The families of Cauxton + and Causton--John Caxton of Canterbury--Date of Caxton’s + birth--Usual term of apprenticeship _page_ 1-6 + + + CHAPTER II. + + Caxton an apprentice--John Large: his household; his + mayoralty and death; his widow and her vow--Scenes in + London during Caxton’s apprenticeship--He goes abroad 7-14 + + + CHAPTER III. + + Bruges and the Merchant Adventurers--Caxton’s position + there--Journey to London--Fined for not attending + the “riding” on Lord Mayor’s Day--Account of the + Merchant Adventurers--Caxton appointed Governor; his + duties and emoluments--Correspondence between the + Mercers Company in London and Caxton at Bruges--Trade + treaties--Embassy--Marriage of the Duke of Burgundy + to Margaret of York--Caxton begins to translate “Le + Recueil”--Caxton as arbitrator--Presented with “vins + d’honneur”--Edward IV, a fugitive, takes refuge in + Bruges--Caxton in the service of the Duchess of + Burgundy--Resigns and turns Printer--Caxton’s marriage 15-32 + + + CHAPTER IV. + + Literature in the fifteenth century--Libraries of French + kings and Burgundian princes--Philip the Good--Edward + IV.--Louis de Bruges--Duke Humphrey--Guild of St. John + and of St. Luke and their manufacture of books--Caxton + starts to set up printing in England 33-38 + + + CHAPTER V. + + The gradual development of Books--Manuscripts compared with + printed books in their technical aspect--Shape of the + letters--Justification of types--Table of books--Tests + by which to recognise the dates of undated books 39-48 + + + CHAPTER VI. + + Colard Mansion: his history; workshop; landlords; his + printing compared with printing by William Caxton 49-54 + + + CHAPTER VII. + + Caxton a printer at Westminster--Dates of his first + productions and evidence of the place and date + of production--The “Bartholomeus” said to be by + Caxton--Printers’ errors--Wynken de Worde’s careless + mistakes--Sequence of Caxton’s books 55-68 + + + CHAPTER VIII. + + Caxton at Westminster--Position of his press--Not in the + Abbey--William Pratt--Maude Caxton--Chronological table + of all the books from the Westminster Press--Caxton + as a translator--His choice of works to print--His + death--His property and will--Legacies--His prologues + and epilogues--a Yorkist--His moralisations--Caxton + a linguist and translator--R. Atkyns and his + forgery--Caxton’s portrait--His character 69-92 + + + CHAPTER IX. + + Caxton as a master--His men--Peculiarities of + his books--The paper--Paper-marks--The + types--Compositor--Punctuation--Pressman--Printing + ink--Binder--Rubricator--Illuminator and wood + engraver--Early typefounders--B. Franklin--Type moulds + and punches--Particulars of all the five types, together + with the titles of the books used for each type--The + compositors--Pressmen--Bookbinder--Collation 93-142 + + + APPENDIX. + + Extracts from records and wardens’ accounts of the Mercers’ + Company--Will of Robert Large--Records at Bruges--St. + Margaret’s Church records--Guild of our Lady in same + church--The treaty of Burgundy--Caxton’s marriage + certificate 143-166 + + + ~Part II.~ + + DESCRIPTION OF PRINTED BOOKS. + + + _BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 1._ + + 1. The Recuyell of the Histories of Troye. + 2. Le Recueil des histoires de Troyes. + 3. The game and playe of the chesse, moralised. First Edition. + 4. Les fais et prouesses du noble et vaillant chevalier Jason. + 5. Meditacions sur les sept pseaulmes penitenciaulx. + + + _BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2._ + + 6. Les quatre derrennieres choses. + 7. The history of Jason. + 8. The dictes and sayinges of the Philosophers. First Edition. + 9. Horæ ad usum Sarum. + 10. Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales. First Edition. + 11. The moral prouerbes of Chrystine. + 12. Propositio Johannis Russell. + 13. Stans puer ad mensam. First Edition. + 14. Parvus Catho. First Edition. + 15. Parvus Catho. Second Edition. + 16. The Horse, the Shepe, and the Ghoos. First Edition. + 17. The Horse, the Shepe, and the Ghoos. Second Edition. + 18. Infancia Saluatoris. + 19. The Temple of Glass. + 20. The Chorle and the Bird. First Edition. + 21. The Chorle and the Bird. Second Edition. + 22. The Temple of Brass, or the Parlement of Fowls. + 23. The Book of Curtesye. First Edition. + 24. Queen Anelida. + 25. Boecius de consolacione. + 26. Cordyale; or the Four Last Things. + 27. Fratris Laur. Guil. de Saona Margarita. + 28. The dictes and sayinges of the Philosophers. Second Edition. + 29. Indulgence from Pope Sixtus IV. + 30. Parvus et Magnus Catho. Third Edition. + 31. The Mirrour of the World. First Edition. + 32. Reynard the Fox. First Edition. + 33. Tully of olde age. + 34. The game and playe of the chesse. Second Edition. + + + _BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 3._ + + 35. An Advertisement. + 36. Directorium Sacerdotum. First Version. + 37. Horæ ad usum Sarum. Second Edition. + 38. Psalterium. + + + _BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4 AND 4*._ + + 39. The Chronicles of England. First Edition. + 40. The description of Britain. + 41. Curia Sapientiæ. + 42. Godfrey of Boloyne. + 43. Indulgence from Sixtus IV. Second Edition. + 44. Indulgence from Sixtus IV. Third Edition. + 45. The Chronicles of England. Second Edition. + 46. Polychronicon. + 47. Pylgremage of the Sowle. + 48. A Vocabulary. + 49. The Festial. First Edition. + 50. Four Sermons. First Edition. + 51. Servitium de Visitatione beatæ V. Mariæ. + 52. Sex Epistolæ. + 53. Confessio Amantis. + 54. The Knight of the Tower. + 55. Caton. + 56. The Golden Legende. First Edition. + 57. Death-bed Prayers. + 58. Æsop. + 59. The Ordre of Chivalrye. + 60. Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales. Second Edition. + 61. The Book of Fame. + 62. The Curial. + 63. Troilus and Creside. + 64. The lyf of oure Ladye. + 65. The lyf of Saynte Wenefrede. + 66. Kyng Arthur. + 67. Charles the Great. + 68. Paris and Vienne. + 69. The Golden Legende. Second Edition. + + + _BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5._ + + 70. The booke of good maners. + 71. Speculum Vite Christi. First Edition. + 72. Directorium Sacerdotum. Second Version, First Edition. + 73. Horæ ad usum Sarum. Third Edition. + 74. The Royal Book. + 75. Image of Pity. + 76. The doctrynal of Sapyence. + 77. Speculum Vite Christi. Second Edition. + 78. Commemoratio lamentationis B. V. M. + 79. Servitium de Transfiguratione. + 80. Horæ ad usum Sarum. Fourth Edition. + + + _BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6._ + + 81. Fayttes of Arms. + 82. Statutes of England. + 83. The gouernayle of Helthe. + 84. Reynard the Fox. Second Edition. + 85. Blanchardyn and Eglantyne. + 86. The four Sons of Aymon. + 87. Directorium Sacerdotum. Second Version, first Edition. + 88. Eneydos. + 89. The dictes and sayinges of the philosophers. Third Edition. + 90. The Mirrour of the Worlde. Second Edition. + 91. Divers Ghostly Matters. + 92. The Fifteen Oes. + 93. The Arte and Crafte to know well to dye. + 94. The Book of Curtesye. Second Edition. + 95. The Festial. Second Edition. + 96. Four Sermons. Second Edition. + 97. Ars moriendi. + 98. The chastysing of goddes chyldern. + 99. The treatise of Loue. + + + _POSTHUMOUS AND DOUBTFUL WORKS._ + + 100. The life of St. Katheryne. + 101. The Golden Legende. Third Edition. + 102. The Siege of Rhodes. + 103. Missale ad usum Sarum. + 104. Bartholomeus de proprietatibus rerum. + 105. Metamorphoses of Ovid. + 106. The life and miracles of Robert Earl of Oxford. + 107. A ballad. + + + The comparative rarity of books printed by Caxton. + + + INDEX. + +[Illustration] + + + + +[Illustration] + +CHAPTER I. + +_BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE._ + + +“I was born and lerned myn englissh in Kente in the weeld where I +doubte not is spoken as brode and rude englissh as is in ony place of +englond.” Thus briefly does William Caxton record the place of his +birth and early years, and not withstanding prolonged and careful +research nothing more precise has been ascertained. + +The name of “weald,” rendered by Halliwell “forest,” or “woody +country,” betokens the nature of the district, which at the time of +the Conquest, and for centuries after, was covered with dense woods +where thousands of wild hogs roamed and fattened. This extensive tract +of country had no legally defined boundaries, and one can easily +understand how Lambarde, the Kentish historian, was so puzzled when he +attempted to describe it, that he declared it easier to deny altogether +the existence of the Weald than to define its boundaries with any +accuracy. An approximate idea of its geographical position may be +gained by observing that a traveller, starting from Edenbridge, and +journeying through Tunbridge, Marden, Biddenden, and Tenterden to the +Romney marshes, would pass through its centre. + +A century before Caxton’s birth a great change had commenced in the +Weald of Kent. Hitherto the wool for which England was famous had been +purchased by merchants and carried over to Flanders, for the purpose +of being made into cloth, which was brought back for sale in England. +Edward III, struck by the wealth and power which accrued to Flanders +from the cloth manufacture established there, determined to try the +experiment of establishing a factory in England. + +The Weald, covered as it then was with forests, was of little value +as land; and hither, aided in his design by the sanguinary feuds at +that time raging among the trade guilds of the Low Countries, the King +induced about eighty respectable Flemish families to migrate and carry +on the manufacture of cloth in the country which produced the wool. +Exempt from taxation, and favoured by the royal patronage and many +special privileges, the colony throve and grew rapidly. The Flemish +settlers soon became naturalised, and increased in wealth and influence +year by year; so that in the fifteenth century “their trade was of +great importance, and exercised by persons who possessed most of the +landed property in the weald.” Thus writes Hasted in 1778, and adds, +“Insomuch that almost all the antient families of these parts, now of +large estates, are sprung from ancestors who have used this staple +manufacture.” + +We read Caxton’s narrative of his birth in a new light, when we bear +in mind that the inhabitants of the Weald had a strong admixture of +Flemish blood in their best families, and that cloth was their chief +and, probably, only manufacture. We understand why the Kentish dialect +was so broad and rude, and we enter more heartily into the amusing +anecdote in Caxton’s preface to the “Eneydos,” where he tells of the +good wife of Kent who knew what the Flemish word “eyren” meant, but +understood not the English word “eggs.” “Certayn marchaunts,” says +Caxton, “were in a ship in tamyse for to have sayled over the see into +zelande, and for lacke of wynde thei taryed atte forlond . and wente to +lande for to refreshe them And one of theym named sheffelde a mercer +cam in to an hows and axed for mete . and specyally he axed after eggys +And the good wyf answerde . that she coude speke no frenshe . And the +marchaunt was angry . for he also coude speke no frenshe . but wolde +have hadde egges, and she understode hym not, And thenne at last a +nother sayd that he wolde have eyren, then the good wyf sayd that she +understod hym wel.” Dr. Pegge, in his “Alphabet of Kenticisms,” gives +“eiren” as the equivalent of “eggs” in the Kentish dialect of old +English; and in any Dutch dictionary may be read: Eie, an egg; _pl._ +eyren. + +Here, then, in some rural homestead, surrounded by people who spoke +English “not to be understonden,” was Caxton born. Kentish historians, +anxious to localise the honour of having given birth to so famous a +man, claim the ancient manor of Caustons, near Hadlow, in the Weald +of Kent, as the original seat of the Caxton family. In the fifteenth +century the name Caxton was usually pronounced _Caux_ton or _Caus_ton, +the letter _a_ having a broad sound, and the _u_ being frequently +inserted after it. Numerous instances are given in the “Archæologia +Cantiana,” Vol. V, of names of Kentish towns having this broad +pronunciation. Thus Francklyn occurs in old deeds as Frauncklyn; +Malling as Mauling, and Wanting as Waunting. The letters _s_ and +_x_ were often interchanged, and so Caxton writes _Alisaunder_ for +_Alexander_, while to _ask_ appears in the “Chess Book” as to _axe_. +We may further note that _Caxton_, in Cambridgeshire, is spelt in old +documents, _Causton_, and, in the records of the Mercers’ Company, a +certain Thomas Cacston appears as one of the liverymen appointed to +welcome King Edward IV on his entry into London, and is immediately +after entered as Thomas Cawston. Many years before Caxton’s birth, the +manor of Caustons had been alienated from the Caxton family, by whom +it had long been held; and although some offshoots may have remained +in the neighbourhood, the most important branch appears to have taken +root in Essex, and there adopted the name of the old Kentish hundred +for their new residence; for among the wills now preserved at Somerset +House is that of Johannes Cawston, of Hadlow Hall, Essex, dated 1490. +Nothing, however, of interest can be gleaned from it. + +We therefore conclude that William Caxton probably descended from +the old stock of the Caustons, who owned the manor of Caustons, near +Hadlow, in the Weald of Kent. The evidence is not strong, but yet there +is no other locality in the Weald in which can be traced the slightest +connection, either verbal or otherwise, with the family. + +[Illustration: Three Cakes and a Tun] + +Caxton’s pedigree is quite unknown, no trace of any of his relatives, +except a married daughter, having been discovered. The “William Caxton” +who was buried in 1478, in the church of St. Margaret, Westminster, is +asserted by some biographers to have been the father of our printer. +This may be possible; but no relationship can be assumed from mere +identity of name, for Caxtons, Caustons, or Cauxtons are to be found in +many parts of England during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. +William de Caxtone owned a house in the parish of St. Mary Abchurch, +London, in 1311: a man of the same name paid his tax to the City +authorities in 1441: and there was a family of Caxtons famous for +centuries as merchants at Norwich, who used as their trade-mark three +Cakes and a Tun. The will of Robert Caxton, alias Causton, is preserved +at Canterbury; and at Sandwich, Tuxford, Newark, Beckenham, Westerham, +and frequently in the early records of London does the name appear. The +will of John Caxton, of Canterbury, likewise still exists: he was “of +the parish of St. Alphage, Mercer,” and left to the church some wooden +“deskys,” upon which the following device may still be seen. + +[Illustration: Device of John Caxton] + +When was Caxton born? To this question a more satisfactory answer +can be given, for the date of his apprenticeship has fortunately been +preserved in the records of the Mercers’ Company. It has generally been +assumed that 1412 was the date of his birth, upon the sole ground that +Caxton himself complained, in 1471, that he was growing old and weak, +from which the inference has been drawn that he must then have seen at +least sixty years. That this date, however, must be advanced is proved +by the following extract from the earliest volume of the “Wardens’ +Accounts” in the Archives of the Mercers’ Company. The entry occurs in +a list of fees for the binding and enrolment of apprentices “pur lan +deūnt passe cest assauoir des Fest de Saynt John Bap^{te} lan xvj du +Roy Henr sisme;” that is, “for the year last passed that is to say from +the Feast of St. John Baptist in the 16th year of King Henry VI [June +24, 1438],” and is literally as follows:-- + + Entres des Appñtices. + + Item John large, } les appñtices de + Item Will’m Caxston, } Robert Large iiij s + +We have here recorded the interesting fact that in 1438 Caxton was +apprenticed to Robert Large. It is the first genuine date in his life +with which we are acquainted, and affords us a starting-point from +which can be reckoned, with some degree of certainty, the date of his +birth. + +The age of twenty-one has always been considered as the period when +a man arrives at his _legal_ majority; but in the fifteenth century +there was also what may be termed the _civic_ majority, which was not +attained until three years later. This custom prevailed to the end +of the seventeenth century; for in 1693 an Act of Common Council was +passed enjoining the Chamberlain to ascertain that every candidate +for admission to the freedom of the City had “reached the full age +of twenty-four.” The phrase “quousque ad etatem suam xxiiij annorum +peruenerit,” so commonly found in old wills, refers to this custom; and +in view of it the indenture of an apprentice was always so drawn that +on the commencement of his twenty-fifth year he might _issue_ from his +apprenticeship. This necessarily caused a considerable variation in the +length of servitude, which ranged according to the age of the youth, +from seven years, the shortest term, to fourteen years. In the Archives +of the Corporation of London (Lib. Dunthorne, 398_b_) is recorded a +case brought before the Court of Aldermen in the year 1451. William +Skydmore was apprenticed to Thomas Falkener, Citizen and Mercer, of +London, for the term of _fourteen_ years; but Thomas Falkener having +died, and the widow being unable to instruct Skydmore in his trade, and +moreover keeping him badly clothed and worse fed, he appealed to the +Court to discharge him from his apprenticeship. To this request, after +inquiry, the Court acceded. + +Taking the “entries” and “issues” in the Mercers’ records as a guide, +ten years appears to have been the term most usual in the fifteenth +century; but if we calculate his servitude to have lasted but seven +years, Caxton could not have been more than seventeen years of age when +apprenticed, and would therefore have been born not later than the year +1421. That he was not much younger is evident from the position he had +gained for himself at Bruges only eleven years after he entered his +apprenticeship, when he was accepted as surety for a sum equal to £1500 +at the present day; so that we cannot be far wrong if we assume 1422-3 +as the date of his birth. + +[Illustration] + + + + +[Illustration] + +CHAPTER II. + +_AN APPRENTICESHIP._ + + +Caxton tells us, in his prologue to “Charles the Great,” that, +previously to his apprenticeship, he had been to school, but whether in +Kent or in London he does not say. He only thanks his parents for their +kind foresight in giving him a good education, by which he was enabled +in after years to earn an honest living. No other particulars of his +early history being known, we will pass at once to the year 1438, and +imagine him, fresh from the Weald, already installed in the household +of Alderman Large, and duly invested with all the rights and privileges +of a London apprentice. + +When we remember how many of these apprentices were young men about +four-and-twenty years of age, we can readily believe that very strict +rules were required to keep them within bounds, and that when they +did break loose it was sometimes beyond the combined power of all the +city authorities to restrain them. The Evil May Day, as it was called, +in 1517, when the apprentices rose against the foreigners, especially +the French, and, notwithstanding the efforts of the Lord Mayor and +aldermen, ravaged the City, burning houses and killing many persons, +is recorded by the old chroniclers. The day was long remembered by the +masters with fear, and by the apprentices with pride--although twelve +of the latter ignominiously perished by the hands of the hangman after +the suppression of the riot by the King’s troops. + +The master’s duties to his apprentice were to feed him, clothe him, and +teach him well and truly his art and craft. Failing the fulfilment of +these duties, the apprentice could, on complaint and proof shown before +the Court of Aldermen, have his indentures cancelled, or be turned over +to another master. On the other side, the apprentice made oath to serve +his master well and truly, to keep all his secrets, to use no traffic +on his own account, and to obey all lawful commands. + +The London merchants of those days were very exclusive in their +reception of apprentices, and perhaps none of them more so than the +Mercers, who took precedence of all the City companies. The leading +men of the great companies, as was natural, apprenticed their sons to +one another, and thus the family names of Caxton’s fellow-apprentices +are the names also of the wardens, and the most substantial citizens +of the period. The family name of “Caxton” does not, indeed, figure +among those of the City magnates, but William Caxton’s admission to +the household of one of London’s most eminent merchants, and his being +apprenticed at the same time as his master’s son, go far to prove the +family to have been well connected. In one case only does there seem +a probability of relationship. The records of the Mercers’ Company +contain many notices of the “entries” and “issues” of apprentices, and +in 1447 it is recorded that one Richard Caxton finished his term of +servitude with John Harrowe, whose son was one of the apprentices of +Robert Large at the same time as William Caxton. Large and Harrowe were +fellow Mercers, and evidently on friendly terms, so that it is probable +the two young Caxtons were of the same family. + +Robert Large, Caxton’s master, was one of the richest and most +influential merchants in the City. He was a Mercer, and the son of +a Mercer, and a native of the City of London. In 1430 he filled the +office of Sheriff, and in 1439-40 that of Lord Mayor. The Mercers’ +Company was then, as now, the oldest chartered company in existence, +and among its members were comprised the merchants of highest standing +in the City. It paid more money to the king’s revenue, sent to a +“riding” more well-mounted men, spent larger sums on its “liveries,” +and yielded from its ranks more sheriffs and mayors than any two +City companies besides. Large was elected “Gardein” (the old term for +Warden) in 1427, and appears to have made himself very popular, if we +may judge from the unusual expenditure on the Lord Mayor’s Day when +he succeeded to the mayoralty. Carriages not having yet come into +use, the procession to Westminster was on horseback, the Mercers on +that occasion riding in new robes, preceded by sixteen trumpeters, +blowing silver trumpets purchased for the occasion. A few liverymen who +absented themselves were heavily fined. + +[Illustration: Plate I. + +_From Aggas’s Map of London, showing the House of Alderman Large, +Caxton’s Master (marked †). The Arms of Large in right hand corner._] + +The house in which Alderman Large resided no doubt presented a +great contrast to Caxton’s home in the Weald. It stood at the north +end of the Old Jewry, and appears to have been a very ancient and +extensive mansion. Stow, writing in 1598, gives a curious account of +its vicissitudes, and sums up its history thus:--“sometime a Jews’ +Synagogue, since a house of friars, then a nobleman’s house, after that +a merchant’s house, wherein mayoralties have been kept, but now a wine +tavern.” Large resided there until his death. + +The household of which Caxton had become a member consisted of at least +eighteen persons, exclusive of domestic servants--Alderman Robert +Large and his second wife Johanna; four sons, Robert, Thomas, Richard, +and John, all under age (24 years), the last being bound apprentice +at the same time as Caxton; two daughters, Alice and Elizabeth, both +under age (21 years); two “servants,” or men who had served their +apprenticeship, and eight apprentices. Large did not long survive his +mayoralty. His will is dated April 11th, 1441, and he died on the 24th +of the same month. He was buried in St. Olave’s, Old Jewry, in the +same grave as his first wife Elizabeth, and their monument, with the +following inscription, existed in the time of Stow:--“Hic requiescat +in Gratia et misericordia Dei, ROBERTUS LARGE, quondam Mercerus et +Maior istius civitatis.” A copy of Large’s will is preserved in the +Principal Registry of the Court of Probate at Somerset House. From +it we learn that he owned the manor of Horham, in Essex, and that he +left various sums to the parish churches of Shakeston, Aldestre, and +Overton, where some of his relatives were buried. It would have been +interesting to find that Large had a family connection with Caxton’s +native county; but although no trace of this can be discovered, it is +remarkable that two of his apprentices should have had Kentish names, +Caxton being merely another form of Causton, a manor near Hadlow, and +the hundred of Strete being represented by Caxton’s fellow-apprentice, +Randolph Streete. He left liberal bequests to his parish church of St. +Olave, Old Jewry, and for religious purposes generally, as well as +considerable sums for the completion of a new aqueduct then in course +of construction, for the repair of London Bridge, for cleansing the +watercourse of Walbrook, for marriage portions of poor girls, for +relief of domestic servants, and for the use of various hospitals of +London, among which may be noticed “Bedleem,” Bishopsgate Without, +St. Thomas of Southwark, and the Leper Houses at “Hakeney-les-lokes.” +Among the many bequests in Large’s will, the following are worthy of +notice as showing the names and approximate ages of Caxton’s fellow +apprentices, of whom he appears, both by the order in which he is +mentioned, and by the dates in the Mercers’ records, to have been the +youngest. + + Richard Bonyfaunt (issued 1440) 50 marks. + Henry Okmanton (entered 1434) 50 pounds. + Robert Dedes ( ) 20 marks. + Christopher Heton (issued 1443) 20 pounds. + William Caxton (entered 1437) 20 marks. + +Besides the above there were Randolph Streete, who issued in the same +year as that in which Caxton was bound, Thomas Neche, who issued in +1440, and John Harrowe, who issued in 1443. These are all entered in +the Mercers’ books as “appñtices de Rob^{t.} Large.” + +Before proceeding with the account of Caxton, we may here briefly state +what is known of the subsequent history of the family in which he +lived. Mistress Large (whose son Richard Turnat, by her first husband, +is mentioned in Large’s will) was now again a widow, with a large +fortune of her own and the care of two stepsons, each of whom was also +well provided for. Her second bereavement appears for a time to have +affected her most deeply. Over the body of her deceased husband she +thus solemnly and publicly vowed to devote the remainder of her days +to charity and chastity:--“I, Johanna, that was sometime the wife of +Robert Large, make mine avow to God and the high blissful Trinity, to +our Lady Saint Mary, and to all the blissful company of Heaven, to live +in chastity and cleanness of my body from this time forward as long +as my life lasteth, and never to take other spouse but only Christ +Jesu.” At the same time a ring was placed upon her wedding finger, and +a coarse brown veil thrown over her by the priest. Her celibacy was +not, however, of long duration, as in about three years she married +for the third time, as we learn from the following quaint entry in the +second edition of Stow’s “Survey of London.” Writing of John Gedney, +Lord Mayor in 1427, he says, “This Godnay in the yeare 1444 wedded the +widdow of Robert Large late Maior, which widdow had taken the Mantell +and ring, and the vow to liue chast to God tearme of her life, for the +breach whereof, the marriage done they were troubled by the Church, and +put to penance, both he and she.” + +All the children mentioned by Large in his will were by Elizabeth, +his first wife. Robert and Thomas did not long survive their father; +John died soon after the expiration of his apprenticeship, which, +as we have seen, was contemporaneous with that of Caxton, and his +name, accordingly, does not occur in Large’s will. Richard, the sole +survivor, succeeded, as was his father’s wish, to all the property +devised to his two elder brothers, and his claims were allowed by +the Court of Aldermen on his “attaining his age of 24 years” in the +year 1444. Large’s daughter Alice does not appear to have claimed +her patrimony on arriving at her majority; she therefore, in all +probability, died previously; but Elizabeth married soon after her +father’s death, and her husband, Thomas Eyre, son of the Lord Mayor, +received her dowry in 1446. + +The three years which Caxton passed as apprentice with Large were very +eventful, and, as it was during this period that he must have received +his most vivid impressions of life, it may not be amiss to take a rapid +glance at a few of the events which agitated the minds of the people. +Caxton, no doubt, was witness of the great jousts in Smithfield in +1438, which lasted three weeks, and are so graphically described in one +of the Lansdowne Manuscripts in the British Museum (No. 285), and his +intense love for knightly sports may have there been first developed. +But though sights of knights at tournaments were to be seen for +nothing, common bread was very dear, and many deaths from starvation +occurred in the same year. An old chronicle tells us that, “Men ate +rye bread and barly, and bred mad of benes, peses, and fetches: and +wel were hym that myghte haue ynowe thereof.” In his own additions to +the “Polycronicon” Caxton is more than usually minute in his record +of the events which occurred during the time of his apprenticeship. +Speaking of this year, he recounts that “Corne was soo skarce that in +some places poure peple made hem brede of fern rotes.” This makes one +cease to wonder at tumults and rebellion, and possibly some chord of +pity was struck in Caxton’s breast when certain men from his native +county of Kent, called “Risers,” were beheaded, and the heads of five +of them were stuck on poles and left to rot over the southern gateway +of London Bridge. In 1439 Large was elected Mayor, and at his “riding” +to Westminster and back, all his apprentices no doubt assisted to swell +the shout in honour of their master, and to drink the wine which flowed +freely from the conduits. But ere that year was ended a sad spectacle +was seen on Tower Hill, when Richard Wyche, Vicar of Deptford, an +old man of eighty years of age, was burnt for Lollardism. An old +chronicler, at the end of his account of this martyrdom, adds, “for +the which Sir Richard was made grete _mone_ among the comyn peple;” +and well they might moan, for his love and charity had won for him the +strongest affection among the poor. He was first degraded “at Powly’s,” +and then taken away to Tower Hill, where he was roasted alive over a +slow fire. The excitement among the people was intense, and on the +night of this event all the watches throughout the city were doubled, +so great were the fears entertained of a general rising. The impression +made on the mind of Caxton by this event may be gathered from his own +relation:--“This yere Syr Rychard wiche, vycary of hermettesworth was +degrated of his prysthode, at powlys, and brente at toure hylle as for +an heretyk on saynt Botolphus day, how wel at his deth, he deyde a good +crysten man, wherefore after his dethe moche people cam to the place +where he hadde ben brente, and offryd and made a heepe of stones, and +sette vp a crosse of tree, and helde hym for a saynt till the mayer +and shreves, by commaundement of the kynge and bisshops destroyed it, +and made there a donghyll.” Another grievous event appears, in the +following year, to have excited the compassion of our young apprentice. +On three alternate days Eleanor Chobham, the beautiful wife of Duke +Humphrey, was landed on the banks of the Thames, and, accompanied by +the mayor, sheriffs, and guilds of the city, walked to St. Paul’s +barefooted, clad in a white sheet, and holding a taper, as a penance +for her presumed sorceries with the witch of Eye. Caxton has narrated +this at unusual length. There were great tournaments again this year +in the Tower, as well as a desperate fight between the citizens and a +body of courtiers, for which the former, although first invaded and +then attacked, were heavily fined by the king. The old chronicler +describes the fray as “a great debate by the night time, where through +shots of bows there were many hurt foul and slain.” But the chief event +of this period, considered in its bearing upon Caxton’s destiny, was +the conclusion of a three years’ peace between England and Flanders. +This, coupled with the termination of the war which had raged furiously +between Holland and Zealand and Hamburgh, was probably a material cause +in determining Caxton’s departure from England. + +We do not know what were the exact duties which devolved upon Caxton +during his apprenticeship; but as an assistant to Large, who had +extensive connections, and was doubtless in frequent correspondence +with Bruges, the great centre of English commerce abroad, he must have +obtained considerable insight into the customs of foreign trade, and +become personally known to many Flemish merchants, who, when in London, +would probably stay in Large’s house. + +We must not forget that Caxton was not released from his indentures +by the death of his master. If he wished to continue his career as a +merchant, whether in England or abroad, he was obliged to serve out +his apprenticeship; and that he did so we gather from his admission in +after years to the livery of the Mercers’ Company. Executors were bound +to provide the apprentices of a deceased trader with a new home; and it +would seem that the original master might appoint a new master by his +will, or of his own accord assign the apprentice during his lifetime, +without making the apprentice himself a party to the assignment. So +far as we know, Large made no arrangement of this kind; and it appears +probable that the usual course of providing a new master for the +bereaved apprentice was adopted by the executors in Caxton’s case. +Moreover, it was not uncommon for young men in his position to be sent +to some foreign town to obtain experience in trade. Wheeler says, “The +Merchants Adventurers send their yong men, sonnes, and servantes or +apprentices, who for the most parte are Gentlemens sonnes, to the Marte +Townes beyonde the seas, there to learne good facions and knowledge +in trade.” Whether Caxton left England by his own desire, or at the +instance of his new master, or by the invitation of a foreign friend, +is unknown; but that he took up his abode in the Low Countries, and +probably at Bruges, in 1441, the year in which his first master died, +we gather from his own words in the prologue to “The Recuyell,” where +he states that he had then, in 1471, been abroad for thirty years. +Thither probably he carried with him no more than the twenty marks +(equal to about £150 at the present day) bequeathed to him by Alderman +Large. + +[Illustration] + + + + +[Illustration] + +CHAPTER III. + +_CAXTON ABROAD._ + + +The City of Bruges had long been not only the seat of government of +the Dukes of Burgundy, but also the metropolis of trade for all the +neighbouring countries. Thither resorted merchants from all parts of +Europe, certain of finding there the best market for their wares. +English traders especially abounded, having been greatly favoured +by Philip the Good, who had been almost from a child brought up in +the Court of England, and who in 1446 gave great privileges to the +_Merchant Adventurers_ under the name of _The English Nation_, by +which title they were ever after commonly known in foreign parts. So +greatly were the Duke’s dominions indebted to the trade in wool and +cloth with England, that Philip the Good, when he instituted in 1429 a +new Order of Knighthood, adopted for its title and badge “The Golden +Fleece.” The “Athenæum” for December 5th, 1863, gives a curious account +of the choice of this name. “Philip, wearied with suggestions for the +name and badge of his new Order, at last said it might be named in +some reference to the season of the year in which the matter had been +discussed. That season included the months of July, August, September, +October, and November. As the initial letters of those months (the same +in French and Dutch as in English) made the word Jason, the name of the +Hero of the Golden Fleece, the conclusion was hilariously arrived at +that the new Order should be named accordingly.” + +Caxton issued out of his apprenticeship about 1446, and became a +freeman of his guild, though, as this happened abroad, no notice of +it occurs in the Company’s books. It would appear that he immediately +entered into business on his own account, and that he prospered, for +in 1450 we find him in Bruges, and so far successful as to be thought +sufficient security for the sum of £110 sterling, more than equal to +£1500 now. This appears from the following curious law proceedings +preserved in the Archives of the City of Bruges. William Craes, an +English merchant, in the year 1450, sued in the Town Hall of Bruges, +before the burgomasters, merchants, and councillors of the city, John +Selle and William Caxton, both English merchants, for a sum of money. +William Craes deposed that John Granton, of the Staple at Calais, was +indebted to him in the sum of £110 sterling, for which the said John +Selle and William Caxton had become sureties, and that the said John +Granton having departed from the city without payment made, he, the +said Craes, had caused his sureties to be arrested. The defendants +admitted that they were the sureties for John Granton, but pleaded +that as Granton was very rich, complainant should wait and look to +him for payment, if indeed the money had not been already paid. +Judgment was given by Roeland de Vos and Guerard le Groote in favour +of the complainant, the defendants having to give security for the +sum demanded, but it was also decreed that if John Granton on his +return to Bruges should prove payment previously to his departure, the +complainant should then pay a fine double in amount to that of the sum +claimed. + +We learn from their records that the Mercers were, at this period, +engaged in a considerable trade with the Low Countries, but this soon +after received a check from an edict of the Duke of Burgundy which +prohibited the importation of all English cloths. The item in the +Mercers’ accounts--“To Richard Burgh for bearing of a letter over the +sea, 6_s_ 8_d_”--probably refers to this, although from the small sum +paid in comparison with several similar entries, it may be inferred +that he was not a special messenger, but that he took charge of the +letter, having to go to Bruges on his own account. + +The date when Caxton was admitted to the freedom of his Company does +not appear, but it was doubtless shortly after he had issued from +his apprenticeship. It must have occurred before 1453, for in that +year he made a journey from Bruges to London, accompanied by Richaert +Burgh and Esmond Redeknape, when all three were admitted to the Livery +of the Mercers’ Company, a privilege to which the admission to the +freedom was a necessary step. Like Caxton, Burgh and Redeknape were +probably English traders settled at Bruges: Redeknape was most likely +a relative of the W. Redeknape of London, who appears farther on as +a merchant trading with Bruges, and we have already noticed Burgh as +the bearer of a letter to that city. We may likewise remark that the +usual fees on their taking up the livery seem to have been remitted, +the whole entry in the volume of accounts being erased by the pen. The +Mercers’ accounts of the same year show charges for sending two letters +to the Duchess of Burgundy, who was not above trading in cloth on her +own account, with the special privilege from her brother, Edward IV, +of being freed from the payment of import and export duties. In 1453 +Geoffrey Felding, Mercer, was mayor, and the names of William Caxton, +Ric. Burgh, Thos. Bryce, and William Pratt appear, charged with fines +of 3_s._ 4_d._ each for not attending at his riding (quils fautent de +chiuachier ouesque le mair). + +As an English merchant residing in Bruges, Caxton would necessarily be +subject to the laws and regulations of the Chartered Company called the +MERCHANT ADVENTURERS, whose Governor had control over all English and +Scotch traders in those parts. All foreign trade was then carried on by +means of Trading Guilds. These associations, which occupy a prominent +position in the early history of European commerce, had in most cities +a common place of residence, and were governed by laws and charters +granted on one side by the government of their own country, and on the +other side by the government of the country in which they had settled. +They appear to have originated in a common necessity. The trader in a +foreign country was always an object of suspicion to the inhabitants, +and often found himself restricted by its laws as to the articles he +should buy or sell, and to the prices he should give or receive. These +laws being frequently unjust and subversive of all legitimate trade, +besides being often strained to the great injury of individuals, it +was found expedient for all traders in foreign lands to unite, and by +combined action to secure that recognition of their rights which the +individual could not obtain. Hence arose the Association of _Merchant +Adventurers_, which consisted of English merchants, who ventured their +goods in foreign markets. The Mercers, whose foreign trade far exceeded +that of all other Companies, appear to have originated this Association +in the thirteenth century, under the name of the Guild or Fraternity +of St. Thomas-à-Becket, and to have retained the principal management +of its affairs until their disconnection in the sixteenth century. +Although Grocers, Drapers, Fishmongers, and several other trade guilds +yielded their quota of members, and added their influence when support +was needed, yet there were more Mercers among the Merchant Adventurers +than liverymen of any other company; the meetings of the Association +at their headquarters in London were held in Mercers’ Hall, and their +transactions entered in the same minute-book with those of the Mercers’ +Company itself until 1526, when they became entirely independent, +although the last link was not severed until the Great Fire of London +in 1666 destroyed the office which the Merchant Adventurers held of +the Mercers under their Hall. It appears, however, from the records +of the Founders’ Company, that the Merchant Adventurers became their +tenants in 1565; that the Founders borrowed a large sum of money from +them, for which, in 1647, £200 was paid for interest; and that in +1683 the Founders leased the Sising Room and the Gown Room of their +new Hall in Lothbury to the Merchant Adventurers for £16 per annum. +Several charters were granted by English kings to the “Adventurers” in +various parts of Europe for their internal government. In 1407, Henry +IV granted authority to the English merchants in Holland, Flanders, +Prussia, and other States, to assemble and elect governors, with power +to rule all English merchants repairing thither, and to make reasonable +ordinances. Henry VI renewed these powers in 1444. On the accession +of the House of York, the Mercers consulted the City Recorder and +“Rigby” respecting their Corporation, and by the statute 1 Ed. IV, c. +i., passed for confirming the titles of those who held under grants +of any of the three preceding kings, therein described as “in fact +and not in right” kings of England, all grants to the wardens of the +Mercers were specially confirmed. The Merchant Adventurers now obtained +a larger charter, dated April 16th, 1462, which Hakluyt calls “The +Merchant Adventurers’ Patent,” for the better government of the English +merchants residing in Brabant, Flanders, &c., and under its provisions +William Obray was appointed “Governor of the English Merchants” at +Bruges. + +Whether Obray died about this time is not known, but he does not appear +to have acted long in his new capacity, for between June 24th, 1462, +and June 24th, 1463, the Mercers’ books record that William Caxton was +performing the official duties of governor, and was in correspondence +not only with the wardens of the Mercers’ Company, but also with the +Lord Chancellor, writing to both about the best method of regulating +the buying of ware at Bruges. The charge for boathire incurred by the +wardens in delivering Caxton’s letter to the Lord Chancellor is thus +entered in the annual accounts:-- + + Item for botehyre for to shewe to ye lords of ye coũsell the l’re + y^t came from Caxton & ye felaship by yond ye See vj d. + +When Caxton’s name next appears in the Mercers’ books there is no doubt +of his position, as he is addressed by the title of “governor.” It was +one of the duties of the governor at Bruges by his “correctors” to see +that all goods exported to England were of just weight and measure, +and at a Court of Adventurers, held in Mercers’ Hall on August 16th, +1465, William Redeknape, William Hende, and John Sutton complained that +they had received both cloth and lawn deficient in breadth as well as +length; whereupon it was decided that a letter should be despatched +to “WILLIAM CAXTON, _Governor beyond the Sea_” for reformation of the +abuse. This being an unusually interesting entry, we quote it here as +it is on folio cxl. of the original minute-book:-- + + A_{o} xiiij_{c} lxv°. Courte of aventurers holden the xvj daye of + August the yere aboue written. + + ffor euell mesure | ffor asmuche as Will^m Redeknape Will hende + of cloth & lawne. | & John Sutton w^t other complayne as well for + | lak of mesure in all white clothe and brown + | clothe as in brede of the same/ and in lykewise + | in lawne nyvell & purpell hit is accorded that a + | letter shal be made to Will^m Caxton goũno^r by + | yonde the see as well for refourmacion of the + | p’sidentes as other &c. + | + | A lettre of the same and other was sent by henry + | Bomsted the iiij^{th} day of September A° R^s + | E. iiij^{ti} iiij^{to}. + +Whether Henry Bomsted was a special courier does not appear; but the +same year another letter was sent at a cost representing more than £15 +at the present day, and entered thus:-- + + Item to Jenyne Bakker, Currour for berying a letter + to Caxton ovir ye see xviiij s viij d + +Caxton being now established in the city of Bruges, in the influential +position of Governor of the English Nation in the Low Countries, it +may be as well to take a brief survey of his duties and emoluments +at this period. These are expressly laid down in the charter already +noticed, granted only two years before. The governor had full power +to govern by himself or deputies all merchants and mariners, to make +such minor regulations for the conduct of trade (not contrary to the +International Treaties) as seemed needful, to decide all quarrels, +and to pass sentence in a court composed of himself as governor and +twelve justicers to counsel and advise him; the justicers to be chosen +by the “common merchants and mariners,” subject to his approval, six +sergeants being allowed “to do the executions and arrests of the +said court.” He was to appoint at pleasure correctors and brokers to +witness all bargains, as well as folders and packers to make up the +packs of the merchants (who were not allowed to pack their own goods, +lest any prohibited articles should be included), and he was to be +present at the unpacking of goods newly arrived. No parcel was to +leave the city without being sealed. The officers were paid by a fee +charged on packing or unpacking every pack: the governor being paid +at the rate of 2_d._ for every pack sealed for exportation, and 1_d_. +for every bargain witnessed by his deputies, besides several smaller +levies which are not mentioned in the charter, except under the term +“accustomed dues.” From all this it will be seen that the governor +ruled over his countrymen with almost unlimited authority. His duties +must at times have been very onerous, involving much responsibility, +and requiring talents of no mean order. To him likewise would be made +all communications from the Government under which they lived, and to +his diplomatic skill and influence would be due to a large extent the +comfort or discomfort of all the English residents. + +By the charter Obray would appear to have been the nominee of the king +himself, but this was only a form, as the custom seems to have been for +the Court of the Adventurers to recommend “a fit person” to the king, +who thereupon appointed him. The following example will show in whose +hands the executive power really resided:--The name of John Pykering +appears in the Mercers’ books as the successor of Caxton in the office +of “Governor of the English Nation.” This Pykering, who was a Mercer of +renown, having spoken against the wardens of his Company, was summoned +before an assembly of the “Adventurers of the different Fellowships” +in London. There disdaining to “stond bare hed,” and speaking “alle +hawty and roiall,” he was by the advice of the Court of the Mercers +discharged from his office of governor, and heavily fined. Shortly +after, he appears to have repented his boldness, for we find him +humbly asking pardon on his knees before a full Court. Nothing could +more fully prove the power exercised by the Mercers’ Company, which +was, in fact, mainly instrumental in obtaining the new charter for the +Adventurers, or, as they are usually termed, “our felawship by yond the +See,” for which charter in the year following they are charged by the +Mercers’ Company £47 0_s._ 10_d._ + +[Illustration: Plate II. + +_The House in which Caxton lived at Bruges._] + +The “English Nation,” as we have already remarked, was a very important +body at Bruges, and like the Esterlings, the Florentines, and other +merchants, had their own “House,” which existed in its original +state when Sanderus, who calls it “Prætorium peramplum,” wrote his +“Flandria Illustrata.” The engraving of the Domus Angliæ, occupied by +the Merchant Adventurers, and in which William Caxton resided for many +years, is taken from this work, which contains numerous illustrations +of the ancient buildings of Bruges, including the residences of the +various guilds. + +A great similarity prevailed in the internal management of all foreign +guilds, arising from the fact that foreigners were regarded by the +natives with jealousy and suspicion. The laws which governed the +Esterlings in London, who lived in a strongly-built enclosure, called +the Steel Yard, the site of which is now occupied by the City station +of the South Eastern Railway Company, were much the same as those under +which the English Nation lived in Bruges and other cities. The foreign +merchant had, in Caxton’s time, to brave a large amount of popular +dislike, and to put up with great restraints on his liberty. Not only +did he trade under harassing restrictions, but he resigned all hopes of +domestic ties and family life. As in a monastery, each member had his +own dormitory, whilst at meal-times there was a common table. Marriage +was out of the question, and concubinage was followed by expulsion. +Every member was bound to sleep in the house, and to be indoors by a +fixed time in the evening, and for the sake of good order no woman of +any description was allowed within the walls. + +When Caxton entered upon his duties as governor, he acted under the +articles of a treaty of trade between the two countries, which had +been many years in force, but which would terminate on November 1st, +1465. It was highly necessary that a renewal of this treaty should be +made before that date, and we accordingly find that the king issued a +commission, dated October 24th, 1464, in which he showed great wisdom +by joining in one mission a clever statesman and a successful merchant. +These were Sir Richard Whitehill, who had already been employed in +several important embassies, and William Caxton, who, as the chief +Englishman in Bruges, and well acquainted with all trade questions, was +“a most fit person.” They were, however, unsuccessful, although for +what reason does not appear, and the treaty being still unrenewed, a +“convencion of lordes” was fixed to meet at St. Omer on October 1st, +1465, to consider the matter. This convention does not appear to have +taken place, for on the 14th of the same month, the wardens of the +Mercers’ Company wrote a long letter to Caxton, informing him that +“the convention holdeth not;” that the king, taking into consideration +the near approach of the term of the existing treaty, had written to +the mayor of London requesting him “to provide a person” to go over to +the Duke of Burgundy about the “prorogation of the intercourse;” that +the wardens of the Mercers with the wardens of divers Fellowships, +Adventurers, considering that hitherto in similar cases the king, “with +the advice of his council, had made provision in that behalf,” and +that it was not their part to take upon themselves a matter of such +great weight, had urged the mayor to write a letter to the king in the +most pleasant wise that he could, beseeching him “to provide for this +matter;” and that, considering the near approach of the term of the +treaty and the uncertainty of any speedy action by the king, Caxton had +better consult with his fellow merchants at Bruges in as “goodly haste” +as possible as to the best means of protecting their goods and persons +until such time as the treaty might be renewed. This interesting +letter, which appears in full in the Mercers’ books, was signed by the +four wardens, and addressed “a W. Caxton.” + +A very anxious year must this have been with Caxton, for not only was +the treaty unrenewed, but the Duke of Burgundy decreed the exclusion +of all English-made cloth from his dominions. This of course induced +retaliation, and the importation of all Flemish goods into England +was prohibited by Act of Parliament; but neither the Flemish nor the +English merchants could suffer their trade to be paralyzed, and so the +traffic was carried on by a more circuitous and expensive route, being +smuggled through the neighbouring States. Next year the Earl of Warwick +(the nobleman to whom Caxton afterwards dedicated the first edition of +his “Chess Book”) wrote to Caxton, calling upon him to enforce the Act +of Parliament forbidding the purchase of wares by English traders in +the Duke of Burgundy’s dominions. Caxton immediately communicated this +order to the lord mayor and to the wardens of the Mercery at London, +in a letter dated 27th May, 1466, desiring to be informed what the +“lordes intent” was, and whether they had received a letter which he +had sent by way of St. Omer, at the same time requesting early news of +any “ioperdy that shulde fall.” The letter arrived in London on June +3rd, when a full court of Adventurers was instantly summoned, at which +it was determined that an immediate answer should be returned. This was +accordingly despatched next day by the hands of Simon Preste, addressed +“a Will^{m.} Caxton, Gūnor de la nac’ deng^{s.}” and signed by the +four wardens. In it Caxton was instructed that the Act of Parliament +must be observed and the fines enforced in every case of infringement; +that, being themselves ignorant of the intention of the Lords, they +could give no information on that point; and, that as to any threatened +jeopardy, it was likely to be known sooner in Bruges than in London.[1] +Matters remained in this unsatisfactory state until the death of Philip +the Good, June 15th, 1467, who was succeeded by his son, Charles the +Bold. + +The tide of affairs now turned in favour of England, and in the +following year the Lords Hastings and Scales, John Russell, and others +were sent as ambassadors to conclude a treaty of marriage between +Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, and the Princess Margaret, sister +of King Edward IV. Lord Scales, afterwards Earl Rivers, was in later +years one of Caxton’s most liberal patrons, and his translation of +“The Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers” was the first book with +the date of imprint which issued from Caxton’s press. John Russell, +“Docteur en Decret, and Arcediacre de Berksuir,” who subsequently +became Bishop of Lincoln and Lord High Chancellor, appears to have +been an ancestor of the Bedford family, and his oration delivered at +the investiture of the Duke of Burgundy with the Order of Garter, +on February 4th, 1470, is also one of the earliest works printed by +Caxton. The marriage was solemnized in Bruges on the 5th of June, 1468, +with the greatest possible pomp; and long accounts of the splendour +of the ceremony, and of the accompanying festivities, are given by the +old chroniclers. Caxton, by reason of his position as “governor,” would +no doubt take part in them, and be in close intercourse with the many +English nobles frequenting the Flemish court. It is not improbable that +it was at this period that he attracted the notice, and gained the +good-will, of the duchess herself, for he was certainly in her service +two years later. + +The nuptial feasts were soon followed by negotiations for treaties +of trade. The king having, by the advice of his counsel, determined +to send an embassy to the Duke of Burgundy for the “enlarging of +woollen cloth in his dominions,” issued a special command to the +Mercers’ Company that they would present unto him certain persons of +their number “to go out in embassage with diverse ambassadors into +Flaunders,” the Mercers thereupon nominated William Redeknape, John +Pykering, and William Caxton. This took place on September 9th, 1468, +and the three ambassadors having been approved by the king, the Court +of the Mercers met again on the 28th of the same month, and voted £40 +“out of the Cundith mony” for the costs and charges of Redeknape and +Pykering in this embassy. The omission of Caxton’s name from this +grant leads us to infer that he was then engaged in the discharge of +the duties of governor at Bruges, and would therefore not require any +travelling expenses. The mission was successful, and the intercourse +was renewed between the two countries in October of the same year. + +The duties of Caxton’s office must necessarily have occupied a great +portion of his time, and obliged him, in the interests of the traders +he represented, to pay visits to the various towns in which the +English merchants resided. The old records of Utrecht of the years +1464, 1465, and 1467, mention free passports having been granted to +Caxton, his servants and goods. Nevertheless, he seems to have found +leisure for those literary pursuits to which he was so much attached. +It was in March, 1468, or, as we should now say, 1469, that he began to +translate the favourite romance of that age, “Le Recueil des Histoires +de Troye.” This, he informs us in a Prologue, he undertook to avoid +sloth and idleness; and indeed the constant use of phrases in which he +excuses himself for his translations by urging the duty of eschewing +sloth and idleness, would almost lead one to imagine that Caxton was +of an indolent nature, did not the whole of his life, and especially +those few last years in which he performed such prodigies of literary +labour, give a satisfactory denial. Phrases of this kind were among the +conventionalities of the age, and nearly every writer in the fourteenth +and fifteenth centuries seems to have considered the avoidance of +sloth as the proper excuse for bringing forward any literary work. In +the manuscripts of Caxton’s time, these deprecatory prefaces are very +common; and a comparison with the French original will show that these +sentiments, although adopted by Caxton, are in reality those of the +original author, and not the spontaneous avowal of the translator. This +explanation is necessary in order to prevent too great weight being +attached to Caxton’s phraseology in the Prologue to the “Histories of +Troy,” for he was still “governor,” an office necessarily entailing +a considerable amount of responsibility and work, when he commenced +that translation. Indeed, if Anderson be correct when he states in his +“History of Commerce,” that there were at this period sometimes more +than a hundred vessels in Sluis, the port of Bruges, Caxton must have +had ample work upon his hands. But whether he really had “no great +charge or occupation,” or whether he was too busy to devote the needful +time to his translation, he himself tells us that he then proceeded no +further than with five or six quires. Each quire or section consisting +of eight or ten leaves, this would amount to between forty and sixty +leaves of manuscript. At this point, dissatisfied with the results +of his labour, he laid them aside, without any intention of ever +completing his translation. + +About two months later Caxton appears to have had more “occupation” +than he could get through alone; for, although still acting as +“governor,” a judgment was delivered in his name, wherein he was styled +“William Caxton marchant dangleterre maistre et gouverneur des marchans +de la nation dangleterre par deca.” The case in dispute being between +an Englishman and a Genoese merchant, they agreed to submit it to the +arbitration of William Caxton and Thomas Perrot as mutual friends; but +Caxton being obliged to leave Bruges for some cause not mentioned in +the document, a full court of merchants was summoned, and the judgment +delivered in the names of the arbitrators. This judgment is dated May +12th, 1469, and is the latest instance, as yet discovered, in which +Caxton’s name appears in his official capacity. + +There is, however, another notice of Caxton lately discovered in the +Archives at Bruges, but whether it is to be referred to a period +before or after his resignation of office is uncertain. It is a +document containing a list of persons who, on August 13th, 1469, were +considered by the town council to be of sufficient importance to share +in the gifts of the “Vins d’honneur” usually distributed on great +public occasions. Caxton received four kans of wine, but whether it +was presented to him as “governor,” or as an official in the service +of the Duchess of Burgundy, is unknown. Treaties were certainly being +negotiated by ambassadors from England who were at Bruges in 1469, and +received, on June 11th, a present of “trois pieces de vin,” but this +was two months earlier than the date of the gift to Caxton. + +On February 4th, 1470, an imposing ceremony took place at Ghent, +ambassadors being sent by Edward IV to invest the Duke of Burgundy with +the Order of the Garter, but there is no direct evidence to support +the supposition that Caxton was present on this occasion. That he was +at Ghent, though apparently a year later, is stated in his Prologue to +“The Recuyell,” and he appears to have been connected with the printing +of the Latin oration delivered by Dr. Russell. + +In October of the same year Edward IV, accompanied by many of his +nobles, took refuge in the capital of the duke’s dominions from the +machinations of the Earl of Warwick. Here Caxton, either as “governor” +or as a servant of the duchess, had an excellent opportunity of +assisting his countrymen, who were in great need, until the restoration +of their sovereign. That he did so may be inferred from the royal +favour extended to him in after years. + +The exact date when Caxton entered the service of the duchess, as +well as that when he relinquished his governorship, is uncertain. +The two events may have borne the relationship of cause and effect. +Caxton’s own narrative shows that about two years after his first essay +at translating “The Recuyell,” or about March, 1471, he was in the +service of the duchess, receiving a yearly salary and other benefits. +He was then instructed to resume his literary work, and the “dreadful +command” of his royal mistress seems to have been obeyed with wonderful +alacrity; for, although he was at one time at Ghent and at another time +at Cologne, the translation was not again neglected till, on the 19th +of September, 1471, the whole was completed, and offered by Caxton to +the duchess, by whom he was handsomely rewarded for his trouble. + +The nature of the service rendered by Caxton to the duchess is very +uncertain. He says of himself that he was her servant, receiving +a yearly fee, and other good and great benefits. That it was an +honourable office admits of no doubt, and that it was moreover one in +which Caxton’s knowledge and talents as a merchant would be serviceable +seems very probable. We must not forget that in those days princes, +nobles, and even ecclesiastics, did not consider it inconsistent with +their dignity to trade on their own account, and this they frequently +did under special exemptions from the taxes to which the ordinary +merchant had to submit. Edward IV and many of his nobility owned ships +of merchandise. In 1475 the Wardens of the Mercers’ Company wrote +to Antwerp concerning a ship called “The Sterre,” belonging to Earl +Rivers, and a document of the year 1472 throws some light on the nature +of the services which a merchant like Caxton might have rendered to +his royal mistress. Edward IV in that year granted to his sister, the +Duchess of Burgundy, special privileges and exemptions with regard to +her own private trading in English wool. The late duchess, wife of +Philip the Good, likewise engaged in similar transactions, in which, if +we may judge from the following entries in the Mercers’ accounts, her +ladies also were apparently in some degree interested:-- + + 1450. Item paid to John Stubbes for perys to the + Gentilwoman of the Duchesse of Burgeyn vj d + + 1451. Item paid to Hewe Wyche for a writ directe + to Sandewyche for the gownys of the + gentil womans of the duches of Burgeyn ij s vj d + + 1454. Item--Pour la copie dune lettre enuoie a la + duchesse de Burg_{e} xij s + + 1455. Item--a M Gervers pour une lettre & la copie + enuoi a la duchesse de Burg_{e} xx s + +The question naturally arises--How was it that Caxton, holding the +influential and lucrative position of “Governor of the English Nation” +at Bruges, resigned that post to enter upon duties of a much less +ambitious character? There is no reference in the Mercers’ records to +any disagreement between Caxton and the home authorities, nor had he +at this time (1469) entertained the idea of returning to his native +country. We must, however, remember that during a very eventful and +anxious period he had for some years held an office of the gravest +responsibility, and we may assume from his complaint of two years +later, that age was daily creeping upon him and enfeebling his body, +that the troubles of official life had undermined his health. We can, +therefore, easily imagine that he would gladly embrace the opportunity +of exchanging the cares of office for the easy service of the Duchess +of Burgundy, which would allow him to indulge in the congenial pursuit +of literature and the “strange meruaylous historyes” in which he so +much delighted. Or perchance his complaint of “age creeping upon him” +was simply one of the conventional self-depreciating remarks common +to writers of his time, while the real cause of his resignation was a +wish to marry and to enjoy those home blessings and comforts of which +hitherto he had been deprived. + +It has been suggested that upon the death of Philip, Duke of Burgundy, +the dowager-duchess would find herself in a position of much less +influence and much less wealth. As a fact, this was not the case; for, +although Mary of Burgundy was duchess, the dowager-duchess, Caxton’s +“dread lady,” was so attached to the young princess, for whom she had +a maternal regard, that in all their counsels and all their travels +they were never separated. Nor was Caxton’s duchess straitened in +means by the death of the duke. She had large estates and a handsome +dowry which she managed well, living in great state in the very towns +which as ruling duchess she had preferred. There is then no reason +for supposing that the sudden death of the duke had any connection +with Caxton’s return to England. The whole history of Margaret of +York, while Dowager-Duchess of Burgundy, has been written lately, from +original documents, by L. Gatesloot (8vo. Bruges, 1879). + +That Caxton was a married man, and that he could not have married much +later than 1469, is a new fact in the biography of Caxton, discovered +by Mr. Gairdner, of the Public Record Office, who recently came across +a paper document, without seals or signatures, and therefore only a +copy of the original, made for production in court in connection with +some lawsuit. It was found among the miscellaneous records of the +Exchequer, formerly preserved in the Chapter House at Westminster, and +was first printed in the “Academy” for April 4th, 1874. The tenor of +the document, which is given in full in the appendix, is as follows:--A +variance having arisen between Gerard Croppe, merchant tailor, of +Westminster, and Elizabeth his wife, daughter of William Caxton, the +matter was brought before the archdeacon and the king’s chaplain, who +heard the case in St. Stephen’s Chapel, Westminster. It was then agreed +that they should live apart, and not vex, sue, or trouble one another, +each being bound under a penalty of £100 (which would represent about +£1500 at the present day). Upon the signing of a deed to that effect, +the said Gerard Croppe was to receive from the executors of William +Caxton “twenty printed legends,” valued at 13_s._ 4_d._ each (the +sum total of which would now be equivalent to £200), and to give the +executors a full acquittance of any further claim upon the estate. This +document, which is dated May 20th, 1496, throws no light upon the cause +of quarrel, unless it were concerning a legacy left by Caxton to his +daughter. + +Now, assuming that Caxton was married in 1469, which was about the +period when he resigned his official position and entered the royal +service, and that his daughter Elizabeth was born soon after, she would +have been about twenty-one years of age at the time of her father’s +death in 1491, and twenty-six years of age when separated from her +husband. We have already seen how John Stubbs and Hugh Wyche were in +communication with the gentlewomen of the Duchess of Burgundy. Caxton, +no doubt, was also in frequent attendance upon them, and may perhaps +have induced one of them to become his wife. Whether this was so or +not, it is now an ascertained fact that after some forty-six years of +compulsory celibacy, Caxton took to himself a wife, who, it may be +hoped, was truly his helpmate and the solace of his declining years. +It is not unlikely that the following entry in the Churchwardens’ +Accounts of St. Margaret, Westminster, under the year 1490, may refer +to Caxton’s wife:-- + + “Item.--Atte bureying of Mawde Caxton for torches & + tapres iij s ij d.” + +Reverting to the “Histories of Troye,” and the presentation of a +manuscript copy to the duchess, no doubt can be entertained that this +was the turning-point in Caxton’s life. In the Prologue to Book I he +narrates in simple language the causes which led him to undertake +the translation:--“Whan I remembre that euery man is bounden by the +comandement & counceyll of the wyse man to eschewe slouthe and ydelness +whyche is moder and nourysshar of vyces and ought to put myself vnto +vertuous occupacion and besyness/ Than I hauynge no grete charge of +ocupacion folowynge the sayd counceyll/ toke a frenche boke and redde +therein many strange and meruayllous historyes where in I had grete +pleasyr and delyte/ as well for the nouelte of the same as for the fayr +langage of frenshe . whyche was in prose so well and compendiously +sette and wreton/ whiche me thought I understood the sentence and +substance of euery mater/ And for so moche as this booke was newe and +late maad and drawen in to frenshe/ and neuer had seen hit in oure +englissh tongue/ I thought in my self hit shold be a good besynes to +translate hyt into oure englissh/ to thende that hyt myght be had as +well in the royame of Englond as in other landes/ and also for to passe +therwyth the tyme . and thus concluded in my self to begynne this sayd +worke.” + +The new “Historie” was a welcome novelty to his countrymen, who had +hitherto been accustomed to read such works only in French, which +still retained its pre-eminence as the language of the court and of +literature, notwithstanding the great advance and improvement which +had been made in English. The demand for Caxton’s translation soon +became greater than could possibly be supplied. His hand grew “wery and +not stedfast” with much writing, as he states in the epilogue of the +printed edition, and his eyes were “dimed with overmoch lokyng on the +whit paper.” Then it was, with Colard Mansion at hand to teach and help +him, that he turned his attention to the new-born Art of Printing. + +[Illustration] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Verbatim copies of all these letters may be seen in “The Life and +Typography of William Caxton.” 4to. 1863. Vol. I, pp. 90-92. + + + + +[Illustration] + +CHAPTER IV. + +_LITERATURE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY._ + + +The revival of literature in Europe, commencing with the latter part +of the fourteenth century, its steady growth, and its wonderful +development in the succeeding age, have been dwelt upon by many +writers. Nowhere was this revival more strongly marked than in France +and the Low Countries. + +The French kings and the princes of the royal blood had been for many +generations the constant patrons of authors and of all engaged in the +production of books. In 1350, John II, who has the credit of having +founded the library of the Louvre, ascended the throne of France. +No particulars concerning the library of this monarch have been +preserved, and it was probably of no great extent; but his literary +tastes descended to each of his four sons, and from the inventories +which have come down to us of the libraries of these princes, we obtain +very interesting information as to the number, the description, the +illuminations, the bindings, and the market value of the books which +they contained. Charles, the eldest son, who succeeded his father in +1364, had a highly-developed taste for everything connected with the +fine arts. He greatly increased the number of volumes in the Louvre +library, so that in the ninth year of his reign, when Gilles Mallet +drew up a catalogue, they amounted to 910, the greater number of +which were written on fine vellum, and were magnificently bound, and +enriched with gold clasps and precious stones. This library, the Duke +of Bedford, when Regent of France, is supposed to have transported +to England in 1429. In after years, a few of the volumes returned +to France, but the famous library of the Louvre never recovered its +ancient splendour. Louis, Duke of Anjou, second son of King John, +shared to a great degree the love of books and works of art displayed +by his elder brother. The third son, John, Duke of Berry, formed an +extensive library at his château at Bicêtre, near Paris, inferior only +to that of the king himself. But of all the king’s sons, Philip, who +soon equalled his eldest brother in power, far surpassed him in the +number and splendour of his literary treasures. King John’s second wife +was Jane, widow of the Duke of Burgundy, and in her right he succeeded +to that duchy on the death of her only son. When dividing his kingdom +among his four sons, King John apportioned Burgundy to the youngest, +Philip the Hardy, who, by his marriage with Margaret, only daughter +and heiress of Louis, Count of Flanders, inherited, on the death of +his father-in-law in 1384, a large extent of territory. Philip, who +has the character of having been a generous prince, was well read in +the literary lore of his age. He was passionately addicted to music +and to the collection of fine books, and he spared no expense in +the employment of artists, and in the purchase of their most choice +productions. Nor did he rest satisfied with the encouragement of +artists alone, but gathered round him some of the most learned and able +authors of his time, who enriched his library with new works. This +prince died in 1404, and was succeeded by his son, John the Fearless, +who, although distracted by continual wars, maintained and even added +somewhat to his father’s library. Christine de Pisan received one +hundred crowns for two books which she presented to him. But all +previous patronage is eclipsed by the encouragement given to literature +by Philip the Good, who succeeded to the dukedom of Burgundy upon the +decease of John in 1419. At Bruges, where he kept his court, he gave +continual employment to a crowd of authors, translators, copyists, and +illuminators, who enriched his library with their best productions, +and did not forget to sing the praises of their generous patron. David +Aubert, a celebrated scribe, thus describes the duke in 1457:--“This +renowned and virtuous prince has been accustomed, for many years past, +to have ancient histories read to him daily. His library surpasses +all others, for from his youth he has had in his service numerous +translators, scholars, historians, and scribes in various countries, +all diligently working, so that now there is not a prince in all +Christendom who has so varied and so rich a library.” In the account +which M. Barrois gives of the library of this sovereign, he enumerates +nearly two thousand works, the greater part being magnificent folios on +vellum beautifully illuminated, and bound in velvet, satin, or damask, +studded with gems, and closed by gold clasps, jewelled and chased. Many +of these are still preserved in the Royal Library at Brussels. + +The taste of successive rulers spread its influence among their +subjects, and fashion lent its aid in multiplying libraries. No present +was more acceptable than a beautifully-executed manuscript, and the +opulent nobles of the French and Burgundian courts offered costly books +to their sovereigns and their friends. The records and inventories of +this period contain numerous entries of such gifts, often with their +estimated value. + +Among the nobles at the court of Philip the Good, many emulated the +literary taste of their sovereign, but none showed greater judgment +and liberality in the formation of his library than Louis de Bruges, +Seigneur de la Gruthuyse. This nobleman, who had risen by his talents +to the highest position, received, at his château of Oostcamp, near +Bruges, in 1470, Edward IV of England, when he sought refuge from the +Lancastrians in Flanders, and was afterwards rewarded by that king with +the title of Earl of Winchester. His library was scarcely inferior +to that of his sovereign, and nearly the whole of the manuscripts +were the production of Flemish artists at Bruges or Ghent. The large +size of the volumes, the beauty of the vellum, the elegance of the +writing, the artistic merit of the illuminations and ornaments, and +the luxury displayed in the bindings, are evidences of the deep +interest taken by the Seigneur de la Gruthuyse in the formation of his +library. On his death it passed to his son, Jean de Bruges, and was +soon after added to the collection already existing at the château of +Blois, belonging to the kings of France. Great pains were then taken +to obliterate the armorial bearings, devices, and monograms which +showed the former ownership of the manuscripts, which efforts were +but partially successful, as about a hundred volumes, now among the +most precious treasures of the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, still +attest that they once belonged to this celebrated collection. As the +patron of literary men and of artists, Louis de Bruges takes a high +place in the annals of his country, whilst the friendly attitude he +assumed towards Colard Mansion, in the early career of that unfortunate +pioneer of the press, should ever endear his name to bibliographers. +This passion for beautiful books was not confined to the dukedom of +Burgundy, but existed equally in France, Italy, Germany, England, +and other countries. Henry VI of England had a valuable library, and +many of the books written and illuminated for him are still among the +Royal MSS. in the British Museum. The Duke of Bedford, whose love for +literature was no doubt greatly stimulated during the time he held the +office of Regent of France, was surpassed by none of his countrymen in +his patronage of the fine arts, and the celebrated Missal, written and +illuminated for him, still remains as one of the choicest productions +of his age. Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, the protector of England +during the minority of Henry VI, was also greatly attached to his +library, and many manuscripts are extant, over which the antiquary +pauses with respect and interest as he reads the boldly-written +autograph, “Cest a moy Homfrey.” + +Owing to these causes, the various artists connected with bookwriting +and bookbinding, as well as the trades necessary to them, received +much encouragement, while, to ensure rapidity as well as excellence +of workmanship, division of labour was carried out to a great extent. +Indeed, so important a branch of commerce had the manufacture of books +now become, and so numerous were the different classes of craftsmen +thus employed in Bruges, that there sprang up in that city a guild, +apparently very similar to the trade companies in London, to which, +in 1454, the duke granted a formal charter and special privileges. +The company is styled “der ghilde van sinte jan Ewāgz,” or “The Guild +of St. John the Evangelist,” who was the patron saint of scribes; and +the volume of receipts and expenditure of this guild, beginning with +the entrance fees of the original members, exists still in a perfect +state of preservation in the city Archives of Bruges. Van Praet gives +some interesting extracts from this volume, which show that the guild +comprised members of both sexes, to whose names their respective trades +are affixed, thus indicating the various branches of industry employed +at that time in the manufacture of books. + + Librariers et bockverkopers (_Booksellers_). + Prenter-vercoopers (_Printsellers_). + Scilders (_Painters_). + Vinghette makers (_Painters of Vignettes_). + Scrivers et bouc-scrivers (_Scriveners and copyists of books_). + Verlichters (_Illuminators_). + Prenters (_Printers, whether from blocks or types_). + Bouc-binders (_Bookbinders_). + Reimmakers (_Curriers_). + Drooch-scherrers (_Cloth-shearers_). + Parkement makers et fransyn makers (_Parchment and Vellum makers_). + Guispel snyders (_Boss carvers_). + Letter sniders (_Letter engravers_). + Beelde makers (_Figure engravers_). + +Similar corporations existed in other cities. Thus, at Antwerp, the +Guild of St. Luke was formed before 1450, and included trades like +those of the Guild of St. John at Bruges; and at Brussels there was +a guild of writers called “Les Frères de la Plume.” These guilds +supported their own chapel and chaplain, and sometimes had considerable +property. Nearly all the early printers, whose names are now famous in +the annals of Flemish typography were enrolled in one or other of these +associations. + +The object of the foregoing sketch, and its bearings on the subject of +this memoir, will be evident to the reader who recalls to mind that it +was while the pursuit of literature in Bruges was most ardent--that +it was during the reign of the greatest bibliophile of the fifteenth +century, when Bruges teemed with authors, translators, scribes, and +illuminators, who resorted thither from all parts of Europe to Philip +the Good as to a second Mæcenas--that it was during the time when the +bibliographical treasures of Philip the Hardy, enriched by the numerous +additions of his son and grandson, and the libraries of Louis de Bruges +and other nobles of the Flemish court were concentrated in the same +city--that William Caxton was, for thirty-three years at least, a +resident in Bruges. Access to these libraries would be easy to him, and +that he availed himself of the privilege seems all the more probable, +since we find, without exception, that the books which he translated +for his own press may be traced in the catalogues of these noble +libraries. As “Governor of the English Nation,” through whom all the +negotiations between the English and the Burgundian governments would +be carried on, Caxton would be well acquainted with the nobles and +officers of the court, and hence he would naturally become the agent +for the literary wants of his countrymen. He would also be brought into +close contact with the most clever authors, scribes, and illuminators +of the time, among whom were Colard Mansion and Jean Brito, originally +artistic bookwriters, but afterwards the first to introduce the art of +printing into the city of Bruges. + +[Illustration] + + + + +[Illustration] + +CHAPTER V. + +_DEVELOPMENT._ + + +Costume, that sure guide of the historian and the antiquary, is perhaps +nowhere more discernible than in literature, not merely in the dress +of language and expression, but also in the visible exponents of that +dress--writing and printing. Thus, a manuscript or a printed book +may, by the character of its writing or printing alone, be ascribed +to a determinate era. In other words, a careful investigation of the +mode of construction will, in most cases, enable us to determine +the approximate age of any book, from the early manuscript to the +machine-printed volume of the present day. + +In tracing the early development of printing, we are able to note those +successive deviations from the form of its parent, Caligraphy, which +were necessitated by the peculiarities of the new art. Commencing +simply as a substitute for manuscript, it was naturally a close +imitation thereof, and hence the first printers laboured under many +inconveniences, which were shaken off as the capabilities of the new +discovery became better understood. These changes often afford the only +satisfactory evidence of the place and date of printing, as well as of +the printer’s name. We propose, therefore, as an aid to chronological +arrangement, to notice the points of similarity between the earliest +printed books and manuscripts, especially with reference to the +productions of Colard Mansion and William Caxton, and then to trace +the novelties, purely typographical, introduced by the printers. + +1. There was a selection of material. The scribe naturally wrote his +choicest productions on fine vellum, carefully sorted in order to +secure evenness in tone and quality; and with the same idea the early +printers sorted out their paper before beginning to print. This is +frequently seen when two or three copies of the same book are compared +together. One is found to be printed entirely on thick, while another +is wholly on thin paper--one has no defects, whereas another is made +up of what the modern stationer calls “outsides.” The two copies of +Caxton’s “Knyght of the Toure” preserved in the British Museum present +a remarkable instance of this plan of selection. + +2. It was a common practice with the scribes, when employing paper for +their books, to use parchment for the inmost sheet of every section. +The object of this was to give a firm hold to the thread of the binder, +and thus strengthen the volume, but the alternation of paper and +parchment did not present a pleasing appearance to the eye. Caxton +adopted a modification of this plan, and instead thereof pasted a strip +of vellum down the centre of the section. In books which have had the +good fortune to escape the modern bookbinder, the observer may still +see either the slips themselves or their traces in the brown stains +left by the paste. + +3. When commencing a book, the scribes had a custom of passing over +the first leaf, and beginning on the third page, probably with the +intention of protecting the first page from soiling during the +execution and binding of the work. This practice was followed in the +early works which issued from the presses of Flanders and of England, +but unfortunately, in most of these books, on which an expensive modern +binding has been placed, the blank leaf has been rejected as too coarse +for a flyleaf, thus causing many volumes, although really perfect as +regards the print, to be described by bibliographers as wanting the +title-page. + +4. The scribe necessarily wrote but one page at a time, and, curiously +enough, in this the early printers also assimilated their practice. +Whether from want of sufficient type to set up the requisite number of +pages, or from the small size of the platen of the early presses, there +is certain evidence of the first books from Caxton’s press having been +printed page by page. Thus, in all the books printed with type No. 1, +instances are found of pages on the same side of the sheet being out +of parallel, which could not occur if two pages were printed together. +A positive proof of the separate printing of the pages may, however, +be seen in a copy of “The Recuyell of the Histories of Troye,” in the +Bodleian Library; for there the ninth recto of the third quinternion +has never been printed at all, while the complimentary page, which +falls on the same side of the sheet, has been properly printed. A +variation in the colour of the ink, though often very noticeable, +is not a sure proof that the two pages so differing were printed +separately, as that may have occurred through imperfect inking. + +5. Many bibliographers, neglecting the study of manuscripts, and +confining their examination of early books to the products of the +printing press, have written and argued as if “signatures” were an +invention of printers. This is an erroneous idea. It was as necessary +for the scribe to mark the sequence of the sheets which he wrote as for +the typographer to mark the order of those which he printed; because +when the sheets, whether manuscript or printed, had to be bound, it +was an absolute necessity for the binder to have every sheet signed, +for the signatures were his only guide in the collation of the volume. +There would seem to have been, for a long time, an antipathy to these +useful little signposts, which, being needed only so long as the book +remained unbound, were placed by the scribe as near as possible to the +bottom of the leaf, that they might disappear under the plough of the +binder. This is what has happened in the great majority of cases, but +in every instance of the manuscript being preserved uncut they may +still be seen. + +It is interesting to notice the manner in which the early printers +adopted and afterwards modified this custom of the scribes. As it was +very inconvenient for them to print signatures of one or two letters +away from the solid page, at the extreme margin of the sheet, and as +the idea of disfiguring the text by making them a part of it was +objectionable, they continued the old practice for some time, and +actually signed every sheet by hand with pen and ink after it was +printed. The uncut copy of “The Recuyell,” at Windsor Castle, is an +example of a book with manuscript signatures at the extreme foot of +every sheet. After some time, however, the prejudice was overcome, and +the signatures were printed close up to the bottom line of the page. +They were first introduced at Cologne in 1472 and adopted by Caxton in +1480. + +6. The upper portion of the first written leaf of a manuscript was +frequently left blank, for an illustration by the vignette-painter. +Space was also left at the beginning of every chapter, and sometimes of +every sentence, for an illuminated initial. For many years the early +printers likewise followed this plan, every book they issued requiring +the hand of the illuminator to complete it. This illumination was a +distinct branch of trade, and the workmen employed in it did nothing +but paint in the initials and paragraph marks. Through carelessness or +ignorance a wrong initial was occasionally painted in, but as far as +possible to prevent this, both scribes and printers inserted a small +letter as a guide, which was usually covered over by the coloured +capital. + +7. When transcribing a book, it was seldom thought a matter of any +importance to add the date of transcription and the writer’s name, +though occasional instances of this are found. It was probably a +like feeling which made the early printers follow a practice which +has caused the modern bibliographer much doubt on many chronological +points of the greatest interest. So needless was it thought to inform +the reader when, where, or by whom a book was printed, that out +of twenty-one works known to have issued from the press of Colard +Mansion at Bruges, not more than five have a date affixed to them, +and of nearly one hundred publications assigned to Caxton’s press, +considerably more than two-thirds appear without any indication of the +year of imprint. + +8. The similarity, amounting almost to identity, between the printed +characters of the early typographers and the written ones of their +contemporaries, must also be noted. It was this similarity which +probably first gave rise to the now admitted fable of Fust selling his +bibles at Paris as manuscripts, his impeachment before the parliament +as a sorcerer, and the necessity he was under of revealing his secret +to save his life. + +The first printer, when he set about forming his alphabet, could not +have been troubled as to the shape he should give his letters. The +form which would naturally occur to him would be that to which both +he and the people to whom he hoped to sell his productions had been +accustomed. It is not therefore at all wonderful, that the types used +in the earliest printed books should closely resemble the written +characters of the period, nor that this imitation should be extended to +all the combinations of letters which were then in use by the scribes. +Thus the bibles and psalters which appeared in Germany, among the first +productions of the press, were printed in the characters used by the +scribes for ecclesiastical service-books, while the general literature +was printed in the common bastard-roman. There is nothing whatever to +support the assertion frequently met with, that the first printers made +their books purposely like the old manuscripts in order to deceive +purchasers into paying a good price for them. This view truly is the +genuine outcome of the nineteenth century. + +When Sweynheym and Pannartz, emigrating from Germany, took up their +abode in the famous monastery of Subiaco, near Rome, they cut the +punches for their new types in imitation of the Roman letters +indigenous to the country, without an idea that they could do anything +else. In the dominions of the Duke of Burgundy, where the labours +of the scribes had been most extensively encouraged, the same plan +was pursued. Colard Mansion, the first printer at Bruges, was also a +celebrated caligrapher, and the close resemblance between his printed +books and the best manuscripts of his time is very marked. The same +character of writing was also in use in England, and Caxton’s types +accordingly bear the closest resemblance to the handwriting in the +Mercers’ books, and to the volumes of that period in the Archives at +Guildhall. Nevertheless Dibdin thus censures Caxton for not adopting +Roman types:--“That perfect order and symmetry of press-work, so +immediately striking in the pages of foreign books of this period, +are in vain to be sought for among the volumes which have issued +from Caxton’s press; and the uniform rejection of the Roman letter +so successfully introduced by the Spiras, Jenson, and Sweynheym and +Pannartz is, unquestionably, a blemish on our printer’s typographical +reputation.” + +9. The short spacing of the early printers also deserves +remark.[2]--The uneven length of the lines, so noticeable in +manuscripts, was a necessity, as the writer could not forecast the +space between the words so as to make all the lines of an even length. +But it certainly was no necessity with the printer; for although in +this respect the time-honoured custom of the scribes was followed +for a few years, the improved appearance which evenness gave to the +work was soon observed, and thus a typographical step in advance was +established. At Mentz and Cologne this occurred at a very early stage. +The first Psalter, printed in 1457, and the Mazarine Bible of 1455 +show, now and then, lines slightly deficient in length, as do some of +the earliest productions of Ulric Zel; but this rudeness soon gave way +to a systematic plan of spacing the lines to one even length. In the +early specimens from the Bruges and Westminster presses, the practice +of placing all the spare space at the end of the lines, instead of +dividing it between the words, gives a very rude appearance to the +page, and in these books it is carried to a greater extent than in +the works of any German, Italian, or French printers. Colard Mansion +abandoned this practice in 1479, and Caxton in 1480. + +It will be apparent, from the foregoing remarks, that the books of our +first printers bore no slight resemblance to manuscripts, and indeed, +until quite recently, a copy of the Mazarine Bible, in the Library +of Lambeth Palace, was so regarded;[3] but this resemblance was soon +modified, in many particulars, to suit the requirements of typography. + +The execution of manuscript capitals being both tedious and expensive +led to the early introduction of large letters engraved on wood, +which were either printed in black at the same impression as the +other portion, or in red by a subsequent operation. Colard Mansion +seems never to have adopted them, although several of his books +are illustrated by large and numerous woodcuts. Caxton inserted +illustrations engraved on wood in two or three books before 1484, the +date of “Æsop,” in which woodcut initials first appear. + +Title-pages, likewise, are purely typographical in their origin, the +scribes having been content with heading their page with “Hic incipit” +and the name of the treatise. Caxton followed the usage of the scribes +in this particular; for, with one exception only, and at the very end +of his career, where the title of the book is printed alone in the +centre of the first page, his books appear without any title-page +whatever. + +Wynken de Worde adopted the use of title-pages immediately +after the death of his master, but Machlinia of London, and the +schoolmaster-printer of St. Alban’s, never used them. + +These minute details may appear, at first sight, to be hardly worthy +of record; but when we remember that two-thirds of Caxton’s books are +without any date, and that, by careful examination of the workmanship, +we can trace the printer gradually developing the changes from +manuscript to typographical character, we appreciate the existence of +a mass of technical evidence which, like the strata of the earth, or +the mouldings of a cathedral arch, affords chronological data quite +independent of any other source, and enables us, with a near approach +to accuracy, to determine the age of any undated book. To this evidence +may be added some other important signs which sometimes bear witness +to the date when a book was printed. Such are the size of the printed +page, its depth and width, the number of lines in a page, the number +of sheets in a section, and, above all, the sequence in the use of +various types. In Caxton’s books this sequence is very remarkable, as +will be seen by the annexed table, where only books with fixed dates +are entered, so that the reader may form his own judgment as to the +chronological order of the above-mentioned peculiarities. + +Some interesting facts may be gathered from this table. + +1. The types used by Caxton bear a definite chronological relation to +one another. Type No. 1 goes out of use, and is succeeded, in 1477, +by No. 2. Type No. 3 is principally employed for headlines during the +use of Nos. 2 and 4. In 1480 type No. 4 makes its appearance, but +not till No. 2 is about to disappear. In 1483 type No. 4* supersedes +its predecessor, and, in its turn, makes way for Nos. 5 and 6, which +close the list. If the books were added which give the dates of their +translation, which almost always coincide with those of their printing, +the result would be the same. + +2. All the books printed before 1480 were with lines of an uneven +length, whilst all printed subsequently were spaced out evenly. + +3. Signatures and even spacing of the lines were synchronous +improvements, and both, when once adopted, were never afterwards +abandoned. In the signatures themselves a curious fact may be +noted--that whereas the custom of Caxton was generally to use letters +and Roman numerals, as ~b j~, for his signatures, yet in the three +years 1481 to 1483, and at no other period, he used Arabic numerals, +thus ~b~ 1, or 2 1. + + ┌────────────────────────┬────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐ + │ │ Date of Printing. │ + │ │ │ No. of Type. │ + │ │ │ │ Length of Line. │ + │ │ │ │ Inches. │ + │ │ │ │ │ Lines spaced out to │ + │ │ │ │ │ the end or not. │ + │ │ │ │ │ │ Length of Page. + │ │ │ │ │ │ Lines. │ + │ │ │ │ │ │ │ Sig.│ │ + │ Title. │ │ │ │ │ │ │Init| + ├────────────────────────┼─────────────────┼───────┼────┼─────┼────┼─────┼────┤ + │ The Recuyell │ Before 1477 │ 1 │ 5 │ No │ 31 │none │none│ + │ The Game of Chess, │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ + │ 1st ed. │ Do. │ 1 │ 5 │ No │ 31 │none │none│ + │ The Life of Jason │ Do. │ 2 │ 5 │ No │ 29 │none │none│ + │ Dictes, 1st ed. │ Nov. 18th, 1477 │ 2 │ 5 │ No │ 29 │none │none│ + │ Moral Proverbs │ Feb. 20th, 1478 │ 2 │ In Metre.│ 28 │none │none│ + │ Cordyale │ Mar. 24th, 1479 │ 2 & 3 │ 5 │ No │ 29 │none │none│ + │ Chronicles, 1st ed. │ June 10th, 1480 │ 4 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 40 │roman│none│ + │ Reynard, 1st ed. │ June 6th, 1481 │ 2 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 29 │arab.│none│ + │ Tulle │ Aug. 12th, 1481 │ 2 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 29 │arab.│none│ + │ Godfrey │ Nov. 20th, 1481 │ 4 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 40 │arab.│none│ + │ Polycronicon │ July 2d, 1482 │ 4 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 40 │arab.│none│ + │ Chronicles, 2d ed. │ Oct. 8th, 1482 │ 4 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 40 │arab.│none│ + │ Pilgrimage of the Soul │ June 6th, 1483 │ 4 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 40 │roman│none│ + │ Liber Festivalis, │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ + │ 1st ed. │ June 30th, 1483 │ 4* │ 5 │ Yes │ 38 │roman│none│ + │ Confessio Amantis │ Sept. 2d, 1483 │ 4 │ 2¾ │ Yes │ 46 │arab.│none│ + │ Knight of the Tower │ Jan. 31st, 1484 │ 4* │ 5 │ Yes │ 38 │roman│none│ + │ Æsop │ Mar. 26th, 1484 │ 4* │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 38 │roman│wood│ + │ King Arthur │ July 31st, 1485 │ 4* │ 3¼ │ Yes │ 26 │roman│wood│ + │ Charles the Great │ Dec. 1st, 1485 │ 4* │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 38 │roman│wood│ + │ Paris and Vienne │ Dec. 19th, 1485 │ 4* │ 2⅜ │ Yes │ 39 │roman│wood│ + │ Book of Good Manners │ May 11th, 1487 │ 5 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 34 │roman│wood│ + │ Directorium │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ + │ Sacerdotum, 2d ed. │ ---- 1489 │ 6 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 31 │roman│wood│ + │ Art and Craft │ June 15th, 1490 │ 6 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 31 │roman│wood│ + │ Eneydos │ June 22d, 1490 │ 6 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 31 │roman│wood│ + │ Fayts of Arms │ July 14th, 1490 │ 6 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 31 │roman│wood│ + └────────────────────────┴─────────────────┴───────┴────┴─────┴────┴─────┴────┘ + + KEY + Heading “Sig.” = “Signatures.” + Heading “Init” = “Initials.” + Under “Lines spaced out to the end or not”: No = “not”, Yes = “spaced out” + Under “Sig.”: roman = “rom. num.”, arab. = “arab. figs.” + + +We may further add that the use of the paragraph mark (ℂ) never appears +before 1483; that the great device makes no appearance till 1487, the +printed date to the third edition of the “Dictes” notwithstanding; and +that initials in wood first appear in the “Æsop” in 1484. + +By the application of these tests to the undated books we are enabled +to assign each of them, with tolerable certainty, to a particular +period. + +[Illustration] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[2] We may here observe, that bibliographers often misuse the word +“justification” when referring to the practice of placing all the +space at the end of lines. The printer’s term “justification” does not +necessarily refer to the spacing out of the words in a line. Every line +in a page must be “justified” or made of the normal length, and the +last line in a paragraph, containing perhaps no more than one word, +must be justified equally with the full-length line. Short lines are +justified with quadrats, or pieces of metal, which fill up the line, +but, being lower than the type, do not print. What is called “short,” +or “bad,” or “imperfect justification,” is sure to reveal itself, to +the dismay of the compositor, by allowing the faulty line to drop out +when the “forme,” or mass of type, is lifted. The probable reason why +Colard Mansion and Caxton did not space their lines to an even length +is, that at that time they had not begun to use the _setting-rule_. +This useful little slip of metal enables each letter as it is picked +up by the compositor to be passed along on an even surface to its +destination, instead of catching in every unevenness or burr of the +previous line. Its absence would entail many obstructions to the +spacing-out of lines, and render the plan of leaving all the spare +space at the end, which was actually adopted by Caxton, at once more +easy, expeditious, and free from accident. + +[3] In 1856, an old established bookseller, in one of our largest +cathedral towns, marked a copy of Caxton’s “Statutes of Hen. VII” as an +old MS., _and sold it for 2s. 6d._! See also the remarks on Verard’s +“Euryalus et Lucrece,” in the Catalogue of the Harleian MSS., Vol. III, +No. 4392. + + + + +[Illustration] + +CHAPTER VI. + +_COLARD MANSION._ + + +Bruges, the old metropolis of Flanders, offers many points of the +greatest interest to the historian and the antiquary. In the fifteenth +century, it was the chosen residence of the sovereigns of the House +of Burgundy, and to its marts resorted the most opulent merchants of +Europe. There the arts, as well as commerce, were developed to a degree +of excellence unequalled since the Augustan age, and even Paris was +surpassed in literary and artistic treasures. Artists and craftsmen +were consequently numerous, and, as we have already seen, those of them +who were connected with the production of books, were enrolled as a +trade guild. And this pre-eminence is not immaterial to our inquiry, +for William Caxton was not only for more than thirty years a constant +resident in Bruges, holding for a considerable period a position of +great authority, but in this city likewise took his first lessons in +typography and obtained the materials necessary for the introduction of +the New Art into his native country. + +Colard Mansion is generally admitted to have been the first printer +at Bruges, but of his history little is known. His name occurs many +times in the old records still preserved in the municipal library, and +always in connection either with his trade of fine-manuscript writer, +or with the guild of St. John. The first time it appears it is written +“Collinet,” a diminutive of Collaert, from which Van Praet, his first +biographer, thinks he was at that time under age. In 1450 “Collinet” +received fifty-four livres from the Duke of Burgundy for a novel, +entitled “Romuleon,” beautifully illuminated and bound in velvet. This +copy is now in the Royal Library at Brussels, and another copy, written +in characters exactly like the types used twenty years later by Colard +Mansion, is in the British Museum. Both the Seigneur de la Gruthuyse +and the Seigneur de Creveceur were his patrons; the former, indeed, +was at one time on such friendly and familiar terms with Mansion, +that he stood godfather to one of his children. It does not, however, +appear that in later years, when poverty laid its heavy hand on the +unfortunate printer, any of his patrons came to his assistance. + +From 1454 to 1473 name of Mansion is found, year by year, as a +contributor to the guild of St. John, the formation of which has been +already noticed. In 1471 he was “doyen” or dean, an office which he +held for two years, at the expiration of which time he is supposed +to have left Bruges for a twelvemonth in order to learn the new art +of printing. This is a needless assumption, grounded solely on his +subscription for 1473 having been paid through a brother of the guild. +From 1476 to 1482 his name does not appear at all as a contributor, +although the dates of the “Boece,” the “Quadrilogue,” and the “Somme +rurale,” show that he was still at Bruges, and pursuing his vocation. +His subscription to the guild is again entered in 1483, and his name +occurs in the guild records for the last time in 1484. This was a +disastrous year to Colard Mansion; for, although not overtaken by +death, as his early biographers have assumed, disgrace, poverty, +and expatriation awaited him. He appears to have been in straitened +circumstances for some years, as in 1480 he could not execute the +commission of Monseigneur de Gazebeke for an illuminated copy of +“Valerius Maximus,” in two volumes, without several advances of money. +The receipts for these instalments are still preserved, as is also a +notice of Mansion’s place of residence, which was in one of the poorest +streets in Bruges, leading out of the Rue des Carmes. His typographical +labours were carried on in one of two rooms over the porch of the +church of St. Donatus, for which we may assume that he paid the same +rent as the next tenant, six livres per annum. It was in this room that +Colard Mansion, in May 1484, finished his beautiful edition of Ovid’s +“Metamorphoses,” a magnificent folio of 386 leaves, full of woodcuts, +printed-in separately from the text. We know nothing of the sale of +this noble production; but the expenses connected with it were probably +his ruin, for about three months later he left the city. The Chapter of +St. Donatus, feeling uneasy about their rent, soon made inquiries as to +the probability of his return, there being an opportunity of letting +the room to a better tenant; but all was in vain, and in October 1484 +the apartment in which Mansion had for so many years been labouring at +those volumes which are now prized as among the glories of Bruges, was +made over to Jean Gossin, a member of the same guild as Mansion, and, +like him, engaged in the manufacture of books. The Chapter, however, +took care not to lose by their tenant’s flight, for the conditions upon +which his room (and probably a large stock of printed sheets besides) +was made over to Gossin were that the latter should pay up all arrears +of rent. Nothing more is known of Mansion after this sad event; and +it is mournful to contemplate the poor man turning his back upon his +native city, to begin life anew at the age of nearly sixty, after so +many years spent in literary labour. It has been suggested that he took +refuge in Paris, as the names of Paul and Robert Mansion appear as +printers in that city in 1650; but on this point there is no evidence +whatever. + +In examining the productions of Colard Mansion’s press, it is somewhat +perplexing to the lover of accuracy to find that he, like all the +earliest printers, issued most of his productions without date, and +many without even name or place. In this he merely followed the example +of his predecessors, the scribes, who seldom affixed their names, or +the date of the transcript. Van Praet enumerates twenty-one works from +his press, and another has been since discovered. These, to the eye of +a printer, naturally divide themselves into two classes. + +1st. Those printed in a large bold Secretary type. + +2nd. Those printed in a smaller semi-roman character, known as “Lettres +de Somme.” + +No one acquainted, although but slightly, with the practical features +of typography can doubt that the early books attributed to Caxton, and +the early books issued by Mansion, came from the same press. Mansion +employed for his first type a very bold secretary, exactly similar in +character to the type first used at Westminster. In Pl. II and III +they may be seen in juxtaposition. It also closely resembled in shape +and in size the character in which Mansion was accustomed to execute +his manuscripts. He likewise printed, at the head of each chapter, the +summary in red ink; and here he displayed so curious an instance of +typographical ingenuity that the reader’s attention is particularly +requested to it. If we closely examine into the appearance which the +red ink, as used by Mansion in his “Boccace,” “Boece,” “Somme rurale,” +and “Ovide,” presents, it will be noticed that it is very dirty in +colour, and moreover that the black lines, nearest the red, have their +edges tipped with red, a defect which the separate printing of lines in +red ink affords no opportunity for producing. The following explanation +will satisfactorily show the _modus operandi_. The two colours were +printed by one and the same pull of the press, all the type, both for +black and red, being included in the same form. But it was impossible +to beat the form with the balls, and leave a single line in the middle +untouched; so the whole page was inked black, and then (a space for +play being always left above and below) the black line was carefully +wiped from the intended red line, and that line re-inked with red by +the finger, or by other means, after which the sheet was pulled. A +twofold inconvenience attended this clumsy process,--the black could +never be removed so completely that it would not taint the ensuing red, +and the utmost care would not usually prevent the black lines nearest +the red receiving a slight touch from the red finger, or ball. In fact, +both these defects appear in every book printed by Colard Mansion, in +which the two colours were used, and to these was frequently added +a third--the loss of a portion of the black ink nearest to the red +caused by the wiping process. Actual experiment shows that this mode of +working both colours at once is the only solution of the appearance, +and the inducement for its adoption was in all probability the perfect +accuracy of “register” it secured, as there was thus no fear of the +red lines not fitting exactly in their proper places--an accuracy +very difficult to obtain, by separate printings, at a rudimentary +press. This peculiarity of workmanship in the Bruges printer is not +found in any book from the Mentz or Cologne presses; indeed all the +typographical habits of the Bruges and Cologne printers were so +distinct and opposite that it is difficult to believe in any connection +between them. + +It has been already shown that in early books uneven spacing is a sure +sign that the workmanship is prior to that of books from the same press +in which the lines are all of equal length. The dated books of Colard +Mansion are only six in number, which fully bear this out. + + Le Jardin de Dévotion before 1476 uneven lines + Boccace du Déchiet des Nobles Hommes 1476 ” + Boece de la Consolation de Philosophie 1477 ” + Le Quadrilogue d’Alain Chartier 1478[4] even lines + La Somme rurale 1479 ” + Les Metamorphoses d’Ovide 1484 ” + +Taking, then, 1478 as the year in which Mansion changed his practice, +we may assume, without fear of error, that all the undated books, with +short-spaced lines, were anterior, and all the undated books, with +their lines spaced to one length, posterior to the “Quadrilogue.” On +this basis his undated productions may be thus arranged. + +Before 1478, having lines of an uneven length:-- + + Les Dits moraux des Philosophes short-spaced + Les Invectives contre la Secte de Vauderie ” + La Controversie de Noblesse ” + Débat entre trois valeureux Princes ” + +After 1478, having lines of an even length:-- + + Les Advineaux amoureux. Edit. 1 full-spaced + La Doctrinal du temps présent ” + La Doctrine de bien vivre ” + L’Art de bien mourir ” + La Purgatoire des mauvais Maris ” + L’Abuse en court ” + Les Evangiles des Quenouilles ” + Le Donat espirituel ” + Les Adeuineaux amoreux. Edit. 2 ” + Dionysii Areopagiticæ liber ” + +Colard Mansion seems never to have produced works from his press with +rapidity; therefore, as the “Boccace” of 1476 contained nearly 600 +pages in large folio, and the “Boece” of 1477 about the same, we may +fairly assume that the five other short-spaced works were anterior to +the “Boccace.” This hypothesis would make Mansion a printer in Bruges +about the time when Caxton finished his translation of “Le Recueil des +Histoires de Troyes.” + +In the next Chapter it is proposed to show how all the peculiarities +noticeable in the printed productions of Colard Mansion may be traced +in those attributed to William Caxton. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[4] The only date in the volume is 1477, which was the year when the +Prologue was composed: the printing must have been later than this. + + +[Illustration] + +[Illustration: Plate III. + +_Type No. 1._ + +_From “The Recuyell of the Histories of Troye.”_ + +_From “Le Recueil des Histories de Troye.”_] + +[Illustration: Plate IV. + +_Colard Mansion’s, Gros Bâtarde Type. Showing the hand of the same +Artist that cut Caxton’s No. 2._ + +_Taken from “La Controversie de Noblesse,” c. 1477._] + +[Illustration: Plate V. + +_Caxton’s Type No. 2*._ + +_Taken from “Fratris Laur. Gul. de Saona,” c. 1479._] + + + + +[Illustration] + +CHAPTER VII. + +_CAXTON A PRINTER._ + + +The evidence as to where and from whom Caxton acquired his knowledge of +the Art of Printing has been considered by nearly every bibliographer +as being confined entirely to the information obtained from Caxton’s +own Prologues and Epilogues, with the one addition of the well-known +quatrain of Wynken de Worde, at the end of his “Bartholomæus de +Proprietatibus Rerum.” The argument from technical peculiarities in the +books themselves has hitherto been almost entirely overlooked, although +a mass of the truest, because unintentional evidence may be found from +the attentive study of these dumb witnesses. + +Mr. Bradshaw, of Cambridge, has most truly observed, in his “Classified +Index,” that the bibliographer should “make such an accurate and +methodical study of the _types_ used and _habits of printing_ +observable at different presses as to enable him to observe and be +guided by these characteristics in settling the date of a book which +bears no date upon the surface.”[5] But the great difficulty in the way +of this systematic study is the impossibility of having the books side +by side, for their rarity is so great that in no one existing library +can they all be found. + +The books printed in Caxton’s type No. 1, used only at Bruges, are five +in number, although we can trace his direct connection with but two of +them. + + 1. “The Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye,” with Prologues and + Epilogues. + 2. “Le Recueil des Histoires de Troye.” + 3. “The Game and Playe of the Chesse,” with Prologue by Caxton. + 4. “Les Fais et Proesses du Chevalier Jason.” + 5. “Meditacions sur les Sept Pseaulmes penitenciaulx.” + +To these must be added one book printed at Bruges in type +No. 2. + + 6. “Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses.” + +Before analysing the evidence supplied by Caxton’s remarks and dates, +it is necessary to explain how easily a mistake may be made, and an +erroneous conclusion drawn, unless care be taken to remember the effect +of the change of style upon the commencement of the year. In England, +from the thirteenth century until 1752, the new year began on March +25th; while in Holland and Flanders it commenced on Easter Day. Neglect +of this fact has led to many historical errors. Thus, one historian +states that Charles I was beheaded on January 30th, 1648, whereas +others assert that the event took place on the same day in 1649; one +dates the flight of James II from his kingdom in February, 1688, whilst +others date it in 1689. In these and many other instances one writer +takes the old style of beginning the year, whilst others take the new +style, each being right from his own standpoint. In a lately discovered +tract printed by Caxton, and known as the “Sex Epistolae,” we have the +text of several letters which passed between the Pope and the Doge of +Venice, which will be more particularly described under “Books in type +No. 4.” It is merely mentioned here as affording an apt illustration +of the foregoing remarks. The letters commence on December 11th, +1482, and succeed one another in due order until the 7th of January, +1482, and the end of February, 1482. This was no blunder, for the old +year continued until March 25th, which was New-Year’s Day, 1483. +Returning now to the consideration of Caxton’s first lessons in the +Art of Printing, we will examine each of the books attributed to him, +commencing with + +“THE RECUYELL.”--This occupies the foremost place, because Caxton +himself tells us that with it he began his career as a printer. Its +Prologues and Epilogues contain curious and interesting gossip from +Caxton’s own pen, telling us how the Duchess of Burgundy, in whose +service he then was, commanded him to complete the translation, which +he had begun but not advanced with. He tells us that he began to +translate the work at Bruges on March 1st, 1468, which, as the year in +Flanders did not then commence till Easter, was really 1469, that he +continued it at Ghent, and finished at Cologne on September 19th, 1471, +thus making a period of two years and a half; that on its completion +he presented it to the duchess, who rewarded him handsomely; that many +persons desired copies of it, so that, finding the labour of writing +too wearisome for him, and not expeditious enough for his friends, he +had practised and learnt, at his great charge and expense, to ordain +the book in print, to the end that every man might have them at once. +As was natural to a person making practical acquaintance for the first +time with the effects of typography, Caxton ends with noticing what in +his eyes, accustomed to see one copy finished before another was begun, +was the most wonderful feature of the new art, namely, that all the +copies were begun upon one day, and were finished upon one day. + +The periods of time here mentioned by Caxton require notice. He began +to translate on March 1st, 1469, but soon relinquished his self-imposed +task, after writing no more than five or six quires (or sections of +four or five sheets each). After the lapse of two years, in March, +1471, he resumed the translation, and in the following September he +presented the duchess with the completed work. Now, six months would +have been a very likely time for the translation and a fair copy +thereof to take; but it would have been impossible to have accomplished +the printing also in that space of time, especially as the whole +translation was finished before the first sheet was printed, as will +be hereafter shown. We may also notice, that the duration of Caxton’s +visit to Cologne must have been very short, as his absence from Bruges +lasted no more than six months. + +“LE RECUEIL” has but one date, and that evidently refers to the +literary compilation alone, and affords no clue whatever to the year +of printing. Indeed, the numerous copies still extant in manuscript +prove that the work enjoyed considerable popularity before it came +under the hands of the printer. The date of the printing of this +book has been fixed, by several writers, between 1464 and 1467, from +the consideration that Le Fèvre, the compiler, is spoken of in the +prologue as chaplain to the Duke of Burgundy, and in such a manner as +to signify that the duke was then living. But in the English version +there is a material difference: Le Fèvre is not styled there as in the +French, “Chappellain de montres redoubte seigneur Monseigneur le Duc +Phillipe de Bourgoingne,” but “chapelayn vnto the ryght noble glorious +and mighty prynce, _in his tyme_, Phelip duc of Bourgoyne.” Philip, +therefore, was alive when “Le Recueil” was printed, but dead when “The +Recuyell” went to press. The duke died in 1467; and it is therefore +inferred that “Le Recueil” must date between 1464 and 1467, while “The +Recuyell” must be later than 1467. That this should be considered as +proving anything more than that the original French was compiled during +the lifetime of Philip, and that when Caxton translated the same the +duke was dead, seems unaccountable. All the copies of “Le Recueil,” +both manuscript and printed, followed the wording of the original, and +the printer would no more think of altering it in 1476, the probable +date of imprint, than the transcriber would in copying the same +twenty-five years later. The National Library at Paris has a manuscript +of this very book written after 1500, but reproducing exactly the +clause which, in the printed edition, is considered to be a proof of +its having been executed prior to 1467. Caxton altered the prologue +of Le Fèvre to suit his own time, because he was translating; but, in +printing from the manuscript of another (assuming his connection with +“Le Recueil”), he would have been in opposition to the practice of +his age had he altered the original. His translation was in its turn +printed and reprinted, word for word, long after it was out of date. + +There is, therefore, no reason whatever for asserting that “Le Recueil,” +written in 1464, was printed before “The Recuyell,” translated in 1474, +and sent to press about the same date. In fact, the whole tone of the +epilogue to Book III of “The Recuyell,” leads unquestionably to the +conclusion that _that_ was the very first occasion on which Caxton +had busied himself with typography. He would never have said, “I have +learned to ordain _this book_ in printe at my great charge and expense,” +if he had already printed one or two others. M. Bernard assumes that +Caxton had nothing to do with the printing of “Le Recueil,” and that it +was executed before he turned his attention to the new art. This +opinion, however, has not a single fact to support it. + +“THE CHESS BOOK” affords but little evidence of value, its prologue +being, for the most part, merely a translation of that written by +Jehan de Vignay for the French original. It offers, indeed, one date; +but that is open to question in its application. “Fynysshid the last +day of marche, 1474,” are the concluding words of the epilogue. But +what was finished, the translation, or the printing? From the context +it was probably the translation, although the printing was not many +months later. This date also must be advanced a year; for, as already +noticed, the new year did not commence, in Flanders, till Easter Day, +which fell, in that year, on April 10th; so that March 31st, 1474, was, +according to the modern reckoning, March 31st, 1475. + +The prologue to the second edition throws a little light on the history +of the first. Caxton there says, in reference to his connection with +the book: “... an excellent doctor of divinity ... made a book of the +Chess moralised, which, _at such time as I was resident in Bruges_, +came into my hands.... And to the end that some which have not seen +it, nor understand french nor latin, I deliberated in myself to +translate into our maternal tongue; and when I had so achieved the +said translation, _I did do set in imprinte_, a certain number of them +which anon were depesshed and sold.” He here appears to mean that upon +the completion of the translation he employed some one else to print +it:--“I did do set in imprinte.” “Did do,” according to the idiom of +those days, was commonly used for doing a thing through the medium of +another. The phrase was borrowed from the French--“plain pouoir de +prendre et faire prendre les larrons,” is the wording of an ordinance +dated in the fifteenth century. “He did do be said to the messenger,” +for “he caused to be said,” is found on folio 22 of the “History of +Jason.” “The Emperor did do make a gate of marble” occurs in the second +edition of the “Chess Book,” fol. 85. Similar examples abound, so that +we may fairly conclude that Caxton did not himself print the first +edition of the “Chess Book,” but that both the translation and the +printing were executed in Bruges. + +[Illustration: Plate VI. + +_Type No. 1._ + +_From “The Chess-book,” 1st Edition._] + +The other books, namely, the French “Jason,” the “Meditacions,” and the +“Quatre Derrennieres Choses,” contain the bare text without remark or +date of any kind, being, as bibliographers say, _sine ullâ notâ_. + +The whole of the literary evidence therefore may be briefly summed up +thus: “The Recuyell” was translated in 1471, and printed some time +after; the “Chess Book” was printed after 1474, and probably in the +latter half of 1475; and “Le Recueil” was compiled in 1464, but, like +the other four, affords no evidence of date of the printing, which was +probably about 1476. + +We will now examine the testimony afforded by a comparison of the +technical peculiarities of these six books. In collating “The +Recuyell,” the make-up of the sections, at the beginning of the volume, +is worth noting. It was the practice of Caxton, as of other printers, +to commence the printing of his books with the text, any preface which +might be requisite, being added afterwards in a separate section, +with a different kind of signature. When, however, the whole of the +manuscript, prologue as well as text, was complete before it came into +the printer’s hands, there was no occasion for any such arrangement. +This appears to have been the case with regard to “The Recuyell,” where +nothing has been added at the beginning, as the first section of five +sheets includes all the introductory matter, as well as a portion of +the text. Now the first page, which bears the date of the conclusion +of the translation, being on the same sheet as a portion of the text, +it is evident that the whole volume must have been in manuscript +before any part was set up in type. We may infer, indeed, from his +own description of the effect that so much writing had upon him, that +Caxton issued several manuscript copies before he thought of using +the printing-press. The copy presented to the duchess was undoubtedly +manuscript; or else how could Caxton have chronicled in the printed +work her acceptance of the book and his reward for the present? And +this again leads to the supposition that the portion of the epilogue +relating to the printing was added by Caxton to his original manuscript +when he determined to print it. + +For precisely similar reasons, Caxton’s prologue to the “Chess Book,” +which was a translation or adaptation of the original French, is also +a portion of the first section of the volume. None of the other books +under review having prologues, we will proceed to a comparison of some +other typographical particulars. + +The following table will show some of the technical features of each +book, and some of what may be called the “habits” of the printer:-- + + ┌─────────────────────────────┬──────────────────────────────────────────┐ + │ │ Type No. │ + │ │ │ No. of Sheets in a Section. │ + │ │ │ │ No. of Lines in a Page. │ + │ │ │ │ │ Measurement of a Page.-- │ + │ │ │ │ │ Inches. │ + │ │ │ │ │ │ Spacing of │ + │ │ │ │ │ │ Lines │ + │ No. Title. Size. │ │ │ │ │ │ Signature │ + ├─────────────────────────────┼───┼───┼────┼────────┼────────┼───────────┤ + │ 1 The Recuyell Fol. │ 1 │ 5 │ 31 │ 5 × 7⅜ │ uneven │ none │ + │ 2 Le Recueil Fol. │ 1 │ 5 │ 31 │ 5 × 7⅜ │ uneven │ none │ + │ 3 The Chess Book Fol. │ 1 │ 4 │ 31 │ 5 × 7⅜ │ uneven │ none │ + │ 4 Les Fais du Jason Fol. │ 1 │ 4 │ 31 │ 5 × 7⅜ │ even │ none │ + │ 5 Meditacions Fol. │ 1 │ 4 │ 31 │ 5 × 7⅜ │ even │ none │ + │ 6 Les 4^{tre} │ │ │ │ │ │ │ + │ derrennieres choses Fol. │ 2 │ 4 │ 28 │ 5 × 7⅜ │ uneven │ none │ + └─────────────────────────────┴───┴───┴────┴────────┴────────┴───────────┘ + +From this table we perceive,-- + +First, That the first five books are printed with the same types, are +all of the same size, and all without signatures; that all agree +exactly in the size of the page; and that the even spacing of the lines +in the “Meditacions” and the “Jason” proves that they were produced +later than the others. + +Secondly, That the five books in type No. 1 may be considered as the +production of one printer. + +Who, then, was this printer? When we attentively examine the shape of +the letters in type No. 1, we notice a remarkable similarity between it +and that of the writing of many Bruges manuscripts of the same period, +which would induce us, at first sight, to attribute the design of the +type to some artist of that city. + +M. Bernard, whose opinion is of great weight, where his nationality +is not concerned, traces the pattern of type No. 1 directly to Colard +Mansion of Bruges. Speaking of a manuscript in the National Library at +Paris, written by Colard Mansion’s own hand, he says, “This book is +written in old bâtarde, and in exactly the same character as the types +of ‘Le Recueil des histoires de Troyes;’” yet he attributes the cutting +of the types to a French artist, and the printing to a German, Ulric +Zel. The paper he also claims for a French mill, on account of the +_fleurs de lis_, and the Gothic ~p~ with the quatrefoil, ignoring the +fact that these are common Flemish watermarks of the fifteenth century, +and found in abundance in the books from the Bruges and Westminster +presses. + +That any of these books in type No. 1 were printed by Ulric Zel, or any +other Cologne printer, I cannot for a moment believe. It is possible, +of course, that Zel, if employed to do so, could have designed and +cut types of the gros-bâtarde pattern, although, as a fact, he never +used such types himself; but all the Cologne printers of that period +had their own peculiarities and habits, which were not at all those of +the Bruges printers. Zel, from an early period, printed two pages at a +time, as may be easily verified where a crooked page occurs; for the +other page printed on the same side of the sheet will in every case be +found crooked also. Now, “The Recuyell” was certainly printed page by +page, as were likewise all the books from Mansion’s press. And Caxton, +when printing his quarto books, cut the paper up and still printed +but one page at a time. This accounts for the entire rejection by +Mansion,[6] and the sparing use by Caxton of the quarto size for their +productions, as it necessitated twice as much press-work as the larger +size. But stronger evidence is to be found in the fact that Zel, after +1467, always spaced out the lines of his books to an even length, and +would have taught any one learning the art from him to do the same; +yet this improvement was not adopted by either Mansion or Caxton until +several years later. Whoever may have been the instructor of Mansion +and Caxton, and whatever may have been the origin of their typography, +the opinion that either of them, after learning the art in an advanced +school such as that of Cologne, would have adopted in their first +productions, without any necessity for so doing, primitive customs +which they had never been taught, and returned in after years by slow +degrees to the rules of their original tuition, has only to be plainly +stated to render it untenable. + +The printer of all these works was undoubtedly Colard Mansion, +who had just before established his press at Bruges--who cast the +types on his own model for Caxton, and instructed him in the art +while printing _with_ and _for_ him “The Recuyell” and the “Chess +Book”--who _certainly_ printed “Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses”--who +supplied Caxton with the material for the establishment of a press in +England--who, about the time of Caxton’s departure, used the same type +for “Le Recueil”--and who, at a still later period, printed alone the +“Jason” and the “Meditacions.” + +We will now examine “Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses,” of which the only +copy known is in the Old Royal collection in the British Museum. Like +all Colard Mansion’s books, and unlike any one of Caxton’s, it is in +French. It is printed in type No. 2, the type of the “Dictes” of 1477, +and all the early books which issued from the Westminster press. Then +the peculiar appearance of the red ink at once attracts attention. The +two colours have been evidently printed at the same pull of the press, +as was Colard Mansion’s practice. Here the same process of wiping +the black ink off lines purposely isolated, and then re-inking them +with red, has been resorted to; and here, too, as in the acknowledged +productions of the Bruges press, the same defects have been produced; +the red ink having a tarnished appearance from the subjacent remains +of the black, and the black lines nearest the red having received a +red edging, which, however interesting as a connecting link between +two celebrated printers, by no means increases their typographical +beauty. Now, as no Cologne printer is known to have resorted to this +unique method of working in colours, I feel no hesitation in ascribing +“Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses” either to Colard Mansion or to Caxton +working under his tuition; and as this peculiarity is nowhere found in +Caxton’s productions of the Westminster press, the former would seem +the more likely conjecture. + +The connection thus established between the types used by Caxton in his +first attempts in England and those used by Colard Mansion is still +further strengthened by the fact that the form of the &c., peculiar +to type No. 1, is in several instances, by an evident mixing of the +founts, used instead of the proper sort belonging to type No. 2. This +furnishes positive proof that the two founts were _under one roof_, +whether at Cologne or Bruges, or elsewhere. Whoever printed the five +books in type No. 1 most certainly owned type No. 2 also. + +Against all this, however, has to be placed the direct assertion +of Wynken de Worde, who, in the proheme to his undated edition of +“Bartholomæus de Proprietatibus Rerum,” gives the following rhyme:-- + + “And also of your charyte call to remembraunce + The soule of William Caxton first prynter of this boke + In laten tonge at Coleyn hyself to auaũce + That euery well disposyd man may thereon loke.” + +The phraseology of this verse is very ambiguous. Are we to understand +that the _editio princeps_ of “Bartholomæus” proceeded from Caxton’s +press, or that he only printed the first Cologne edition? that he +issued a _translation_ of his own, which is the only way in which +the production of the work could advance him in the Latin tongue? +or, that he printed in Latin to advance his own interests? The last +seems the most probable reading. But though the words will bear +many constructions, they are evidently intended to mean that Caxton +printed “Bartholomæus” at Cologne. Now this seems to be merely a +careless statement of Wynken de Worde; for if Caxton did really print +“Bartholomæus” in that city, it must have been with his own types and +presses, as the workmanship of his early volumes proves that he had no +connection with the Cologne printers, whose practices were entirely +different. The time necessary for the production of so extensive a work +would have been considerable; therefore, as Caxton’s stay at Cologne +on the occasion of his finishing the translation of “Le Recueil” was +but short, the printing of this apocryphal “Bartholomæus” would have +been at a subsequent visit, of which there is no record. No edition +has yet been discovered which can, by any stretch of the imagination, +be attributed to Caxton, although there is more than one old undated +edition belonging to the German school of printing. Accuracy of +information was in those days not much studied, and to a general +carelessness about names and dates Wynken de Worde added a negligence +peculiarly his own. We may excuse him for using Caxton’s device in +several books which by their dates and types are known to have been +printed by himself, as well as for putting Caxton’s name as printer +to the edition of the “Golden Legend,” printed in 1493, two years +after his master’s death. Such inaccuracies were thought but little +of at that time. But how can we account for the blundering alteration +in the 1495 edition of the “Polycronicon,” where Wynken de Worde, +making himself the speaker in Caxton’s prologue, four years after his +master’s death, promises to carry the history down to 1485; or for the +still greater error in the “Dictes” of 1528, in which, while adopting +Caxton’s epilogue, but substituting his own for Caxton’s name, he makes +all the transactions there related happen between Earl Rivers (who +had been fifty years in his grave) and himself? Wynken de Worde’s +blunders in statements are well matched by his blunders in workmanship, +of which, however, we will quote but two. In Caxton’s edition of the +“Stans Puer ad Mensam,” the third and fourth pages of the poem were +accidentally transposed; yet Wynken de Worde, notwithstanding the break +of sequence, blindly reprints the error! Again, in his edition of +“The Horse, the Shepe, and the Ghoos,” he actually omits a whole page +without discovering his mistake! Other examples might easily be quoted, +but enough has been adduced to show that Wynken de Worde was by no +means careful in his statements.[7] + +We must remember that Wynken de Worde, moreover, was too young to +have had any personal knowledge of Caxton’s early efforts, and that +the vast importance of the art to the entire world, and the interest +attaching to its origin, were ideas which would find no place in the +mind of a fifteenth-century printer. We must not, therefore, regard +De Worde’s statement as deliberately made for the purpose of telling +posterity something about Caxton. Lewis, Caxton’s first biographer, was +very sceptical concerning this Cologne edition of “Bartholomæus.” “Its +having a Latin title,” he says, “might possibly deceive De Worde, and +make him think it was printed in Latin. However this may be, it does +not appear that any edition of it, printed by Caxton or any one else, +either in Latin or English, that year, is now in being.” + +Perhaps De Worde, who reprinted “The Recuyell,” had some vague +recollection of Caxton having stated that he had been at Cologne, and +carelessly adopted the idea as giving point and rhyme to his verses. + +The following anecdotes illustrate in a curious manner the +typographical connection between Mansion and Caxton. A bookseller +of Paris purchased an old volume for the moderate sum of one louis. +Ignorant of its great value, he took it to M. de La Serna Santander, +and asked him if he thought two louis too dear. “No,” replied the +wary bibliographer, and gave him the money. That volume is now in +the National Library at Paris, and contains, bound together in the +_original_ boards, the “Quadrilogue,” printed by Mansion at Bruges, +and the French “Jason,” printed in Caxton’s type No. 1. Something +similar to this happened in 1853, when Mr. Winter Jones discovered in +the Library of the British Museum, “Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses,” +in Caxton’s type No. 2, bound up with the “Meditacions,” in type No. +1, and with contemporary handwriting running from the last page of +one work to the first of the other, the volume being evidently in its +original state, just as it was printed and bound at Bruges, in the +little workshop of Colard Mansion over the church porch of St. Donatus. + +Here, perhaps, I may be excused if I venture to build a brief +history, founded, in the absence of sure foundation, in many parts on +probability only, but which may nevertheless be welcome to some as an +attempt to draw into a consistent narrative the scattered threads of +Caxton’s career between 1471 and his establishment at Westminster. + +Caxton, having finished and been rewarded for his trouble in +translating “Le Recueil” for the Duchess of Burgundy, found his book in +great request. The English nobles at Bruges wished to have copies of +this the most favourite romance of the age, and Caxton found himself +unable to supply the demand with sufficient rapidity. This brings us +to the year 1472 or 1473. Colard Mansion, a skilful caligrapher, must +have been known to Caxton, and may even have been employed by him to +execute commissions. Mansion, who had obtained some knowledge of the +art of printing, although certainly not from Cologne, had just begun +his typographical labours at Bruges, and was ready to produce copies by +means of the press, if supported by the necessary patronage and funds. +Caxton found the money, and Mansion the requisite knowledge, by the +aid of which appeared “The Recuyell,” the first book printed in the +new type, and moreover the first book printed in the English language. +This, probably, was not accomplished till 1474, and was succeeded, +on Caxton’s part, in another year, by an issue of the “Chess Book,” +which, as we are informed in a second edition, was “anone depesshed and +solde.” Mansion, finding success attended the new adventure, printed +the French “Recueil,” and, after Caxton’s return to England, the French +“Jason” and the “Meditacions.” The three French works were doubtless +published by Mansion alone, as Caxton is not known to have printed +a single book in French, although perfectly acquainted with that +language. Caxton, having thus printed at Bruges “The Recuyell” and the +“Chess Book” with types either wholly or in part belonging to Mansion, +now obtained a new fount of the pattern of the large bâtarde already in +use by Mansion, but smaller in size, with the intention of practising +the art in England. To test its capabilities, “Les Quatre Derrennieres +Choses” was then produced under the immediate supervision of Mansion. + +Early in 1476 Caxton appears to have taken leave of the city where he +had resided for five and thirty years, and to have returned to his +native land laden with a more precious freight than the most opulent +merchant-adventurer ever dreamt of, and to endow his country with a +blessing greater than any other which had ever been bestowed, save only +the introduction of Christianity. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[5] A classified Index of the fifteenth-century books in the collection +of M. J. de Meyer. 8vo. London, 1870. + +[6] Van Praet, Brunet, and especially Campbell in his “Annales de la +Typographie Néerlandaise,” err in describing “Le Purgatoire des mauvais +Maris,” printed by Colard Mansion, as a “petit in-4°.” The copy +described is cut a little more than usual, but the watermark which _is +in the middle of the page_ proves the size to be folio, whereas had it +been quarto the watermark must have been in the back and partly hidden +by the binding. + +[7] William Caxton, except in the occasional interchange of _i_ and +_y_, which were at that period considered as equivalents, never altered +the orthography of his name, a fact the more noticeable as the name +certainly varied in pronunciation: but Wynken de Worde, although +mentioning his master’s name but eight times, contrived to make the +four variations of Caxton, Caxston, Caston, and Caxon. With regard to +his own name Wynken de Worde appears to have tried how many variations +he _could_ invent, of which the following list is not even complete:-- + + Wynken de Worde. + Wynden de Worde. + Wynkyn de Worde. + Wynkyn Theworde. + Wynkyn the Worde. + Wynkyn de Word. + VVinquin de VVorde. + Wynandus de Worde. + Wynandus de word. + winandus de worde. + Vunandus de worde. + Vuinandi de vuorde. + VVinand i VVordensi. + Winandi de Wordensis. + + + + +[Illustration] + +CHAPTER VIII. + +_WESTMINSTER._ + + +In the preceding chapters Caxton’s career as an Apprentice, as a +Merchant, as Governor of the Merchant-Adventurers, as a Magistrate, and +as an Ambassador, has been traced; the revival of literary tastes in +Europe has been briefly sketched, as well as the literary influences +by which Caxton was surrounded; and we have seen his translation of +a romance for the Duchess of Burgundy obtain such popularity that +he was forced to have recourse to the new art of printing, in order +to multiply copies quickly: but we have yet to investigate the most +important period of his history--those last fifteen years, to which +the whole of his former life seems but the introduction--that short +period which alone has caused the name of Caxton to be inscribed on the +tablets of history, and the typographical relics of which form the best +and only memorial which England possesses of her first printer.[8] + +We left Caxton early in 1476 preparing to return to England, after +having disposed of his printed copies of the “Chess Book” in Bruges. +The next certain notice of him is after his settlement at Westminster, +when, in November 1477, he had printed his first edition of the “Dictes +and Sayings of the Philosophers.” This book is, in fact, the earliest +we have from Caxton’s press with an indisputable imprint. It is +evident that his arrangements for settling in England, the engagement +of assistants, and all the other matters inseparable from a novel +undertaking, must have occupied a considerable time. If, therefore, we +assume that Caxton commenced his new career in this country about the +latter half of 1476 we cannot be far wrong. A cautions man, he began to +try his powers, and ascertain the probable sale for his productions, +by printing small pieces. Copland, one of his workmen, who served +with Wynken de Worde after his first master’s death, has a curious +remark upon this in the prologue to his edition of “Kynge Apolyn of +Thyre,” with which romance he appears to have commenced his career as +a printer. “Whiche booke I, Roberte Copland, have me applyed for to +translate oute of the Frenshe language into our maternal tongue, at the +exhortacyon of my forsayd mayster [Wynken de Worde], gladly followynge +the trace of my mayster Caxton, _begynnynge with small storyes and +pamfletes, and so to other_.” That Westminster was the locality in +which Caxton first settled, there is, fortunately, no room to doubt; +but as the exact spot has given rise to considerable discussion, it may +be useful to collect all the instances in which Caxton connects his own +name with a definite locality. We therefore give the following extracts +taken _verbatim et literatim_ from his works:-- + + 1477. DICTES AND SAYINGS. First edition. Epilogue. + _enprynted by me william Caxton at westmestre._ + + 1478. MORAL PROVERBS. Colophon. _I haue enprinted_.... + _At westmestre._ + + 1480. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. First edition. Colophon. + _enprinted by me William Caxton Jn thabbey of westmynstre by + london._ + + 1480. DESCRIPTION OF BRITAIN. First edition. Prologue. _the + comyn cronicles of englond ben_ ... _now late enprinted at + westmynstre_. + + 1481. MIRROUR OF THE WORLD. First edition. Prologue. _And + emprised by me_ ... _to translate it into our maternal + tongue_ ... _in thabbay of westmestre by london_. + + 1481. REYNARD THE FOX. First edition. Epilogue. _by me + will’m Caxton translated_ ... _in thabbey of westmestre_. + + 1481. GODFREY OF BOLOGNE. Epilogue. _sette in forme and + emprynted_ ... _in thabbey of westmester_. + + 1483. PILGRIMAGE OF THE SOUL. Colophon. _Emprynted at + westmestre by william Caxton._ + + 1483. LIBER FESTIVALIS. First edition. Colophon. _Emprynted + at Westmynster by wyllyam Caxton._ + + 1483. QUATUOR SERMONES. First edition. Colophon. _Enprynted + by Wylliam Caxton at Westmestre._ + + 1483. CONFESSIO AMANTIS. Colophon. _Emprynted at westmestre + by me willyam Caxton._ + + 1483. GOLDEN LEGEND. First edition. Epilogue. _fynysshed it + at westmestre._ + + 1483. CATON. Colophon. _Translated_ ... _by William + Caxton in thabbey of Westmynstre_. + + 1483. KNIGHT OF THE TOWER. Colophon. _enprynted at + Westmynstre._ + + 1484. ÆSOP. Epilogue. _enprynted by me william Caxton at + westmynstre in thabbay._ + + 1484. THE ORDER OF CHIVALRY. Epilogue. _translated_ + ... _by me William Caxton dwellynge in Westmynstre besyde + london_. + + 1485. KING ARTHUR. Colophon. _emprynted and fynysshed in + thabbey westmestre._ + + 1485. PARIS AND VIENNE. Colophon. _translated_ ... + _by wylliam Caxton at Westmestre_. + + [1489.] DIRECTORIUM SACERDOTUM. Colophon. _Impressum_ + ... _apud Westmonesterium_. + + 1489. DOCTRINAL OF SAPIENCE. Colophon. _translated_ + ... _by wyllyam Caxton at Westmestre_. + +To these must be added Caxton’s Advertisement, printed about 1480. + + “If it plese ony man spirituel or temporel to bye ony pyes of two and + thre comemoraciōs of salisburi vse enpryntid after the forme of this + presēt lettre whiche ben wel and truly correct, _late hym come to + westmonester in to the almonesrye at the reed pale_ and he shal haue + them good chepe.” + +The following quotations are from titles or colophons of books printed +by Wynken de Worde in the house of his late master, only three of which +are dated. + + SCALA PERFECTIONIS, 1493. + And Wynkyn de Worde this hath sett in print. + _In William Caxstons hows_ so fyll the case. + + DIRECTORIUM SACERDOTUM, 1495. _In domo Caxton Wynkyn fieri fecit._ + + LYNDEWODE’S CONSTITUTIONES, 1496. _Apud Westmonasterium. In domo + caxston._ + + THE XII PROFYTES OF TRIBULACYON. _Enprynted at Westmyster in Caxtons + hous._ + + DONATUS MINOR. _In domo Caxton in westmonasterio._ + + WHITAL’S DICTIONARY. _Imprynted in the late hous of William Caxton._ + + ACCEDENCE. _Prynted in Caxons house at westmynstre._ + + THE CHORLE AND THE BYRDE. _Emprynted at westmestre in Caxtons house._ + + DOCTRYNALLE OF DETHE. _Enprynted at westmynster Jn Caxtons hous._ + + ORTUS VOCABULORUM. _prope celeberrimum monasterium quod westmynstre + appellatur impressum._ + +Adding to the foregoing the testimony of Stow, we shall have before us +all the evidence of any authority. + + “Neare vnto this house westward was an old chappel of S. Anne, ouer + against the which the Lady Margaret, mother to King H. the 7. erected + an Almeshouse for poore women.... the place wherein this chappell + and Almeshouse standeth was called the Elemosinary or Almory, now + corruptly the Ambry, for that the Almes of the Abbey were there + distributed to the poore. And therin Islip, Abbot of Westmin. + erected the first Presse of booke printing that euer was in England + about the yeare of Christ 1471. William Caxton, cittizen of London, + mercer, brought it into England, and was the first that practised it + in the sayde Abbey.” + +Reviewing the foregoing quotations, it will be noticed that although +the precise expression, _Printed in the Abbey of Westminster_, is +affixed to some books, yet the more general phrase _Printed at +Westminster_ is also used, and evidently refers to the same locality, +for otherwise we must suppose Caxton to have carried on two separate +printing-offices for many years. The word “Abbey” did not assume +its modern sense, as applicable only to the fabric, until after the +Reformation; and the phrase “dwelling at Westminster,” used in 1484, +just _after_ “printed in the Abbey,” 1483, and _before_ “printed in the +Abbey,” 1485, proves that Caxton himself attached to the word no very +restrictive idea. We find also, from the above-mentioned advertisement, +that “Westminster” in that instance meant “The Almonesrye,” where +Caxton occupied a tenement, called “The Red-pale.” The Almonry was a +space within the Abbey precincts, where alms were distributed to the +poor; and here the Lady Margaret, mother of King Henry VII, and one of +Caxton’s patronesses, built almshouses. Other houses were also there; +and we therefore conclude that by the words _in the Abbey_ Caxton meant +nothing more than that he resided within the Abbey precincts. + +The position of St. Anne’s Chapel and the Almonry, in relation to +that of the Abbey Church, seems to have been misunderstood by all +the biographers of Caxton. Dr. Dibdin, Charles Knight, and others, +place them on the site of the Chapel of Henry VII, which is the east +end of the Abbey. The Almonry was considerably to the west, and the +following statements, gathered from Stow, will give its exact locality. +After describing the monastery and the king’s palace, he proceeds to +say, “now will I speake of the gate house, and of Totehill streete, +stretching from the _west_ part of the Close.... The gate towards +the _west_ is a Gaile for offenders.... On the _Southside_ of this +gate, king H. the 7. founded an almeshouse.... Neare vnto this house +_westward_ was an old chappel of S. Anne ... the place wherein this +chappel ... standeth was called the Almory.” The Almonry was therefore +west-south-west of the western front of the Abbey. + +It has been argued that Caxton was permitted by the abbot to use the +“Scriptorium” of the abbey as a printing-office. Printing, even in +these days of improvement, is necessarily in some parts a very unclean +operation, but it was much more so in its earlier years, some of the +processes employed being extremely filthy and pungent. The Abbot of +Westminster would never have admitted into the scriptorium anything +so defiling, much less within the sacred walls of the church itself. +There is, indeed, no evidence that any portion of the abbey was ever +appropriated as a scriptorium: no mention of such a place is made by +any historian, nor has any manuscript been recognised as having issued +thence. + +The Abbot of Westminster, at the time of Caxton’s arrival in England, +was John Esteney, who succeeded to that office in 1474, upon the +promotion of Thomas Milling to the Bishopric of Hereford. Those writers +who maintain that Caxton returned to England before 1474 have mentioned +Milling as his patron. George Fascet succeeded Abbot Esteney in 1498, +and was in turn succeeded by John Islip in 1500. Stow’s chronology is +very faulty in ascribing to Abbot Islip any connection with Caxton, +whose death occurred about nine years before Islip’s election to the +abbacy. + +There is nothing to lead to the supposition that Caxton and Abbot +Esteney were on intimate terms; indeed, the probability is that they +knew but little of each other. Our printer mentions Esteney but once, +and that only casually, as illustrating the difficulty which even +educated men experienced in deciphering documents of a bygone age. +In the prologue to the “Eneydos,” Caxton says, “My lord abbot of +Westmynster _did do shewe_ to me late certayn euydences wryton in old +Englisshe, for to reduce it into our Englisshe now vsid.” The sense +of “did do shewe,” as already noticed, would seem merely to signify +“caused to be shewn;” or in other words, the abbot only _sent_ the +documents. Caxton always appears to have recorded, in prologue or +epilogue, the names of those by whom he was employed; and if he had +received any favour or patronage from the abbot, he would in all +likelihood have dedicated one of his numerous translations to him, as +he did to so many of his patrons, some of whom, like Hugh Bryce and +William Praat, were plain “Mercers” only. + +It is unlikely, therefore, that Caxton went to Westminster by +invitation of the abbot, or that he occupied any place within the +church itself, or that he stood in any other relation to the abbot than +that of tenant. The rent-roll of the abbey was under the immediate +charge of the abbot’s chamberlain, and with him Caxton would have to +agree as to his tenure of “The Red-pale” in the Almonry. + +The reason of Caxton’s preference for the Almonry is not at all +evident, though his being a Mercer may, possibly, have had some +connection with his choice, as the Mercers’ Company held certain +tenements of the abbots of Westminster. Some of these were in the +parish of St. Martin Otewich (Broad Street Ward), within the city +walls; and there was also a tenement called “The Pye,” and another +called “The Grehounde,” the localities of which are not mentioned. +The rents paid for these are duly entered in the “Renter Wardens’ +Account-books,” at Mercers’ Hall. But whatever induced Caxton to +settle at Westminster, we may safely infer, from his own mention, not +more than two or three years later, of “The Red-pale” as his house, +that it was there he originally established himself, that there his +translations were made and works printed, and that there, surrounded +by his books and presses, and soothed by the loving attentions of his +daughter, he breathed his last. + +Wynken de Worde, his immediate successor, printed several books in +the same place, dating them from “Caxton’s house in Westminster.” +This phrase was considered, by the early biographers of Caxton, as +proving that he had migrated from the side chapel, where they assumed +he first set up his press, and established himself in a new residence. +Bagford, with his usual fertility of invention, identified the very +street and house into which Caxton moved, and assigned reasons for his +ejection from the abbey. For many years an old house in the Almonry +was currently believed to have been that in which our first printer +dwelt; but Mr. Nichols, who, as well as Knight, gives a woodcut of +it, is of opinion that the house could not be older than the time of +Charles I. Upon its demolition in 1846, portions of the beams were made +into walking-sticks and snuffboxes, and presented to various patrons +of literature as genuine relics of the famous printer. Interesting, +indeed, would it have been if we could have identified the exact spot +where the first press was placed on English soil, and still more so +if we could have stood in the very room where Caxton worked; but +uncertainty hangs over all this part of our history. + +[Illustration: Crest] + +The printers of the fifteenth century, especially in Holland and +Flanders, very frequently used armorial bearings for their trade-marks, +the shield being represented as hanging from the branch of a tree. A +broad band down the centre of the shield is, in heraldic language, +called a “pale,” and this, if painted red, would be a “red pale.” +Doubtless this was the sign used by Caxton to designate his house. The +woodcut opposite, taken from Holtrop’s “Monumens Typographiques,” pl. +71, shows a house of the fifteenth century, which has two tenants, both +printers, each of whom has a sign. This was in Antwerp. The printers at +Delff, in Holland, used a “black pale” for their marks. + +We have already mentioned “The Greyhound” as being held by the Mercers’ +Company from the Abbots of Westminster. From the same “Account-book” it +appears that in 1477 the “livelihode” made a “visitation,” and “kept +a dinner” at “The Greyhound,” which cost them 26_s._ 8_d._, besides +2_d._ for washing the table-cloth. There is nothing to indicate the +locality of this tenement; but from the fact that mercers, as well +as drapers, dealt largely in cloth and various woollen goods, they +would necessarily be much interested in the great staple of wool, +held at fixed intervals, not far from the abbey walls.[9] They would +therefore require a place in the neighbourhood for meeting during +their visitation, which would, at the same time, afford them good +accommodation for a dinner at its close. + +[Illustration Building with three crests displayed] + +And here we may remark that, although so much of his attention +was devoted to translating and printing, Caxton probably still +took considerable interest in his old vocation. The wool-staple at +Westminster was an important mart, and many of the merchants resorting +thither were fellow-mercers and benefactors to St. Margaret’s +Church. Some of them were also fellow-members with Caxton of the +“Fraternity or Guild of our Blessed Lady Assumption.” Several of the +“Account-books” of this brotherhood are still preserved in the vestry +of St. Margaret’s; and although they nowhere state its objects, it +seems, from the entries of salaries paid to priests, from money spent +in obits, wax, and vestments, and from the granting of a few pensions, +to have been somewhat like the “benefit societies” of the present day, +with the additional advantage of prayers for the repose of the souls +of deceased members. And yet, if only a religious guild, it is not +apparent why they required certain tenements in Aldermary, which they +leased of the Mercers’ Company, not far from the Steel Yard of the +Hanse merchants, where large quantities of raw wool were stapled. But +whatever may have been the objects of this guild, their accounts, made +up by their clerk every three years, show that towards the end of the +fifteenth century they were in a flourishing state, with a good balance +to their credit; and that, on Midsummer-day, they, too, had a “general +feast,” on which they spent a large portion of their income. The +expenses of these lavish feasts, each time filling at least two folio +pages, are entered in the accounts with great minuteness, from the +amount paid to the “chief cok” as a reward (which was more than twelve +guineas of modern money), down to the boat-hire for the “turbuts,” and +nearly £4 for “pottes broken and wasted at the same fest.”[10] Of this +guild Caxton was a member for some years before his death. + +It is pleasant to think of our printer as retaining the friendship of +the City merchants after all official relationship between them had +been dissolved. That this was the case is proved by his warm eulogy of +the City of London, and his continuance as a member of the Mercers’ +Company. He, no doubt, had many personal friends and supporters; +indeed, it would be hardly a stretch of the imagination to fancy +that, during the holding of the great wool-staple at Westminster, +Caxton would be no disinterested observer, and that at its close, +when the wardens and the “livelihode” flocked to the “dener kept at +the grehounde,” if not there by right as a liveryman of the Mercers’ +Company, the printer would be always a welcome guest. Surely, before +parting, in remembrance of past associations and services, one of the +drinking-pledges would be, “The health of William Caxton, late governor +of our fellowship beyond the sea.” + +But to return to facts. There is no doubt that Caxton was residing in +his tenement in the Almonry when he printed the “Dictes” in 1477. He +would, therefore, be in the parish of St. Margaret: and it is somewhat +remarkable that a person bearing the same name was buried there about +two years later. In 1479 parochial records show an entry among the +receipts of the burial fees of twenty pence for two torches and three +tapers at a low mass for William Caxton. Dibdin assumes this man to +have been our printer’s father: possibly so, but there is no evidence +of kindred. We may notice, however, that although the amount paid may +to us seem trifling, yet it was more than double the average burial +fees of that period, as is evidenced by the same accounts. About this +time the king ordered a payment of £30 (equal to £400 or £450 now) to +be made to Caxton for “certain causes or matters performed by him for +the said Lord the King.” Might not this have been for assistance to +Edward IV and his retinue when fugitives at Bruges? + +Caxton, as might be expected, held a high position in his parish; and, +within a very short time of his arrival, his name appears as auditor of +the parish accounts. The parish audit seems to have been a very simple +affair. It was open to all the parishioners, and the accounts were +probably read aloud by the clerk who was engaged by the churchwardens +to keep them. The balance in cash, and the custody of the “treasures” +in the church, were then handed over to the incoming wardens, and the +names of the most substantial parishioners present were added by the +clerk to the usual form declaring the correctness of the accounts. The +business on these occasions was fitly concluded by a good “supper.” +Caxton’s name appears annexed to the audit for the years 1478-80, +1480-82, 1482-84; and it would have been most gratifying to have found +that the signatures at the end of these and other accounts were genuine +autographs. All the names, however, are in the same handwriting, which +is that of the scribe or priest engaged to keep the parish books. + +Caxton did not enter upon his new adventure of printing books without +good and able patronage. Edward IV, as we have seen, paid him a sum of +money for certain services performed; and Caxton printed “Tully” and +“Godfrey” under the king’s “protection.” The king’s sister Margaret, +Duchess of Burgundy, was his friend and supporter, and perchance may +have paid a visit to her old servant at the “Red-pale,” when she +visited England in 1480. Margaret, Countess of Richmond, mother of +King Henry VII, also favoured his designs. Earl Rivers, brother to +the queen, was a fast friend, with whom Caxton seems to have enjoyed +a considerable degree of intimacy, and the Earl of Warwick likewise +must have had some knowledge of him, as Caxton dedicated to him the +“Chess-Book.” The “Order of Chivalry” was dedicated to Richard III. +Henry VII personally desired Caxton to translate and print the “Fayts +of Arms,” and the “Eneydos” was specially presented to Arthur, Prince +of Wales. Master William Daubeney, King Henry VI’s treasurer, was +his “good and synguler friend.” William, Earl of Arundel, took great +interest in his progress, and allowed him the “yearly fee” of a buck in +summer and a doe in winter. Sir John Fastolf, a great lover of books, +of whose library several volumes still exist; Hugh Bryce, mercer and +king’s ambassador; William Pratt, a rich mercer; and divers unnamed +“gentylmen and ladyes,” are known to have employed him. Some of these, +like the “noble lady with many faire doughters,” for whom he produced +“The Knyght of the Toure,” engaged him to translate as well as to print. + +In 1486 death deprived Caxton of his old friend William Pratt, who, +on his death-bed, requested him to print “The Book of Good Manners.” +The terms in which Caxton mentions Pratt as a fellow mercer, an honest +man, and “a singular friend of old knowledge,” show that a close +bond of union existed between the two. It is to be hoped that their +mutual object--“the amendment of manners, and the increase of virtuous +living”--was promoted by the publication. + +In 1490 died, and was buried at St. Margaret’s, one “Mawde Caxton,” +of whose relationship to William Caxton there is no direct evidence. +It may have been the Maude who, twenty-nine years earlier, became his +wife while he was yet in Bruges: if so, it will explain, in a most +interesting manner, the reason why he in that year suspended printing +the “Fayts of Arms,” until he had finished a new undertaking, “The Arte +and Crafte to Die Well.” + +The history of Caxton after his settlement at Westminster is almost +confined to a catalogue of the productions of his press. Fortunately +many were printed from his own manuscript, and have additions which +often afford the date of translation or of printing. The following +table presents an arrangement of these books, from which we may obtain +some idea of the time occupied in their translation and printing. The +majority of Caxton’s works, however, bear no date whatever; and here +the only basis of a correct arrangement must be a careful examination +and comparison of the peculiarities of the various types. In this table +variations may be noticed from some of the dates as printed by Caxton; +but these are merely apparent discrepancies caused by the difference +between the old and new style of reckoning the commencement of the +year, and also by the custom, then so common, of dating by the regnal +year of the sovereign. + + ┌───────────────┬──────────────────────────┬─────────────────────────────┐ + │ DATES. │ TRANSLATION. │ PRINTING. │ + ├───────────────┼──────────────────────────┼─────────────────────────────┤ + │ 1477--Nov. 18 │ │ Dictes, 1st edition (_e_) │ + │ 1478--Feb. 20 │ │ Moral Proverbs (_e_) │ + │ 1479--Feb. 3 │ │ Cordyale (_b_) │ + │ Mar. 24 │ │ Cordyale (_e_) │ + │ 1480--Apr. 22 │ Ovid, 15th Book (_e_) │ │ + │ June 10 │ │ Chronicles, 1st edit. (_e_) │ + │ Aug. 18 │ │ Description, 1st ed. (_e_) │ + │ 1481--Jan. 2 │ Mirrour, 1st edit. (_b_) │ │ + │ Mar. 8 │ Mirrour, 1st edit. (_e_) │ │ + │ Mar. 12 │ Godfrey (_b_) │ │ + │ June 6 │ Reynart, 1st edit. (_e_) │ │ + │ June 7 │ Godfrey (_e_) │ │ + │ Aug. 12 │ │ Tully (_e_) │ + │ Nov. 20 │ │ Godfrey (_e_) │ + │ 1482--July 2 │ Polycronicon (_e_) │ │ + │ Oct. 8 │ │ Chronicles, 2nd ed .(_e_) │ + │ 1483--June 1 │ Knight of the Toure (_e_)│ │ + │ ” │ Æsop (_e_) │ │ + │ June 6 │ │ Pylgremage (_e_) │ + │ June 30 │ │ Festival (_e_) │ + │ Sep. 2 │ │ Confessio (_e_) │ + │ Nov. 20 │ │ Golden Legend (_e_) │ + │ Dec. 23 │ Caton (_e_) │ │ + │ 1484--Jan. 31 │ │ Knight of the Toure (_e_) │ + │ Mar. 26 │ │ Æsop (_e_) │ + │ ” │ │ Order of Chivalry (_e_) │ + │ Sep. 13 │ Ryal Book (_e_) │ │ + │ 1485--June 18 │ Charles (_e_) │ │ + │ July 31 │ │ King Arthur (_e_) │ + │ │ │ │ + │ Aug. 31 │ Paris and Vienne (_e_) │ │ + │ Dec. 1 │ │ Charles (_e_) │ + │ Dec. 19 │ │ Paris and Vienne (_e_) │ + │ 1486--June 8 │ Good Manners (_e_) │ │ + │ 1487--May 11 │ │ Good Manners (_e_) │ + │ 1489--Jan. 23 │ Fayts (_b_) │ │ + │ May 7 │ Doctrinal (_e_) │ │ + │ July 8 │ Fayts (_e_) │ │ + │ ” │ │ Directorium, 2nd ed. (_e_) │ + │ 1490--June 15 │ Art and Craft (_e_) │ │ + │ June 22 │ Eneydos (_e_) │ │ + │ July 14 │ │ Fayts (_e_) │ + └───────────────┴──────────────────────────┴─────────────────────────────┘ + (_b_) means _begun_. (_e_) means _ended_. + +The same table shows that Caxton took ten weeks for the translation +of the “Mirrour of the World,” containing 198 pages; twelve weeks for +“Godefroy of Bologne,” 284 pages; and nearly six months for “Fayts +of Arms,” 286 pages. The period occupied in printing “Cordyale,” 152 +pages, was only seven weeks, whilst “Godfrey,” supposing the printing +immediately to follow the completion of the translation, took nearly +six months. The “Knight of the Tower,” 208 pages, required eight +months; “Charles the Great,” 188 pages, five and a half months; “Paris +and Vienne,” 70 pages, three and a half months; “Good Manners,” 132 +pages, eleven months; and “Fayts of Arms,” 286 pages, more than a year. + +Caxton’s own translations made in this country were The Whole Life of +Jason; the Mirror of the World; Reynart the Fox; Godfrey of Bulloyn; +the Golden Legend; the book called Caton; the Knight of the Tower; +Æsop’s Fables; the Order of Chivalry; the Royal Book; the Life of +Charles the Great; the History of the Knight Paris and the Fair Vienne; +the Book of Good Manners; the Doctrinal of Sapience; the Fayts of Arms; +the Art and Craft to Die Well; Eneydos; the Curial; the Life of St. +Winifred; Blanchardin and Eglantine; the Four Sons of Aymon; and the +Gouvernayle of Health. These contain more than 4,500 printed pages. +The total produce of his press, excluding the books printed at Bruges, +reaches to above 18,000 pages, nearly all of folio size. These figures +speak more forcibly than any argument for the great industry and +perseverance of Caxton; and to this list must be added the translation +of the “Vitæ Patrum,” which he finished only a few hours before his +death, but did not live to print. + +Those who have blamed Caxton for not choosing the Bible, or the Greek +and Latin classics, for the use and instruction of his countrymen, have +quite overlooked the impossibility of making a business profitable +(and Caxton tells us, in “Charles the Great,” that he earned his +living by it), unless it supplied the wants of the age. The demand in +England in the fifteenth century was not for Bibles in the vernacular, +nor for Horace, nor for Homer, whose writings very few could read in +the original texts;[11] but the clergy wanted Service-books, and +Caxton accordingly provided them with Psalters, Commemorations, and +Directories; the preachers wanted Sermons, and were supplied with the +“Golden Legend,” and other similar books; the “prynces, lordes, barons, +knyghtes & gentilmen” were craving for “joyous and pleysaunt historyes” +of chivalry, and the press at the “Red-pale” produced a fresh romance +nearly every year. Poetry and history require for their appreciation a +more advanced mental education, and of these, therefore, the issue was +more scanty. By thus bringing his commercial experience to bear upon +his new vocation, and by accommodating the supply to the demand, while, +at the same time, he in no slight degree directed the channel in which +that demand should flow, Caxton contrived to earn an honest living by +the produce of his press, and to avoid the fate of his typographical +brethren at Rome, Sweynheim and Pannartz, who, having printed too many +works of the classic authors, about 12,000 volumes in five years, +became bankrupt, and sank under the dead weight of their unsold volumes. + +Thus, in the selection of books for his press, some of which he +obtained “with grete instaunce, labour, and coste”--in translating +and printing--in friendly communication and intercourse with the best +educated men of his day--in the discharge of the social duties of his +position--Caxton passed the few remaining years of his life. In 1491, +when close upon seventy years of age, but still in full vigour of mind, +he undertook the translation of the “Vitæ Patrum.” Whether disease +was at this time gradually undermining his health, or whether, as the +following colophon renders more probable, he was taken off suddenly, +is unknown; but it is an interesting fact that he was spared to work at +his favourite task of translation till within a few hours of his death. + +The following is Wynken de Worde’s colophon to the “Vitæ +Patrum:”--“Thus endyth the moost vertuouse hystorye of the deuoute +and right renowned lyves of holy faders lyuynge in deserte, worthy of +remembraunce to all wel dysposed persones which hath bē translated oute +of Frenche into Englisshe by William Caxton of Westmynstre late deed +and fynysshed at the laste daye of hys lyff.” + +The exact date of his death has not been ascertained; but the burial +is entered in the parish accounts for 1490-92, and from the position +of the entry would appear to have taken place towards the close of +the year 1491. This date is confirmed by the following manuscript +note, quoted by Ames:--“There is wrote down in a very old hand in +a _Fructus Temporum_ of my friend Mr. Ballard’s, of Cambden, in +Gloucestershire:--‘Of your charitee pray for the soul of Mayster +Wyllyam Caxton, that in hys time was a man of moche ornate and moche +renommed wysdome and connyng, and decessed ful crystenly the yere of +our Lord MCCCC LXXXXJ.’” + + “Moder of Merci shyld him fro thorribul fynd, + And bryng hym to lyff eternall that neuyr hath ynd.” + +He was buried in his own parish churchyard, and in the account-books of +the churchwardens appear the following funeral charges:-- + + Item atte Bureyng of William Caxton for iiij torches vj s viij d + Item for the belle atte same bureyng vj d + +These fees are considerably higher than those paid by the majority of +the parishioners, and are equalled in but very few instances; they thus +afford further evidence of the superior position held by our printer in +his parish. + +Caxton’s property consisted probably of little more than his stock in +trade. He nevertheless left a will, as fifteen copies of the “Golden +Legend” are recorded in the parish accounts as having been “bequothen +to the chirch behove by William Caxston.” The “Golden Legend” was +first printed in 1484, but the second edition, of which the bequest +probably consisted, was not executed till four or five years later. By +the churchwardens’ account for 1496-98, it appears that by that time +they had disposed of three of the fifteen copies: one for 6_s_ 8_d_, +and another for 6_s_ 4_d_, by the agency of William Ryolle; and one +for 6_s_ 8_d_ to the parish priest, probably for his own use. Within +the next two years William Geiffe took five copies at an average of +5_s_ 4_d_ each; John Crosse one copy at 5_s_ 8_d_; Walter Marten one +at 5_s_ 11_d_; and Daniel Aforge one at 5_s_ 10_d_; another being sold +in “Westmynster halle” for 5_s_ 8_d_. This should have left remaining, +in 1500, _four_ copies to be accounted for, but the “Memorandum” +acknowledges only _three_; probably one copy had been appropriated by +the churchwardens to the use of their church. Two more copies were sold +in the ensuing two years, and one left unaccounted for. + +The discovery of Caxton’s will would probably settle satisfactorily +many questions about his family and relations, but all the registries +in which it might possibly have been deposited have been searched +without success. + +That our knowledge of William Caxton is confined almost entirely to +his public life, is much to be regretted. We can trace to some extent +his career in commerce as well as in diplomacy. As a printer too, we +can judge of him by an examination of his works; but when we wish to +portray the man as a master, or in domestic life, or we desire to +know what his neighbours thought of him, we fail for want of reliable +material. From his appending a bitter satire on “women” to the “Dictes +and Sayings of the Philosophers,” we might have inclined to think him +a bachelor, did we not know that he had a wife and daughter when he +came to England; but that he was unmarried while “governor” at Bruges +is almost certain, as the rules of celibacy were very strict among +merchants living out of their own countries. The Steel Yard merchants +had a stringent law on the subject, and the Merchant Adventurers were +doubtless guided by the same policy. + +We naturally turn to the prologues and epilogues attached to Caxton’s +translations for traits of character, but here again, we are +surrounded by difficulties. There existed in those days no rights +in literature. Every author took from others what best suited his +purpose, and that without acknowledgment, except to give authority +to his own opinions. This practice has involved many of the works of +that period in considerable obscurity. Caxton was not free from this +characteristic of his age, and we accordingly find him appropriating +whole prologues and epilogues from the French originals, altering +them only when inapplicable to himself. Such instances may be seen +in the “Chess Book,” the “Mirror,” the “Golden Legend,” “Charles,” +and others. Great care is therefore requisite to distinguish between +Caxton’s own thoughts and the mere translation of those of others. +But, after making due allowance for all this, there yet remains, in +Caxton’s prologues and epilogues, a substratum of individuality, which +must be the basis for any right appreciation of his character. His +repeated eulogies of Edward IV, and the members of his family, indicate +that all his political sympathies were with the House of York. This +was but natural, for the development of trade consequent upon amity +between England and the princes of the Low Countries, made all the +English merchants staunch adherents to the White Rose. His writings +also reveal that he had a deep sense of religion, and was strict in the +observance of his Christian duties. Although in one sense the greatest +reformer that this country has ever known, he was quite unconscious of +the tendency of the art which he introduced. In the tone of his mind +he was indeed eminently conservative, comparing the good old times of +his apprenticeship with the degeneracy of the succeeding generations, +when in the youth of London there was “no kernel nor good corn found, +but chaff for the most part.” Much concerned was he to note in his +latter days the decline of chivalry, and he urged his Sovereign to take +immediate measures for its revival, even to the extent of engaging in +a new crusade against the Turks for the recovery of the “holy cyte of +Jherusalem.” Conservative as he was in theory, there seems reason to +believe that he was no less so in practice. Caxton never gave in to +the new-fangled ideas of printers about the advantage of title-pages +to books, though if we may judge from the fact of Wynken de Worde +using them immediately after his master’s death, he was of the reverse +opinion. In the adoption of signatures, initials, and lines of an even +length, he was very tardy, and from the use of red ink he was evidently +averse. + +As a linguist, Caxton undoubtedly excelled. In his native tongue, +notwithstanding his self-depreciation, he seems to have been a master. +His writings, and the style of his translations, will bear comparison +with Lydgate, with Gower, with Earl Rivers, the Earl of Worcester, and +other contemporaneous writers. Many of his readers, indeed, thought +him too “ornate” and “over curious” in his diction, and desired him +to use more homely terms; but, since others found fault with him for +not using polished and courtly phrases, we may fairly presume that +he attained the happy medium, “ne over rude, ne over curious,” at +which he aimed. When excited by a favourite subject, as the “Order of +Chivalry,” he waxed quite eloquent; and the appeal of Caxton to the +knighthood of England has been often quoted as a remarkable specimen of +fifteenth-century declamation. With the French tongue he was thoroughly +conversant, although he had never been in France; but Bruges was almost +French, and in the Court of Burgundy, as well as in that of England, +French was the chief medium of conversation. With Flemish he was also +well acquainted, as shown by his translation of “Reynart;” indeed, this +language, after so long a residence in Bruges, must have become almost +his mother-tongue. + +Caxton’s knowledge of Latin has often been denied or underrated; but +as governor of the English nation in Bruges, and as ambassador, he +must have been able to read the treaties he assisted to conclude, and +the correspondence with the king’s council. Moreover, he printed books +entirely in the Latin tongue, some of which were full of contractions, +and could only have been undertaken by one well acquainted with that +language. These were the “Infancia Salvatoris,” three editions of +the “Directorium Sacerdotum,” a “Psalterium,” “Horæ,” “Tractatus de +Transfiguracione,” and several “Indulgences.” To “ordain in print” +a Latin manuscript of the fourteenth or fifteenth century required +a knowledge of the language on the part of the workman as well as +of the master; for, as the letters _n_ and _u_ were identical in +shape, and as _m_ and _i_ varied only in the number of strokes, the +latter being without a dot, it was impossible to read some words--for +instance, ~minimum~ (minimum), where fifteen parallel strokes distract +the eye--apart from their context. We have, however, in the English +translation of the “Golden Legend” positive evidence on this point; +for, in the “Life of Saynt Rocke,” the printer says, “which lyff is +translated oute of latyn in to englysshe by me wyllyam Caxton.” + +As translator, editor, and author, Caxton has not received his due +meed of praise. The works which he undertook at the suggestion of his +patrons, as well as those selected by himself, are honestly translated, +and, considering the age in which he lived, are well chosen. Romances, +the favourite literature of his age, were Caxton’s great delight--and +that not merely for the feats of personal prowess which they narrated, +although no quality was more desirable in the fifteenth century, but +rather, as he himself says, for the examples of “courtesy, humanity, +friendliness, hardiness, love, cowardice, murder, hate, virtue, and +sin,” which “inflamed the hearts of the readers and hearers to eschew +and flee works vicious and dishonest.” In Poetry Caxton shows to +great advantage, for he printed all the works of any merit which then +existed. The prologue to his second edition of the “Canterbury Tales” +proves how anxious he was to be correct, and at the same time shows +the difficulty he had in obtaining manuscripts free from error. The +poetical reverence with which Caxton speaks of Chaucer, “the first +founder of _ornate_ eloquence in our English,” and the pains he took to +reprint the “Canterbury Tales” when a purer text than that of his first +edition was offered to him, show his high appreciation of England’s +first great poet. In History the only available works in English were +the “Chronicle of Brute” and the “Polycronicon;” the latter Caxton +carried down, to the best of his ability, to nearly his own time. It +was, indeed, as a writer of history that Caxton was best known to our +older authors, some of whom, while including his name among those of +English historians, have overlooked the far more important fact that +he was also England’s prototypographer. + +All reference to the literary forgery of Atkyns, who, in the +seventeenth century, to support his claim to certain exclusive +privileges of printing under the king’s patent, invented the foolish +story of the abduction, by Turnour and Caxton, of one of the Haarlem +workmen, and his settlement at Oxford in 1464, has here been purposely +omitted. The whole account is so evidently false, so entirely at +variance with the known facts in Caxton’s history, and has been so +often disproved in works on English typography, that it needs no +further refutation. + +As to Caxton’s industry, it was marvellous: at an age when most +men begin to take life easily, he not only embarked in an entirely +new trade, but added to the duties of its general supervision and +management, which could never have been light, the task of supplying +his workmen with copy from his own pen. The extraordinary amount of +printed matter, original, and translated, which he put forth has +already been noticed; but there seems reason to believe that some of +his works, both printed and manuscript, have been entirely lost. Of +his translation of the “Metamorphoses of Ovid,” only Book XV has been +preserved; but we may be certain that Caxton never would have begun +to translate at the end of a work; and it seems probable, as the +manuscript is evidently intended for the press, that the whole was +printed as well as translated. Moreover several of Caxton’s works being +unique, and others having been but recently discovered, we may conclude +that time will yet reveal to us other specimens. + +Several pretended autographs of Caxton have been claimed since the +public exhibition of his books at South Kensington Museum, but great +care should be taken before giving credence to them. + +Great interest would attach to a veritable portrait of Caxton, but +although two or three have been published, they are all apocryphal. The +only one that has any appearance of probability is the small defaced +illumination in the manuscript of “Dictes and Sayings” at Lambeth +Palace, which has received too much praise from Horace Walpole, who +engraved it for his “Royal and Noble Authors.” King Edward IV is +represented on his throne, with the young prince (to whom Earl Rivers +was tutor) standing by his side: there are two kneeling figures, one +of which, Earl Rivers, is presenting to the king a copy of his own +translation, which Horace Walpole assumes to have been printed by +the other, who of course would then be Caxton. If this were the case +it would be very interesting; but unfortunately the second figure is +evidently an ecclesiastic, as shown by his tonsure, and apparently +represents “Haywarde” the scribe, who engrossed the copy, and probably +executed the illumination. The portrait commonly received as that of +Caxton, and which first appeared in his “Life,” by Lewis, is thus +accounted for by Dr. Dibdin:--“A portrait of _Burchiello_, the Italian +poet, from an octavo edition of his work on Tuscan poetry, of the date +of 1554, was inaccurately copied by Faithorne for Sir Hans Sloane, +as the portrait of Caxton.” In Lewis’s “Life,” this portrait was +“improved” by adding a thick beard to Burchiello’s chin, and otherwise +altering his character; and in this form the Italian poet made his +appearance, upon copper, as Caxton. Ames, Herbert, Marchand, and others +have reproduced this absurd engraving. From a note, however, written by +Lewis to Ames, it appears that, although Lewis admitted the portrait, +it was Bagford’s creative genius that invented it, as may also be +inferred from Lewis’s own subscription “_inv. Bagford_,” upon the plate. + +As an instance of his appreciation of a higher life than can be +obtained from riches alone, we will quote an anecdote which Caxton +himself wrote, and added as an appendix to “Æsop’s Fables.” + +“There were dwelling in Oxford two priests, both Masters of Art, of +whom that one was quick and could put himself forth, and that other +was a good simple priest. And so it happened that the master that was +pert and quick was anon promoted to a benefice or two, and after to +prebends, and for to be a dean. So after long time this worshipful +man, this dean, came riding into a good parish with ten or twelve +horses, like a prelate, and came into the church of the said parish, +and found there this good simple man, sometime his fellow, which came +and welcomed him lowly. And that other bade him, Good morrow, Master +John, and took him slightly by the hand and axed him where he dwelled. +And the good man said, In this parish. How! said he. Are ye here a +soul-priest or a parish-priest? Nay, sir, said he; for lack of a better +I am parson and curate of this parish. Then that other availed his +bonnet and said, Master parson, I pray you be not displeased, I had +supposed you not to be beneficed; but, master, said he, I pray you, +what is this benefice worth to you a year? Forsooth, said the good +simple man, I wot not, for I make never account thereof, although I +have had it four or five years. And know you not what it is worth! it +should seem a good benefice? No, forsooth, said he; but I wot well +what it shall be worth to me. Why, said he, what shall it be worth? +Forsooth, if I do my true diligence in the cure of my parishioners in +preaching and teaching, and do the part belonging to my cure, I shall +have heaven therefor. And if their souls be lost, or one of them by my +default, I shall be punished therefor, and hereof am I sure. And with +that word the rich dean was abashed. This was a good answer of a good +priest and an honest.” + +No attempt has been made in the preceding sketch to exalt Caxton at +the expense of historical truth. As England’s first typographer, a +never-dying interest will surround his name. Except as a printer, he +nowhere shines forth pre-eminent. But although we cannot attribute to +him those rare mental powers which can grasp the hidden laws of nature, +nor the still more rare creative genius which endures throughout all +time, we can claim for him a character which attracted the love and +respect of his associates--a character on which history has chronicled +no stain--a character which, although surrounded, through a long period +of civil war, by the worst forms of cruelty, hypocrisy, and injustice +in Church and State, retained to the last its innate simplicity and +truthfulness. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[8] There is certainly the Roxburghe tablet in St. Margaret’s Church, +Westminster; and, better still, there is a “_Caxton Pension_” in +connection with the “Printers’ Corporation,” by which the needs of some +afflicted successors in Caxton’s craft are alleviated; but a memorial +worthy of our first printer and of his countrymen has never yet been +attempted. + +[9] Stow says the Abbots of Westminster had six wool-houses in the +Staple granted them by King Henry VI. + +[10] After an entry of the payment of six priests’ salaries, there +occur-- + + “Costes and pcelles allowed by the hole Brotherhode toward thexpences + of the geñall fest in iij^{de} yere of this accompt.” + +These “Costs and Parcels” occupy two folio pages, and contain the +following among other items:-- + + “A tonn of wyne vj li” + “Paide to John Drayton chief cok for his reward xxv s” + “Also for the hire of xxiiij doseyn of erthen + pottes for ale & wyne iiij s” + “Also for erthen pottes broken & wasted at + the same fest vj s viij d” + “Also to iiij players for their labour xij s x d” + “Also to iij mynstrelles ix s x d” + “Also for the mete of diuers strangers xvj s” + “Also for russhes iij s iiij d” + “Also for vj doseyn of white cuppes iiij s” + “Also for portage and botehyre of the Turbut iiij d” + “Also for ix Turbutts xv s ij d” + +Besides scores of “Capons, chekyns, gese, conyes, and peiones” +(pigeons), the chief “cok” provided them with “swannys” and “herons,” +with all sorts of fish, including oysters and “see pranys,” or prawns, +with all sorts of meats and game, with jellies in “ix dosen gely +dishes,” and with abundance of fruits. The quantity of ale, wine, and +ypocras provided by the butler is marvellous, and one cannot wonder at +the heavy entries for “pottes and cuppes broken and wasted.” The cook +seems to have been paid much more liberally than the wardens, who had +but xxx s between them “for their diligence.” + +[11] The historian Gibbon regrets that in the choice of authors +Caxton “was reduced to comply with the vicious taste of his readers; +to gratify the nobles with treatises on heraldry, hawking [_Caxton +printed nothing of the sort_], and the game of Chess; and to amuse the +popular credulity with romances of fabulous knights and legends of some +fabulous saints. The father of printing expresses a laudable desire to +elucidate the history of his country; but instead of publishing the +Latin chronicle of Radulphus Higden [_which very few could have read_] +he could only venture on the English version by John de Trevisa ... the +world is not indebted to England for one _first_ edition of a classic +author!” + + + + +[Illustration] + +CHAPTER IX. + +_THE MASTER PRINTER._ + + +The question of the exact spot upon which England’s first printing +press was established has already been discussed. The well-known +advertisement of Caxton, which states that pies of Salisbury use were +on sale at the “Red-pale,” in the almonry, at Westminster, not only +indicates the position of his house, but also the sign by which it was +known. The precise appearance of the almonry in the fifteenth century +must be to some extent imaginary, but we know that almshouses were +there, and probably two or three structures besides that occupied by +Caxton. + +We will now ask the reader to imagine fourteen years passed since +Caxton first began working at his new art. It is not difficult to +picture the wooden building in the almonry occupied by his sedate but +busy workmen. We can look in at yonder window, and see the venerable +master printer himself “sittyng in his studye where lay many and +dyuerse paunflettis and bookys.” The great towers of Westminster +Abbey cast their shadow across the room, for he is an early riser +and already at work upon his translation of the new French romance, +called “Eneydos.” The “fayre and ornate termes” of his author give +him “grete plasyr,” and he labours, almost without intermission, +till the low sun, blazing from the western windows, warns him of the +day’s decline. Again, we watch him pass with observant eye through +the rooms where his servants are at work; we see the movements of the +compositors, who ply their rapid fingers close to the narrow windows; +we hear the thud-thud of the wooden presses as the workmen “pull to” +and “send home” the “bar,” discussing meanwhile the latest news; and we +sympathise with the binder, who, hammering away at the volume between +his knees, looks in despair at the ever-increasing progeny of his +master’s art. Piles of books and printed “quayers” rise on all sides, +and many a wise head is ominously shaken at the folly of supposing that +purchasers can be found for so many books. Nevertheless Caxton pursues +his busy course, ever at work with mind and body, preparing copy for +the press, and guiding and instructing his workmen in the art which he +had learned in Bruges at “grete charge and dispense,” and the practices +of which are to be explained in the following chapter. + +Of all the workmen employed at the “Red-pale,” the names of three only +have descended to us. + +WYNKEN DE WORDE, who was probably a native of the town of Worth in +Belgium, appears to have been the chief man. When he entered Caxton’s +service is unknown; it was probably at an early age, as he was still +living in the year 1535. In 1491 he succeeded to the stock in trade of +his deceased master, but he did not append his own name to his books +until 1493. He used many varieties of Caxton’s “mark.” + +RICHARD PYNSON speaks respectfully of Caxton as “my worshipful master.” +He at first set up a press just outside Temple Bar, and used Caxton’s +device in his books. + +WILLIAM COPLAND remained for some time after Caxton’s death in the +service of Wynken de Worde. He, too, in his prologue to “Kynge Apolyne +of Thyre,” mentions “my master Caxton.” Doubtless there were many +others, and some have supposed that Machlinia, Lettou, and Treveris +were among the number; but there is no evidence that these printers +were ever reckoned among Caxton’s workmen. + +We come now to the mechanical means by which, during fourteen years, +Caxton carried on his business. Was the process of book-making the +same as it is at the present time? What sorts of types, and how many +founts were used? How were the types made, and what were their sizes? +Did the compositors use upper and lower case, sticks, chases, brass +rule, reglets, furniture, and the various appliances of a modern +composing-room? What were the presses like, and the practices of +the pressmen? And lastly, In what form were Caxton’s books issued +to the public? To most of these questions it would, at first sight, +seem as though no definite answer could be given; but when attention +is directed to the books themselves, undesigned, and therefore most +trustworthy, evidence will be found in them as to many technical +customs and peculiarities of the early printers. + +Before the invention of printing, the art of book-making, mechanically +considered, was divided into three departments: the manufacture of the +material upon which to write, almost entirely parchment or vellum; the +ink making and the writing, the scribe being his own ink maker; and +the binding. Illuminators there were, of course, but their work was +merely ornamental, and by no means necessary to the idea of a book. In +monasteries famous for the diffusion of learning all these branches +were carried on together. So has it been with printers, who, from the +infancy of their art to the present time, have occasionally included +everything necessary to a perfect book in one establishment. If all the +trades which, either directly or indirectly, are called into operation +by printers were to be enumerated, few indeed would be omitted; +nevertheless, the absolute necessaries for the production of a book +are--the material upon which to print, the types and presses with which +to print, and the workmen to handle them. We will, therefore, consider +Caxton’s books under the following heads:-- + + The paper. + The types. + The compositor. + The press, the pressman, and the ink. + The bookbinder. + +To these may be added, although not as necessary assistants: + + The rubricator, illuminator, and wood-engraver. + + +THE PAPER. + +Fortunately, there is no need to enter here upon the obscure origin of +the manufacture of paper. The only question which concerns us is--What +kind of paper did Caxton use, and whence did he obtain it? He certainly +had several sizes; the largest, which was probably found too unwieldy, +was used only for the first two editions of the “Golden Legend,” an +uncut copy of which, in the University Library at Cambridge, gives 22 +× 15¾ inches for the full measurement of a whole sheet. The large size +of this book was, doubtless, suited to its intended use--in the public +services of the church. He likewise used several smaller sizes, which +varied according to the moulds in which the sheets were made, from 18½ +× 13 inches to 16 × 11 inches. + +The quality of the paper varied considerably, though not to the extent +apparent in the books as they now exist--chemical “doctoring” and +washing, which have in many instances been resorted to for cleansing +purposes, having weakened and rotted much of the paper so treated, +whilst the untouched specimens remain strong and fibrous. We observe in +books still in the original bindings, and apparently untouched, that +the paper was rough--sometimes very rough--on the surface, with long +hairs frequently imbedded in it, and marks where many more had been +removed; of a strong fibrous texture, unbleached, and of a clear mellow +whiteness, indicating an absence of colouring matter in the pulp. + +The accompanying woodcut shows a paper-mill of this period. A +water-wheel was arranged to turn a wooden shaft upon which were rows of +cogs which continually lifted up to the height of a few inches a number +of wooden pestles, and then let them fall upon the material, which +was always in shallow water. The whole of the fibre was thus retained +with its length and strength uninjured. When the pulp was ready it was +taken up, in small quantities, into the hand-mould, and formed into a +sheet. There would be no difficulty whatever in making paper nowadays +in a similar manner, only no one in the trade would spare the time and +labour, and no one out of the trade would pay for the cost and trouble +of its production. + +[Illustration] + +The unevenness in thickness and colour to which the manufacture was +liable at this early period, appears to have necessitated a sorting of +the sheets after they came from the mill; those nearest to each other +in colour and weight being put together. This system of selection +was adopted occasionally for single copies, economy being doubtless +the inducement. When two or three examples of a book can be compared +together this fact is often very evident, as in the two copies of +“The Knight of the Tower” which are in the British Museum, where the +variation in quality is too great to be accounted for except by this +practice of selection. Several other instances show that Caxton, when +preparing to print a new volume, told off the paper separately for +certain copies. This custom also accounts for the astonishing variety +of water-marks frequently found in one volume. + +Some possessors of uncut specimens of Caxton’s press have imagined +them to be “large-paper copies,” but we have no evidence that Caxton +designedly printed special copies, except, perhaps, in the instances of +the vellum “Doctrinal” and “Directorium,” hereafter to be noticed, but +of these the appearance is by no means that of _livres de luxe_. + +_Watermarks_ are of much less value in bibliography than some writers +have imagined. In but very few instances can a limit of time be fixed +for their use; and as the marks might be repeated, or the paper itself +kept for any length of time, and imported to any place, they cannot be +used as evidence either of the date when, or the place where, a book +passed through the press. The arms of France--three _fleurs-de-lis_ on +a shield, surmounted by a crown--which appear as a watermark in “Le +Recueil des Histoires de Troyes,” have been adduced by M. Bernard as +evidence of the French origin of the printed work. He was doubtless +unaware that the same watermark appears in “The Recuyell,” “Canterbury +Tales,” 1st edition, “Mirrour,” 1st edition, “Jason,” “Chronicles,” +“Polycronicon,” “Speculum Vitæ Christi,” “Dictes,” 2nd edition, and +many others, embracing the whole of Caxton’s typographical career. +When, however, paper bears the arms of a nation or a city, we may, +in such a case, fairly conjecture, although not with certainty, the +seat of its manufacture. It appears likely that all Caxton’s paper +was imported from the Low Countries, and it was in all probability +purchased from some old connection in the great mart of Bruges. But +wherever obtained, there was a great intermixture of qualities, +including the make of several mills. We have never yet seen one of +Caxton’s books in which the same watermark runs through the whole +volume, and in many cases the variety is astonishing. Thus, in a copy +of the first edition of the “Canterbury Tales,” now in the library of +Mr. Huth, there appear no less than fifteen distinct watermarks. + +A few of the marks found in Caxton’s books are here given. As already +remarked, they indicate the Low Countries as the land of their origin, +and most of them are found also in the block-books, the works of Colard +Mansion, Gerard Leeu, and other early printers. + + No. 1. The Bull’s Head, which appears in the earliest specimens of + paper known, and was a favourite symbol with paper makers of + the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The varieties of it are + very numerous. + + No. 2. The Arms of John the Fearless, son of Philip the Hardy. As + eldest son the field is charged with a label: the superimposed + cross referring to his crusade in 1395. + + This and the six succeeding marks have a direct connection + with the riding dynasty in Flanders and the Low Countries. + + No. 3. The letter ~p~ is very common in Caxton’s books, and is + perhaps the initial of Philip the Good; although paper bearing + a ~p~ had also been made in the reign of Philip the Hardy. Its + varieties are very numerous. + + No. 4. The letter ~y~ is thought by Sotheby to be the initial of + Ysabel, third wife of Philip the Good. + + Mr. Sotheby, in his list of Caxton’s watermarks, mentions the + ~p~ and ~y~ combined, as occurring in the British Museum copy + of “Jason.” During a careful search, however, in the same + copy, I was unable to detect any such mark. + + No. 5. The Unicorn--a symbol of power adopted by Philip the Good, + who chose two unicorns as supporters of his coat-of-arms. The + same figure was used extensively as an ornament in his palace + and furniture. + + No. 6. The Arms of France. These were frequently used by + paper-makers of the Low Countries, probably in reference to + the direct descent of the House of Burgundy from the Kings of + France. + + No. 7. The Arms of Champagne. This province was ceded to the Duke + of Burgundy in 1430 by the King of France. + + No. 8. The Hand, over which is a single _fleur-de-lis_, the + peculiar badge of the House of Burgundy. + +In Caxton’s books the ~p~ is the most common among the watermarks, the +order of frequency among the others being as follows:--The Hand or +Glove; the Arms of Champagne; the Bull’s Head; the Arms of France; the +Greyhound; the Arms of John the Fearless; Shears; a Pot; an Anchor; an +Unicorn; a Bull; a Cross; Grapes; a Pelican, &c. + +[Illustration: No. 1.] + +[Illustration: No. 2.] + +[Illustration: No. 3.] + +[Illustration: No. 4.] + +[Illustration: No. 5.] + +[Illustration: No. 6.] + +[Illustration: No. 7.] + +[Illustration: No. 8.] + +The reader curious on this point may see numerous other watermarks +figured by Mr. Sotheby in the third volume of his “Principia +Typographica.” Many of these are merely variations of the mark, the +paper being made in the same mould. An accidental injury, or even the +wear and tear of the mould by constant use, often caused a contortion +of the wires. In rare instances the watermark occurs uninjured in +shape, but quite at the edge of the paper. This has been accounted +for by supposing the fine wires which held the watermark in its place +on the mould to have become loosened by decay, or some accident, and +so allowed the mark to slide along the face of the mould, but it is +more probably caused by the use of large sheets of paper cut down to a +smaller size. + +Of the value of paper in Caxton’s time we may form some idea from the +prices paid by the directors of the Ripoli press, at Florence, between +1474 and 1483. An original “Cost book” of this establishment is still +extant in the Magliabechian library at Florence. It is one of the most +interesting documents connected with early typography, and has been +edited and published by the Padre Vincenzio Fineschi. From this it +appears that the following nine sizes or qualities of paper were then +in use, the English prices given being about the present equivalent, +reckoning the lira at 3_s_ 9_d_. + + PER REAM. + 1. Large paper of Bologna in common folio, about £1 4 2 + 2. Middling ditto ditto 0 13 2½ + 3. Small ditto ditto 0 11 3 + 4. Paper of Fabriano, with a _crossbow_ for + watermark 0 12 4½ + 5. Ditto, with a _cross_ for watermark 0 8 7½ + 6. Paper of Colle 0 8 7½ + 7. Paper of Prato 0 9 4½ + 8. Paper of Pescia, with _spectacles_ for watermark 0 10 10½ + 9. The same, with a _glove_ for watermark 0 9 0 + +Zanetti quotes a document, dated 1483, which states the price of paper +in Florence to have been, at that period, for “Carta reale, quaderni 10 +... 3 lir. 6 sol. 8d;” and for “Carta da scrivere il quaderno ... 18 +sol.;” that is, royal paper about 12s 5d per ten quires, and writing +paper 3s 4½d per quire. + +The first paper maker in England was John Tate. He manufactured +specially for Caxton’s successor, Wynken de Worde, who thus announces +the fact in his edition of “Bartholomæus de Proprietatibus,” printed +about the year 1498:-- + + “And John Tate the younger, + Joye mote he broke, + Whiche late hath in Englond doo + Made this paper thynne, + That now in our englisshe + This boke is prynted Inne.” + +Tate, who died in 1514, and whose will is preserved in the principal +registry of the Court of Probate, left considerable property, several +of his legacies being in paper. + +It is somewhat remarkable that Caxton should have made so sparing a use +of vellum for his books, and should have been so indifferent about the +quality of the skins which he did employ. The only examples known are +a copy of the “Doctrinal of Sapience,” at Windsor Castle, for a long +time thought to be unique, and a “Speculum vitæ Christi,” now in the +British Museum, to which may be added a few slips on which Indulgences +are printed. + + +THE TYPES. + +The question of the invention of moveable types, like that of the +origin of paper, is one into which we have no need here to enter. The +majority of writers on this subject having been unacquainted with the +characteristics of type, have strayed far and wide in the discussion. +M. Bernard, however, writing as a practical printer, has done much to +dispel numerous misapprehensions, and especially that common error of +supposing that the first moveable types were cut in wood. + +We now proceed to lay before the reader the earliest notices of +typefounders, and such evidence as may explain the mechanics of +typefounding in the fifteenth century, especially with reference to the +types of Caxton. + +Perhaps no part of the Typographic Art is hidden in more utter +darkness than the early manufacture of the types. Considerable secrecy +no doubt accompanied all the operations of the first printers, and +was maintained down to a comparatively late period. Moreover, it +was but natural that the results of the new art should hold a more +prominent place in men’s minds than the processes by which those +results were produced; and thus, although printers and printing were +often mentioned, we find nothing concerning the mechanical part of +typefounding anterior to that curious little book of trades, with +illustrations by Jost Amman, which was issued at Frankfort in 1568. +The author, in the few lines which accompany the illustration, +omits all reference to the process, but, from the woodcut of the +“Schrifftgiesser” and his tools, we shall draw some practical +inferences concerning early typefounding. + +Whether Caxton, whose account of his first typographical venture is +contained in the prologue to the Third Book of “The Recuyell,” made +himself acquainted with the manufacture as well as with the use of his +types there is no evidence to prove. He simply remarks, “Therefore I +have practysed and lerned at my grete charge and dispense to ordeyne +this said book in prynte.” If he only procured types and presses, and +acquired the requisite knowledge to control their use, it no doubt +cost him a large sum. The probability is that his first two founts +were cast at Bruges according to his instructions, and that he brought +the second over with him to Westminster. But, when once settled in +his native country, we may well consider whether he would not, for +convenience sake, have become his own typefounder. No stray hint or +remark can be found to incline us to the one opinion or the other. +Several generations of printers passed away before we find in any work +the slightest allusion to English typefounders. The earliest appears in +Archbishop Parker’s preface to Asser’s Chronicle of King Alfred, where, +in speaking of the Saxon types with which the book was printed, the +editor states that as far as he knew, Day, the printer, was the first +to cut them:--“Iam verò cum Dayus typographus primus (& omnium certè +quod sciam solus) has formulas æri inciderit: facilè quæ Saxonicis +literis perscripta sunt, iisdem typis diuulgabuntur.” This leads us to +suppose that John Day was only one typefounder among others, and that +therefore the art was at that time by no means a new one in England. +Seventy years later we find typefounding a distinct trade in London, +and under rigid Government protection, as we learn from the following +decree:-- + +“Decreed by the Court of Starre-Chamber, 11th July, 1637:-- + + “That there shall be Four Founders of letters for printing and no + more. + + “That the Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop of London, with + Six other High Commissioners, shall supply the places of those + four as they shall become void. + + “That no master Founder shall keep above two Apprentices at one time.” + +Despite this restrictive care, however, the typefounders of Holland and +Flanders supplied English Printers with better types than native art +could produce, until the establishment of a foundry by the first Caslon. + +The only English author before the rise of encyclopædias, who described +the process of type manufacture was Joseph Moxon. This ingenious +author, writing in 1683, gives an account of the whole Art of Printing, +as practised in an improved style by himself, and devotes several +chapters to the various methods of punch cutting, matrix sinking, +and type founding. The process then adopted was very similar to that +still in use, and differed greatly from that of Caxton, or Caxton’s +typefounder. The practice of Moxon, like that of modern typefounders, +was to cut each letter in relief on a piece of steel to form the +_punch_--to strike this punch into a small piece of copper, which made +the _matrix_--and then to fit this matrix to the bottom of an iron +_mould_ into which the liquid metal was poured. The mould, which formed +the shank of the type, was capable of a sliding adjustment, width wise, +to the width of the various letters (from an _i_ to an _Æ_); the depth +or size of the _body_ always remaining the same throughout the fount. +Thus, by using each matrix successively in the same mould, exactness in +size of body was insured. + +The want of this exactness, indicated by the uneven appearance of +the lines, and other considerations, lead to the conclusion that the +fifteenth-century printers did not practise this method, but it is very +difficult even to speculate upon the process which they did employ. +The examination of many specimens has led me to conclude that at +first two distinct schools of typography existed together. The ruder +consisted of those printers who practised their art in Holland and the +Low Countries, and who, by degrees only, adopted the better and more +perfect methods of the school founded in Germany by the celebrated +trio--Fust, Gutenberg, and Schœffer. None of these divulged the secrets +of their art. One fact, however, we know with certainty, and that is, +that the German school employed the very best artists that Europe could +produce to cut the patterns, or rather punches, for their types. In an +interesting tract from the pen of Sir Anthony Panizzi it is proved that +the celebrated Bolognese goldsmith, medallist, and painter, Francia, +was the artist who cut all the Aldine types, the elegance of which will +for ever associate the name of Aldus with the perfection of printing. +From the “Cost Book” of the Ripoli press, at Florence, we find also +that steel, iron, and tin were used in the manufacture of types about +1480. But the English printers, whose practice seems to have been +derived from the Flemish school, were far behind their contemporaries +in the art. Their types show that a very rude process of founding was +practised, and the use, as will be described presently, of old types as +punches for new, evinces more of commercial expediency than of artistic +ambition. + +That Caxton’s types were really cast is evident from identity in the +face of the same letter, where even a flaw may be noticed as recurring +continuously; but the material of which the matrices were formed must +be to a great extent conjectural. M. Bernard has given an interesting +account of some successful efforts to cast letters in sand, but his +specimen has not a single overhanging letter in it, and, from its size, +was certainly much easier to produce than would have been the small +types of Caxton; yet in one respect, the “bad lining,” or irregular +heights of the letter, it has an interesting similitude to Caxton’s +types. In the office of Messrs. Caslon there are still in existence +some large Roman capital letters (about 3-line pica), which an old +workman assured me he had himself used in by-gone years to form +sand-moulds for type, a practice then by no means uncommon. + +We will now turn to the little book of engravings already mentioned as +giving the earliest notice of the art. We there see somewhat of the +practices of the Frankfort typefounders in 1568. The woodcut shows that +even a century after the invention of the art there was an important +difference from the modern plan, although probably the _principle_ of +punch, matrix, and mould was the same. There is a small furnace, with +the pan of metal sunk in the top; by the side are the bellows, basket +of charcoal, and tongs. Close to the typefounder is the bowl into which +he drops each type as it is cast; and the artist has correctly drawn +these types with the “break” of the letter still attached. The workman +holds the mould in his left hand, and is pouring in metal from a ladle. +On the table at his back is what appears to be a nest of very shallow +drawers, which hold the matrices in alphabetical arrangement, while +upon the top of the drawers are three or four matrices for immediate +use. On the wooden shelves opposite are three moulds, some sieves, and +crucibles. The sieves were probably for sifting the sand in which might +be cast the large types, and in which the small ingots for use in the +melting pot would be run. The main interest of this woodcut lies in the +type moulds, in which we notice a difference in shape from those now +used; while the absence of the long wire spring which holds the matrix +firm up to the mould indicates that, during its use, the matrix was a +fixture in the mould. The foremost of the three moulds on the shelf +shows in its side a hole which may possibly have been used for the +insertion of a matrix. + +As the early moulds were so dissimilar to those of modern use, let us +look to the types themselves for evidence. Anticipating the result of +the analysis of the various founts used by Caxton (which will follow +in its proper place) we find the conclusion inevitable that hard-metal +punches were not used, and that even types themselves were used either +as punches, or in some analogous way for the production of new founts. +The use of large types to form matrices in sand (as in the case of +Messrs. Caslon’s foundry, above alluded to), was not uncommon in bygone +years; and that letters of a much smaller size can also be effectively +employed as punches is interestingly illustrated by the shifts to which +Benjamin Franklin, America’s pioneer-printer, was put in the early days +of the Transatlantic press. Franklin thus narrates his own practice: +“Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there was no letter-foundry +in America; I had seen types cast at James’s in London, but without +much attention to the manner; however, _I contrived a mould, and made +use of the letters we had as puncheons, struck the matrices in lead_, +and thus supplied, in a pretty tolerable way the deficiencies. _I also +engraved several things_ on occasion.” + +The metal of which Caxton’s types were cast can only be conjectured. +The probability is that it was soft, and if even so soft as lead it +would have been sufficiently durable to have performed the work for +the small impression required of each book. In demonstration of this +the author procured, by the kindness of Messrs. Figgins, a fount of +their Caxton types in pure lead, and composed a page of Caxton’s +“Chess Book,” working it in the usual way, at a common hand press, and +numbering each impression as it came from the tympan in order to note +its gradual wear. The paper was royal cartridge of the common rough +quality, and was worked dry. After 500 pulls, perceiving no appreciable +wear, the author stopped the experiment, being sufficiently satisfied. + +Our conclusions then, in respect of the founding, are mainly negative. +The moulds were _unlike_ those now in use, and the punches were +_not_ of steel. The process, whatever it may have been, admitted of +contrivances incompatible with our present mode; and we conjecture that +the type-metal, if not of lead, was yet sufficiently soft to allow of +it being easily trimmed up with a chisel. This trimming up, so often +visible in type No. 2*, misled the late Mr. Vincent Figgins, who, when +examining the second edition of the “Game and Play of the Chess,” came +to the erroneous conclusion that the whole book was printed from types +cut separately by hand, a conclusion which he would never have adopted +had he extended his examination to other and earlier works of Caxton in +the same types. + +Let us now see what the founts of types really were that Caxton used. + +When we look at the long list of English authors who have written +upon early typography, and when we recognise among the names those of +Moxon, Palmer, Smith, Bowyer, Nichols, Stower, Watson, Hansard, and +Timperley, all of whom were, as printers, practically acquainted with +the art which employed their pens, it is a matter of some surprise +that nothing like a correct account of Caxton’s types appeared. Nor +is it less remarkable that the only history of English typefounding +is that by Rowe Mores, a well-known antiquarian, who was brought up +for the Church, and who devoted many of the later years of his life to +the collection of old moulds and matrices. He purchased all the whole +stock of the last of the old race of letterfounders, Mr. James, of +Bartholomew Close, whose extensive collection was said to date from the +days of Wynken de Worde; and it is much to be regretted that, after +the death of Mr. Mores, his collections were not preserved intact. +His catalogues of matrices existing in his own day, or in his own +possession, are probably exact enough; but his account of the types +used by Caxton and Wynken de Worde is full of errors. + +During Caxton’s career as a printer, viz., from about 1476 to 1491-2, +or a period of seventeen years, he used eight separate founts or +castings of letters. These eight founts we have called, according to +their chronological appearance, No. 1, No. 2, No. 2*, No. 3, No. 4, No. +4*, No. 5, and No. 6. + +If we divide them into _character_ of letter we find three classes:-- + + 1st. Type No. 1 is distinct in character, and unlike any other known + type. On comparison with a manuscript in the holograph of Colard + Mansion, of Bruges, M. Bernard came to the conclusion that it was + formed upon the handwriting of that celebrated caligrapher. + + 2nd. Types 2, 2*, 4, 4*, and 6, are of the same character as the early + type of Colard Mansion, known as “gros bâtarde.” + + 3rd. Types 3 and 5 were designed, like the characters of the Bible and + Psalter of the early Mentz printers, upon the Church Text of the + scribes, and approach nearer than any other of Caxton’s types to + what modern printers call “black letter.” + +If, however, we divide the eight founts into distinct cuttings, we find +five:-- + + 1st. Type No. 1. + + 2nd. Type No. 2, modified first into No. 2*, and again into No. 6. + + 3rd. Type No. 3. + + 4th. Type No. 4, modified into No. 4*. + + 5th. Type No. 5. + + +TYPE NO. 1. + +Although we believe that Caxton had less to do with this than with any +of the later types, yet, as it is the first with which his name is +associated--as it is that by using which he obtained a knowledge of the +art of printing--and as it is the type of the first English-printed +book,--it is clothed with an interest peculiarly its own. + +The only books printed with this fount are five:-- + + The Recuyell of the Histories of Troy 1472-74 + The Game and Play of the Chess, 1st edition 1475-76 + Le Recueil des Histoires de Troyes 1475-76 + Les Fais du Chevalier Jason _after_ 1476 + Les sept Pseaulmes penitenciaulx _after_ 1476 + +From the rarity of “Les Fais du Jason,” only one copy being in England, +and that inconvenient for prolonged examination, its peculiar features, +if any, are not noticed in the following remarks. + +The first thing we observe in type No. 1 is, that its general +appearance is more free and manuscript-like than would be thought the +case from the square-set figure of each individual letter. This is, to +a considerable extent, caused by the great variety of letters, there +being only five for which there were not more than one matrix, either +as single letters or in combination: for, although the differences +between the various matrices of the same letter may be but very slight, +we have here the fundamental principle of freedom, namely, a recurrence +of modified sameness. The execution of the type is good, sharp, and +decided, with sufficient difference between the repetitions of the same +letter to indicate independence of tracing or mechanical contrivance; +hence probably the work of one accustomed to cut letters. The body of +the type, which is identical throughout the five books, is the same as +the recognised Great Primer of modern printers. + +The complete fount embraced at least 163 sorts, of which we remark upon +the following:-- + + ~ā~ is not used in the English books, but often occurs in the French + books. + + ~ē~ is not used in “The Recuyell” or the “Chess Book,” but often + occurs in “Le Recueil” and “Les sept Pseaulmes.” + + ~K~ is often used for an ~R~ in the French books, but always correctly + in the English books. + + ~Ω~.--This incongruous and badly-cut letter appears about twelve + times, in various grades of bad casting, before the recto of folio + 36 of “The Recuyell,” after which it is not found. + + ~R~ is only found in the English books, where it is sometimes used for + a ~K~. + + Arabic numerals do not occur in this fount. + + There are only three marks of punctuation, which may be called--the + comma, or oblique stroke (/), the colon (:), and the full point + (.). They are used arbitrarily as to power, and in numerous + varieties of combination, such as, + + [Illustration: .⸝ ./ /· ./· ·/. ⫽ :. .:. .·.:.·. &c., &c.] + +From the foregoing remarks it will be seen that there are certain +letters peculiar to the English and others peculiar to the French books +printed in this type; and as these are not in any way attributable to +the fashion of the language, the fact strongly corroborates the opinion +that, although from the same printer, the compositor, and perhaps the +cases, were changed. + + +TYPE NO. 2. + +This was the first fount used in England when Caxton set up his presses +at the “Red-pale” in the Almonry, and, before remarking upon its +peculiarities, we will give a list of the books known to have been +printed from it. Of these, as will be shown further on, there are two +easily-distinguished classes; those printed first, with type No. 2, and +those printed afterwards, with a re-casting of the fount, which we call +type No. 2*. + + +TYPE No. 2. + + Les quatre derrennieres choses _ante_ 1477 + History of Jason _circa_ 1477 + Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers, 1st edition 1477 + Horæ, 1st edition _circa_ 1477 + Canterbury Tales, 1st edition _ante_ 1478 + Moral Proverbs 1478 + Anelida and Arcyte _circa_ 1478 + Boethius de Consolatione Philosophiæ 1478 + Propositio clarissimi Johannis Russell _ante_ 1479 + Stans Puer ad Mensam _ante_ 1479 + Parvus Catho and Magnus Catho, 1st edition _ante_ 1479 + Ditto ditto 2nd edition _ante_ 1479 + The Horse, the Sheep, and the Goose, 1st edition _ante_ 1479 + Ditto ditto 2nd edition _ante_ 1479 + Infancia Salvatoris _ante_ 1479 + The Temple of Glass _ante_ 1479 + The Chorle and the Bird, 1st edition _ante_ 1479 + Ditto 2nd edition _ante_ 1479 + The Temple of Brass _ante_ 1479 + The Book of Courtesy, 1st edition _ante_ 1479 + + +TYPE No. 2*. + + Cordial 1479 + Laurentius Gulielmus de Saona de Nova Rhethorica, _circa_ 1479 + Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers, 2nd edit., _circa_ 1480 + An Indulgence 1480 + Parvus Catho and Magnus Catho, 3rd edition _circa_ 1480 + Mirrour of the World, 1st edition 1480 + Reynard the Fox, 1st edition 1480 + Tully of Old Age, and of Friendship 1481 + The Game and Play of the Chess, 2nd edition _circa_ 1481 + +This type has a more dashing, picturesque, and elaborate character +than type No. 1. It is an imitation of the “gros-bâtarde” type of +Colard Mansion, with some variation in the capital letters, which are +extremely irregular, not only in size but also in design, some being of +the simplest possible construction, whilst others have spurs, lines, +and flourishes. + +The general appearance of type No. 2 is very different from that of +No. 2*, many letters in the earlier fount having a bolder and thicker +face than in the later; and the fact of there being a perfect division +of the books into two distinct classes prevents our attributing this +difference to either wear of type or faulty printing--the former would +be gradual, the latter irregular. + +On comparing the two classes, letter by letter, we find several single +and compound letters occurring in the one and not in the other. Thus +~en~ (not final) is peculiar to the first class, while two forms of +~k~ without a loop in the head, double ~ll~ without loops, ~th~, ~wa~, +~we~, and ~wo~ are found in the second class only. Other letters are +so entirely different that a single example is convincing of their +not having been printed from the same founts; and the remainder, +although often very nearly alike, so constantly preserve some slight +characteristic peculiar to each section, that a close examination of +numerous instances, after making allowance for faulty printing, leads +to the conclusion that no letters of the first section are identical +with those of the second. + +A minute examination discloses the general fact, that the letters of +Type No. 2* are somewhat thinner than those of Type No. 2, and that, +in numerous instances, the tops, the descending tails, and the titles +generally, have been truncated. For example, examine the letter ~f~ +and its combinations in the two types; the second shows _always_ a +thinner-faced letter than the first. Again, notice how the tops of +the various ~d~s, the tails of ~en~ and ~in~, and the tails generally +appear in the second state. Observing that the two founts (2 and 2*) +are never mixed, and that all the books dated before 1479 occur in Type +No. 2, and all those dated after 1479 No. 2*, the two types appear +to indicate two distinct periods; and, taking into consideration the +peculiarities just noticed, it would seem that, upon the types becoming +worn, some of the best were selected, trimmed up with a graver, and +used for making matrices for a new casting. If this were not the case, +how should we account for the new fount being so nearly like the old? +for, the two not having been used together, there was no reason for +such care to make them match. + +The body of Type No. 2 is the same as that of Type No. 2*, and is +exactly equal to two lines of “Long Primer” (Caslon’s standard), which +is very near to “Paragon.” A complete fount of Type No. 2 consisted of +217 sorts, and Type No. 2* of 254 sorts. + +The ~&c~ of Type No. 1, which, if it occurred at all, might have been +expected in the first fount used in England, is found only in books +printed with Type No. 2*. + +We may notice here that the sorts ~Iz~, ~ez~, ~br~, and others, presume +an intended French use of Type No. 2, a probability strengthened by the +~th~, and the combinations of ~w~, being later additions to the fount +in No. 2*. + + +TYPE NO. 3. + +This grand type, which was in use from about 1479 to 1483, has perhaps +less direct interest for us than any of the others. No English book in +this type is known, and until a very recent period it was considered +merely as a supplementary fount used by Caxton for headings, &c. +But the discovery of a “Psalterium,” fragments of a “Horæ,” and a +“Directorium” proves that three works at least were printed entirely +with this fount. Upon these, especially the “Psalterium,” and upon the +headings of “Boethius,” the “Golden Legend,” and “Tully,” the following +remarks are based. + +The small letters are an exact copy of those cast by the early German +founders, Fust and Schœffer, and are equally well executed. The capital +letters, however, are very unlike Fust’s, being for the most part a +modification of the Flemish “Secretary,” as already presented to us in +the gros-bâtarde type of Colard Mansion. + +The body is identical, or very nearly so, with type No. 2, and is used +with it to distinguish proper names, &c., in the “Cordial” and in +“Tully,” but, having a much larger face, it is never in line. + +The complete fount comprised 194 sorts. The stops generally are smaller +than those of type No. 2, which is remarkable, as the face of the +letter is much larger. + +This type was intended for Latin works, as the contractions +sufficiently prove. All the books we have in it are in Latin, except +headings in the first edition of the “Golden Legend,” &c., and proper +names, as in the “Cordial” and “Tully.” Used almost entirely for Church +Service books, it does not seem to have been much in favour with +Caxton; but upon his death his successor, Wynken de Worde, came into +possession of it, and used it continually. + + +TYPE NO. 4. + +Types No. 4 and 4* may be spoken of generally as _one_, there being +the same intimate connection between them as between Nos. 2 and 2*; +unlike them, however, there is a slight variation in the body, type +No. 4 being, as compared with the re-casting of it, or type No. 4*, as +20 is to 19. In other words, the body of type No. 4 is rather smaller +than that of Type No. 4*. This of course would only be possible by +direct intention with modern typefounders, who use the same moulds and +matrices for as many founts of the type as are required; but as is +shown in the chapter on typefounding, the moulds and matrices were in +those days very different. + +The engraving of the types is neat, and appears to have been executed +by the same hand that cut type No. 2; but there is this difference +between the second states of the two founts--type No. 2* was, as +already shown, cast from matrices formed by the use of old casts of +type No. 2 as punches, after being trimmed by hand, but for types Nos. +4 and 4* there is the strongest evidence of the same punches having +been used, and therefore the variation of body is the more remarkable, +as it would have been as easy to make the re-casting agree in size +with the original as to make the letters of each fount agree among +themselves. The variation, however, is a fact. + +The body of type No. 4 is very near indeed to modern English (Caslon’s +standard), and is the smallest of any used by Caxton. The re-casting, +or type No. 4* (which loses 1 in 20--that is to say, 19 lines of type +No. 4* take up only the same depth as 20 of type No. 4), is exactly two +lines of minion. The total number of sorts in type No. 4 appears to +have been 194, and in No. 4* 187, a few sorts not having been re-cast. + +We will now give a list of the works for which this type, in its two +states, was employed. + + +TYPE No. 4. + + The Chronicles of England, 1st edition 1480 + The Description of Britain 1480 + An Indulgence 1481 + Curia Sapientiæ _circa_ 1481 + Godfrey of Boloyne 1481 + The Chronicles of England, 2nd edition 1482 + Polycronicon 1482 + The Pilgrimage of the Soul 1483 + A Vocabulary 1483 + Servitium de Visitatione _circa_ 1483 + Confessio Amantis (_mostly_) 1483 + Sex Epistolæ (_mostly_) 1483 + The Knight of the Tower (_partly_) 1484 + + +TYPE No. 4*. + + The Festial, 1st edition 1483 + Quatuor Sermones, 1st edition 1483 + Confessio Amantis (_partly_) 1483 + The Knight of the Tower (_mostly_) 1484 + Caton _circa_ 1484 + Golden Legend _circa_ 1484 + Death-Bed Prayers _circa_ 1484 + Æsop 1484 + Order of Chivalry _circa_ 1484 + Canterbury Tales, 2nd edition _circa_ 1484 + Book of Fame _circa_ 1484 + The Curial _circa_ 1484 + Troylus and Creside _circa_ 1484 + Life of our Lady _circa_ 1484 + Life of St. Winifred _circa_ 1485 + Life of King Arthur 1485 + Life of Charles the Great 1485 + Paris and Vienne 1485 + +The commas have a notable chronological bearing. The short comma +(~⸝~) was used alone up to the second edition of the “Chronicles,” +in 1482--is used occasionally with the long comma (~/~) in 1483--and +disappears entirely after that year. + +A good test by which to distinguish 4 and 4* is the shape of the +lower-case ~w~; the letter with the curled top distinguishing the book +at once as belonging to type No. 4, whereas its absence is a sure sign +that the type is No. 4*. + +Type No. 4* makes its first appearance among Caxton’s founts in a very +peculiar manner. In the autumn of 1483 he was engaged in printing two +works, Gower’s “Confessio Amantis” and the “Knight of the Tower.” At +sig. ~y~ of “Confessio Amantis” we find that the inmost sheet is in +type No. 4*, the three other sheets of the section being in type No. +4. Several pages in sig. ~z~; are also in No. 4*, and on sig. ~z iiij~ +recto the first column is in No. 4, while the second column is in No. +4*. This mixture of founts by no means proves that the two were in +use at the same time; it only shows that before the cases containing +type No. 4 were finally emptied out to make room for the new fount, +one compositor had worked ahead of his fellows, who had not finished +their taking of copy when the new letter supplanted the old. The table, +although placed at the commencement of the book, was necessarily +printed last, and therefore, as a matter of course, we find type No. +4* used for it. In the “Knight of the Tower,” sig. ~f~ introduces the +new fount to us, all that follows, as well as the introductory matter, +being type No. 4*. + + +TYPE NO. 5. + +There is much similarity of design between this and type No. 3, the +likeness between some of the letters being so close as to lead to the +conclusion that one artist cut both. + +The books printed in this letter are as follows:-- + + The Royal Book _circa_ 1487 + The Book of Good Manners 1487 + Directorium Sacerdotum, 1st edition _circa_ 1487 + Speculum Vitæ Christi _circa_ 1488 + Commemoratio Lamentationis _circa_ 1488 + The Doctrinal of Sapience 1489 + Horæ _circa_ 1490 + Servitium de Transfiguratione _circa_ 1491 + +In the 2nd edition of the “Golden Legend” (1487?), all the headings, +both of chapters and pages, are in this type. + +Type No. 5 has no exact counterpart in the bodies of modern founders. +The nearest would be two lines of brevier, than which it is slightly +larger, losing one line in thirty-five. The total number of sorts +in use appears to have been 153. The comparative scarcity of double +letters is very noticeable. No Arabic numerals are used. + +The large Lombardic capitals used with this fount have a bold and +striking appearance. Unlike any former fount of Caxton’s, they are +all cast with the largest face the body will bear, and without the +least beard. They are used, more or less, in every book printed with +this type, although in some books (_e.g._ “Royal” and “Speculum”) they +appear very seldom. They do not look at all well when used as initials +to a word, on account of their size preventing them ranging with the +sequent letters, and this may have been the cause why Caxton, except +in the “Directorium,” made a very sparing use of them, save indeed +that he converted them into quadrats. For this purpose they were +doubtless adapted by some shortening process, which, however, has not +prevented them cropping out continually in the blank spaces of the +head lines and signature lines, where they often assume a very puzzling +appearance. In the latest books printed with type No. 5 these Lombardic +capitals appear as _red_ initials, printed at a separate operation. +This use for them was, doubtless, the invention of Caxton’s successor, +Wynken de Worde, who appears to have inherited his master’s working +materials. + + +TYPE NO. 6. + +The body of this fount is great primer (Caslon’s standard) within a +shade, being almost the same as type No. 1. The number of sorts in the +fount is, for Caxton, very small, amounting to only 138. It may be +called Caxton’s last fount, for it came into use in 1489, and was used +for books up to 1491, the date of Caxton’s death. Indeed, there seems +good reason for supposing that for some time after Caxton’s death it +served his successor, Wynken de Worde. With it the following works were +printed:-- + + The Fayts of Arms 1489 + Statutes of Henry VII _circa_ 1489 + The Gouvernal of Health _circa_ 1489 + Reynard the Fox, 2nd edition _circa_ 1489 + Blanchardin and Eglantine _circa_ 1489 + The Four Sons of Aymon _circa_ 1489 + Directorium Sacerdotum, 2nd edition _circa_ 1489 + Eneydos _circa_ 1490 + The Fifteen Oes, &c. _circa_ 1490 + The Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers, 3rd edition _circa_ 1490 + The Mirrour of the World, 2nd edition _circa_ 1490 + Divers Ghostly Matters _circa_ 1490 + The Art and Craft to know well to Die _circa_ 1491 + The Book of Courtesy, 2nd edition _circa_ 1491 + The Festial, 2nd edition _circa_ 1491 + Quatuor Sermones, 2nd edition _circa_ 1491 + The Chastising of God’s Children _circa_ 1491 + A Treatise of Love _circa_ 1491 + +We have in this fount another remarkable instance of the contrivances +employed by the early typefounders. A new fount was required, but +whether Caxton gave the founders instructions concerning its size, or +whether the fount was cast first, and then sold to our printer, there +seems no possibility of discovering; but this we can prove from the +pages themselves, that the greater portion of type No. 6 was made from +the punches, or from old letters of Caxton’s Nos. 2 and 2*. The body +is rather smaller, nine lines occupying the same depth as eight lines +of No. 2; and it is amusing to observe the shifts and contrivances +resorted to for reducing those letters which, in type No. 2, occupied +the full body. For instance, the ~A~, ~M~, and ~N~ have the flourish +which passes under the letter brought close up to the letter itself. +The ~K~ was also treated in the same way, but the violence used has +damaged the flourish so much that, in most instances, it broke away; +in some cases, however, it remains in a most pitiable and crippled +condition. The corresponding flourish in the ~B~ has been boldly +cropped off. ~F~ and ~J~ are strangely transformed, evidently by a blow +on the soft metal, lengthwise. A few characters altogether new appear, +and a few interpolations from other founts, besides a quaint set of +Lombardic capitals, among which occurs now and then a letter from the +Lombardic fount used with type No. 5. The total number of sorts was 141. + +But here the question may very naturally be asked, How do we know that +the books in the foregoing lists which are without date, without place, +and without printer’s name, although printed with the same types as +those of Caxton, are not really from the workshop of another printer, +who had obtained his material from the same source as our printer? The +evidence is entirely negative, but it is nevertheless very strong. + +When a new branch of industry becomes sufficiently developed, one of +the immediate consequences is a division of labour. Thus typefounders +became separated from printers, as soon as the latter became +sufficiently numerous to keep the former in constant employment. The +earliest printers were almost of necessity their own typefounders, and +it appears that they each made or otherwise exclusively possessed those +patterns of types which they used. There is certainly no evidence that +prior to the end of the 15th century the types of one printer were at +the same time in use by another. This exclusive use of types has been +accepted as a fact by the best authorities, and has been of great use +to the bibliographer in identifying the printer of books _sine ullâ +notâ_, for a printer may thus be recognised at once by his types, just +as a man may be distinguished by his handwriting. + + +THE COMPOSITOR. + +We will now suppose a fount of type delivered over to the compositors +to be laid in the cases, an operation requiring much more care than +in the present day, on account of the numerous double letters and +combinations. One result of the combinations would be to equalise the +size of the boxes, as the letter “e” for instance, which now requires +the largest box, would then most frequently occur in combination with +one of the consonants, and not be used alone oftener than many other +letters. Counting the respective numbers used of each sort throughout +many pages of different books, the fact is ascertained that single +vowels and single consonants were more often required than any one +particular combination. Arranging a case on the basis that the sorts +most in use should be placed before the compositor in the position +most accessible to his fingers, and remembering that in all the old +representations of a “case” there is no division into upper and +lower as now, we arrive at the accompanying plan, which is doubtless +a tolerably exact representation of a compositor’s case as used by +Caxton. There are 209 boxes, which would lead to some little difficulty +in keeping “clean cases;” and one need feel no surprise at finding +wrong letters so often making their appearance in Caxton’s pages. The +combinations of _in_, _ni_, _un_, _nu_, _nn_, _im_, _mi_ were often +found in the wrong boxes, and have brought down to the present day the +strongest evidence against the usefulness of logotypes. + +[Illustration: Plate VII. + +_The oldest known representation of a Printing Press. Paris, 1507._ + +_Luther’s Press. Augsburg, 1522._] + +In the earliest representation of a printing office the press is +always made the most prominent object; very often, however, as in +Plate VII, with a compartment for the compositor. Figure 1 is the +earliest instance, and we there see a compositor at work. Before him +is the case divided into even boxes, and raised on a cleft stick is +the copy. The composing-stick is in his _right_ hand, doubtless owing +to the engraver not having reversed the drawing from which he copied: +it is held correctly by the man in Plate VIII. We have already noticed +the use of a composing-stick and setting-rule, and the evenness of +lines consequent thereon. It was not adopted at Westminster until +1480, although Caxton must often have seen the improved appearance +which lines of an even length gave to the page in the numerous +works previously issued from all the Continental presses. He would, +doubtless, have imitated them had his mechanical appliances permitted; +but we do not find evenness of page until the arrival of type No. 4, in +the year 1480; and then, probably for the first time, composing-sticks, +setting-rules, and chases were seen in the Westminster printing office. +Before this the types were no doubt, as M. Bernard has shown to be the +case in the later block books and the early examples of Dutch printing, +taken straight from their boxes, and placed side by side in a sort of +coffin, made of hard wood, with a stout bottom, and screws at the foot +to tighten the page when completed. The width of the page could not be +extended beyond the internal measurement of the “coffin,” but might be +reduced at pleasure by placing down either side a straight piece of +wood. The length of the page would be regulated in a similar manner, by +varying the thickness of the foot-block against which the screws worked. + +[Illustration: Plate VIII. + +_The “Prelum Ascensianum.” Paris, 1520._] + +Let us, then, imagine the workman with his wooden box before him. The +further end would be slightly raised, to keep the types from falling +forward. He begins at the left-hand corner, and adding, from the case, +letter to letter, soon gets to the end of the first line, and, not +having room for the next word, makes it quite tight with quadrats or +spaces. Then comes the second line, and this, as well as all the rest, +would not be so easy. Placing rough types _upon_ rough types admits of +very little shifting or adjustment, and to this fact, I imagine, we +must attribute the practice of leaving the lines of an uneven length +in early books. Any attempt to push along the words of a line in order +to introduce more space between them, without some plan of easing +the friction, would be certain to break up the line altogether--and +so the lines were left just as they happened to fall, whether full +length or short. Sometimes, when a word would come into the line +with a little reduction of the space between the last two words, the +space was reduced accordingly; but more often a syllable at the end +of the line was contracted, such as “men” into “mē,” or “vertuous” +into “vertuoꝰ.” Most often the compositor, knowing the practice to be +understood by his readers, would finish his line with just so many +letters as his measure would take, and accordingly it is common to find +words divided thus:--why-|che th|at w|ymen w|iche m|an. But when once +the “setting-rule” was brought into use all that was altered, and the +various words of a line could be pushed about, and the spaces between +them augmented or reduced with ease. Having completed his proper number +of lines, the foot-piece would be placed after the last line for the +foot-screws to work upon, and the “form” would be ready for press. +There being a bottom to the box, nothing could fall out, and, although +doubtless not very tight in some parts, the sloppy ink then used would +not, like modern stiff ink, draw up any loose letters. + +If the sides of these coffins, or wooden boxes, were equal in height +with the types they enclosed, they would, like them, leave their mark +on the paper. This was the case in some of the early Dutch block-books, +where the sides of the chase appear occasionally printed in the margin. +I have searched in vain for any marks of the chase in the margins of +Caxton’s books. But whatever method he used--whether he screwed up the +types in wooden boxes, or whether he used iron chases,--one thing is +very plain in nearly every book he issued, either the “justification” +was bad, or the pages were “locked up” very loosely, for quadrats and +spaces are continually “working up” and showing themselves. + +The composing-sticks were originally of hard wood, without any sliding +adjustment; one set, all the same, were for folio pages, another for +quarto, another for octavo. + +“Reglets,” or thin pieces of hard wood the length of a line, appear +never to have been used. When a “white” line was wanted under a +chapter head or over a colophon, em quadrats were ranged side by side +for the purpose, and very often capital letters which had been reduced +in height for the purpose, although often not sufficiently. These low +capitals would often work up while at press, and make undesirable +appearances in very conspicuous places. For examples the reader may +examine the “Royal Book,” and “Speculum Vitæ Christi,” in the British +Museum. + +The “balls” with which the page was inked before taking an impression +appear to have undergone no change in shape or make from the earliest +times until the very beginning of the present century. When, however, +the flexible composition now in use was invented it soon entirely +superseded the old plan, and now it is a matter of great difficulty to +find an old pair of balls. These balls were hollow hemispheres of wood +with a handle. Wool was fitted into the hollow, upon which the skin, or +“pelt,” was nailed on the side more than half-way round; then more wool +was pushed in till the skin was quite tight: the last nails were then +hammered in, and the balls fit for use. + +[Illustration: WOODEN COMPOSING-STICK.] + +The page having been completed by the compositor, it went to press in +its chase or wooden box without any further operation. The business of +“reader” as yet was not. All the workmen’s blunders and errors, the +turned letters, the wrong sorts, and the numerous literal mistakes were +left uncorrected. Even whole lines were occasionally omitted by the +workman, and the omission remained throughout the edition, affording +indisputable evidence that “proof sheets” after composition were quite +unknown. At page 125 of Lewis’s “Life of Caxton,” we read concerning +our printer--“As he printed long before the present Method of adding +the _Errata_ at the End of Books was in Use and Practice, so his +extraordinary Exactness obliged him to take a great deal more Pains +than can easily be imagined; for, after a Book was printed off, his way +was to revise it, and correct the Faults in it with red Ink, as they +then used to correct their written Books. This being done to one Copy, +he caused one of his Servants to run through the whole Impression, and +correct the Faults he had noted with a Stanesil or Red-lead Pencil, +which he himself afterwards compared with his own corrected Copy, to +see that none of the Corrections he had made were omitted.” A most +laborious task indeed, had so foolish an idea ever entered the mind +of so practical a man as Caxton; but the whole assertion is a mere +fiction, started by Bagford, adopted by Lewis, and repeated by every +subsequent writer, without a shadow of evidence to support it. The +only books in which manuscript additions were made at the time of +publication were the “Polycronicon” and “Mirrour of the World.” The +former, in the majority of copies, has the year of the world and the +regnal year engrossed in red ink on the side margins; and the latter, +in the woodcut of the seven concentric circles which represent the +astronomical heavens, has the names of the celestial spheres written in +black ink between each circle. But although I have examined about five +hundred of Caxton’s books, I have never seen anything approaching to a +grammatical correction coëval with the date of the book. + +Many people have been puzzled by the abnormal punctuation in Caxton’s +books. As a rule he employed three points, the comma, the colon, and +the period or full point. Notwithstanding these three varieties, Caxton +appears to have been entirely ignorant of any, even the most archaic, +principle of punctuation. Nor indeed could we expect anything else +unless we suppose him, in a literary sense, far in advance of his age. + +In order to place ourselves as level as possible with the ideas of the +fifteenth century regarding punctuation, it will be necessary to trace +the use of points to their origin. + +Like everything else, including the invention of printing, punctuation +was no sudden discovery: on the contrary, it had a most feeble and +protracted infancy. The earliest known manuscripts are without points, +and all the words run on without spaces between them. The confusion +which resulted led to the plan of separating the words by a single dot. +Then a space between the words superseded the dot, which was turned +to another use, viz., to show the end of a phrase or sentence. The +Greek grammarians were the first to notice that sentences might be +divided into parts or limbs. They called a complete sentence a period, +a limb was a colon, and a clause a comma. But these divisions were for +centuries but theoretical, the most careful writers paying but little +attention to them, and the scribes, commonly, none. Ælius Donatus, who +lived in the fifth century of the Christian era, and wrote a grammar +which served as a text-book for all Europe until long after the +invention of printing, was the first to distinguish by points the three +divisions of the Greek grammarians. He did not, however, get beyond the +dot, which he placed at the bottom of the line to designate the comma, +in the middle of the line for the colon, and at the top of the line for +the period. + +In the ninth and tenth centuries the oblique stroke as a comma, and the +double dot for a colon, came into use by careful writers; the majority, +however, used either no points at all or the dot in all its positions +without discrimination. Often the dot at the top of the line was the +only division for all parts of a sentence. The remembrance of these +various practices among the writers of books will serve to explain many +of the peculiarities of punctuation in our early-printed books. + +The multiplication of books by the printing-press brought out +strongly the anomalies of punctuation, but it was half a century +later before any general system was adopted. The first printers were +not grammarians, nor can they be expected to show a knowledge of +punctuation in advance of their age. Even those learned printers, +Aldus, Manutius, and Henry Stephens, were quite ignorant of systematic +punctuation, as their books plainly show; so that we need not think +any the worse of Caxton or our other early printers if in this +respect they too were very faulty. When, however, system at last was +developed, it was to the printers and not to the authors that the +improvement was due. + +Turning now to the books of Caxton, we find, as already stated, that he +employed three points. His commas were long (/) or short (⸝) strokes; +his colon was like ours, one dot over another; and his period was a +lozenge-shaped dot at top. All these were used very capriciously; in +fact, Caxton made very little distinction between them, nor did his +workmen. Each compositor seems to have kept his points all in one +box, and to have used them at haphazard. We find even a head line +with one comma before, and another after it. Full points are commonly +used in the same way. The full point at top often shows the middle +of a sentence, and not seldom we see a dance of all the points used +thus .:.//˙:˙/⸝ celebrate the conclusion of a book or chapter, the +compositor apparently regarding them as ornamental devices. + +Some of Caxton’s books are entirely without points, notably those in +poetry or in Latin. In others the full point or the colon is used +exclusively. In “Paris and Vienne” only the long comma is seen. His +long and short commas are used without any variation of meaning. The +semicolon did not exist for Caxton, although something like it appears +once in his great heading type. The paragraph mark (¶) as showing +the commencement of a fresh sentence, and the coloured initial which +answered the same purpose, did good duty for the full point. The hyphen +is frequently met with, and where the line was crowded, Caxton often +employed the colon, which was half the thickness, in lieu of it. + +Not until we are well into the sixteenth century do we find printers +adopting an acknowledged system of graduated points; and our surprise +that standard authors like Chaucer and Lydgate should have ignored all +systematic punctuation must be greatly modified when we remember that, +after four centuries of the printing-press, modern authors and printers +have their vagaries, and that even now no two authorities agree as to +the correct usage of the points of punctuation. + + +PRESSES, PRESSMEN, AND PRINTING-INK. + +The method adopted by the earliest printers to obtain impressions +from their blocks was to lay the sheet to be printed on the already +inked block, and to rub it carefully. Wood-engravers of the present +day take proofs in the same manner. The plan was continued for block +printing many years after the invention of moveable types. The method +of obtaining an impression by a direct pressure downwards is generally +supposed to have been synchronous with the use of moveable types. +Mr. Ottley, however, describes several of the earliest wood-blocks, +which he had no doubt were printed by means of a press. Of one he +states, “I am in possession of a specimen of wood engraving, printed +in black oil colour on both sides the paper by a downright pressure, +which I consider to have been, without doubt, printed in or before the +year 1445.” There can be no question, therefore, that the earliest +type-printers found a press ready to their hands; but as we have no +description of the mechanism of the early presses, we must, as in the +instance of typefounding, have recourse to the first dated engravings. +The earliest representations of a printing-press are found in the works +of Jodocus Badius Ascensius, the celebrated printer of Paris. Two of +these are delineated in Plates VII and VIII, whereof the earlier is +found as a printer’s device in the title of a work dated 1507. The +large press, Plate IX, having upon its basement the date 1520, was +taken from the Bagford collection, and has hitherto been generally +considered as the earliest representation of a printing-press. The +small press was taken from a tract of Luther’s dated 1522. The other +comes also from the Bagford fragments, and appears to be about the +middle of the sixteenth century, as the mechanism of the spindle is +evidently improved. It is represented here, however, principally on +account of the figure of a typefounder seen through a door in the +background, a feature very rarely pourtrayed: I have not been able +to trace the work for which this woodcut was designed. In all these +presses the principle is the same. There is a simple worm screw, with a +long pin for a lever; the head of the press and the table bear +the pressure, and the “hose,” as the transverse piece between the screw +and the platen was called, served to steady the downward pressure. The +girths, drum, and handle served to run the table out and in, and the +tympans and frisket were identical in principle, if not in appearance, +with those now used. In Plate IX we see some of the pressman’s +appliances exposed to view. There is the shears for cutting out his +tympan-sheet, and for general purposes; next to it is a pick-brush for +cleaning out picks in the type; a pair of compasses for accurately +testing the “furniture” between the pages; and, lastly, a screw point +for making “register.” + +[Illustration: Plate IX. + +_From a German Book of Trades, A.D. 1568._] + +To each press is assigned two workmen; one is pulling lustily at the +bar, while the other is distributing ink upon the balls previously to +beating the form. The two heaps of printed and white paper, in Fig. +2, appear to our modern notions very awkwardly placed, being both on +the _off_ side of the press, so that the workman had to reach over +the form whenever he took up or laid down a fresh sheet of paper. As +however this peculiarity is represented continually, and so late as the +seventeenth century, it was doubtless a common custom. + +[Illustration: Plate X. + +_Scheme of Caxton’s Type Case._] + +No doubt the ink was better and the impression harder in the time +of these presses than in Caxton’s time. His ink was of the weakest +description, and the amount of power required for a “pull” of the press +proportionately weak, the one necessitating the other. His presses, in +the earlier part of his printing career, did not take more than a post +folio page; and, with a very sloppy ink, the pull, if strong, would +have made a confused mass of black instead of a legible impression. As +it is, the ink has been almost invariably squeezed over the edge of the +letters, and has contorted their shape. Few indeed, although practical +men, would imagine the deceptive nature of an impression taken from new +types with weak ink and light pressure. In such a case the type appears +at one time much thicker than it is, from the “spuing” of the ink--at +another time battered, with some portion of it broken--and again, to +use a technical term, as if it were all “off its feet.” + +The representation of the “Printer” in the “Book of Trades,” 1569, +shows that the presses then were fitted with both “tympans” and +“frisket;” and many signs lead to the belief that similar appliances +were used by Caxton’s workmen. In short pages we often find a few lines +of matter put at the bottom, which was blocked out by the frisket, and +answered the purpose of a “bearer.” Several instances occur in the +“Godfrey,” at the Public Library, Cambridge; also in the “Life of Our +Lady,” at the British Museum. In “Speculum vitæ Christi” we actually +find “a bite,” half of the bottom line remaining unprinted. + +We have already noticed that only one page at a time was worked in +the earlier part of Caxton’s career, although later, at the probable +introduction of Wynken de Worde, two pages were managed. This +necessitated great care in getting the unsigned pages in their right +places, and that such care was needed is proved by several instances of +transposition. + +Before leaving this portion of our subject, a peculiarity probably +connected with the mechanism of the press must be noticed. A small hole +at the four corners of each sheet appears in every book printed with +type No. 1. Such holes (first noticed by Mr. Tupper) have not been +observed in any books printed with the later types, except “Quatre +derrennieres choses.” The employment of points by modern pressmen to +obtain accuracy of register, and the punctures (called “point holes”) +in the paper, consequent upon the use of them, are well known. The +holes under notice certainly suggest a similar practice. + +After due time allowed for the ink to dry upon the paper, the printed +sheets passed into the hands of the binder, whose operations come next +under consideration. + + +THE BOOKBINDER. + +The art of bookbinding had not in England, in the fifteenth century, +reached the perfection seen in the beautiful Continental specimens of +the same period. Nor indeed was any uncommon binding required for the +cheap productions of Caxton’s press. His sheets were not, as in modern +practice, pressed between glazed boards after being printed, but went, +without further process, from the press side to the hands of the +binder. The few specimens which have reached us in a pristine state +show the indentation, more or less distinct, made by the types. The +edition of “Eneydos,” 1490, was hurried through the binder’s hands so +soon after the first section (which, containing the prologue and table, +necessarily went to press last) was printed, that all the leaves of +that section, in every copy I have seen, show a very bad “set-off” from +the type on the opposite pages. + +To enable the binder to collate the sheets of each section correctly, +it was the custom, as well with the scribes as with the printers, to +place distinguishing marks on the first page of each sheet; these were +called signatures, and as Caxton used only 4ns for his books, the +binder (as a rule) was sure that when he had got sheets ~a j~, ~a ij~, +~a iij~, ~a iiij~, together his section was complete. Some printers, +who were irregular as to the number of sheets in a section, adopted +the plan of signing the centre sheet of every section upon the third +as well as the first page, so that the binder by this distinguishing +mark might directly see the number of sheets intended for each section, +however great the irregularity. In such cases the 4n would be signed +on the first five rectos, leaving only three unsigned. Caxton, however, +never adopted this plan, his sections always containing the same number +of unsigned as of signed leaves. The sheets having been collected +into sections, the signatures served again to collate the sections +into volumes, the only use for which they are now retained. All the +early books from Caxton’s press are described as unsigned, because the +signatures were not printed, but inserted in manuscript at the extreme +bottom of the page. + +The modern binder begins by folding all his sheets into quarto, +octavo, &c., according to the size of the book, each folded sheet +making a section; they are then collated and bound. In Caxton’s books +the collation of the sheets preceded the folding. It has been already +observed that the quarto sizes were treated, both in printing and +binding, as folio, the paper being cut in half before going to press. +The type was so arranged that when three, four, or five sheets were +folded one inside another, quirewise, the pages should be in their +proper sequence. The open sheets of each section being gathered were +knocked even, and folded in the middle. This adoption of one plan for +books of all sizes was in accordance with the old usage of the scribes, +who necessarily cut their vellum sheets to the intended size before the +manuscript was commenced, and varied their sections from three sheets, +if very thick, to six or seven, if very thin. The section of three +sheets was called “ternio”--of four sheets “quaternus”--of five sheets +“quinternus”--and so on. Caxton adopted the “quaternus” or “quaternion” +for all his books, using a larger or smaller section only if the +beginning or end required it. Wynken de Worde, however, made frequent +use of the ternion. + +From the foregoing remarks we see that the ternion and quaternion must +necessarily be arranged in the order of the following diagrams, by +consulting which the reader may easily know the pages belonging to any +given sheet. + +A TERNION--Three sheets of paper folded in half, quirewise, or one +inside another. This gives six leaves, or twelve pages. + +[Illustration] + +A QUATERNION--Four sheets of paper folded in half, quirewise, or one +inside another. This gives eight leaves, or sixteen pages. + +[Illustration] + +If this arrangement be kept in mind it will be found very useful in +many ways. For instance, it is often important to know whether a leaf +preceded the first printed page, and, if so, whether the blank leaf +found in many volumes is that leaf. It is plain that if a quaternion +was adopted for the first section, then the first and the eighth +leaf would belong to the same sheet of paper; and therefore if sig. +~a~ 8 had a watermark sig. ~aj~ should not have any; if ~aij~ had a +watermark, ~a~7 should be without, and so on with ~aiij~ and ~a~6, +and with ~aiiij~ and ~a~5, where we arrive at the middle sheet of the +section, and where a careful examination in the fold will certainly +show the thread of the binder, always a true sign of the centre. These +indications are often the only decisive evidence of the completeness or +incompleteness of a volume, and enable us to decide, even where printed +signatures are wanting, the true collation of a book. + +Catchwords are not found in any of Caxton’s books, although here and +there a word by itself at the foot of a page may look very like one; +but in every instance this word will be found to form an integral part +of the text, and therefore in no sense a catchword, which by its very +nature must be treated as the first word of the next page. + +In paper manuscripts of the fifteenth century it is not uncommon to +find vellum used for the inmost sheet of each section, or to find a +slip of parchment pasted down the centre of each section. This was to +give an increase of strength to the back where the binder’s thread +would be likely to tear through the paper. Instances where these slips +are used are common in “unwashed” specimens from Caxton’s press. The +manuscript volume at Althorp, containing “Propositio,” is treated so +throughout, and in the quarto poems at Cambridge the marks of the +paste, where the slip was torn away at the rebinding of the volume, are +very visible. + +The earliest pictorial representation of a binder at work is displayed +in the little “Book of Trades,” to which reference has already been +made; but as there is nothing in it peculiar to the age we will pass +on to the material of the covers. This was very frequently only a +stiff piece of parchment, with the edges turned in, and a blank leaf +pasted down inside as a lining. A few books still remain in this state, +just as issued from the “Red-pale” by Caxton. Such are the copies +of “Tully de Senectute” in Queen’s College, Oxford; the “Art and +Craft,” “Directorium,” and the “Game and Play of the Chess,” in the +Bodleian; and the “Godfrey of Boloyne” in the library of Mr. Holford. +If intended to be more durable, Caxton used “boards” sometimes made +of oak, or beech, and sometimes (fortunately for bibliographers) +of waste sheets from the press pasted together. These were covered +with brown sheepskin, upon which was a simple pattern of circles, +or crosses, or dragons, &c. Instances may still be seen in the 2nd +edition of the “Festial” at the British Museum; in the “Servitium +de Transfiguratione,” lately purchased for the same library; in the +2nd edition of the “Mirrour of the World,” at Bristol; and at other +libraries. In the last-mentioned volume four leaves of the unique +“Fifteen Oes” were used as linings for the inside of the boards. An +account of a “Boethius,” of which the interior of the covers was +composed entirely of “waste sheets,” is given in the description of +that work. + +When bound, we may consider that the book was generally ready +for delivery to the purchaser. It was so with all Caxton’s later +publications, but the earlier books still required the services of the +rubrisher. + + +THE ILLUMINATOR, THE RUBRISHER, AND THE WOOD-ENGRAVER. + +It has already been noticed that, in the latter half of the fifteenth +century, the great development of book manufacture led to a +corresponding division of labour. Thus in Bruges we find there were +_Scrivers_, or persons who wrote the text only of books, _Verlichters_, +or Rubrishers, who probably confined their attention to illuminated +capitals, and _Vinghette makers_ (miniatores), who were artists capable +of designing and painting subjects. In only one instance do the books +of Caxton suggest the idea that the services of the _Vinghette maker_ +were to have been employed. At the commencement of his edition of +Gower’s “Confessio Amantis” (sig. 1, 4), the prologue of the author +is begun more than half-way down the page. The blank was evidently +intended for a design of some sort, possibly for a large woodcut, +after the fashion of Colard Mansion, who printed all the great cuts +to his “Ovid” by a separate working. As a rule, however, Caxton’s +books required no help from the vinghette maker, although he certainly +employed, so late as 1485, the services of a rubrisher, to insert the +initial letters at the beginning of chapters, and to make paragraph +marks in appropriate places. For this purpose a vermilion ink was +nearly always used, although occasionally a light blue alternated. For +the initial of the first chapter a square space was left equal to the +depth of four or five lines of type: for succeeding chapters a space of +two lines was generally considered sufficient. + +The first use of woodcut initials was in 1484, after which year they +were never (except on rare occasions when a sort ran short) omitted. +Caxton had only two or three of each letter, and sometimes only one, +as may easily be seen by the recurrence of a particular initial. +Some of them have their heavy blackness relieved by a few white dots +punctured in the face of the letter, a practice frequently adopted by +the German school to lighten the groundwork of early woodcuts. Caxton’s +initials are varied in shape, and often elegant in design, but with +the exception of the floriated ~A~ at the beginning of the “Order of +Chivalry,” and “Æsop,” and perhaps the ~B~ in “Eneydos,” they demand no +especial notice. A few of them are given here. + +The woodcut illustrations to Caxton’s books have not received much +attention from the writers on the early history of wood engraving. +Strutt, Singer, and Ottley in his “Enquiry” have omitted to +notice them. Dibdin and Jackson have devoted a few pages to their +consideration; and Ottley, in the posthumous work on the “Invention of +Printing,” has some interesting remarks on the early use of the art in +England. His opinions are enforced by a facsimile of some rude woodcuts +in his own possession, which he believed to have been executed as early +as the celebrated S. Christopher of 1423. From his arguments we may +conclude that although no great amount of vitality can be attributed to +the art of wood engraving in England in the early part of the fifteenth +century, it nevertheless was known and practised by native artists; +and that the use of native talent for Caxton’s books was therefore +possible. + +At the same time it requires no artistic education to see that there +is a great similarity in general appearance between the illustrations +in some of the early Dutch books, and the woodcuts of Caxton’s “Chess +Book,” “Golden Legend,” and others. In the “Troy Book,” folio, +printed at Augsburg in 1483, and the French-printed “Æsop,” 1476, the +broad outline and heavy black feet of the figures at once suggest a +similarity of style if not identity of artist. But whether Caxton’s +cuts be native or foreign, there can be little doubt of the origin +of the designs. His artist merely copied the outlines found in the +manuscript from which the book was being (or to be) printed. At that +period there were a certain number of standard works always in demand, +and for each of these the illuminators had a conventional treatment, +which appears repeated over and over again in different books. To those +who have examined the illuminated manuscripts of the fifteenth century, +executed in the Low Countries (of which there are numerous examples in +the Royal Collection of the British Museum), the identity of design and +treatment in Caxton’s engravings will be evident. + +It is somewhat remarkable that woodcut illustrations preceded the use +of woodcut initials in Caxton’s books by about four years. In the +“Fables of Æsop,” 1484, we meet with printed initials for the first +time, while woodcuts, illustrative of the text, had been used in great +abundance for the “Golden Legend,” the “Chess Book,” the “Mirrour of +the World,” 1st edition, and “Parvus et Magnus Catho,” the last dating +about 1481. + +The following is a list of all the books printed by Caxton with woodcut +illustrations:-- + + Parvus et Magnus Catho, 3rd ed. 1481? Two designs. + + Mirrour of the World, 1st ed. 1481 Numerous designs. + + The Game and Play of the Chess, 1481? Sixteen designs. + 2nd ed. + + Golden Legend 1484 Very numerous designs. + + Canterbury Tales, 2nd ed. 1484 Very numerous designs. + + Æsop 1484 Very numerous designs. + Initials first used. + + Order of Chivalry 1484 Large floriated ~A~. + + Royal Book 1487? Seven small designs. + + Speculum vitæ Christi 1488? Numerous designs. + + Doctrinal of Sapience 1489 Two designs. + + Horæ, 3rd ed. 1490? A fragment, with one design. + + Servitium Transfiguratione 1490? One small design. + + The Fifteen Oes 1490? The Crucifixion cut and + borders. + + Mirrour of the World, 2nd ed. 1490? Old cuts reprinted. + + Divers Ghostly Matters 1490? One small design. + +Had Caxton’s opportunities allowed, he would probably have used the +wood-engraver’s art to a much greater extent. The above table shows +that in 1481, when he first employed woodcuts, he also discontinued +them; that in 1484 he again, for one year only, used them; and that in +1487 they took a permanent position in his typography. This seeming +capriciousness was probably owing to the difficulty experienced in +obtaining the services of a wood engraver. + +The engravings in 1481, 1484, and partly in 1487-8, appear to have come +from the hand of the same artist. In the last year, however, we find +considerable improvement, as shown in the illustrations to the “Royal +Book,” and “Speculum Vitæ Christi;” but Caxton’s best specimen of the +wood-engraver’s art, and one which has been much praised by Dibdin, and +especially Jackson, for its composition and feeling, is the well-known +“Crucifixion.” This design is frequently seen in the books of Wynken +de Worde, who received great credit for it until its earlier use was +discovered as a frontispiece to Caxton’s “Fifteen Oes.” + +The largest woodcut known to have been used in Caxton’s books is the +Assembly of Saints, at the beginning of all the editions of the +“Golden Legend,” and the smallest, of which there are four, are found +in illustrations to the text in the “Speculum vitæ Christi.” + +This portion must not, however, be dismissed without a few words upon +that most interesting of all Caxton’s woodcuts, the large device. +Caxton used but one; the small device, of a similar design, which is +commonly attributed to him, and which is first seen in the “Chastising +of God’s Children,” being certainly not earlier than 1491, in which +year he died. + +The interpretation of the device offers a question by no means of +easy solution. We may dismiss, as unworthy of serious notice, the +suggestions that the figures should be reversed to read 1447, or that +the 74 or 47 refers to Caxton’s age and not to a particular year. The +problem to be solved is, does the design mean 74, and if so, why did +Caxton use the year 1474 on his device? Bibliographers have hitherto +assumed that it must be in reference to the introduction of printing +into England, and quote the colophon to the 1st edition of the “Chess +Book” in support of the argument. But, as already shown, the date of +the “Chess Book” refers to the translation of the work, the printing +having been certainly accomplished later at Bruges, and probably in +1476, Caxton’s settlement at Westminster not having occurred until late +in that year, or in 1477. + +The first to suggest that this mark had no reference whatever to Arabic +figures was Mr. Bradshaw of Cambridge; and his opinion has of late +received an interesting and curious confirmation. Mr. Adin Williams +of Kempsford, in the course of some antiquarian researches, took a +rubbing of a monumental brass in Standon Church, Herts, and was struck +by the resemblance which a part of it bore to Caxton’s well-known +mark. The brass is in bad condition, but it is easily deciphered, and +is in memory of John Felde, alderman of London, who, like Caxton, was +a mercer. The alderman is represented kneeling, with two sons and a +daughter behind him. Above, on one side, are the family arms; on the +other is his trade mark as a mercer. The surrounding legend is:--“~John +Felde, Alderman of London, Merchaunt of the Staple of Caleis. Dyed m. +cccc. lxxvij.~” + +The mark of Felde is here given, the dotted line only being imaginary; +and beside it, for the sake of comparison, is a reduction of Caxton’s +mark. It will be seen that if the top pennant of Felde’s mark were +cut away, and the loop added, we should then have a close resemblance +to the so-called figures in Caxton’s device. That Felde’s mark is a +combination of conventional forms then commonly used by merchants is +undeniable; and Caxton’s device is doubtless of a similar character. It +is his personal seal, and the central part is probably the very same +mark as that used by him when, as Governour of the English Nation, he +stamped every bale of British goods which entered or issued from the +city of Bruges. + +[Illustration: Two devices with Caxton’s mark] + +The debate upon Caxton’s device has until lately been confined to +the central portion, the surroundings having been by general consent +considered merely as ornamentation. In all probability this view is +correct; but, as hidden meanings have been discovered in these side +ornaments, no apology is needed for their introduction here, however +fanciful they may be. Mr. Madden, of Versailles, a well-known writer +upon all matters of palæotypography, says in one of his letters[12] +that the ornament to the left of the ~W~ is clearly the letter S, while +that on the opposite side is a C. + +These initials, he feels sure, refer to the words _Sancta Colonia_, +the city in which he supposes Caxton to have learned his art. Not so, +says another critic; S. C. must surely mean the Staple of Calais, +that great wool-mart of which, like Felde, Caxton was a merchant; the +freedom of which was a privilege he might well be proud of, and which +would give him certain important rights in the importation of books. + +Ah! says critic No. 3, but Caxton held an important post in the city +of Bruges, and had to place his official seal on all English goods +imported or exported, so that, in remembrance of this, S. C., or +“Sigillum Caxtoni,” would be very appropriate initials on his trade +mark. + +These guesses are more amusing than instructive, and it should be +remembered that Roman capitals were not used by Caxton in any of his +works, nor indeed in those of his English contemporaries. + +The opinion that the interlacement is only a trade mark is much +strengthened by the discovery of its original use. In 1487, Caxton +wishing to print a Sarum Missal, and not having the types proper for +the purpose, sent to Paris, where it was printed for him by W. Maynyal, +who in the colophon states plainly that he printed it at the expense of +William Caxton, of London. When the printed sheets reached Westminster, +Caxton wishing to make it quite plain that he was the publisher, +engraved his design and printed it on the last page, which happened to +be blank. This is the first occasion on which it is known to have been +used. The unique copy of this Missal is in the possession of Stephen +Legh, Esq., M.P., and was exhibited at the Caxton celebration in 1877. + +The following list of books in which the device is found shows that it +was not until the end of Caxton’s typographical life that he adopted +this distinguishing mark. + + Missale ad Usum Sarum 1487 + Speculum vitæ Christi _circa_ 1488 + Doctrinal of Sapience 1489 + The History of Reynard the Fox, 2nd edition _circa_ 1489 + Directorium Sacerdotum, 2nd edition _circa_ 1489 + Eneydos 1490 + The Dictes and Sayings, 3rd edition _circa_ 1490 + The Mirrour of the World, 2nd edition _circa_ 1490 + Divers Ghostly Matters _circa_ 1490 + The Festial, 2nd edition _circa_ 1490 + Four Sermons, 2nd edition _circa_ 1490 + St. Katherine of Senis _circa_ 1491 + +The _magnum opus_ of Caxton was undoubtedly the edition of “The Golden +Legend,” 1484. The translation alone of this great work must have been +no slight task, while, as to number of leaves and size of both paper +and printed page, it far exceeded his edition of “King Arthur,” which +was the next largest. The smallest pieces of his printing now extant +are “The Advertisement” and the “Indulgences.” + +The commercial results of Caxton’s trade as a printer are unknown; +but as the fees paid at his burial were far above the average, and +as he evidently held a respectable position in his parish, we must +conclude that his business was profitable. The preservation of the +“Cost Book” of the Ripoli press has already been noticed, and some +extracts of interest translated therefrom. We may presume that Caxton +also kept exact accounts of his trade receipts and expenditure, and if +such were extant the many doubts which now surround the operations of +his printing-office would be definitely solved. We should then know +the price at which he sold his books, how many pence he asked for his +small quarto “quayers” of poetry, or his pocket editions of the “Horæ” +and “Psalter,” how many shillings were required to purchase the thick +folio volumes, such as “Canterbury Tales,” “King Arthur,” &c. That the +price was not much dearer than that paid for good editions now, we may +infer from the rate at which fifteen copies of the “Golden Legend” sold +between 1496 and 1500. These realised an average price of 6_s._ 8_d._ +each, or about £2 13_s._ 4_d._ of modern money, a sum by no means too +great for a large illustrated work. This, however, would depend on the +number of copies considered necessary for an edition, which probably +varied according to the nature of the work. On a blank leaf in the 1st +edition of “Dictes,” at Althorp, is written, apparently by Bagford, +“N.B.--Caxton printed 44 books, 25 of which were with Dates, and 19 +without.” One would imagine that so definite a statement must have had +some foundation, but it appears to rest entirely on the writer’s bare +assertion. Some foreign printers issued so many as 275 or 300 copies of +editions of the “Classics,” but it is not probable that Caxton ventured +upon so large an impression, as the demand for his publications must +have been much more restricted. + +[Illustration] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[12] Lettres d’un Bibliographe, Quatrième Série. Paris, 1875. P. 23. + + + + +APPENDIX TO BIOGRAPHY. + +ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE LIFE AND TIMES OF WILLIAM CAXTON. + + + + +[Illustration] + +APPENDIX. + + +MERCERS’ RECORDS.--WARDENS’ ACCOUNTS. + +(_Mercers’ Hall, London._) + +A folio Volume in the Archives of the Mercers’ Company, written on +parchment by various scribes in the 14th and 15th Centuries, extending +from 1344 to 1464. The contents of the volume include--a rent-roll--the +oath of householders--of linen cloth meters--of liverymen--of +brethren--of brokers--of apprentices on their entry and issue--of +freemen--an almanack--and the balance-sheets of the whole Company. + +The accounts of the receipts and disbursements of the Company are +annual, and reckoned by the regnal year of the King. These accounts are +generally made up under the following heads:--The annual fee of every +liveryman--fees paid on the entries of apprentices--fees paid on the +issue of apprentices--fines--quit-rents--general expenses--and foreign +expenses. The last head comprises all payments made for goods and +service not included in the legitimate business of the Company. + + * * * * * + +Oath taken by Caxton on “issuing” from his apprenticeship. + + Ye shall swere that ye shal be true vnto oure liege lorde the kyng + and to his heires kynges/ ye shall also be obedient & Redy to come at + all leffull Sumonns & Warnyng of the Wardenis of the mercery/ whan + and as often as ye be duly monysshed & warned by them/ or by any of + them/ by their Bedell/ or by ony other in their name/ leffull excuse + alwey except/ All Ordynaunces & Rules by the ffeliship of the merceri + Ordeyned made and stablished and here after for the wele worship & + profitt of the seid feliship to be made/ ye shall holde and kepe/ All + coīcacons necessarij Ordynaunces and Cowncels for the welfare of the + seid ffeliship and the secrets therof to you shewed/ ye shall kepe + secrete & holde for councell/ and them ne ony of theym to discover + or shew by ony meane or collour vnto ony persoone or persoones of + any other ffeliship. Ye shall also be contributory to all charges + to you putt by the wardeins & ffeliship to bere & pay yo^r parte of + charge sett for yo^r degre like as other of the same ffeliship shall + do for their degre. Moreou ye shall not departe oute of the seid + ffeliship for to serve ne ye shall not accompany you w^t ony persoone + or persoones of ony other feliship wherthrough preiudice & hurte may + in ony wise growe vnto the seid ffeliship of the mercery. And on this + ye shall swere that during the tyme of your seruyce ye shall neither + bey ne sell for yo^r owne self ne for ony other persone ne that ye + shall Receive ony goodes or marchandise by ony collour belonging vnto + ony other p’soon than oonly to yo^r maist whiche that ye now serue + or shall serue w^tynne the ffeliship of ye mercerie except by his + speciall license & will And also that ye shall not take ony shop hous + ch’mbre seller ne warehous by ony collo^r for to ocupie byeing and + sellyng vnto suche tyme as that ye have ben w^t the wardeins of the + mercery for the tyme beyng and by oon of hem for shopholder amytted + sworn and entred Ne that ye shall take ne haue ony apprentice or ony + sē for to ocupye vnto that he by you vnto oon the seid Ward. for + apprentice first presented & by the seid Wardein so amytted All which + poynts & eny of hem to y^r power wele & truly ye shall hold & kepe so + help you god &c. + + * * * * * + +The oath administered to Caxton upon taking up his freedom. + + Ye shall swere that ye shal be good and trew vnto o^r liege Lord + kyng of Englond and to his Eyres kyngs/ obeisaunt & obedyent to the + Mayor & to the minysters of this Cite/ The ffrunchises and Custumes + thereof ye shal maynteyne and the cite kepe harmles in that that in + you is/ ye shall be contributary to al man^r charges w^t in this cite + as somons watches contribucions taskes tallays lotte and skotte and + all other charges bere yo^r parte as ony other frema shall/ ye shall + colo^r no foreyns good wherby the kyng might lose his custume or his + auauntage/ Ye shall know no foreyn to bey sell nor merchundise w^t + another fforeyn within this Cite nor the fraunches therof but ye + warne the Chaumberleyn therof or some mynysters of the chamber/ ye + shal emplede no frema out of this Cite while ye mow have right & lawe + here within/ ye shall take none apprentice but if he be fre borne + and for no lesse time than for vij yers/ within the first yere ye + shall do hym be enrolled and at the termes end ye shall make hym fre + if he have wele and truly served you/ ye shall also kepe the peace/ + in yo^r owne persone/ ye shall know no gaderyngs conventicles nor + conspiracies made ayenst the peace but ye warne the Maier thereof & + let it to yo^r power All these poyntes ye shall wele and truly kepe + accordyng to all the Lawes & Custumes of this Cite to yo^r power so + help you god and holidame & by this Boke/ + + +1348. + +The Fellowship in the 22nd year of Edward III numbered 4 Wardens and +101 Liverymen, and in this year among those who paid their fees appear-- + + Richard de Causton + Michael de Causton + William de Causton + Henry de Causton + Theobald de Causton + Nichol de Causton + Roger de Causton + +Also in the 2nd year of Henry VI.--Stevyn Causton. + + +1401. + + Under the 2nd year of Henry IV, among the “Entrees des Apprentices,” + is-- + + William Causton/ Appr. de Thos. Gedeney ij s + + +1427-1428. + +Under the 6th year of Henry VI the name of Robert Large appears for the +first time. + +Cest la compte de John Whatley, Robert Large, Thomas Bataill, et John +Pidiuyll fait alffeste de Seint John Baptist lan vj^{me} aps. le +conquest en quils ils estoient gardeins de la mistere del mercerie come +piert apres. + +Under the same year, among “Entrees des Apprentices,”-- + + Robert Halle } Appñtys de Robert Large iiij s + Randolf Streete } + + +1430-1431. + +Under the 9th year of Henry VI, among the “Entrees des Apprentices,”-- + + Item ress. de Thoms Nyche appñt de Rob^t Large ij s + Item ress. de Rich Bonifaunt appnt de Rob^t Large } + Item de James heton appnt de dit Rob^t } iiij s + + +1431-1442. + +The following item is from the Wardens’ Receipts in the 10th year of +Henry VI-- + + Item. Ils soy chargent qilz ount ressu de Thos. Staunton ffrere et + Attone de Robert Large de monye quil ad ressu outre mere en ptie de + paiement de les xli prestres a John Wavyn ples gardenis de lan passe. + + +1435-1436. + +Among the Entries of Apprentices in the 14th year of Henry VI-- + + It’ de Henr. Onkmanton le aprentice de Robert Large ij s + + +1437-1438. + +Among the Issues of Apprentices in the 16th year of Henry VI-- + + It’ Randolffe Streete lappñtice de Robert Large ij s + +Among the entries for the same year-- + + It’ John large } les appñtices de Robert Large iiij s + It’ Willm’ Caxston } + + +1438-1439. + +Among the Wardens’ Receipts in the 17th year of Henry VI-- + + It’ Ils soy chargeont pour argent ressu p^r fynes de dius persones en + lo^r temps p^r ces qils fautent de chiuachier ouesqz le mair Robert + Large. + +In the same account, under “fforein expenses.” + + Item paie a xvi trumpetts le xxix i^r doctobre lan xviij^{me} du dit + Roy Hen vj^{me} pour le chiuachee de Robert large maij + v li vi s viij d + + +1440-1441. + +From the Wardens’ Receipts in the 19th year of Henry VI-- + + It’ ils soy chargeont pour argent rescue des Executos Robert large del + legace du dit Robert xx li + +In the same year, under the Issue of Apprentices-- + + It’ Thomas Neche qui fuist appñtice de Rob^t large ij s + +In the next year, under the Issue of Apprentices-- + + It’ Rich Bonefant q fuist appñtice de Rob^t large ij s + + +1442-1443. + +Among the Issues of Apprentices in 21 Henry VI-- + + Xrofer Heton appñtice de Rob^t large ij s + +Among the Entries-- + + Richard large appñtice de Geffrey Felding ij s + +Among the Issues of Apprentices in 22 Henry VI-- + + John Harrowe appñtice de Robert large ij s + +Among the Issues of Apprentices in 25 Henry VI-- + + Richard Caxton s’unt de John Harrowe ij s + + +1448-1449. + +In Foreign Expenses for the 27th year of Henry VI-- + + To Richard Burgh for berynge of a l’re our the See vj s viij d + + +1450-1451. + +Under Foreign Expenses in the 29th year of Henry VI.-- + + Item. Paid to John Stubbes for Perys to the Gentilwoman of the + Duchesse of Burgeyn vj d + + Item paid to Hewe Wyche for a writ directe to Sandewyche for the + Gownys of the Gentil womans of the duches of Burgeyn ij s vj d + + +1453. + + Lan du grace m cccc liij Et del Roy Herry sizme puis le conqueste + xxxj^e + +Under the heading “Entre en la lyvere pm’ An”-- + + It’ Emond Redeknape vj s viij d + It^m Richaert Burgh vj s viij d + It^m William Caxton vj s viij d + +These names have been erased with the pen, and the following memorandum +added beneath--“qz int’ debitores in fine copotꝰ.” + +In the list of persons fined “qils fautent de chiuachier ouesque le +mair Geffrey Felding” in the same year are the names of-- + + William Caxton iij s iiij d + Richard Burgh iij s iiij d + Thomas Bryce iij s iiij d + William Pratt iij s iiij d + + +1462-1463. + +Under Foreign Expenses in the 2nd year of Edward IV-- + + Item for botehyre for to shewe to ye lords of ye cousell the + l’re y^t came from Caxton & ye felaship by yonde ye See vj d + + +1464-1465. + +At the end of the Wardens’ Account for the 4th year of Edward IV-- + +Dettours. + + Item. Ye ffelaship by yende ye see for yeir patents xlvij li x d + +Among the Foreign Expenses for the same year-- + + Item to Jenyne Bakker, Currour, for berying of a letter to Caxton + ovir ye see xxviij s viij d + + +1465. + +[Folio c xlj; recto.] Anno xiiij^e lxv^e. + +Courte holden of the hole felyshipp the xvij^{th} daye of octobr’ the +yere aboue written + + * * * * * + +[Sidenote: A lettre sent ou the see.] + + Welboloued we grete you well certifiyng youe that as towchyng the + convencion of the lordes that was appoynted to begyn at sent Omers + the first daye of the p’sent moneth of october/ the whiche we trusted + vppon/ it is so that it holdith not/ Neu the lesse oure souaign lorde + the kyng Remembryng that thentrecourse expired the ffirst day of + Nouembre next comyng/ hath written a letter to the maire of london/ + whereof ye shall receyue a copye closed in this letter/ And where as + the kyng by his lettre willeth that suche a p’sone as shulde go in + message for the brogacion of thentrecours shulde be p’vided in suche + fourme as ye may conceyve by the lettre it is thougth here that it + is not oure parte here in the Citie to take vppon vs a mater of so + grete weyght where that all tymes here to fore the kyng by thavise + of his lords of his Councell have made the p’vision in that behalfe + and vppon this we have labored to the mayre w^t the wardens of dius + felyshippes aventerers that he will write an aunsware to the kyng of + his lettre in the most plesunt wise that he can that it will pleas + his highnes by thavise of his Councell to p’vide for this mater for + the weall of all his subietts/ wherfore consideryng that the day + comyth nygh vppon and how that the kyngs wrytyng and his message + shalbe spedde from hens we are not certen/ wherfor we pray youe for + the welle of alle the kyngs subietts by thavise of the felishipp + there in as goodly hast as ye can labo^r for a meane by the whiche + yo^r p’sones & goods may be in suretie for a reasonable tyme/ and + in the mene whyle there com wrytyng from the kyng to the duke/ or + eles from the duke to the kyng if it will so happen for p’rogacion of + the same/ and suche costs as ye do vppon the suytt we will that they + be generally levied there in suche mañ and fourme as ye seme most + expedient/ written &c. + + John lambert John Warde } Custoses. + a W. Caxton John Baker John Alburgh } + + +1466. + +[Folio C xliiij.] + +[Sidenote: ffor a lettre send from Caxton Gouerno^{r.}] + + Courte of adventerers holden the iij^{th} (_sic_) day of June A° + xiiij^c lxvj. Hit is accorded by the said felishipp for by cause + of a lettre send from William Caxton and theryn a Copye of a lettre + sent to the said William by therle of Warwike for thabstinens of + bying Wares forboden in the dukes londes of Burgoyne by acte of + p’lement that a lettre shalbe made and sent to the said William by + the Custoses and Adventerers whiche is made and sent in the fourme + following &c. + +[Sidenote: A lettre send ou to Caxton gouno^{r.}] + + Right trusty Sir We grete youe well/ lettyng youe witt the daye of + makyng of this We receyved a lettre from you directed to the mayre + and vs written at Brudgs the xxvij^{th} daye of maye last past and + theryn closed a copye of a lettre directed to youe from oure good + lorde therle of Warwik whiche we haue well vnderstonde & conceyved/ + and oppened it to our felishipp for whiche we desire and praye + youe/ in that youe is to consider and fulfill thentent made by acte + of p’lement and the speciall desire of oure forsaid lorde for the + publique weall of this lande and that due inqueraunce be made there + in that youe is for the complyshment of the same/ as right requyreth/ + we willyng in no kynde the saide acte to be broken nor hurte by non + of oure felyshipp in that vs is and that the p’sones founde quycly yf + any suche be as god forbede that ye do correcion after th ordenauce + there made and thentent of yo^r lettre and as for yo^r desire of + aunsware of the lordes intent here as yitt we can not vnderstonde + their disposicion but as sone as we have knowlege ye shall haue + wittyng and as for the lettres that ye write ye shulde sent from + seint Omers we receyued non as yitt and as for any ioperdy that + shulde fall ye shall vnderstonde it ther soner than we here/ and if + we knowe of any ye shall have wrytyng &c. + + Writ at london the iij^{th} day of June/ + + J. Tate/ J. Marshall/ Ed. Betts & + J. Broun Custoses of the mercery + & thaventerers of the same. + + a Will^m Caxton Guno^r de la nacꝰ deng^{s.} + Envoye p’symond preste le iiij^{th} io^r de June. + + +1468. + +[Folio xij recto.] Anno xiiij° lxviij°^{.} + +[Sidenote: Parsones assiged to go in ambassate by the kynges +commaundment.] + + Courte holden the ix daye of Septembr the yere aboue writte hit was + accorded and agreede thot for asmoche as the kyng & his Counsell + desyred of the felisshipp to haue certen p’sones of the same to go ou + in Ambassat w^t dius Embassatos into fflaunders as for the enlargyng + of Wollen clothe that theis persones vnderwritten shulde be p’sented + to the kynges highnes & his Councell/ they to do as shall pleas them/ + + William Redeknape + John Pykeryng + William Caxton + +[Same Folio and year.] + +[Sidenote: Mony assigned to the said ambassatos for theire Costs.] + + Courte holden the xxviij daye of Septebr’ the yere aboue said + + hit is accorded that William Redenape and John Pykeryng shall haue in + honde xl li st’ling towarde thoire costs & charges for thambassatt + of thenlargyng of Wollen clothe in the Duke of Burguñ londes whiche + shalbe leyde oute of the cundith mony at this tyme receyued vnto the + tyme another Courte be had for the p’vision of the same by the advise + of the Aldermen of oure felyshipp. + + +MERCERS’ RECORDS.--RENTER WARDEN’S ACCOUNTS. + +(_Mercers’ Hall, London._) + +A folio Volume on paper, in the Archives of the Mercers’ Company, +written in the 15th Century, being a continuation, on a different plan, +of the “Wardens’ Accounts.” + +It appears that about 1463-4 the wealth of the Mercers, especially in +houses and lands, had so much increased, that it was found convenient, +out of the four Wardens, to appoint one whose business it should be +to keep an account of the Company’s estate. Accordingly every year a +“Renter Warden” was chosen; and from this period the Rent-roll is the +main feature in the books, the sum total only of the Fees and Expenses +of the Company appearing under their separate heads. + + +1463-1464. + +Under “Qwyterents.”--3rd Edward IV. + + Item paid to ye Chamberleyn of Westm^r for y^e pye at + S Martyns Otewich for iiij t’m^s at Est’ A° iij^{co} xx s + + +1464-1465. + +4th Edward IV. + + Item to ye m’ of S Giles in y^e ffeld for tent^s at + S Martyns Oteswich vj s viiij d + + Item to y^e Chamberleyn of yabbey of Westm^r fer ye + same xx s + + +1467-1468. + +7th Edward IV. + + Item paid for Rep’ac^s done at S Martyns Oteswich as + ap’ith by ye pap’ of yacopts/ as in tyleng and oy^r + yings xx s vj d obꝰ + + + 1475. + + A° xiiij c lxxv. Under the head “Discharge by Qwyterents of the + mercery.” + + Paid to the Chambleyn of West^r for the pye xx s + +Same year. Under “Qwyterents of Whet’” (Whittington). + + The Ward^s of O^r lady brethered of seint Margaret at + Westm^r v s + + +1477. + +A° xiiij c lxxvij. Under “Qwyterents of Whetyngton.” + + It’ of the Wardeyns of O^r lady brethered of Seint + Margarets at Westminster v s + + +1484. + +Under “Qwyterents.” + + Itm to the Chawmburleyn of west^r for the grehound iiij s vj d + +Under “Other paiements.” + + For a dener kept at the grehound at the visitacion of + lyuelod xxvj s viij d + Itm for wesshyng of a tabyll cloth ij d + +A° xiiij c lxxxiiij Under the same. + + It’ of the ward^s of o^r lady brethered of seint + marg’ets at Westemest^r for their tentꝰ in + Aldermare v s + + +THE WILL OF ROBERT LARGE, + +Citizen of London and Mercer, dated 11th April, 1441. The original copy +is in the book, called “Rouse,” formerly deposited in the Prerogative +Court, Doctors’ Commons, and now in the Probate Registry of the High +Court of Justice. In Latin. + + +TRANSLATION. + +~In the name of GOD Amen.~ On the eleventh Day of the month of April in +the Year of our Lord One Thousand CCCC and forty one in the nineteenth +Year of King Henry the Sixth after the conquest I Robert Large Citizen +and Mercer of the City of London being in perfect health and memory do +hereby make execute and ordain my Will in this manner First I bequeath +and commend my Soul to Almighty GOD my Creater and Saviour to the +Blessed Virgin Mary His Mother and to all the Saints and my body to +be buried in the parish Church of St. Olave in the Old Jewry London +to wit in the same place in which the body of Elizabeth my late wife +lies buried which my body being buried I will and bequeathe first and +principally that all and singular my debts shall be faithfully and +entirely paid in full And afterwards I bequeath to the High Altar of +the said Church of St. Olave that the Vicar of the same shall specially +pray for the good of my soul C s Also I bequeath for the use of the +structure of the same church to be applied wherever it shall be most +requisite according to the sound discretion of the parishioners twenty +marcs Also I leave twenty pounds for my executors to buy one set of +vestments to be chosen according to the judgment of the aforesaid +parishioners and such set of vestments I will to remain in the said +church of St. Olave to serve for the glory of GOD so long as they shall +last Also I bequeath two hundred marcs for the purpose of providing +a Chaplain fit and honest and well instructed in those things which +pertain to the holy offices to celebrate mass at the altar of the +blessed Mary in the said church of St. Olave daily when it shall be +appointed or otherwise according to the discretion of my wife and to +be present at divine service at each hour appointed for prayer to +officiate to pray and to minister according to the discretion of four +approved most profitable for the salvation of my soul Also I bequeath +to Alice my daughter one hundred pounds to be paid to her when she +shall arrive at the age of twenty-one years to be spent in the purchase +of furniture and utensils most necessary for her house according to +sound advice and counsel Also I bequeath to Elizabeth my daughter five +hundred marcs sterling and I will that the said Elizabeth my daughter +together with the aforesaid five hundred marcs left by me as above to +the said Elizabeth my daughter be and remain in the governance of the +aforesaid Stephen Tychemerssh until the said Elizabeth my daughter +shall arrive at the age of twenty years or be married he the said +Stephen finding sufficient security in the chamber of Guildhall in +the City of London according to the custom and usage of the said City +to deliver up to the said Elizabeth my daughter the aforesaid five +hundred marks sterling when the said Elizabeth my daughter shall arrive +at the aforesaid age of twenty years or be married without rendering +any other interest therefor only and except the reasonable support of +the said Elizabeth my daughter And if the said Elizabeth my daughter +shall happen to die unmarried or before the age of twenty years then +I will that two hundred and fifty marks of the aforesaid five hundred +marks left by me as above to the said Elizabeth my daughter revert to +the said Alice my daughter if she shall survive and if she be dead +then the said two hundred and fifty marks together with the other +said two hundred and fifty marks remaining be at the disposal of and +distributed by my executors in pious uses and works of charity for the +good of my soul and the souls above mentioned in manner as afore is +set forth Also I bequeath to the common box of the Mystery of Mercers +of the City of London for the support of the poor of the said mystery +twenty pounds Also I bequeath ten pounds to be disposed of according +to the discretion of my executors in the purchase of a vestment to +serve in the Mercers’ chapel in the church of St. Thomas of Acan +London so long as it will last Also I bequeath to each convent of the +four orders of mendicant friars in the City of London to pray for my +soul forty shillings Also I bequeath to the convent of friars of the +order of St. Cross near the Tower of London twenty shillings Also I +bequeath one hundred shillings for the purchase of bedding linen and +flannel according to the discretion of my executors to serve in the +Hospital of St. Bartholomew in West Smithfield so long as they will +last Also I bequeath one hundred shillings wherewith to purchase in +like manner bedding for the new hospital called St. Mary Spital without +the aforesaid thousand pounds left by me to him the said Thomas my +son be and remain in the safe charge and government of the aforesaid +Johanna my wife until the said Thomas my son shall arrive at the age +of twenty-four years she the said Johanna my wife finding sufficient +security in the Guildhall chamber of the city of London according +to the manner and custom of the said City to deliver up to the said +Thomas my son the aforesaid thousand pounds when he Thomas my son shall +arrive at his aforesaid age of twenty-four years without rendering +any interest therefor only and except the reasonable support of my +said son Thomas Also I bequeath to Robert my son one thousand pounds +sterling and I will that the said Robert my son together with the +aforesaid thousand pounds so left by me as above to the said Robert my +son be and remain in the safe charge and governance of the aforesaid +Thomas Staunton my brother until the said Robert my son shall arrive +at the age of twenty-four years the said Thomas Staunton finding +sufficient security in the Guildhall chamber of the City of London +according to the manner and custom of the said City to deliver up to +the said Robert my son the aforesaid thousand pounds so left by me as +aforesaid when the said Robert my son shall arrive as his aforesaid +age of twenty-four years without rendering any interest therefor only +and except the proper support of my said son Robert Also I bequeath +to Richard my son one thousand pounds sterling and will that the said +Richard my son together with the said thousand pounds so bequeathed +by me to him as above shall be and remain in the safe custody and +governance of the aforesaid Johanna my wife until Richard my said son +shall arrive at the age of twenty-four years the said Johanna my wife +finding sufficient security for the said thousand pounds in the same +way as above specified And in case one or more of my said sons Thomas +Robert or Richard shall die before reaching the said age of twenty-four +years then I will and bequeath that the portion or portions of that +my son or those my sons so dying before the age of twenty-four years +shall revert to that one or those of my said sons surviving And if all +my said sons shall die before arriving at the age of twenty-four years +then I will and bequeath that the said three thousand pounds shall be +disposed of and distributed by my executors in pious uses and works +of charity for the good of my own soul and the souls of my parents my +wives and my children also of my friends and benefactors for the souls +of all I hold in esteem and of all the faithful departed this life in +such way as my executors may consider to be better for the pleasing of +GOD and among poor unmarried men and women desirous of marriage Also I +bequeath to the parish church of Shakeston where my father lies buried +a vestment of the value of ten pounds to serve in the same church to +the glory of GOD so long as it will last Also I bequeath to the parish +church of Aldester where my ancestors are buried a vestment of the +value of ten pounds Also I leave to the parish church of Overton where +some of my relatives are buried a vestment of the value of ten pounds +Also I bequeath to Thomas Nyche my servant 1 marks Also to Richard +Bonyfaunt my apprentice 1 marks Also I bequeath to Henry Onkmonton +my apprentice 1 pounds Also I bequeath to Robert Dedes my apprentice +xx marks Also I bequeath to Christopher my apprentice xx pounds Also +I bequeath to William Caxton my apprentice xx marks Also I bequeath +to John Gode my servant x pounds Also I bequeath to William Brydde +my servant x marks Also I bequeath to William my kitchen servant xl +shillings Also I bequeath to Katherine my servant x marks and to +Isabella Lynde xl shillings Also I leave to William Sampson my servant +at my manor of Horham five marks Also I bequeath to Peter my servant +at the same place xl shillings and to Thomas my servant at the same +place xxvj shillings and viij pence Also I bequeath to John de Ramsey +servant of Isabella Boteley x marks on his marriage Also I bequeath to +Richard Turnat the son of Johanna my wife xx pounds Also I bequeath C +marks to be divided by my executors among the children of John Chirch +Citizen and Mercer of the City of London who shall be living at the +age of xxiiij years Also I bequeath to Thomas Staunton my brother if +he will undertake the charge of executing this my will and will act +with good diligence in this office C pounds Also I bequeath to Arnulph +Strete Mercer on the same condition C marks and to Stephen Tychemerrsh +on the same condition C marks Also I leave to Katherine my mother C +marks Also I bequeath to Johanna my wife by way of gift and instead of +her portion of all and singular my moveable goods and chattels by law +belonging to her four thousand marks And in case that she Johanna my +wife shall be dissatisfied with this my said legacy then I will that +this my legacy to the said Johanna do cease and become void in law and +that then the said Johanna my wife do have of my moveable goods and +chattels only that portion to which she is entitled by law without +any addition or advantage whatsoever Also I bequeath to Thomas my son +one thousand pounds sterling and I will that the said Thomas my son +together with parishioners of the aforesaid church for twenty years +next after my decease the said chaplain taking for his annual salary +ten marks to be paid and administered at the hands of my executors in +order that he the said Chaplain may specially commend to GOD my soul +and also the souls of Elizabeth and Johanna my wives Richard Herry my +late master and the souls of all those whom I esteem and the souls of +all the faithful departed Also I bequeath to the high altar of St. +Margaret in Lothbury London C s Also I bequeath xx Pounds to be paid +by my executors for the purchase of one set of vestments according +to the expressed choice of the aforesaid parishioners which set of +vestments I wish to remain in the said Church of Saint Margaret to +serve for the worship of GOD so long as they shall last Also I leave +xx pounds to be disposed of and divided by my executors among the more +indigent poor men and women of the ward of Coleman Street Also four +pounds to be divided by my executors among the Chaplains and Clerks +in the Churches of St. Olave and St. Margaret aforesaid within two +years next after my decease that is to say xl s each year in order +that the aforesaid Chaplains and Clerks may pray for my soul Also I +bequeath for the new making and construction of an aqueduct lately +begun in the City of London CCCC marks to be paid within four years +according to the discretion of my executors on condition however that +the aforesaid aqueduct be completed within four years next after my +decease and not otherwise Also I bequeath for the work of making and +repairing London Bridge C marks to be paid within four years according +to the discretion of my executors Also I bequeath for the cleansing +of the Watercourse called Walbrook near the church of St. Margaret +Lothbury and for the enlargement and upholding of the same church to be +disposed of according to the wise discretion of my executors and four +approved parishioners of that Church CC marks or more if necessary so +that it do not exceed CCC marks Also I bequeath C marks to be disposed +of according to the wise discretion of my executors for the marriage +of ten poor girls of good character namely to each of these ten girls +at her marriage ten marks whether in the country or in the City of +London Also I bequeath C pounds to be divided by my executors among +poor domestic servants in the counties of Lancashire and Warwickshire +that is to say one poor manservant ten shillings and to another twenty +shillings and to another forty shillings as occasion may require so +long as the said C pounds may suffice Also I bequeath xx pounds to be +distributed by my executors where it may be most needed Bishopsgate +London so long as it will last. Also I leave five marks wherewith in +like manner to purchase bedding for the hospital of the Blessed Saint +Mary of Bethlehem without Bishopsgate aforesaid. Also I bequeath forty +shillings wherewith in like manner to purchase bedding for the hospital +of St. Thomas of Southwark near London. Also I bequeath six pounds +wherewith in like manner to purchase bedding for the Lepershouses at +Hakeney les lokes without the barriers of St George Southwark and of +St Egidius beyond Holborn London namely to each of the said houses +forty shillings Also I bequeath one hundred shillings wherewith to +provide and purchase food and other things most necessary for the poor +prisoners in Newgate London to be distributed according to the sound +discretion of my executors Also I bequeath one hundred shillings to be +distributed in like manner among the prisoners in Ludgate London Also I +bequeath for repairs in the nave of the church of Thakstede five marks +Also I bequeath for repairs in the body of the church of Chawrey in +the county of Essex forty shillings Also I bequeath to Richard Foliet +mercer twenty marks Also I bequeath to William Halle mercer lately my +servant twenty pounds Also I bequeath to Agnes lately my servant forty +shillings Also I bequeath to each of my two said daughters Alice and +Elizabeth three cups with covers from among my cups called standing +cups of silver-gilt whichever of such cups with the covers shall weigh +twenty-four ounces and * * * * + + [_one leaf of the original is here missing_] + +the s^d Richard Turnat dying without male heirs lawfully begotten, +then I will that all the above lands and tenements with their +appurtenances shall revert to the male heirs of my before-mentioned son +Robert Large. Provided nevertheless that if the s^d Richard Turnat +shall take possession of all the aforesaid lands and tenements in +Newton that then he shall be excluded entirely from the manor of Horham +in the county of Essex with the lands and tenements and appurtenances +belonging thereto. + +Then follows the Probate, dated May 6th, 1441, and proved before +Zanobio Mulakyn, Dean of the Church of St. Mary-le-Bow, London. + + +BRUGES RECORDS.--JUDGMENTS. + +(_The Archives, Bruges._) + +The following document is found in one of the many volumes of Records +preserved in the Archives of the City of Bruges. Like the other volumes +of this interesting series it is in manuscript coeval with the history +it elucidates. The title at the beginning of the book is as follows:-- + + “Registre van alle zaken ghehandelt by Scepen van Brugghe, in huerl. + camere daer zy daghelicx vergaderen. Beghint in Septembre in ’tjaer + dunst vierhondert xlvij.”; or, “A register of all matters brought + under the notice of the Councillors of Bruges, in their daily session + assembled. Begun in the month of September, in the year one thousand + four hundred xlvij.” + + +(TRANSLATION.) + +To all who see or hear these Presents--the Burgomasters, Sheriffs, +and Council of the Town of Bruges send greeting. Be it known that +William Craes, an English Merchant, Complainant, of the one part, and +John Selle and William Caxton, English Merchants also, Defendants, of +the other part, have this day appealed for justice before Roland de +Vos and Guerard le Groote our Fellows, Sheriffs. The said Complainant +says, that John Granton, Merchant, of the Staple at Calais, was bound +and indebted to him in certain sums of money; that is to say, firstly +in £60 sterling for and because of a certain obligation, and further, +in the sum of £50 sterling on account of a certain exchange which had +taken place between them, as well as for expenses and costs incurred in +that matter, amounting on the whole to £110 sterling. For this sum he +had caused the said John Granton to be arrested in the Town of Bruges, +and that the said John being arrested, the said John Selle and William +Caxton became sureties for him, in equity and law. + +And because the said John had departed the Town of Bruges without +having paid and satisfied him, or appealed for justice, he demanded +that the said Defendants should be compelled and adjudged, as Sureties +of the said John, to pay the said claim. + +The said Defendants, in answer, acknowledged that in the manner +aforesaid they had become Sureties to the said William Craes for the +said John Granton, but submitted that the said John was quite solvent, +rich enough, and would certainly pay the amount; requiring therefore +that the said Complainant might seek his debt of the said John, who +was the real debtor, and that they might be discharged from their +said suretyship: disputing also the sum demanded by the Defendant on +account of the said exchange, for certain reasons thereupon alleged; +the aforesaid Plaintiff holding the validity of the said suretyship, +and demanding as aforesaid; together with many other reasons submitted +by the said parties. And after hearing the said parties on the said +questions, with their arguments, as well as certain Merchants, that +the said dispute had been determined by our Fellows, Sheriffs, who +had adjudged and decided: That the said Defendants should, as the +Sureties of the said John Granton, pay and satisfy the said William +Craes, firstly in the said sum of £60, of which the said obligation +made mention, and furthermore in the sum of £35 sterling on account of +the said exchange and costs. And that, upon the surrender of the said +obligation, good and sufficient security amounting to the two said sums +of £60 and £35 sterling should be given; that in case at some future +time the said John Granton should deny the debt of the said sums, or +allege payment, that then, on the other hand, the said Plaintiff should +be sentenced to render and repay the said two sums and more. Right of +action being reserved to the said Defendants against the said John +Granton, the original debtor, as law and equity direct. + +In witness whereof, &c., 2 January (1449). + + +BRUGES RECORDS.--TOWN REGISTERS. + +(_The Archives, Bruges._) + +A Register written on paper in the fifteenth century, and containing +Civil Judgments, given in the Town of Bruges during the years 1465-9. + + +(TRANSLATION.) + +Whereas Daniel, son of Adrien, called Sheriff Daniel, Plaintiff of the +one part, and Jeroneme Vento, for and in the name of Jaques Dorie,[13] +Merchant of Genoa, Defendant of the other part, have promised and +agreed to leave all the differences between them to the judgment and +arbitration of William Caxton, Merchant of England, and Master and +Governor of the English Nation in these parts; and of Thomas Perrot, +as Arbitrators, and amicable Umpires and common friends, the said +parties, and each of them, promising well and legally to abide by, +observe and perform all that the said Arbitrators shall decide and +adjudicate on the said differences, without opposition of any kind. +And that the said Arbitrators having heard the pleas of the said +parties, and formed thereon their sentence and judgment which they have +reported to the full chamber of the Sheriffs of Bruges, it has been +notified to the said parties, that, because the said William Caxton +was unavoidably absent from the said City of Bruges, the said parties +have been summoned before the said full chamber of the Sheriffs of +Bruges, and have appeared. To whom has been signified the arbitration +and judgment by the said Arbitrators, which was and is as follows; +that is to say--That the said Jeroneme Vento, for and in the name of +the said Jaques Dorie, shall pay to the said Scepheer Daniel promptly +and in current money the sum of £4 gross; and that the said Jeroneme +above-named shall advance to the said Sheriff Daniel another £4. +gross, the said Scepheer Daniel, however, giving good surety to the +said Jeroneme that he will repay the said sum of £4 gross which he had +advanced, within the first four voyages, in whatever country it may +be, that Sheriff Daniel may make with his vessel, that is to say, on +each voyage £1 gross. Provided always, that in case the said Daniel +shall not make a voyage with his said ship within the next six months, +and that the said Daniel, or his sureties, shall be bound to pay and +restore to the said Jeroneme Vento (without the said Jeroneme agree to +a postponement) the other payments above-named. The observance of which +judgment and arbitration by the said parties, and each of them, has +been decreed in the said full chamber of Sheriffs of Bruges. + +Done the 12th of May, 1469. + + +ISSUE ROLL OF THE EXCHEQUER. + +Under the date of “Easter. 19 Edward IV, 15th June,” is the following:-- + + To William Caxton. In money paid to his own hands in discharge of 20 + _l._ for the Lord the King commanded to be paid to the same William + for certain causes and matters performed by him for the said Lord the + King. + + By writ of privy seal amongst the mandates of this term. 20 _l._ + + +ST. MARGARET’S RECORDS.--CHURCHWARDENS’ ACCOUNTS. + +(_In the Vestry of St. Margaret’s Church, Westminster._) + +A Volume of biennial Accounts of the Churchwardens, audited by the +chief Parishioners. Each Account is written on a quire of parchment, +complete in itself: they vary considerably in size, but have been +carefully bound in one Volume, and are in beautiful condition. The +period included in this Volume is 1464 to 1503. The contents consist +of--Receipts of Fees for Burials, Obits, &c.--Rents--Legacies and +Gifts--Payments for Repairs--Salaries--Pew-rents--Collections--and +other items. + + +1474. + +“Comp’us Thome Frampton & Willī Stafford custod’ bonorꝰ & ornamentorꝰ +eccliē p’ochial’ scē margarete Westm’ videl’t a xvij° die Maij A° +regis Edwardi quarti post conq’m Angl’ quarto vsqu’ xxij diem eiusdem” +* * * + +In the List of Fees for Burial is-- + + “It^m rec^d de Oliver Cawston die sepult’ p’ iiij tapr’ viij d” + +Among the Miscellaneous Receipts for 1476-- + + “It^m of a rewarde for a boke & a Chales lent to Sir + Ric’ Wideuyle xx d” + + +1478. + +“Here folowith Thaccompt of John Wycam and of Nicholas Wollescroft +Wardeins of the parisshe Churche of seynt margarete of Westm’ * * from +the vij^{th} day of the moneth of may in the yere of our lord god M^e +CCCC lxxviij * * * vnto the xviij^{th} day of may in the yere of our +lord god M^l CCCC lxxx” * * * + +In the List of Fees for Burial in the first year-- + + “It^m the day of burying of William Caxton for ij torchis + and iiij tapirs at a lowe masse xx d” + +The amount paid does not appear large; but in a very long list of +burial fees there are only four equal in amount, the common rate of +fees being ij d, iiij d, or vj d. + + +1480. + +The same Account. In the List of Fees for Burial in the second year-- + + “It^m the day of bureying of Jone large for ij tapers iiij d” + + +1481. + +The Audit at the end of the same Account is as follows:-- + +“The whiche some of xxiij li. x s v d ob. q^a the forsaide wardeyns +haue paid and delyued in the fulle Audite vnto william Garard and +William Hachet their Successours togeder w^t the tresoures of and in +the chirche aforeseid to them delyued in the begynnyng of this accompte +* * in the presence of John Randolf squyer Richard Vmfrey gentilman +Thomas Burgeys John Kendall notary William Caxton * * with other +paryshyns” * * + + +1490-92. + +In this Account among the Burial Fees for the first year-- + + “Item atte Bureyng of Mawde Caxston for torches and + tapres iij s ij d” + +In the second year-- + + “Item atte Bureying of William Caxton for iiij torches vj s viij d” + “Item for the belle atte same bureyng vj d” + +Here we remark again that in both these cases the fees paid are +considerably larger than usual. + +In the Accounts for 1496-8 among the Legacies, and their produce-- + + “Itm receyued by the handes of William Ryolle for oone + of thoo printed bokes that were bequothen to the + Churche behove by William Caxston vj s viij d” + “It^m receyued by the handes of the said William for a + nother of the same printed Bokes called a legend vj s iiij d” + “It^m by the hands of the parisshe prest for a nother + of the same legendes vj s viij d” + +At the end of the Account-- + + “Memorand’ there remayneth in store to the said Chirch” + “It^m in bokes called legendes of the bequest of William + Caxton xiij” + +Among the Payments at the end of the same Account-- + + “It^m paide for a supper gevyn vnto the Auditours + herynge and determenyng this accompt and to the newe + Chirch-wardeyns as it hath ben vsed and accustumed + here tofore xx s” + +In the Accounts for 1498-1500-- + +“The Receites of Bookes called Legendes in the first yere of this +accompte”-- + + “Fyrst Receyued of John Crosse for a prainted legende v s viij d” + + “Item Receiued for a nother legende sold in Westmynster + halle v s viij d” + “Item Receiued of Willm gyfe for a nother of the same + legendes v s viij d” + “It^m receiued of the said Willm Geyfe for a nother + Legende v s viij d” + “Item R of Walter Marten for a nother legende v s xj d” + +In the second year of the same account-- + + “Item R. of William Geiffe for ij legendes printed x s iiij d” + “It^m R of Daniell aforge for a printed legende v s x d” + “Item R of William Geiffe for a printed legende v s” + “Memorand’ ther remayneth in store to the saide chirch” * * * + “It^m in bokes called Legendes of the bequest of William Caxton iij” + +In the Accounts for 1500-2 there are not entered any sales of +“Legendes.” + + “Ther remayneth in store to the saide chirche.” * * * + “Item a prynted legende booke of the bequeste of Will’m Caxton.” + + +ST. MARGARET’S RECORDS. + +GUILD OF OUR LADY; WARDENS’ ACCOUNTS. + +(_In the Vestry of St. Margaret’s Church, Westminster._) + +A Volume of triennial Accounts of the Fraternity of our Blessed +Lady Assumption, beautifully written on vellum, and in excellent +preservation. It includes the period between 1474 and 1522, and is +of very great interest in illustrating the customs of that period. +The earlier as well as the later Volumes are not known to exist. The +following are the principal headings of the various Accounts:--Arrears +of Members--Rents received--Bequests and Gifts--Receipts for +Obits of Members--Fees of new Members--Rents paid--Payments of +Salaries--Wages--Annuities to Almsmen and Women--House-repairs--Wax +Candles, and other expenses, for the Shrine of our Lady in St. +Margaret’s Church--and Miscellaneous expenses. + + +(24th June, 1474, to 24th June, 1477.) + +The first Account is headed-- + + “This is thaccompte of maister William Thirleby henry marble + gentilman and James Fytt maistres or Wardeyns chosen of the Frat’ñte + or gylde of oure blessed lady seint mary the virgyn w^tin the + p’issh chirch of seint margaret of the towne of Westm in the shire + of midd’ founded, that is to say from the fest of Natiuite of seint + John Baptist in the yere of y^e reigne of kyng Edward the iiij^{th} + after the conquest xiiij vnto the said fest of the Natiuite of seint + John the xvij^{th} yere of the reigne of the same kyng by three hole + yeres as it p’ticulerly appiereth in p’cellez here folowyng that is + to wete.” + +Under Payments of Rent in the same Account-- + + “Also the said late maistres charge themsilf w^t a certeyn quite + rent due by John Randolff of london mercer for a licence of Fre entre + of comyng in and going out for his teñntes thurgh the gate and an + Alley called our lady Alley in the kynges Strete of the towne of + westm^r.” + + In the same Account, under “thentre of diũes p’sones of new to the + said frat’nite” is “John Caxston vj s viij d.” + +Also among the Payments-- + + “Diũers payments by the said late maisters for the said Fraternite * + * * of the which thay axe to be allowed in this accompt.” + + “Of the money by them paid to the wardeins of the Craft of mercery of + london for certain quite rent going out of the teñ’t in the p’isshe + of Aldermarie Chirche of london at v s by the yere.” + +The Fraternity appear also to have held tenements in King Street, +Westminster, at Kensington, and at Stroud. + + * * * * * + +In the same Account, after the payment of six priests’ salaries-- + + “Costes and p’celles allowed by the hole Brotherhode toward + thexpences of the geñall fest in iij^{de} yere of this accompt.” + +These “Costs and Parcels” occupy two full folio pages, and have yielded +the following items:-- + + “A tonn of wyne vj li” + “Paide to John Drayton chief cok for his reward xxv s” + “Also for the hire of xxiiij doseyn of erthen pottes + for ale & wyne iiij s” + “Also for erthen potts broken & wasted at the same + fest vij s viij d” + “Also to iiij players for their labour xij s x d” + “Also to iij mynstrelles ix s x d” + “Also for the mete of diũes of strangers xvj s” + “Also for russhes ij s iiij d” + “Also for vj doseyn of white cuppes ij s” + + * * * * * + + “Also for portage and botehyre of the Turbut iiij d” + “Also for ix Turbutts xv s ij d” + +In addition to scores of “Capons, chekyns, gese, conyes, and peiones,” +(pigeons), the chief “cok” provided them with “swannys” and “herons,” +with all sorts of fish, including oysters and “see pranys,” or prawns, +with all kinds of meats and game, with jellies in “ix dosen gely +disshes,” and with abundance of fruits. The quantity of ale, wine, and +ypocras provided by the butler is marvellous, and one cannot wonder at +the heavy entries for “pottes and cuppes broken, and wasted.” The Cook +seems to have been paid much more liberally than the Wardens, who had +but xxx s between them “for their dilligence.” + + * * * * * + +In the Accounts for 1490-3 are the Receipts of Rent from tenements, +known as “The Maidenhead,” “The Sonne,” “The Rose,” and “The Wolstaple.” + +Also, under payment of Rent-- + +“For a certayn Quit rent paid out of a litell teñt in the wolstaple to +the mair of the staple at xx d by the yere.” + + “Also for a certain Quit rent paid out of the Rents + in Alderm’ay p’isshe to John More Renter of the + Mercers xv s” + + + * * * * * + +From “Rymer’s Foedera.” Folio. London. 1710. Vol. XI. 536. + +(TRANSLATION.) + +CONCERNING THE TREATY OF BURGUNDY. + +The King to all whom it may concern, &c. Greeting. + + Be it known that + +Inasmuch as determinate arrangements concerning the intercourse of +merchandise between our subjects and the subjects of our well-beloved +Cousin the Duke of Burgundy have in a sure form and manner been +accorded and agreed to in times past and since that time often renewed, + +We, + +Wishing on our part to hold good and observe such arrangements, +and being well assured of the faithfulness and discretion of our +well-beloved subjects Richard Whetehill, Knight, and William Caxton, + +Do make, ordain and constitute, by these presents, the said Richard +and William our true and accredited Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and +several Deputies; + +Giving and Granting to our said Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and +Deputies, and to either of them, full power and authority and general +as well as special commandment to meet, to enter into treaty and to +communicate with our aforesaid Cousin or his Ambassadors, Agents, +Nuncios, and Deputies delegated with sufficient powers for this purpose +by our said Cousin, concerning and upon the continuation and renewal of +the aforesaid Intercourse, and, should occasion require, to make and +conclude new arrangements, + +And to do and exercise all and singular other deeds which may be fit or +necessary. + +Promising, in good faith and on our kingly word, always to hold as +ratified, acceptable, and binding, all and any the Acts and Deeds of +our said Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and Deputies, or either of them, +as aforesaid, which may be done, performed, or done by procuration, in +the foregoing matters, or any portion thereof. + +As witness our hand at Wycombe, this 20th day of October (1464). + + +A SHEET OF PAPER IN THE NATIONAL RECORD OFFICE. + +The manuscript is-- + + “To tharchedeacon of Westm’ that nowe is and for the tyme shalbe. + We, Richard FitzJames, Almoner and Counsaillor unto oure souverain + lord the King, and Richard Hatton, chaplayne and counsaillor vnto + our said souverain lord, greting in our Lord God euerlasting. And + whereas we, the said Richard and Richard, were appoynted, lymytted + and assigned by our said souverain lord and the lordes of his most + noble counsaill to examine, determyne and pacifie a certain variaunce + depending betwene Gerard Croppe of Westminster, taillour, of the + oone partie, and Elizabeth, the doughter of William Caxton, wif to + the said Gerard, of the othre partie; We, the vij^{th} daie of May, + the xj^{th} yere of our said souverain lord, had the said parties + before us in the Kinges Chapell within his palois of Westminster + at this appoyntement and conclusion by theire both assentes and + aggrementes:--That noon of theim, ne any othre for theim, shall + fromhensforth vexe, sue or trouble othre for any maner matier or + cause theim concernying for matrimony betwix theim before had; and + every of theim to lyve sole from othre, except that the said Gerard + shall mowe fynde the meanes to have the love and favour of the seid + Elizabeth. For thaccomplisshment of which aggrement eithre of theim + of their owne voluntarie willes bound theim self unto us by their + faithes and trouthes, and never to varie from their said promyses. + And therupon the said Gerard to have of the bequest of William + Caxton, the fadre of the said Elizabeth, xx^{ti} prynted legendes at + xiij s iiij d a legend. And the said Gerard to delyver a generall + acquitaunce unto thexecutours of William Caxton, her said fadre, for + their discharge in that behalf. And besides thies premisses both the + said parties were aggreed before us to be bound, eche to othre, in + C.li. by their dedes obligatorie with the condicions above wreten + to performe alle the premisses. In wittenesse whereof I, the said + Richard FitzJames, have to thies preseutes sette the seale of myn + office. And I, the said Richard Hatton, have setto my seal, and + eithre of us subscribed our names with oure owne handes, the xx^{ti} + daie of May the xj^{th} yere of the reigne of our said souverain + Lord.” + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[13] Perhaps one of the celebrated Doria family of Genoa. + + + + +A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN + +TYPE NO. 1. + + +_EXPLANATION OF TERMS._ + + 5n, or QUINTERNION, means a section of five sheets folded together in + half = 10 leaves = 20 pages. + + 4n, or QUATERNION = 8 leaves = 16 pages. (See p. 132). + + 3n, or TERNION = 6 leaves = 12 pages. + + RECTO is the right-hand page of an open book. + + VERSO is the reverse, or the left-hand page. + + A DIRECTOR is the name given to the small letter placed where the + Illuminator was intended to paint in a large initial. + + +LIST OF BOOKS IN TYPE NO. 1. + + 1. The Recuyell of the Histories of Troye 1474? + 2. Le Recueil des Histoires de Troyes 1476? + 3. The Game and Play of the Chess Moralised 1475-76? + 4. Les fais et prouesses du noble et vaillant Chevalier Jason 147-? + 5. Meditacions sur les Sept Pseaulmes penitenciaulx 1478? + + +BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 1. + + + NO. 1.--THE RECUYELL OF THE HISTORIES OF TROY. _Translated 1469-71. + Folio. Without Place or Date. (1474?)._ + +COLLATION.--_Book I_ has fourteen 5ns and one 4n = 148 leaves, of which +the first is blank. _Book II_ has nine 5ns, one 4n, and one 3n = 104 +leaves. _Book III_ has ten 5ns = 100 leaves. _Total_ 351 printed leaves +and one blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Type No. 1 only. Lines of very uneven +length; full lines measure 5 inches, but vary in different parts +from 4¾ to 5¼ inches. 31 lines to a full page. Without signatures, +catchwords, or numerals. Space is left, with a director, for 3 to +7-line initials. As may be seen by the collation, each book begins +a fresh gathering, probably for the convenience of binding in three +separate volumes. + +Commencing the work with a blank leaf, Caxton’s preface follows, +printed in red ink, and occupying the second recto. + +The Text begins thus:-- + + ~Ere begynneth the volume intituled and named + ~h~ the recuyell of the historyes of Troye/ composed + and drawen out of dyuerce bookes of latyn in + to frensshe by the ryght venerable persone and wor- + shipfull man . Raoul le ffeure . preest and chapelayn + vnto the ryght noble gloryous and myghty prynce in + his tyme Phelip duc of Bourgoyne of Braband &c + In the yere of the Incarnacion of our lord god a thousand + foure honderd sixty and foure / And translated + and drawen out of frenshe in to englisshe by Willyam + Caxton mercer of y^e cyte of London / at the comaudemet + of the right hye myghty and vertuouse Pryncesse hys + redoubtyd lady . Margarete by the grace of god . Du- + chesse of Bourgoyne of Lotryk of Braband &c/ + Whiche sayd translacion and werke was begonne in + Brugis in the Countee of Flaundres the fyrst day of + marche the yere of the Incarnacion of our said lord god + a thousand foure honderd sixty and eyghte/ And ended + and fynysshid in the holy cyte of Colen the . xix . day of + septembre the yere of our sayd lord god a thousand + foure honderd sixty and eleuen &c.~ + + ~And on that other side of this leef foloweth the prologe~ + +Caxton’s Prologue begins on the verso of the same leaf, with space for +a 4-line initial W. + + ~Han J remembre that euery man is bounden~ + +The first book commences on the fifth recto, with space for a 7-line +initial W. The second begins on the 149th, and the third on the 253rd +recto, the whole ending with some Latin rhymes on the 352nd recto, the +verso being blank. + +REMARKS.--No one speaking the English language can look at this +patriarchal volume with indifference. Here, for the first time, our +forefathers saw their language in print; and, could our interest in +any way have been heightened, it would have been by knowing it to have +been printed in our own instead of a foreign land. The history of its +origin is shortly this. In the original French it was a favourite novel +of the English and Burgundian courtiers, for, although nominally an +account of the Trojan wars, it is really a series of love-scenes mixed +with mythology and knight-errantry. The manuscript translation made by +Caxton for the Duchess of Burgundy, whose court was at Bruges, having +excited great interest, a demand arose for copies quicker than Caxton +could supply them. The printing-press having been just established in +that city by Colard Mansion, Caxton, whose thoughts were now homewards, +determined to use it as a means of multiplying his translation, and of +learning at the same time a new trade which would support him on his +return to England. This he did at a great charge and expense, and then, +having procured a new fount of types and all the necessary material, +came over to England and erected his press at Westminster. + +Fortunately this work cannot be reckoned among the rarities of Caxton’s +press, as there are copies in the British Museum, Sion College, College +of Physicians, London, at Oxford, Cambridge, Paris, and fourteen other +libraries. The Duke of Devonshire gave £1060 10_s._ for a copy in 1812, +the same copy having been purchased by the Duke of Roxburgh a few years +previously for £50. + + + NO. 2.--LE RECUEIL DES HISTOIRES DE TROYES. _Composé en l’an de grace + 1464. Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. (1476?)_ + +COLLATION.--_Book I_, twelve 5ns = 120 leaves, of which the first and +last are blank. _Book II_, eight 5ns and one 3n = 86 leaves. _Book +III_, eight 5ns = 80 leaves. _Total_, 284 printed and two blank leaves. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Type No. 1 only is used. The lines for the +greater part are spaced out to one length, being more even in this +particular than the two English books in this type. A full page has 31 +lines, without signatures, numerals, headlines, or catchwords. A space +two to four lines in depth has been left at the commencement of each +chapter for the insertion of an illuminated initial, a director being +sometimes inserted. + +The Text, 31 lines to a page, which is divided into three books, begins +thus on the second recto, after a blank leaf:-- + + ~Cy commence le volume Intitule le recueil des histoires + de troyes Compose par venerable homme raoul le feure + prestre chappellain de mon tresdoubte seigneur Monsei- + gneur le Duc Phelippe de bourgoingne En lan de grace. + mil.cccc.lxiii.:.~ + +and ends on the 286th verso. + + ~antiphoꝰ le roy estoriꝰ le roy prothenor et le roy obtomeꝰ. + ˙ ⁚ ˙ Explicit ˙ ⁚ ˙~ + +REMARKS.--The history of the Trojan War, a favourite subject for +several centuries with European writers, was the foundation of +numerous romances. Of these the chief were the apocryphal history by +Dares Phrygius, a Trojan priest, celebrated by Homer; the account of +the same war by Dictys Cretensis, a supposititious historian; and +the History of the Siege of Troy by Guido of Colonna, a native of +Messina in Sicily, who wrote in the thirteenth century. The rise of +these histories, their growth under the editorial care of successive +scribes, the incorporation of incidents from other romances, and their +final development in the compilation of “Le Recueil des Histoires de +Troye,” form a curious and typical example of this class of literature. +According to the unanimous testimony of all printed editions and all +manuscripts of the complete work, “Le Recueil” was the composition +of Raoul Lefevre, chaplain and secretary to Philippe le Bon, Duke +of Burgundy: but in a manuscript copy of this work in the National +Library, Paris, the first two books are attributed to Guillaume +Fillastre. And this is remarkable--that Lefevre succeeded Fillastre +(who was a voluminous author) in the office of secretary to the duke. +Probably, finding his predecessor’s history unfinished, he took it +up, and, after adding Book III, issued the whole under his own name. +In that age a similar course was by no means uncommon, nor was it +an infringement of any recognised literary right; we can hardly, +therefore, with M. Paris, call it (even if true) “une grande fraude +literaire.” On the other hand, several copies were issued with the +name of Lefevre while Fillastre was yet living, and Caxton, who was +contemporary with both writers, ascribes the whole work to Lefevre. Nor +is there any noticeable variation in style between the two portions, as +might be expected if composed by two authors; indeed the style of “Le +Recueil” is the same as that of “Les fais du Jason,” an acknowledged +work of Lefevre. + +Steevens asserts that Shakspere derived the greater portion of his +materials for the play of “Troilus and Cressida” from Lydgate’s +metrical composition, “The last Destruction of Troy;” but Douce, in +his “Illustrations,” is far nearer the truth in tracing the incidents +employed by our great poet to Caxton’s translation of “Le Recueil des +Histoires de Troye.” The latter was popular, and frequently reprinted +in the 16th and 17th centuries, long after Lydgate’s laboured metre had +become antiquated. + +There is a perfect copy in the British Museum, besides a large +fragment. The National Library, Paris, has a copy, and four others +are in private libraries. A fragment of eight leaves was purchased +some years ago by a bookseller, and made into four thick volumes, +each volume having two printed leaves with a hundred blank leaves on +each side. These were all disposed of as specimens to lie open in the +show-cases of museums. + + + NO. 3.--THE GAME AND PLAY OF THE CHESS MORALISED. _(Translated + 1475.) First Edition. Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place, or + Date. (1475-76?)_ + +COLLATION.--Eight 4ns and one 5n = 74 leaves, of which the 1st and 74th +are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Only one type, No. 1, is used throughout +the work. The lines are not spaced out; the longest measure 5 inches; +a full page has 31 lines. Without title-page, signatures, numerals, or +catchwords. + +The volume commences with a blank leaf, and on the second recto is +Caxton’s prologue, space being left for a 2-line initial, without +director. + +The Text begins thus:-- + + ~O the right noble/ right excellent & vertuous yrince + George duc of Clarence Erl of Warwyk and of + salisburye/ grete chamberlayn of Englond & leutenant + of Irelond oldest broder of kynge Edward by the grace + of god kynge of England and of frauce / your most + humble seruant william Caxton amonge other of your + Seruantes sendes unto yow peas . helthe . Joye and victo- + rye vyon your Enemyes / Right highe puyssant and~ + +The Text ends on the 73rd recto, + + ~And sende yow thaccomylisshement of your hye noble . + Joyous and vertuous desirs Amen :/: Fynysshid the + last day of marche the yer of our lord god . a . thousand + foure honderd and lxxiiii.˙.:.:.˙.~ + +The 74th leaf is blank. + +REMARKS.--“Fynysshid the last day of Marche the yer of oure lord god a +thousand foure honderd and lxxiiii.” The word “fynysshed” has doubtless +the same signification here as in the epilogue to the second book of +Caxton’s translation of the Histories of Troy, “begonne in Brugis, +contynued in Gaunt, and _finysshed_ in Coleyn,” which evidently refers +to the translation only. The date, 1475-76, has been affixed, because +in the Low Countries at that time the year commenced on Easter-day; +this in 1474 fell on April 10th, thus giving, as the day of the +conclusion of the translation, 31st March, 1475, the same year being +the earliest possible period of its appearance as a printed book. + +The literary history of the “Game and Play of the Chess” does not +appear to have hitherto received that attention which is its due. +Before 1285, Ægidius Colonna had composed his renowned work entitled +“De regimine principum,” which treats of self-government, domestic +government, and national government. The “Liber de ludo Scachorum” of +J. de Cessolis appears to have been based upon this work, its chief +originality being the representation of the several stations and +duties of life by the pieces used in chess. About the middle of the +fifteenth century two distinct French versions were made. The earlier +was probably that by Jean Faron, in 1347, who translated it literally +from the original Latin. About the same time appeared the favourite and +standard work of Jehan de Vignay, who took great liberties with the +text, and added many stories and fables. Both these men were of the +order of Preaching Friars, and seem to have worked quite independently +of one another. Caxton’s edition was principally from the version of +Jehan de Vignay, to whom he gives the title of “an excellent Doctor of +Divinity, of the Order of the Hospital of St. John’s of Jerusalem,” +which is remarkable, as in his preface Jean de Vignay styles himself +“hospitaller de l’ordre de haut pas,” and he is so termed in all the +manuscripts. On comparing the English and the two French versions, it +is evident that Caxton must have been well acquainted with both. His +prologue addressed to the Duke of Clarence contains, nominis mutatis, +the whole of Jean de Vignay’s dedication to Prince John of France; +while Chapters I and III are taken entirely from the translation of +Jean Faron. The remainder of the book is from the version of Jehan de +Vignay, with one or two special insertions evidently from the pen of +Caxton himself. + +To show the curious way in which Caxton adopted and adapted while +translating, the dedication to the Duke of Clarence, hitherto +considered as his own composition, is here given side by side with its +French original. + + + CAXTON’S PROLOGUE TO “THE GAME AND PLAY OF THE CHESS.” + + To the right noble / right excellent & vertuous prince George duc + of Clarence Erle of warwyk and of / salisburye / grete chamberlayn + of Englond & leutenant of Irelond oldest broder of kynge Edward by + the grace of god kynge of England and of fraūce / your most humble + seruant william Caxton amonge other of your seruantes sendes vnto + yow peas, helthe. Ioye and victorye vpon your Enemyes / Right highe + puyssant and redoubted prynce / For as moche as I haue vnderstand and + knowe / that ye are enclined vnto the comyn wele of the kynge our + said saueryn lord. his nobles lordes and comyn peple of his noble + royame of Englond / and that ye sawe gladly the Inhabitans of the + same euformed in good. vertuous. prouffitable and honeste manners. + Jn whiche your noble persone wyth guydyng of your hows haboundeth / + gyuyng light and ensample vnto all other / Therfore I haue put me in + deuour to translate a lityll book late comen in to myn handes out of + frensh in to englisshe / Jn which I fynde thauctorites. dictees. and + stories of auncient Doctours philosophes poetes and of other wyse men + whiche been recounted & applied vnto the moralite of the publique + wele as well of the nobles as of the comyn peple after the game and + playe of the chesse / whiche booke right puyssant and redoubtid + lord I haue made in the name and vnder the shadewe of your noble + protection / not presumyng to correcte or empoigne ony thynge ayenst + your noblesse / For god be thankyd your excellent renome shyneth as + well in strange regions as with in the royame of england gloriously + vnto your honour and lande / whiche god multeplye and encrece But + to thentent that other of what estate or degre he or they stande in + . may see in this sayd lityll book / yf they gouerned them self as + they ought to doo / wherfor my right dere redoubted lord I requyre + & supplye your good grace not to desdaygne to resseyue this lityll + sayd book in gree and thanke / as well of me your humble and vnknowen + seruant as of a better and gretter man than I am / For the right good + wylle that I haue had to make this lityll werk in the best wyse I can + / ought to be reputed for the fayte and dede / And for more clerely + to procede in this sayd book I haue ordeyned that the chapitres ben + sette in the begynnynge to thende that ye may see more playnly the + mater wherof the book treteth &c. + + + PROLOGUE OF JEAN DE VIGNAY TO HIS FRENCH TRANSLATION (A.D. 1360) OF + THE “LUDUS SACCORUM” OF J. DE CESSOLIS. + + A Tres noble & excellent prince Jehan de france duc de normendie & + auisne filz de philipe par la grace de dieu Roy de france. Frere + Jehan de vignay vostre petit Religieux entre les autres de vostre + seignoire / paix sante Joie & victoire sur vos ennemis. Treschier + & redoubte seign^r / pour ce que Jay entendu et scay que vous veez + & ouez volentiers choses proffitables & honestes et qui tendent + alinformacion de bonnes meurs ay Je mis vn petit liuret de latin + en francois le quel mest venuz a la main nouuellement / ou quel + plussieurs auctoritez et dis de docteurs & de philosophes & de poetes + & des anciens sages / sont Racontez & sont appliquiez a la moralite + des nobles hommes et des gens de peuple selon le gieu des eschez le + quel liure Tres puissant et tres redoubte seigneur jay fait ou nom + & soubz vmbre de vous pour laquelle chose treschr seign^r Je vous + suppli & requier de bonne voulente de cuer que il voꝰ daigne plaire + a receuoir ce liure en gre aussi bien que de vn greign^r maistre de + moy / car la tres bonne voulente que Jay de mielx faire se je pouoie + me doit estre reputee pour le fait / Et po^r plus clerement proceder + en ceste ouure / Jay ordene que les chappitres du liure soint escrips + & mis au commencement afin de veoir plus plainement la matiere de + quoy le dit liure p’ole. + + +Before concluding this article we must give an interpolation of the +text which has real interest as showing Caxton’s feelings towards “men +of law.” The French author is regretting the conduct of some lawyers of +Rome and Italy, and Caxton, with a natural burst of indignation, which +suggests that personal experience had something to do with it, adds +this:-- + +“Alas! and in England what hurt do the advocates, men of law, and +attorneys of court to the common people of the royaume, as well in the +spiritual law as in the temporal: how turn they the law and statutes +at their pleasure; how eat they the people, how impoverish they the +community. I suppose that in all Christendom are not so many pleaders, +attorneys, and men of the law as be in England only, for if they were +numbered all that long to the courts of the Chancery, King’s Bench, +Common Pleas, Exchequer, Receipt and Hall, and the bag-bearers of the +same, it should amount to a great multitude. And how all these live and +of whom, if it should be uttered and told it should not be believed. +For they entend to their singular weal and profit and not to the +common.” + +There are ten copies known of this book, of which two are in the +British Museum, one at Oxford, one at Cambridge, and six in private +libraries. + + + NO. 4.--LES FAIS ET PROUESSES DU NOBLE ET VAILLANT CHEVALIER JASON. + _Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. (147-?)_ + +COLLATION.--Sixteen 4ns and one 3n = 134 leaves, of which the first +and last two leaves are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page nor colophon. The +type used is No. 1 only. The great majority of the lines are fully +spaced out, agreeing in this respect more with the French editions of +“Le Recueil” and the “Psaulmes” than the English “Recuyell” and the +“Chess Book.” Full lines measure 5 and 5-3/16 inches; 31 lines to a +page. Without signatures, numerals, head-lines, or catchwords. + +A blank leaf commences the book; at the head of the succeeding recto, +with space for a 4-line initial, and with a director, the Text begins +thus:-- + + ~l~ ~A gallee de mon engin flotant na pas long + temps en la parfondeur des mers du pluseurs + anciennes histoires ainsi comme Je vouloie me- + ner mon esperit en port de repos / soudainement + sapparu au pres de moy vne nef conduitte par vng homme~ + +The Text ends on the verso of the 31st printed leaf:-- + + ~ant a mon deuant dit tresredoubte seigneur / Et atous ceulx + qui le contenu de ce present volume liront . ou orront lire . + quil leur plaise de grace excuser autant que mon petit et ru + de engin na sceu touchier ne peu comprendre &c ˙:. + Explicit~ + +REMARKS.--All the books printed with these types are traced to Mansion, +either alone or assisted by Caxton. In this work and the “Meditacions,” +the even length of the lines proves them to be later productions than +those in which the lines are more uneven; and this is plain evidence +that if these two works were printed by Mansion (as doubtless they +were) it must have been after 1478, the year in which he adopted the +plan of even lines; but if we attribute them to Caxton, we must suppose +him to have forsaken his own establishment at the Red-pale, in or after +the year 1480 (being the period when he first adopted the practice of +making his lines of an even length) for the purpose of printing abroad +what he had every facility for printing at home. + +The existence of this edition was first made known in England by a +letter from M. Van Praet to Dr. Dibdin, who sent an account of it to +the “Gentleman’s Magazine” for July, 1812. + +Only three copies of this scarce book have been as yet discovered. +A magnificent one is at Eton College; another is in the National +Library, Paris, which, when purchased in 1808, was bound up with “Le +Quadrilogue,” a work printed by Colard Mansion, in 1478; and a third is +in the Library of the Arsenal, Paris. + + + NO. 5.--MEDITACIONS SUR LES SEPT PSEAULMES PENITENCIAULX. _Folio. + Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. (1478?)_ + +COLLATION.--Three 4ns and one 5n = 34 leaves, of which the last +only is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used +is No. 1. The lines are for the most part fully spaced out, though now +and then there is a deficiency in this respect, which only occurs, +however, on the verso of the folios, the recto throughout being fully +spaced. This peculiarity is observable to a greater or less extent in +all the French books printed in this type. The full lines measure 5 +inches, and 31 lines make a full page. There are no signatures, folios, +nor catchwords. + +In all typographical particulars this work agrees with the French +edition of “Jason,” already described, and there is little doubt was +printed by Colard Mansion at Bruges, about 1478. + +The Text begins on the first recto,-- + + ~A braye penitance est comme aucune eschielle + ~l~ par laquelle lomme pecheur qui selon la parabole + de leuuangille descendy de Jherusalem en Jherico + monta de rechief de Jherico en Jherusalem / cest abision de~ + +And ends on the 33rd verso, with a full page, followed by a blank +leaf,-- + + ~exultacion de leesse espirituelle / Puis encores sil te plaist + me donne que par ce septenuaire des pseaulmes de peniten- + ce lesquelz correspondent aux sept affectz de lomme prins + pour les sept degrez de leschielle de penitence Je puisse mō- + ter et paruenir atoy en cette tant glorieuse cite de Jherusa- + lem en laquelle tu habites et te offrir auec les sains et be- + neurez le sacrifice de loenge sans fin /: AMEN~ + +REMARKS.--This work is a translation from the original Latin of +Cardinal Pierre d’Ailly, entitled “Meditaciones Circa Septem Psalmos +Penitentiales.” It was composed about the end of the fourteenth +century, and translated shortly after into French, but by whom is +uncertain, although from the style it is supposed by several of his +biographers to have been from the pen of the Cardinal himself. It has +been attributed to Antoine Belard, but on insufficient grounds, as +his version, printed at Lyons in 1542, was a much later production. +The Cardinal was the author of at least 42 works, many of which are +preserved in Harl. MS., No. 637; but neither in the British Museum nor +in the National Library, Paris, does there appear to be a MS. copy of +this commentary on the Penitential Psalms. About 1483 the original +Latin was printed at Paris by Ant. Caylaut, and another edition of +German, 15th cent. workmanship, but without Name, Place, or Date, is in +the British Museum. It was also reprinted at Strasbourg in 1490, and in +the “Orthodoxographa,” Basle, 1555. The Commentary on the Penitential +Psalms printed by Wynken de Worde was composed by Bishop Alcock, and +has nothing in common with this. + +Pierre d’Ailly was born of poor parents at Compiègne in 1350. His +father, at the cost of many personal privations, procured for him +a sound elementary education, and at an early age he obtained the +appointment of Bursar in the celebrated College of Navarre. He made +himself master of the philosophy and science of his age, studying +especially metaphysics and astronomy. When only twenty-five he was +accounted the greatest scholar and most skilful debater of the time. +In 1380 the University of Paris conferred upon him the degree of +Doctor, and in the following year he delivered his famous oration upon +the healing of the Papal schism which at that time was disturbing all +Christendom. This procured for him the benefice of Noyon, which he +held till 1384. He was then recalled to Paris to be Grand Master of +the College of Navarre, where only twelve years before he had studied +as a pupil. At this period his fame was greatly increased by his +successful pleadings before Pope Clement VII. against the new-fangled +doctrine of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary. In 1389 he +became Chancellor of the University of Paris, as well as Confessor +and Almoner to the young king Charles VI. Already well versed in +Church politics, he now became initiated in Court mysteries, and by a +happy mixture of wisdom, wit, and polished manners, greatly increased +his fame and power. In 1394 the Canons of La Sainte Chapelle having +become very neglectful of their duties, he was appointed Treasurer, +and soon initiated some sweeping reforms. Two years later he was +consecrated Bishop of Cambray, where his firmness and prudence in the +most trying circumstances exercised the most happy influence on his +Diocese. His favours and patronage were conferred on those most worthy +by their piety, zeal, and abilities to receive them, and especially +was he anxious to avoid even the appearance of simony. In 1411 he was +chosen Cardinal, and it was about this time that he published the +“Meditationes” upon which this article is founded. He distinguished +himself at the Councils of Pisa and Constance, and was President of the +Session at which John Huss was condemned to be burnt. He died in 1420 +at the height of his fame. + +The only EXISTING COPY at present known was discovered in the General +Library of the British Museum, in 1841, by Mr. J. Winter Jones, +bound up with “Les Quatre Derrenieres Choses.” It is _perfect_, +in an excellent state of preservation, clean, and free from all +disfigurements. It has the final blank leaf, the verso of which is +covered with quotations in the handwriting of the fifteenth century. +These quotations are extended over the first recto (which is also a +blank) of the book mentioned above as being bound up with it, proving +that they were bound together soon after printing. For an article on +both works, from the pen of Mr. Jones, see “Archæologia,” vol. xxxi, +page 412. + + + + +A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN + +TYPE NO. 2. + + +_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2._ + + 6. Les Quatre Derrenieres Choses 1475? + 7. The History of Jason 1477? + 8. The Dictes and Sayings. First Edition 1477 + 9. Horæ 1478? + 10. The Canterbury Tales. First Edition 1478? + 11. The Moral Proverbs of Christine 1478 + 12. Propositio Johannis Russell 1478? + 13. Stans puer ad Mensam _ante_ 1479 + 14. Parvus Catho. First Edition _ante_ 1479 + 15. Ditto Second Edition _ante_ 1479 + 16. The Horse, the Sheep, and the Ghoos. First Edition _ante_ 1479 + 17. Ditto ditto Second Edition _ante_ 1479 + 18. Infancia Salvatoris _ante_ 1479 + 19. The Temple of Glass _ante_ 1479 + 20. The Chorle and the Bird. First Edition _ante_ 1479 + 21. Ditto ditto Second Edition _ante_ 1479 + 22. The Temple of Brass, or the Parliament of Fowls _ante_ 1479 + 23. The Book of Courtesy. First Edition _ante_ 1479 + 24. Queen Anelida _ante_ 1479 + 25. Boethius _ante_ 1479 + 26. Corydale 1479 + 27. Fratris Laur. Gulielmi de Saona Margarita 1479-10? + 28. The Dictes and Sayings. Second Edition 1480? + 29. Indulgence 1480 + 30. Parvus et Magnus Chato. Third Edition 1481? + 31. The Mirrour of the World. First Edition 1481? + 32. Reynard the Fox. First Edition 1481 + 33. Tully of Old Age 1481 + 34. The Game and Playe of the Chesse. Second Edition 1481? + + +BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. + + + NO. 6.--LES QUATRE DERRENIERES CHOSES ADVENIR. _Folio. Without + Printer’s Name, Date, or Place. (1476?)_ + +COLLATION.--Nine 4ns = 72 leaves, of which the first only is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Type No. 2 only is used. The lines are of +very irregular length, 28 to a page. Without signatures, folios, or +catchwords. Commencing with a blank leaf, the table follows on the +second recto, the first three lines being in red ink. + +The Text begins:-- + + ~Ce present traictie est diuise en quatre parties principa + les : Desquelles chascune contient trois autres singuli ⸝ + res parties en la fourme gui sensuit~: + +and ends on 72nd verso:-- + + ~quilz pourueissent aux choses derrenieres ⸝ dont la frequēte + memoire et recordacion Rapelle des pechiez a culpe aux ver + tus et conferme en bounes oeuures / par quoy on paruient a + la gloire eternelle :Amen + Explicit liber de + quatuor Nouissimis~ + +An important typographical peculiarity in this work is the mode +in which the printer has employed red ink for the title-lines of +chapters. The _modus operandi_ and how the red ink overlies the black, +is explained at p. 52, _ante_. This curious and primitive practice is +not seen in any books except that under notice, and those printed by +Colard Mansion of Bruges. Another typographical characteristic which +intimately connects this book with those printed in Type No. 1 is the +existence of two small holes on the outer margin of each leaf, made +by points in use by the pressman. These, it should be noticed, occur +in all the works for which type No. 1 was used, but none, except the +present, printed with type No. 2, nor indeed in any English printed +books. Again, we find among the undoubted first issues of the press +at Westminster that the books in folio, such as “The Life of Jason,” +“Dictes,” “Canterbury Tales,” “Cordyale,” &c., have all 29 lines to +the page, while “Les quatre derrenieres choses” has but 28. On taking, +however, the actual measurement, it will be seen that the depth of the +page is exactly the same as in the type No. 1 books. Evidence has been +already produced to show that the five books in type No. 1 were printed +in Bruges by Colard Mansion alone, or assisted by Caxton; and to the +same source we have no hesitation in ascribing “Les quatre derrenieres +choses.” + +REMARKS.--The title, “De quatuor novissimis,” was applied to many +religious treatises of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; and so +many Latin manuscripts of distinct works have come down to us that it +is difficult to distinguish between them: nor were the early printed +editions less numerous, Hain, in his “Repertorium Bibliographicum,” +giving the titles of twenty-one editions printed in the fifteenth +century. They all agree, however, in one particular, viz.--that no +copy gives the name of its author. The Latin original of one work on +this subject is attributed to “Denis de Leewis, natif de Rikel,” who +died in 1471: it was printed at Antwerp about 1486. But the authorship +of this particular version is given to Gerardus à Vliedenhoven, and +Mr. Holtrop gives an account of three printed editions. There is a +fourth in the University Library, Cambridge, besides which there are +four Dutch editions. Early French anonymous versions were also very +numerous, and it is fortunate that a manuscript in the Royal Library, +Brussels, has preserved the name of the author to whom we are indebted +for the present translation. It bears the following colophon: “Cy fine +le traittie des quatre dernieres choses, translaté de latin en francois +par Jo. Mielot l’an de grace mil cccc liij.” + +Philippe le Bon, as is well known, maintained many secretaries for the +purpose of adding to the treasures of his library by translations, +collations, commentaries, &c. In this way were employed Guy d’Angers, +David Aubert, de Hesdin, Droïn Ducret, de Dijon, and others. They +brought into use that peculiar style of writing termed “grosse +bâtarde,” which, at a later date, Colard Mansion took as a pattern for +his types. Among the duke’s secretaries, one of the most indefatigable +was Jean Mielot. He united in himself the qualifications of author, +translator, and scribe, as he lets us know in the manuscript, “Traité +de vieillesse et de jeunesse,” now in the Royal Library, Copenhagen. + +The only EXISTING COPY known of this edition was discovered by Mr. +J. Winter Jones, while re-cataloguing a portion of the old royal +library in the British Museum. It was bound in the same volume as the +“Meditacions,” already described at page 179, to which the reader is +referred for further particulars. + + + NO. 7.--THE HISTORY OF JASON. _Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place, + or Date. (1477?)_ + +COLLATION.--Eighteen 4ns and one 3n = 150 leaves, of which the first +and two last are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title. The only type used is +No. 2. The lines are very uneven in length, the longest measuring +5 inches. A full page has 29 lines. Without signatures, folios, or +catchwords. Space is left at the commencement of chapters for the +insertion of a 2-line initial, with director. + +The Text begins thus, on the second recto, the first leaf being blank:-- + + ~f~ ~Or asmoche as late by the comaūdement of the right + hye & noble princesse my right redoubted lady ⸝ My + lady Margarete by the grace of god Duchesse of Bour-~ + +and ends on the 148th verso, + + ~among the most worthy · And after this present life eu- + lastinglife in heuen who grant him & vs that boughte vs + with his bloode blessyd Thus Amen~ + +REMARKS.--As already noticed when treating of the original French +version of “Jason,” its compiler was Raoul Lefevre, secretary to the +Duke of Burgundy, and while in the service of the duchess, it seems +most probable that Caxton became possessed of a copy. The date of +imprint has been generally attributed by bibliographers to the year +1475, but this is, I think, too early. The features of Caxton’s history +about that time seem to point to 1476-77 as the date of his settlement +in England; and November 18th, 1477, is, as we know, the day on which +the printing of “Dictes” was finished. Now the typographical appearance +of “Jason” proves it to have been one of the very earliest products of +the Westminster press; and Caxton’s remarks in the prologue to “Golden +Legend” show the translation to have followed “The Recuyell” and “Chess +Book.” The evidence, therefore, seems to point to a date immediately +preceding “Dictes” or the early part of 1477, when the young prince, to +whom it was dedicated, would be six years old, and much more likely to +make use of the work than if presented to him two years earlier. + +Gerard Leeu, at Antwerp, reprinted this English text in 1492, a fact +noticed thus by Gerard Legh in “The Accidence of Armory,” 1576--“The +History of Jason, which was translated out of Frenche, and printed at +Andwarpe by one of my name.” + +Of the six known copies there is one in the British Museum, one in the +Bodleian, and four in private libraries. + + + NO. 8.--THE DICTES AND SAYINGS OF THE PHILOSOPHERS. _Folio. + “Enprynted by me William Caxton at Westmestre.” 1477. First + Edition; without Colophon._ + +COLLATION.--Nine 4ns and one 3n = 78 leaves, of which the first and two +last are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Only type No. 2 +is used. The lines are of very uneven length, the longest measuring +5 inches; 29 lines to a full page. Without folios, catchwords, or +signatures. Space is left at the beginning of chapters for the +insertion of 3-line initials, with director. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, Earl Rivers’s prologue follows. + +The Text begins thus, on the second recto:-- + + ~Here it is so that euery humayn Creature by the + ~w~ suffraūce of our lord god is born & ordeigned to + be subgette and thral vnto the stormes of fortune + And so in diuerse & many sondry wyses man is perplex-~ + +The work concludes on the verso of the 73rd folio at foot, and is +followed on the 74th recto by Caxton’s epilogue and additions, +commencing with space for 3-line initial. + + ~Ere endeth the book named the dictes or sayengis + ~h~ of the philosophres enprynted ⸝by me william + Caxton at westmestre the yere of our lord · M · + CCCC · Lxxvij · Whiche book is late translated out of~ + +The Text ends on the 76th verso, with a short page of sixteen lines-- + + ~posicion in this world ⸝ And after thys lyf to lyue euer- + lastyngly in heuen Amen~ + + ~Et sic est finis .·.·~ + +REMARKS.--This book is remarkable as being the first which bears a +plain statement of the place and time of its execution. It is thought +by some to be really the first book printed in England. A few of the +quarto pieces may perhaps have preceded it, but there is none that can +be proved of earlier workmanship; and if, as there seems good reason +for supposing, Caxton did not settle at Westminster before 1476-77, he +would not have had time to produce much. + +The history of the English translation of this work is interesting. It +appears that Earl Rivers, moved thereto by a remembrance of relief from +many worldly adversities, determined to pay his vows at the shrine of +St. James of Compostella. In the British Museum (C. 18. e. 2) is “An +Abbreviation of the graces and indulgences which Alexāder vj granteth +to all true believing people of every sexe or communitie of the grete +hospytall of Saynt James of Cōpostella.” This shrine had been for many +years the favourite resort of those who intended a short pilgrimage. +Many ships, and those of the largest burthen, were engaged in this +passenger traffic, the chief port of embarkation being Southampton. +Thence in the year 1473 the earl sailed, and while on the voyage Lewis +de Bretaylles, a Gascon knight celebrated for his great prowess, at +the court of Edward IV, showed the earl a copy, in French, of “Les +dits moraux des philosophes,” with which Lord Rivers was greatly +delighted, retaining it for more intimate perusal. On his return to +England, in the same year, the king appointed him one of the governors +of the Prince of Wales; and now, having more leisure, the earl began a +translation of the work into English, which, however, notwithstanding +the assistance of an earlier translation by Scrope, occupied him some +years, supposing it to be completed only a short time previously to +its being printed in 1477. Earl Rivers evidently had a good opinion +of Caxton’s literary abilities, for he requested him “to oversee” +his translation before printing it, and the result was the addition +of a chapter “towching wymmen,” introduced by a very characteristic +prologue from Caxton’s own pen. This prologue is replete with a quiet +humour, which reveals to us more of Caxton’s real disposition than all +his other writings. It proves also the intimate terms which must have +existed between Lord Rivers and himself. + +We may infer from this, the first edition had a rapid sale, as about +1481 a second edition (described further on) was produced in the same +type, and page for page, the same as the original. + +There is an oft-quoted but much overrated manuscript of this +translation in the Archiepiscopal Palace, Lambeth. It is on vellum, and +has one inconsiderable illumination, famous only on account of giving +the sole representation known of Edward V. Earl Rivers is presenting +a copy on bended knee (probably this very one) to the prince, who is +seated on his throne. By the earl’s side is pourtrayed an ecclesiastic +with shaven crown, probably “Haywarde,” whose name appears at the end +of the volume as the writer. We may suppose the earl to be in the act +of reciting the metrical prologue which appears at the commencement, +and the first five lines of which are-- + + This boke late translate here in sight + By Anthony Earl (_erasure_) that vertueux knyght + Please it to accepte to youre noble grace + And at youre conueniens leysoure and space + It to see reede and vnderstonde + +The writing is the usual secretary hand of the fifteenth century, and +the date of transcription, as given in the colophon, is December 29th, +1477, or about six weeks after the publication of Caxton’s printed +edition, of which it is a verbatim copy, with the addition of the +metrical prologue already noticed, and the following paragraph which +precedes Caxton’s prologue to the chapter on women--“And suffice +you with the translation of the sayinges of thes Philosophres, And +one William Caxton atte desire of my lorde Ryuers / emprinted many +bokes after the tonour and forme of this boke / whiche Willm saide as +foloweth:” then comes Caxton’s chapter. + +A different and somewhat earlier translation is in the Ms. department +of the British Museum (Harl. 2266), “late translatyd out of frensh tung +in to englysh the yer of our lord M cccc L to John Fostalf knyght for +his contemplacion and solas by Stevyn Scrope squyer sonne in law to the +seide Fostalle.” Literary taste is not often associated with the name +of Sir John Falstaff. + +Thirteen copies of this edition are known--Two in the British Museum, +one at Cambridge, and the remainder in private libraries. The Rev. T. +Corser’s copy, sold in 1868, wanting three leaves, sold for £110. + + + NO. 9.--FRAGMENT OF A “HORÆ.” _Octavo. Without Printer’s Name, + Place, or Date._ (1478?) + +Four leaves only. Type No. 2. Lines very uneven in length, the longest +measuring 2¼ inches; twelve lines to a full page. Without signatures, +catchwords, or numerals. + +The evidence which a perfect volume might afford being absent, the +following suggestions by Mr. Bradshaw, of Cambridge, are offered:--From +the small portion remaining of the original, it is impossible to state +with accuracy under what particular class of service-books it should +be ranged. To all appearance it is part of a primer, or “Horæ secundum +consuetudinem Angliæ;” though its diminutive size renders it improbable +that it contained, as well as the Hours, the Litany, the Vigils of the +Dead, and all the miscellaneous prayers usually found in this class +of books. The above fragment will be found to include the following +portions of Suffragia at Lauds:--St. Thomas of Canterbury (the last +few words only), St. Nicholas, St. Mary Magdalene, St. Katharine, St. +Margaret; after which, in the four leaves that are wanting, there is +room for All Saints, the Prayer for Peace, the Versicle and Response, +Benedicamus domino, Deo gracias, and the commencement of the Suffragia +of the Three Kings, the rest thereof occupying, as above, the head +of the second portion of the fragment. Then follow the Suffragia of +St. Barbara and the concluding verse Benedicamꝰ dño Deo gs, with +which the service ends. On comparing this with the Horæ of the same +period it will be seen that these prayers always occur at the end of +Lauds, and are peculiar in their order to the English Church, with the +exception of the Three Kings and St. Barbara, which, in this sequence, +are peculiar to this fragment. Suffragia of the Three Kings, and of +St. Barbara, are found amongst the miscellaneous commemorations in +most of the English primers; but those of St. Barbara, as found in +this fragment, differ altogether from those which occur in other Horæ. +It is well known that the Esterlings were a thriving and influential +corporation in Caxton’s time, consisting of German merchants from +the City of Cologne and the other towns in the Hanseatic League, and +occupying the Steel Yard in Cannon Street as their London residence, +with All Hallows the Great as their parish church, and St. Barbara +as their patron saint. Now in their accustomed service, comprising +Matins and Lauds, the Suffrages of the Three Kings of Cologne, which, +as already remarked, do not commonly occur at those hours, would be +most appropriate, not on account of the name so much as the subject of +the prayer, which is for success in trade, and for peace and health +in travelling;--“concede propitius ... ut itinere quo ituri sumus, +celebritate, letitiâ, gratiâ et pace, ad loca destinata in pace et +salute et negotio bene peracto cum omne prosperitate, salvi et sani +redire valeamus.” This alone proves very little; but when we find that +the next suffrages are those of St. Barbara, whose name never occurs in +the English Lauds, but to whom the Esterlings prayed as their patron +saint, it becomes probable that the fragment before us was part of an +Anglican primer (or Horæ), with additional prayers, for their especial +use. And if these German merchants, in whose country the typographic +art had made great progress, wished to have this, their daily service, +printed, to whom could they go but to Caxton, the only printer then in +England. + +Should this view be correct it considerably increases the +bibliographical value of the fragment, which is otherwise of great +interest as being, in all probability, the earliest English-printed +service in existence, and which, from the unevenness in the printing +and the early types, must have been one of the first products of the +Westminster press. + +The fragment on which the foregoing remarks have been founded is in the +Bodleian Library (Douce Fragments). When originally extracted from an +old book-cover it formed a half-sheet, but now two quarters. + + + NO. 10.--CHAUCER’S CANTERBURY TALES. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. First + Edition. (1478?)_ + +COLLATION.--Forty 4ns, one 3n, one 5n, one 3n, one 5n, one 3n, +one 5n, and one 2n, making together 372 leaves, of which the first +only is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used +is No. 2. The lines in the prose portions are very unevenly spaced, but +the longest measure 5 inches; 29 lines to a full page. Without folios, +signatures, or catchwords. The book commences with a blank leaf, after +which the Text begins thus:-- + + ~Han that Apprill with his shouris sote + ~w~ And the droughte of marche hath peid ye rote + And badid euery veyne in suche licour + Of whiche vertu engendrid is the flour~ + +On the 372nd leaf recto are the following lines, being the conclusion +of the Parson’s tale:-- + + ~tificacion of synne / To that lyf he vs brynge that bought + with his precyous blood Amen.~ + + ~Explicit Tractatus Galfrydi Chaucer de + Penitencia vt dicitur pro fabula Rectoris.~ + +The reverse is occupied by what is called Chaucer’s retraction, +commencing-- + + ~n~ ~Ow pray J to hem alle that herkene this litil treatyse~ + +and ending-- + + ~deus . Per omnia secula seculor’ Amen.~ + +which concludes the volume. + +Nine copies are known, of which two are in the British Museum, one at +the Bodleian, one at Merton College, Oxford, and the others in private +libraries. + + + NO. 11.--THE MORAL PROVERBS OF CRISTYNE. _Folio. “Enprinted by + Caxton At Westmestre,” 1478._ + +COLLATION.--Two sheets, or four leaves, all printed. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The only type used is No. 2. 28 lines to a +page. Without signatures, catchwords, or folios. + +The Text begins, with a head-line on the first recto, thus:-- + + ~The morale prouerbes of Cristyne + ~t~ He grete vertus of oure elders notable + Ofte to remembre is thing profitable + An happy hous is . where dwelleth prudence~ + +and ends on the fourth verso, + + ~At westmestre . of feuerer the . xx . daye + And of kyng Edward / the . xvij . yere vraye~ + + ~Enprinted by Caxton + In feuerer the colde season~ + +REMARKS.--Cristyne de Pise was, with the single exception of Joan of +Arc, the most famous woman of her age. She was born A.D. 1363, in +Italy, and, at the early age of fifteen, married Etienne Castel. After +a few happy years her husband was taken from her by death; and now, +although, to quote her own words, “nourri en delices et mignottemens,” +she found herself almost in destitution, with aged parents and three +young children dependent upon her. Fortunately her father, who had +been physician to Charles V of France, had taken great pains in her +education, by which she had well profited. Urged on by necessity, +she devoted herself to a literary life, and soon became famous. Her +writings, which show a vast amount of reading, were ever on the side +of virtue, morality, and peace. Her unimpeachable life assisted the +tendency of her writings, and both were an honour to the age in which +she lived. For many years her labours were incessant. After a last song +of rejoicing on the victories of the French arms under “La Pucelle” +she retired to a convent for the remainder of her days. The date of +her death is unknown. The biographers of Cristyne vie with one another +in her praises. There is a charming monograph upon her, by M. Raimond +Thomassy, entitled “Essai sur les Ecrits Politiques de Christine de +Pisan.” 8vo. Paris, 1838. See also “Les Msc. Franc.,” vol. iv, p. 186; +and “Mém. de l’Acad. des Insc.,” vol. ii, p. 762. + +“Les prouerbes moraulx” were originally composed as a supplement to +“Les enseignemens moraux,” written by Cristyne for the instruction of +her son, Jean Castel, who passed a part of his youthful days in the +service of the Earl of Salisbury, in England. + +The translation of these proverbs into English by Earl Rivers appears +to have taken place about the same period as his longer effort the +“Dictes of the Philosophers.” And here we may notice that the earl has +been credited by Horace Walpole and Dr. Dibdin with the pedantic design +of making nearly all the lines of his translation end with the letter +“e.” A very cursory examination of the poetry of the fifteenth century +would have shown that the terminal e was common in all writings of that +period. + +In the “Fayttes of Arms,” translated and printed by Caxton at a later +period, we meet with another production of the same authoress. The +only copies known of the “Moral Proverbs” are in the libraries of Earl +Spencer, Earl of Jersey, and Mr. Christie-Miller. + + + NO. 12.--PROPOSITIO JOHANNIS RUSSELL. _Quarto. Without Printer’s + Name, Date, or Place. (147-?)_ + +COLLATION.--Four printed leaves, the recto of the first and the verso +of the last being blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Only one type, +No. 2, is used. The lines are very irregular in length, a full line +measuring 4 inches. A full page has 22 lines, without signatures or +catchwords. The speech, which is all in one paragraph, bears evidence +of having been printed a page at a time. It commences with a 2-line +space for the insertion of an initial, with a small director, and has +been reprinted in full by Dr. Dibdin. + +The Text begins on the first verso:-- + + ~Propositio Clarissimi Oratoris . Magistri Jo + hannis Russell decretorum doctoris ac adtunc + Ambassiatoris xpianissimi Regis Edwardi~ + +and ends with twelve lines on the fourth recto, of which the last three +are-- + + ~phare ad dei laudem / et exaltationem fidei xpia + ne ⸝ nostri qꝫ seremissimi regis robur . solacium re + uelationem qꝫ / et gloriam plebis sue . amen~ + +In the eighth volume of the “Censura Literaria,” page 351, appeared the +first public notice of this tract, which till then had been mistaken +for a manuscript. Whether printed at Bruges, which is not unlikely, or +at Westminster is difficult to decide. + +John Russell, “Orator clarissimus,” Bishop of Lincoln and Lord +Chancellor, held many offices of trust under three sovereigns. He was +born in the parish of St. Peter’s, Winchester, in the beginning of +the reign of Henry VI, and commenced his education there. At an early +age he went to the University of Oxford, where he obtained the degree +of Doctor of Decrees. In 1449 he was made fellow of New College; was +afterwards appointed to a prebendal stall in Salisbury, and in 1466 to +the Archdeaconry of Berkshire. On the latter appointment he removed to +court, where he was much noticed by Edward IV. In September, 1467, he +was commissioned by the king, together with Lord Hastings, Lord Scales, +and others, to conclude a treaty of marriage between the king’s sister +Margaret and the Duke of Burgundy. A few months later he was engaged +in arranging the trade relationship between this country and Flanders. +It was probably then, if not at an earlier period, that he became +acquainted with our printer. His name appears often after this as +assisting in the negotiation of various treaties. In February, 1469-70, +“Messire Galiard, chevalier; Thomas Vaghan, Escuier et Tresorier de la +Chambre; et Jehan Russell, Docteur en Decret, Arcediacre de Berksuir,” +accompanied by Garter King at Arms, were commissioned by King Edward IV +to invest the Duke of Burgundy with the order of the Garter. On this +occasion the oration which forms the foundation of the present article +was delivered. The investiture took place at Ghent, and here, if Caxton +were present, of which however there is no positive evidence, he would +again make acquaintance with John Russell. In 1476 the Archdeacon +was raised to the bishopric of Rochester, and in 1480 translated to +Lincoln. In March, 1483, he appeared as “Orator” before Pope Sixtus +IV (see _Harleian MS._ No. 433), and was probably in Rome when his +Sovereign, Edward IV, who had appointed him one of his executors, +breathed his last. In the short reign of Edward V he was appointed Lord +Chancellor, to which office he was re-appointed by Richard III. In 1485 +he retired to private life, and died in January 1494. He was interred +in Lincoln Cathedral, under an altar tomb in the Chantry Chapel, +founded by him on the south side of the Lady Chapel. + +He was the first Chancellor of Oxford appointed for life, in which +university he was very popular. England also should keep his name +in memory if only for the great change he initiated in promulgating +the statutes of the realm in the vulgar tongue, instead of Latin or +French, a practice continued ever after. Sir Thomas More thus draws his +character: “A wyse man and a good, and of much experyence; and one of +the best learned menne undoubtedly that Englande had in hys time.” + +An interesting autograph, as showing the Archdeacon at Bruges in 1467, +when Caxton was governor, occurs in a volume of “Cicero de Officiis,” +in the Public Library of Cambridge:--“Empt’ p Jo. Ruscel . archidiaconū +berkshyrie apud oppidū bruggense flandrie a° 1467 mens’ Ap^il’ 17° die.” + +A fine uncut copy is in the magnificent library of Earl Spencer. It +appears to have been bound up by mistake in a volume of blank paper +intended for manuscript alone, being in the original binding, and the +whole volume otherwise consisting of the common manuscript hand of the +fifteenth century, which affords no indication of local execution. It +was discovered in cataloguing the library of John Brand, which was sold +in 1807, and where it appeared among the manuscripts (Part I, Lot 30), +“A work on Theology and Religion, with five leaves at the end, a very +great curiosity, very early printed on wooden blocks or type.” The +Marquis of Blandford bought it at the reasonable price of £2 5_s._ At +the sale of his library in 1819 (Lot 5752), Earl Spencer was obliged +to give £126 for it. It was for many years considered as unique, until +another copy was discovered in the library at Holkham, these two being +the only copies known. + + + NO. 13.--STANS PUER AD MENSAM--MORAL DISTICHS--SALVE REGINA. + _Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_ + +COLLATION.--Four leaves, all printed. + +There is no title-page. Type No. 2 only is used. There are 23 lines +to a page, or three stanzas in “Balad Royal,”[14] with a blank line +between the stanzas. Long lines measure 4 inches. Without signatures or +catchwords. + +The Text begins, on the first recto, thus:-- + + ~. Stans puer ad mensam . + ~m~ I dere childe first thy self enable + With all thin herte to vertuoꝰ discipline + Afore thy souerayn stondyng at the table~ + +The poem concludes with two stanzas on the third recto, the latter of +which is:-- + + ~Go litill bylle bareyn of eloquence + Pray yong children that the shal see or rede + Though thou be not compendious of sentence + Of the clawses for to take hede + Which to alle vertue shal thy yongth lede + Of the wrytyng though ther be no date + Yf ought be amys put the faute in lidgate + . Explicit .~ + +MORAL DISTICHS immediately follow the above, and fill up the page. The +whole is here given. + + ~Aryse erly And aryse temperatly + Serue god deuoutly And to thy soup soberly + The world besily And to thy bed merily + Goo thy way sadly And be there iocondly + Answere demurely And slepe sewrly + Go to thy mete appetently . Explicit .~ + +The SALVE REGINA begins on the verso of the preceding, at the head of +the page. + + ~. An holy Salue regina in englissh .~ + + ~Alue with all obeisance to god i humblesse + Regina to regne euyr more in blysse + Mater to crist as we byleue expresse~ + +The “Salue” ends at the foot of the 4th recto, + + ~Mater of lyf and eterne creacion + Salue euer as feir as we can suffyse . Amen.~ + +The reverse of this leaf gives the following:-- + + ~Wytte hath wonder and kynde ne can + How mayden is moder and god is man + Leue thyn askyng and beleue that wonder + For myght hath maistry & skyll goth vnder + . Deo laus &c .~ + +This is followed by six proverbial couplets, the last being-- + + ~Knowe er thou knytte & than thou maist slake + Yf thou knyt er thou knowe than it is to late~ + +This finishes the Text as it stands in the only two copies known. + +From the absence of the word ~Explicit~, or any other similar ending +which Caxton made a rule of placing at the end of his works, great +and small, it is not unlikely that this piece is imperfect. This +is rendered more probable by the absence of the blank leaf at the +beginning, which, supposing a printed leaf wanting at the end, would be +its counterpart. At the same time it should be noticed that the only +two known copies agree in this deficiency, and that Wynken de Worde, +who reprinted from Caxton’s edition, concludes in the same abrupt +way; though it is not impossible that he printed from an imperfect +copy, and did not know it, as in this very tract he has reproduced, +with his usual carelessness, an accidental error of Caxton’s edition. +Caxton, in printing, had transposed the two pages of the second leaf, +proving that, even in the quarto size, he had not arrived at the art of +printing more than one page a time, and Wynken de Worde blindly repeats +the mistake. + +Among the many pieces which make up the catalogue of Lydgate’s works +must be included “Stans Puer ad Mensam,” as the two concluding lines +prove:-- + + “Of the writing, though there be no date, + If ought be amiss put the fault in lydgate.” + +Dan John Lydgate, who knew Chaucer in his old age, and may have been +acquainted with Caxton in his youth, was an indefatigable rhymester. +Ritson gives a list of 251 pieces attributed to his pen. The dates of +his birth and death are equally obscure, and the only fact concerning +him, of any certainty, is that he was born at Lidgate, near Bury St. +Edmunds, whence he doubtless derived his name. (_Harl. MS._ 2251, folio +283.) + +The “Stans Puer” is a translation of the “Carmen juvenile de moribus +puerorum” of Sulpitius, of which the first edition was probably printed +at Aquila in 1483. But the type used for Caxton’s tract (the last dated +use of which, in its first state was in 1479) proves it to have been +printed at least some years previous to the impression at Aquila; so +that we may fairly consider this as the “editio princeps” of the tract. +It was reprinted by Wynken de Worde three times early in the succeeding +century. + +The “Salve Regina,” in its style and metre, closely resembles the +acknowledged pieces of Lydgate, and was also, in all probability, from +his pen. + +The copy in the University Library of Cambridge is the only one known, +and though now in a separate binding, was formerly in a volume of poems +all printed by Caxton, of which an account is here appended. + +Bishop Moore’s library, rich in old black-letter poems, contained, +among its other treasures, one priceless little volume, in quarto, +bound in plain brown calf, and lettered on the back “Old poetry printed +by Caxton.” The collection appears to have been made before it came +into the bishop’s possession; but the fact of the poems being bound +together led Middleton and all succeeding writers to describe them as +one work. Mr. Bradshaw’s careful examination, however, showed that the +volume contained eight distinct publications, which have since been +bound separately. Some of these are unique, and some are found alone +in other collections. Before re-binding, the volume contained the +following pieces in the following order:-- + + I. Stans Puer ad Mensam; Moral Distichs; The Salve Regina. II. Parvus + Catho and Magnus Catho. III. The Chorle and the Bird. IV. The + Horse the Goose and the Sheep; Stanzas; The proper use of certain + nouns; The proper use of certain verbs. V. The Temple of Glass. + VI. The Temple of Brass; A treatise which John Skogan sent unto + the lords and gentlemen ... exhorting them to use virtues in their + youth; The good counsel of Chaucer; Balad of the village without + painting. VII. The Book of Courtesy. VIII. Anelida and Arcyte and + The Complaint of Chaucer to his purse. + +There is nothing to show in what order these tracts were printed. Being +all in verse we can draw no conclusions from irregularity of spacing, +and even where two editions were printed it is sometimes impossible to +say which had precedence. That they were _all_ printed before February +2nd, 1479, we may safely assume, as they are, without exception, in the +early state of type No. 2, which then made its last dated appearance +in “Cordyale;” and that many were among Caxton’s first essays seems +probable from their popular nature, and the small amount of labour +required in their production. For these reasons they are treated +consecutively, together with three other editions, in Nos. 14 to 25, +those pieces whose longest lines all measure 4 inches being placed +before those measuring 3¾ inches. + + + NO. 14.--PARVUS CATHO.--MAGNUS CATHO. _Quarto. First Edition. Sine + ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_ + +COLLATION.--Three 4ns and one 5n = 34 leaves, of which the first +was doubtless blank, though wanting in the only known copy. + +There is no title-page. The type is No. 2 only. Full lines measure +4 inches, and each page contains 23 lines, counting the blank line +between the stanzas. Without signatures or catchwords. + +The Text commences with title-line on the second recto, a blank leaf +having originally preceded it-- + + ~. Hic Jncipit paruus Catho .~ + + ~Cu aiadutere qua plurimos hoies guiter errare + Whan J aduerte to my remembrance + And see how fele folkes erren greuously~ + +“Parvus Catho” terminates in the middle of the third recto, + + ~Whan ye it rede let not your hert be thense + But doth as this saith with al your hole entente~ + + ~. Hic finis parui cathonis .~ + +making in all seven stanzas, in “Balad Royal.” + +“Magnus Catho” immediately follows on the verso, with space left for +the insertion of a 2-line initial ~S~ with director. + + ~. Hic Jncipit magnus Catho .~ + + ~s~ ~J deus est aimus nobis vt carmina dicut + Hic tibi precipue fit pura mente colendus + For thy that god is inwardly the wit~ + +The Text ends on the 34th verso, + + ~Here haue J fonde that shal you guyde & lede + Streight to gode fame and leue you in hir hous + . Explicit Catho .~ + +The work is in four books, containing 42, 39, 27, and 52 stanzas of +“Balad Royal,” each of which is headed by a couplet from the original +Latin. + +The “distichs” of Cato were very popular for many centuries. Their +author, and even the origin of their title, is entirely lost, though +some of their stanzas are traced as far back as the second or third +century of the Christian era. In the middle ages they were used as a +school-book, to teach Latin, as well as to inculcate moral maxims; +so that to be unacquainted with “Cato” was synonymous with general +ignorance. Chaucer continually mentions the work. “He knew not Catoun, +for his wyt was rude,” says the miller of the rich “Gnof.” These +remarks apply to “Magnus Cato” only. About 1180 Daniel Churche, an +ecclesiastic attached to the court of Henry II, added a few Latin +precepts as introductory to the original, and from that period the +two were mostly transcribed together, being distinguished as “Parvus +Cato” and “Magnus Cato.” Of the English version of these “distichs” +we cannot have a better account than that given us by Caxton himself +in his preface to “Cathon” glossed; “which book,” he says, “hath been +translated out of Latin into English by Master Benet Burgh, ... which +full craftily hath made it in Balad Royal for the erudition of my +Lord Boucher son and heir at that time to my Lord the Earl of Essex.” +This translation of Benet Burgh is the text printed by Caxton, twice +in quarto, and once in folio with woodcuts, before he undertook the +translation of the extensive French Gloss, which will be brought to the +reader’s notice under the year 1484. + +“Maister Benet Burgh” was Vicar of Malden, in Essex, when he +translated “Cato,” as we learn from the colophon in _Harl. MS._, No. +271. He afterwards filled the offices of Archdeacon of Colchester, +1464; Prebendary of St. Paul’s, 1472; and soon after High Canon of +St. Stephen’s, Westminster. He appears to have been an author as well +as a translator. The following is the title of a poem in _Harl. MS._ +7333, folio 149_b_--“A cristemasse game made by Maister Benet: howe god +almyghty seyde to his apostelys and echeū off them were baptiste and +none knew of othir, &c.” He also appears to have written a considerable +portion of the poetical translation of “De regimine principum” +attributed to Lydgate, as we infer from _Harl. MS._ 2251, folio 236, +in which occurs this side-note, in the same handwriting as the body of +the poem--“Here deyde the translato^r a noble Poet Dane John Lydgate +And his folower gan his prolog in this wise p’ Benedictū Burgh.” He or +Lydgate also wrote an original fourth book to “Catho Magnus,” which, +although not printed by Caxton, may be seen in several manuscripts. +Ritson, indeed (_Bib. Poet._, page 66), ascribes the whole to Lydgate. + +It does not seem improbable that the printing of “Parvus et Magnus +Catho” was undertaken by desire of “High Canon Burgh,” who, holding +a canonry in Westminster, was likely to have become acquainted with +Caxton. + +The only EXISTING COPY is in the Public Library, Cambridge (AB. 8. 48. +2). It is _perfect_, but without the original blank leaf, and measures +8¼ × 5½ inches. For an account of the volume which contained it, see +page 198 _ante_. + + + NO. 15.--PARVUS CATHO.--MAGNUS CATHO. _Quarto. Second Edition. Sine + ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_ + +COLLATION.--Three 4ns and one 5n = 34 leaves, of which the first +was doubtless blank, although wanting in the only known copy. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The variation in this edition is only +typographical. The poem is reprinted page for page, and line for line, +yet the composition of the type is different throughout. + +The only EXISTING COPY known is in the library of the Duke of +Devonshire, at Chatsworth, where it is bound with the quarto edition +of “Stans Puer,” already described. It came from the old library at +Hardwicke Hall. In the _Harleian Catalogue_ (III. 6202) the above two +tracts appear together--probably this very copy. + + + NO. 16.--THE HORSE, THE SHEEP, AND THE GOOSE.--VARIOUS STANZAS.--THE + PROPER APPLICATION OF CERTAIN NOUNS SUBSTANTIVE, AND VERBS. + _First Edition. Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_ + +COLLATION.--One 4n and one 5n = 18 leaves, of which the first was +doubtless blank, although wanting in the only known copy. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all +No. 2. Full lines measure 4 inches, and each page contains 23 lines, +inclusive of the blank line between the stanzas. Without signatures or +catchwords. + +THE HORSE, THE SHEEP, AND THE GOOSE commences on the second recto, the +first leaf being blank. + +The Text begins, with space for a 2-line initial, with director, + + ~c~ ~Ontreversies / plees and discordes + Bitwene persones were two or thre + Sought out the groundes be recordes + This was the custom of antiquite~ + +On the fourteenth leaf verso, + + ~Alle in one vessell to speke in wordes pleyn + That no man sholde of other haue disdayn~ + + ~.Thus endeth the horse the ghoos & the sheep.~ + +There are in this poem 77 stanzas of seven lines each. + +VARIOUS STANZAS follow, ending on the sixteenth recto, the verso being +occupied with short sentences, as “An herde of Hertes. A murther of +crowes. A byldyng of rooks,” &c. The whole ends on the eighteenth +verso-- + + ~a Cony vnlaced Yf he take the londe he + a Heron dismembrid fleeth. Explicit.~ + +The only EXISTING COPY is in the Public Library, Cambridge (AB. 8. 48. +4), and was formerly bound, with other pieces, in a volume already +described at page 51. + +The whole of these fugitive pieces are attributed to the prolific pen +of Dan John Lydgate. + + + NO. 17.--THE HORSE, THE SHEEP, AND THE GOOSE.--VARIOUS STANZAS.--THE + PROPER APPLICATION OF CERTAIN NOUNS SUBSTANTIVE, AND VERBS. + _Quarto. Second Edition. (Ante 1479.)_ + +COLLATION.--One 4n and one 5n = 18 leaves, of which the first is +blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--These are the same as in the first +edition, with the exception of the orthography and the use of a +title-line, which in the other edition is altogether wanting, a +sufficient reason for attributing this to a later period; for, had the +first edition been printed with a head-line, we may certainly assume +that the improved appearance would not have been omitted by Caxton in +the reprint. In this edition we find the sixth leaf, noticed as wanting +in the only known copy of the first edition. + +The text begins on the second recto, + + ~The hors . the shepe & the ghoos.~ + + ~Ontreversies . plees and discordes + Bitwene persones were two or thre + Sought out the groundes be recordes + This was the custom of antiquite~ + +and ends with ~Explicit~ on the eighteenth recto. + +There is a fragment of six leaves in the University Library, Cambridge, +and a perfect copy, with the original leaf, in the Cathedral Library, +York, a reprint of which was presented by Sir M. M. Sykes to the +members of the Roxburgh Club. + + + NO. 18.--INFANCIA SALVATORIS. _Quarto. Without Printer’s Name, Date, + or Place. (147-?)_ + +COLLATION.--Eighteen printed leaves, unsigned, with a blank both at +beginning and end. + +The type is all No. 2. There are 22 lines of uneven length to a full +page, and a long line measures 3¾ inches. Without signatures, folios, +or catchwords. + +The Text begins thus on the recto of the first printed leaf:-- + + ~Hic Jncipit Tractatus qui Jntitulatur + Jnfancia saluatoris .~ + ~Xijt edictu a Cesare Augusto vt de + ~e~ scriberetur vniusus orbis Hec autem + descripcio prima facta est a preside . + Sirie Cirino . Et ibant oms ut pfiterentur + Singuli in ciuitatem sua Ascendit et Joseph~ + +and ends with a full page on the eighteenth recto. + + ~Ecclesiastici vij° . Si filii tibi sint . erudi + illos et curva illos a puericia illor’ . Si filie + tibi sint ⸝ serua corpus illar’ et non ostendant + hilarem faciem tuam ad illas . Gregorius . + Quauis q’s iustus sit . tu in hac vita no debet + esse securꝰ qꝫ nescit quo fine sit terminandus .~ + +This printed tract differs entirely from the MS. in the British Museum, +_Royal_ 13 A xiv, “De Xti infantia,” but agrees partially with the +“Evangelium Infantiæ” attributed to St. James, and printed in vol. i of +the “Codex apocryphus Novi Testamenti,” by Fabricius. + +The only EXISTING COPY known is in the Royal University Library, +Göttingen. It is in good condition, and was purchased in 1746 of +Osborne, for this library, at 15s (?). Ames described this very +copy when in the library of Lord Oxford, but neither Herbert nor +Dibdin could hear of its existence, nor discover it in the Harleian +Catalogue. It is there nevertheless, among the “Libri Latini. Quarto,” +and thus described, “Infantia Salvatoris Tractatus, _corio turcico, +deaurat_. _Lond. apud Caxton, sine Loco._” (See _Catalogus Bibliothecæ +Harleianæ_, vol. v, page 252, No. 7008.) + + + NO. 19.--THE TEMPLE OF GLASS. _Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_ + +COLLATION.--Three 4ns and one 5n unsigned, or 34 leaves, of which +the 1st is (?) blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No. 2 +only. Full lines measure 4 inches, and each page contains 23 lines. +Without signatures or catchwords. + +After the blank the poem commences on the 2nd recto, with space for a +2-line initial, with director:-- + + ~. The temple of glas .~ + + ~f~ ~Or thought constreynt & greuous heuynes + For pensifhed and high distres + To bed J went now this other nyght~ + +The Text ends at the foot of the 34th recto, + + ~J mene that benygne and goodly of face + Now go thy way and put the in her grace~ + + ~. Explicit the temple of glas .~ + +There seems no doubt that this was one of the less favoured +compositions of Dan John, although by some writers it has been +attributed to Hawes. It was reprinted by Wynken de Worde. + +The only EXISTING COPY is in the Public Library, Cambridge (AB. 8. 48. +5). It is _perfect_, excepting the blank (?) leaf, and was formerly +bound with other pieces in a volume already described at page 201. +Measurement 8¼ × 5½ inches. + + + NO. 20.--THE CHORLE AND THE BIRD. _Quarto. First Edition. Sine ullâ + notâ. (Ante 1479.)_ + +COLLATION.--One 5n, or 10 leaves, of which the 1st is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type used is +No. 2 only. Full lines measure 4 inches, and each page contains three +verses of “Balad Royal,” or 23 lines, including a blank line between +the stanzas. Without signatures or catchwords. + +After the blank the poem commences on the 2nd recto, space being left, +with a director, for the insertion of a 2-line initial. + +The Text begins thus:-- + + ~p~ ~Roblemes of olde liknes and figures + Whiche prouyd ben fructuoꝰ of sentence~ + +The Text ends on the 10th verso, + + ~Goo litell quayer and recomande me + Unto my maister with humble affection + Beseke hym lowly of mercy and pyte + Of thy rude makyng to haue compassion + And as touching thy translacion + Out of frenssh / how that hit englisshid be + Alle thing is said vnder correction + With supportacion of his benygnyte~ + + ~. Explicit the chorle and the birde .~ + +This fable is always included among the compositions of Lydgate. It was +reprinted by Pynson, and a copy in the Grenville Library (11226) has +the following autograph note:--“The same story is told by Alphonsus in +his fable of the labourer and the nightingale, and in Gesta Romanorum, +cap. 169.” A perfect copy is at Cambridge, taken from the volume of +poems already described at p. 201, and a fragment is in the British +Museum. + + + NO. 21.--THE CHORLE AND THE BIRD. _Quarto. Second Edition. Sine ullâ + notâ. (Ante 1479.)_ + +The similarity of these two editions is exact so far as the number of +stanzas, number of lines to a page, and the general state of the text; +but there is an evident variation in the typographical minutiæ, such +as the omission of the director, the use of full-points and colons as +ornamentation, and above all the constant variation in orthography. +Take the 1st line as an example:-- + + Ed. 1. ~p~ ~Roblemes of olde liknes and figures~ + Ed. 2. ~roblemes of olde liknes and figures~ + +and the last line, + + Ed. 1. ~. Explicit the chorle and the birde .~ + Ed. 2. ~Explicit the Chorle and the birde .:.~ + +The only known EXISTING COPY is in the Chapter Library at York. It +is _perfect_, with the original blank. A reprint from this copy was +presented to the Roxburghe Club by Sir M. M. Sykes. + + + NO. 22.--THE TEMPLE OF BRASS, OR THE PARLIAMENT OF FOWLS. SOME + BALADS. ENVOY OF CHAUCER TO SKOGAN. _Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. + (Ante 1479.)_ + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type used is +No. 2 only. Full lines measure 3¾ inches, instead of 4 inches, as in +the former pieces, and each page contains 23 lines. Without signatures +or catchwords. + +The Text begins on the first recto, without a blank leaf,-- + + ~he lyf so short the craft so loge to lerne + Thassaye so hard so sharp the conqueryng~ + +On the 17th recto, + + ~Explicit the temple of bras~ + +The Tract ends on 24th verso, + + ~Was neuer erst scogan blamed for his toge~ + +Doubtless the poem did not end here, but the copy at Cambridge is +imperfect, having only 24 leaves, besides which there are a few leaves +at the British Museum, but no perfect copy has yet been discovered. + + + NO. 23.--THE BOOK OF COURTESY. _Quarto. First Edition. Sine ullâ + notâ. (Ante 1479.)_ + +COLLATION.--One 4n and one 3n = 14 leaves, of which the last is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No. +2. Full lines measure 3¾ inches. 23 lines to a page, including a blank +line between the stanzas. Without signatures or catchwords. + +The Text begins thus:-- + + ~l~ ~ytyl John syth your tendre enfancye + Stondeth as yet vnder ⸝ in difference + To vice or vertu to meuyn or applye~ + +The Text ends on the 13th recto, + + ~And how to hurte / lyeth euer in a wayte + Kepe your quayer / that it be not ther bayte~ + + ~Explicit the book of curtesye.~ + +The 13th verso and the 14th leaf are blank. + +The only EXISTING COPY is in the Public Library, Cambridge (AB. 8. 48. +7), and was formerly in the volume of tracts described at page 201. + + + NO. 24.--QUEEN ANELIDA AND FALSE ARCYTE.--THE COMPLAINT OF CHAUCER + TO HIS PURSE. _Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_ + +COLLATION.--One 5n or 10 leaves, all printed. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No. +2 only. Full lines measure 3¾ inches, 23 lines to a page. Without +signatures or catchwords. Space is left at the commencement for a +2-line initial. + +The Text begins:-- + + ~t~ ~hou fiers god of armes / mars the rede + That in the frosty contre called trace + Within thy grysly temple full of drede~ + +The Text ends on the 9th recto, + + ~How that arcite / anelida so sore + Hath thirled with the peynt of remebrace~ + + ~Thus endeth the compleynt of anelida~ + +On the same page is Chaucer’s “Complaint to his Purse,” in three +stanzas of “Balad Royal,” the tract ending with + + ~Et sic est finis .˙.˙~ + +on the 10th recto. + +The only EXISTING COPY known is in the Public Library, Cambridge, and +was formerly in the volume of tracts described at page 201. + + + NO. 25.--BOETHIUS DE CONSOLACIONE PHILOSOPHIÆ, TRANSLATED INTO + ENGLISH BY GEOFFREY CHAUCER. _Folio. “I William Caxton have done + my devoir to enprinte it.” Without Place or Date. (Ante 1479.)_ + +COLLATION.--Eleven 4ns and one 3n = 94 leaves, of which the first +is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title-page, signatures, catchwords, +or folios. Two types are used, No. 2 for the body and No. 3 for the +Latin quotations. The lines are not spaced to one length. Full lines +measure 5 inches, and there are 29 to a page. Space has been left at +the commencement of chapters for the insertion of 2-line initials. + +After a blank leaf the Text commences with the title in Latin in type +No. 3, on the 2nd recto, the English translation being uniformly in +type No. 2:-- + + ~Boecius de consolacione philosophie~ + + ~Carmina qui quondam studio florente peregi + Flebilis heu mestos cogor inire modos~ + + ~a~ ~Llas I wepying am constrained to begynne vers + of soroufull matere· That whylom in flourisshing + studye made delitable ditees / For lo rendyng muses of~ + +On the 93rd recto, third line, + + ~eyen of the Jugge that seeth and also that demeth alle + thynges ⸝ Deo gracias~ + + ~Explicit boecius de + consolacione philosophie~ + +Caxton has added an interesting epilogue, which occupies the remainder +of the recto and the whole of the verso, being followed, on the 94th +recto, by the “Epitaphiū Galfridi Chaucer,” printed in type No. 3, +which concludes on the verso, and the last few lines of which are:-- + + ~Post obitum Caxton voluit te viuere cura + Willelmi . Chaucer clare poeta tuj + Nam tua non solum compressit opuscula formis + Has quoqz sz laudes . iussit hic esse tuas~ + +This epitaph was written by a brother poet, Stephen Surigo, Lic. Decr., +of Milan, and is most interesting as showing, in connection with the +previous epilogue from the pen of Caxton himself, that not only did +he perpetuate the memory of the great poet by printing his works, but +that he also raised a public monument to his memory before St. Benet’s +Chapel, in Westminster Abbey, in the shape of a pillar supporting a +tablet upon which the above “Epitaphye” was written. + +There are few ancient authors whose works received greater attention in +the fifteenth century than those of Boethius. M. Paris gives an account +of five different translations of the “De Consolatione” into French +verse, all of that age, and contained in the Bib. Imp., Paris. + +Every library of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, of which we +have any account, appears to have contained a copy: many had several. +In the Ducal Library, Bruges, 1467, was a manuscript with this title, +“Boece de Consolacion en englois,” which is not unlikely to have been +the translation of Chaucer. + +Some writers, and among them Dibdin (“Typ. Ant.” Vol. I, page 306), +have doubted whether Chaucer was the real translator of the version +under review, but none of the manuscripts attribute it to any +other writer; and, not to quote the express mention of it in the +“Retractation,” Chaucer himself includes it among his works in the +following couplet (line 425) from the “Legend of Good Women:”-- + + And for to speke of other holynesse + He hath in prose translated Boece. + +In this translation Chaucer appears to have chosen the original Latin +for his text. He certainly did not take it from any of the French +versions noticed above, nor from those described by M. Paris; nor is +it, as Dibdin suggests, from the anonymous translation printed by +Colard Mansion in 1477. But from whatever source derived, it was, if we +may judge from the many copies extant, very favourably received. Our +printer especially took great delight in what he terms the “ornate and +fayr” language of the poet, and in the epilogue to his edition he has +left us a most interesting tribute of his admiration. + +There are three copies of this book in the British Museum one at +Cambridge, two at the Bodleian, one at Exeter, and one at Magdalen +College, Oxford; one at Ripon Minster, one at Sion College, London, and +six in private hands. The copy discovered at the St. Alban’s Grammar +School was sold to the British Museum, and was remarkable for the +largest “find” of printed fragments in the boards with which the book +was bound, ever recorded.[15] + + + NO. 26.--CORDYALE, OR THE FOUR LAST THINGS. _Folio. With Printer’s + Name, but without Place. March 24th, 1479._ + +COLLATION.--Nine 4ns and one 3n = 78 leaves, of which the 1st and +last are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Two types are used, +Nos. 2* and 3, the latter for proper names and Latin only. The lines +are not spaced out to one length. A full line measures 5 inches. Mostly +29 lines to a page, but sometimes 28. Without signatures, catchwords, +or folios. Space left for the insertion of 3 and 4-line initials, with +director. Commencing with a blank leaf the prologue of the translator +follows on the 2nd recto, space being left for a 4-line ~A~. + +The Text begins thus:--- + + ~Prologue of the Translator.~ + + ~L Ingratitude vtterly settyng apart / we owe + ~a~ to calle to our myndes the manyfolde gyftes + of grace ⸝ with the benefaittis . that our lorde + of his moost plentiueuse bonte hath ymen vs + wretches m this present transitoire lif . Whiche Remem~ + +The Text ends with twenty lines on the 77th verso, the last eight of +which are-- + + ~lasting permanence in heuen Amen. Whiche werke pre- + sent I began the morn after the saide Purificacionof our + blissid Lady. Whiche was the the daye of Seint Blase + Bisshop and Martir. And fiinsshed on the euen of than + nunciacion of our said bilissid Lady fallyng on the wed + nesday the xxiiij daye of Marche. In the xix yeer of + Kyng Edwarde the fourthe~ + +The 78th leaf, which closes the volume, is blank. + +The French edition of this work (see page 185, _ante_) was, if +similarity of workmanship in all points may justify the conclusion, +before the printer while at work upon this, the English, edition. + +Dr. Dibdin, to whom the French edition was unknown, says that Earl +Rivers translated from the Latin; but as all the other productions of +the Earl’s pen printed by Caxton were from the French, there would +be strong grounds for supposing that this had come through the same +channel, were not the fact established by its not being a literal +translation of any Latin edition, while it is an accurate reproduction, +line for line and almost word for word, of the French edition. + +About the date also there has been some confusion. Maittaire and +Panzer attribute the printing to 1478, Lewis to 1479, Dibdin to 1480; +and Lord Orford thinks Caxton, unless he was two years employed upon +it, has made a typographical error in the date. The dates in reality +are very plain. Caxton says that Lord Rivers delivered the English +translation to him to be printed, upon the day of “The Purification,” +which is further stated to have been the 2nd day of February, 1478; +but as the year did not then begin until the 25th of March, it would, +according to the present reckoning, be February, 1479. The printing was +begun the very next day, on the “morning after the said Purification,” +and completed upon the 24th day of March, in the nineteenth year of +Edward IV. This regnal year was comprised between March 4th, 1479, and +March 3rd, 1480, thus again giving the year 1479 for the completion of +the book. From this it is evident that instead of taking over two years +for the printing it occupied Caxton just seven weeks. The epilogue to +this book was written entirely by Caxton. + +For the literary history of “Cordyale,” see the remarks on “Les Quatre +Derrenieres Choses,” already noticed. + +Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge, Bodleian, and Hunterian +Museum, Glasgow. Five are in private libraries. + + + NO. 27.--FRATRIS LAURENTII GULIELMI DE SAONA MARGARITA ELOQUENTIÆ + CASTIGATÆ AD ELOQUENDUM DIVINA ACCOM- MODATA. _Folio. Sine ullâ + notâ. (1479-80?)_ + +COLLATION.--One 3n, one sheet, eleven 5ns, and one 3n = 124 leaves. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 2* only +is used. The lines, of which there are 29 to a page, are in most +cases of uneven length, although in some pages they are spaced out +very regularly. Long lines measure 5 inches. Without signatures or +catchwords. Space is left, with a director, for the insertion of +initials 3 or 4 lines in depth. The hyphen is in this volume not +unfrequently used instead of the / or ⸝ , as a mark of punctuation. +Chapters generally commence with a line, or two or three words, in +capital letters; and the ends of paragraphs are often ornamented with +an array of points; for instance, .:˙:.:˙:. + +The Text begins on the 1st recto, with the prohemium,-- + + ~Fratris laurencij guilelmi de saona ordinis + mior fac^e theo^e doctois phemiu i noua rthoica~ + ~c~ + ~Ogitanti michi sepenumero-ac diligenciꝰ con- + templati q’tu comoditatis q’tuqz splendoris & glorie afferre~ + +On the 5th verso, + + ~EXPLJCJT PROHEMJUM .:.~ + +On the 53rd recto, + + ~JNCJPJT SECUNDUS LJBER rhe- + torice facultatis : Jn quo specialiter auctor agit de hijs que~ + +The Second Book ends and the Third begins on the 83rd recto, + + ~JNCJPJT LJBER tercius rhetorice faculta~ + +On the 135th recto is a concluding chapter, the Text ending, on the +verso of the 136th leaf, thus:-- + + ~in trinitate perfecta uiuit et regnat per infinita secula secu- + lorum. AMEN.~ + + ~Explicit liber tercius : et opus rhetorice facultatis p fra + tre laurentiu Guilelmi de Saona ordinis minor sacre pa + gine pfessore ex dictis testimonijsqꝫ sacratissimar scriptu- + rar / doctorqꝫ pbatissimor compilatu et ꝯfirmatu : quibus + ex causis censuit appellandu fore Margaritam eloquentie + castigate ad eloquendu diuina accomodatam~ + + ~Compilatu ant’ fuit hoc opus in alma uniuersitate Can + tabrigie . Anno dni . 14 ^ 8 die et . 6 . Julii . quo die + festum Sancte Marthe recolit^r. Sub protectione Senissi + mi regis anglorum Eduardi quarti~ + +REMARKS.--There can be no doubt in the mind of any one acquainted with +the Westminster books that this issued from Caxton’s press. It agrees +with them not only in character of type, but in length of line, depth +of page, and other typographical peculiarities. Nor is there much +uncertainty about the date. It was not written till July, 1478, and +the first dated book in the types with which it is printed (Type No. +2*) made its first appearance in March, 1479, the latest dated book +in the preceding Type (No. 2) being February, 1478. In 1480 Caxton +discontinued entirely the practice of leaving his lines of an uneven +length, but the majority of pages in this volume have their lines +uneven. The book was therefore printed after July, 1478, and before or +very early in 1480. + +It is worthy of notice, that about the same time that Caxton, at +Westminster, was engaged upon this work, the printer-schoolmaster at +St. Albans was also making it one of the first essays of his press. +There certainly was not a longer period than two years and a half +between the two editions, which, so far as the text goes, agree very +closely, the St. Alban’s printer having apparently reprinted from the +edition by Caxton. + +It is also very remarkable that this work should have been known and +described for more than 150 years, yet never till October, 1861, +recognised as the production of Caxton’s press. In the Public Library, +Cambridge, is a volume of documents relating to Corpus Christi College, +which was used by Strype for his Life of Archbishop Parker; and among +them is a catalogue of the books bequeathed by the Archbishop to the +library of that College. At folio 255 is the following entry under the +general head of “Books in parchment closures as they lye on heaps on +the upmost shelves:”--“_Rethorica nova impressa Canteb. fo. 1478._” +Strype, in his Life of Parker, misled by this entry, attributed the +book to an early press at Cambridge; and Bagford, writing to Tanner in +1707, says, “I cannot but impart unto you, that very lately good Mr. +Strype hath gave me an account of a booke which archbishop Parker gave +to the Publick library of Benet college, and is a piece of rethorick, +by one Gul. de Saona, a minorit, printed at Cambridge, 1478.” Ames, +who only knew the book from these accounts, and a facsimile of the +beginning and end sent him by Mr. North, placed this work at the head +of the list of Cambridge books in his Typographical Antiquities, 1749, +and gave an engraving of North’s facsimile; which led him to state that +“the types were much like Caxton’s largest.” Herbert merely repeated +the account of Ames; and thus it was reserved for Mr. Bradshaw in +consulting the library of Corpus Christi College for another purpose, +to examine the volume and to recognise the interesting fact that, +although compiled at Cambridge in the year 1478, it was printed +with the unmistakeable types of Caxton, and agreed in typographical +particulars with the books issued from the Westminster press between +1479-80. + +Laurentius Gulielmus de Traversanis, of Saona (or Savona, as it is +more commonly called), was born about 1414. His native city, not very +far from Genoa, is better known as the birthplace of Christopher +Columbus. He entered the Franciscan Convent there under Francesco di +Rovere, afterwards Pope Sixtus IV. He studied at the universities of +Padua, Bologna, Cambridge, and Paris, and seems finally to have retired +to his own convent at Savona, where he died, and to which he was a +great benefactor. Wadding (_Scriptores Ord. Min._ folio, Romæ, 1650) +mentions several of his works. + +Besides the copy mentioned above, there is one at the University +Library, Upsala, both being in perfect condition. + + + NO. 28.--THE DICTES AND SAYINGS OF THE PHILOSOPHERS. _“Emprynted by + me William Caxton at Westmestre.” Folio. Second Edition. Dated + 1477, but printed about 1480. With Colophon._ + +COLLATION.--Eight 4ns, and two 3ns = 76 leaves, of which the 1st +is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 2* only +is used. The lines are nearly always spaced out to an even length, and +measure 5 inches; 29 lines to a full page. Without signatures, folios, +or catchwords. Space is left at the beginning of chapters for the +insertion of 3-line initials. + +The difference between this and the 1st edition (see page 188, _ante_) +is considerable. _That_ was printed from the original fount of type No. +2; _this_ from a re-casting of the same fount, showing many alterations +in the punches. (See the remarks on type No. 2, page 102, _ante_.) +_That_ has the pages throughout the volume very uneven as to the +length of the line; _this_ nearly always even. _That_, with the unique +exception of the Althorpe copy, is without the colophon; _this_ has the +colophon in every copy. Lastly, the orthography varies throughout the +whole volume. + +We must here notice the first instance of a practice common among the +early printers, and doubtless inherited from the scribes, namely, that +of reprinting in subsequent editions the colophons and dates strictly +applicable to the 1st edition only. Thus the three editions of “Dictes +and Sayings,” which issued from Caxton’s printing office, all bear the +same date of imprint, November, 1477, while we know that type No. 2*, +in which the 2nd edition is printed, was not used till after February, +1478, and type No. 6, in which the 3rd edition is printed, was not in +use till about 1488. + +The literary history of “Dictes and Sayings” has been already recounted +at page 189, _ante_. + +Copies are in the British Museum, Trinity College, Dublin, the library +of the Duke of Devonshire, and Göttingen University. + + + NO. 29.--LETTERS OF INDULGENCE ISSUED BY JOHN KENDAL IN 1480, BY + AUTHORITY OF POPE SIXTUS IV, FOR ASSISTANCE AT THE SIEGE OF + RHODES. _On parchment._ + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is No. 2* only, but from the +warping of the skin assumes in many parts a very deceptive appearance. +The lines, which are considerably extended, but all of one length, +measure 9¼ inches. The large 4-line wooden initial is to be noticed as +being in all probability the earliest instance of printed initials in +this country; they certainly do not appear in any book for which this +type was used. The whole of the document occupies 19 long lines, of +which the following are the beginning and end:-- + + ~F~ ~Rater Johannes kendale Turcipelerius Rhodi ac + commissarius A sanctissimso in xpristo patre | et + domino nostro domino Sirto diuina prouidencia + papa quarto et vigore litterarum suarum pro expe- | + ditione contra perfidos turchos xpristiani nominis hostes . + in defensionem insule Rhodi & fidei catholi= | ce facta et + facienda concessarum ad infrascipta p vniuersum orbem + deputatus . Dilect’ nobis in xpo~ | _Symoni Mountfort et + Emme vxori ei^s_ ~Salute in dno sempiterna Prouenit ex tue + deuotionis affectu quo romana | * * * * * + In quor’ fidem has l’ras nostras Sigilli nostri ap | + pensione munitas fieri iussimus atqꝫ mandauimus . Dat’~ + _ultimo die Mēsis marcij_ ~Anno domini | Millesimo quad- + ringentesimo octogesimo~ + +REMARKS.--The following particulars concerning John Kendal are +gathered from an article in _Archæologia_, vol. xxvii, page 172, +written by Sir F. Madden, and entitled “Documents relating to Perkin +Warbeck.” + +In a deposition made by one Bernard de Vignoles, at Rouen in 1495, +concerning a plot against the king’s life, one of the persons +implicated was John Kendal, Grand Prior of the Order of St. John of +Jerusalem in England. He is also remarkable as having been the subject +of the earliest contemporary English medal in existence, which is +dated 1480, the period of the Siege of Rhodes. On this he is styled +“Turcopolier,” or General of the Infantry of the Order, the office +of which was annexed to that of Grand Prior of England. Yet although +the medal so designates him, it is not probable that he was actually +present at the siege, as in that very year (_Rymer_, April, 1480) +Edward IV ordered all persons to assist John Kendal, in Ireland, in +procuring aid and money against the Turks. In this proclamation he is +styled “Turcopolier of Rhodes, and _locum tenens_ of the Grand Master +in Italy, England, Flanders, and Ireland.” In Browne-Willis (Mit. +Abb.) Kendal appears in 1491 and 1501 as Prior of the Hospital of St. +John of Jerusalem in London. He was lieutenant of the Grand Master in +Italy, England, Flanders, and Ireland, and was amply furnished with +indulgences and pardons for all who gave personal service. In this +office of recruiting he was occupied at the time of the celebrated +Siege of Rhodes in 1480. His arms, impaled with those of England, may +still be seen on the walls of an hotel at Rhodes. + +In the Numismatic department of the British Museum is a medal connected +with John Kendal. _Obv._ Bust of Kendal in armour marked with the cross +of the Knights of St. John; head bare; hair straight and long; legend, +10. KENDAL RHODI TVRCVPELARIVS. _Rev._ Arms of Kendal. Cross of St. +John in Chief. Legend, ✠ TEMPORE OBSIDIONIS TVRCHORVM MCCCCLXXX. + +There are probably two EXISTING COPIES, although but one is at present +known. This is in the British Museum (C. 18, e. 2), and was purchased +in 1845. The blank space for the name is filled in with “_Symoni +Mountfort et Emme vxori ei^s_,” and it is dated the last day of March, +1480. + +The Rev. Joseph Hunter noticed the existence of this “Indulgence,” +and wrote to Herbert about it, but it was not then recognised as a +production of Caxton’s press; and, although from the same types, must +have been another copy, as the blanks in that were filled in with the +names of Richard Cattlyn and John Cattlyn, April 16th, 1480. + + + NO. 30.--PARVUS ET MAGNUS CHATO. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. With + Woodcuts. Third Edition. (1481?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c 4ns, d 2n~ = 28 leaves, of which ~a j~ is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Two sizes of type +occur. No. 2* and No. 3, the latter being used for the Latin couplets +as well as the “Incipit” and “Explicit” lines. Length of long lines 4¾ +inches; 29 lines to a page. Signatures are met here for the first time, +lower-case letters and Roman numerals being used. Without folios or +catchwords. + +Commencing with a blank leaf the title-line follows, on a ij recto, in +Type No. 3. The text begins thus:-- + + ~Hic incipit paruus Chato~ + + (_Woodcut of Four Pupils, one of whom wears a fool’s cap, kneeling + before a Tutor, who, rod in hand, sits in a high-backed chair._) + + ~Um aia aduertere quam hoies grauiter errare + Whan J aduerte in my remembraunce + And see how sele folkes erren greuously~ + +On sig. ~a iiij~ recto, + + ~Whan ye it rede let not your herte be thence + But doth as this sayth with al your entente + Hic finis parui cathonis~ + + (_Woodcut of Five Pupils kneeling before their Tutor, who, seated in + a chair, is teaching them from a book upon a lectern before him._) + +“Parvus Chato” contains 7 stanzas, and is followed, on sig. ~a iii~ +verso, by + + ~Hic incipit magnus Chato~ + +The Text ends, on 4th recto of sig. ~d~-- + + ~Here haue J fond that shal ye guyde and lede + Streyght to good fame & leue you in hyr hous~ + + ~Explicit Chato~ + +REMARKS.--The Text is evidently a reprint from one of the early +editions in quarto (see pages 202 and 205, _ante_), and was by no means +intended as a kind of “supplement” to the “Cathon glossed,” printed a +year or two later by Caxton, as supposed by Dr. Dibdin in _Typ. Ant._, +vol. i, page 201. + +Two very rude woodcuts add to the interest of this volume; one being at +the beginning and one at the end of the “Parvus Chato.” The same cuts +also appear in the “Mirrour of the World,” which raises the question +of precedency. Here, at first sight, one would give priority to the +“Mirrour,” as the cuts appear newer and cleaner; but this is very +deceptive, depending more upon the amount of ink and pressure used +than on the condition of the cuts. The breakage of some of the lines +in the “Mirrour” is a much more sure sign, and this tells strongly in +favour of “Parvus Chato.” The greater appropriateness of the designs to +the “Parvus Chato,” a boy’s book, than to the illustration of grammar +and logic as in the “Mirrour,” leads to the same conclusion. It is +therefore considered that these two cuts were designed originally +for the “Parvus Chato,” which in that case must have been printed +previously to the “Mirrour,” 1481. + +There is nothing to induce us to attribute to foreign artists the +production of these woodcuts, which show no amount of skill either +in design or execution, which is not far surpassed in the undoubted +productions of English scribes and miniature painters of the same +period. They may, therefore, be considered as probably the earliest +specimens of wood-engraving in England. + +Two perfect copies are known: one in St. John’s College, Oxford, and +the other at Althorpe. + + + NO. 31.--THE MIRROUR OF THE WORLD. _Folio. First Edition. Translated + 1481. Woodcuts. Without Printer’s Name, Date or Place, but in + 1481._ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m~ are 4^{~ns~}, ~n~ is a 2n = 100 +leaves, of which ~a~ 1 and the verso of ~n~ 4 are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used +is No. 2*. A full page contains 29 lines, which are fully spaced out +and measure 4¾ inches. Without folios or catchwords. Signatures in +lower-case letters and Arabic numerals. The number of woodcuts is 34. +After the first (blank) leaf the “Table” commences on sig. ~a~ 2 recto. + +The Text begins thus:-- + + ~Here begynneth the table of the rubrices of this presen + te volume named the Mirrour of the world or thymage + of the same~ + +and ends on the 4th recto of sig. ~n~, the verso being blank, + + ~helthe, And after this short & transitorye lyf he brynge + hym and vs in to his celestyal blysse in heuene Amen /~ + +REMARKS.--The origin of this work cannot be traced very satisfactorily; +but as showing a much better acquaintance with the cosmology of the +world than any previous composition, it may be interesting to examine +the evidence of its authorship. + +Vincent de Beauvais, of the Order of Preaching Friars, who, from +the dedication attached to several of his productions, appears to +have flourished in the reign of St. Louis, composed an extensive work +in Latin, consisting of four parts--“Speculum Naturale,” “Speculum +Doctrinale,” “Speculum Historiale,” and “Speculum Morale.” The whole +was entitled “Speculum majus,” for the following reason, given in +the third chapter of the First Book, “_Majus_ autem, ad differentiam +parvi libelli jamdudum editi, cujus titulus Speculum vel Imago mundi, +in quo scilicet hujus mundi sensibilis dispositio et ornatus paucis +verbis describitur. M. Daunou thinks that the “parvus libellus” +here referred to was the “Imago Mundi” from which “Lymage du Monde” +was translated, and that it was a previous composition of Vincent +de Beauvais; and Montfauçon quotes a manuscript in the St. Germain +Collection (Fonds Latin, 926) in support of the same view, in which we +read “Iste liber intitulatus Speculum vel Imago Mundi editus a fratre. +Vincentio ordinis fratrum predicatorum.” But Vincent’s reference to a +Speculum Mundi, “jamdudum editus,” by no means suggests that he wrote +that as well as his own; and unfortunately as no copy is known, the +fact even of its agreement with “Lymage du Monde” cannot be verified. +The manuscript quoted by Montfauçon is no evidence at all, as M. +Paris, on examination, found it to be identical with the “Speculum +Historiale,” or the Third Part of Vincent’s “Speculum Majus,” which +is by no means “a rational description of the world and its products +shortly described.” The compilation of “Speculum Mundi,” from Vincent’s +“Speculum Naturale,” as suggested by Greswell, is equally far from +the truth. Although no copy of the Latin “Speculum vel Imago Mundi,” +referred to by Vincent, is known, there appears little reason to doubt +that it existed in the thirteenth century. Perhaps an earlier copy of +the Latin manuscript in the Cotton Library, (Vesp. E. III., sæc. xiv.) +may have formed the foundation of the French version, although in that +case, as in Vignay’s translation of the “Chess Book,” considerable +additions have been made. The history of the “Mirrour of the World” +may be summed up thus:--Before the middle of the thirteenth century +an unknown author wrote in Latin “Speculum vel Imago Mundi;” of this +no copy has yet been recognised (_Cotton_, _Vesp._ E III?) In 1245 +this was turned into French metre for the Duke of Berry, of which +manuscripts in several libraries attest the popularity (_Sloane_ 2435; +_Royal_ 20, A III). Shortly afterwards the French metre was turned +into French prose, probably by “Maistre Gossouin.” (_Royal_ 19, A. ix; +_Bib. Imp._, _Paris_, No. 7070). Here we find the Text used by Caxton +for his translation, who even adopted a considerable portion of the +French prologue, without the least acknowledgment. Who this “Gossouin” +or “Gossevin” was, and whether he was the author or only the scribe, is +quite unknown. + +The celebrated Cardinal Pierre d’Ailly compiled, in 1409, a work +entitled “Tractatus de ymagine mundi” (_Harl._ _MS. 637_), which, +however, is principally astronomical, having little in common with the +work under review. + +The publishing of this book was not a speculation on Caxton’s part. He +was employed, as we learn from the prologue, to translate and probably +to print it by Hugh Brice, citizen, alderman of London, and in after +years mayor, who wished to make a present to Lord Hastings. To adorn, +as well as illustrate the pages, the art of the wood-engraver was +employed, and we may consider the figures here displayed as some of the +earliest specimens of that art in England. The designs were borrowed +from the manuscript copy, the illuminations in the French manuscripts +showing the same treatment. All the copies issued from Caxton’s press +have the words necessary for the explanation of the diagrams inserted +with the pen, instead of being engraved on the wood, which may perhaps +be an argument for their home execution, as the Flemish artists were +certainly well skilled in engraving words in their blocks. They all +appear to have been perfected by the same scribe, which probably +induced Oldys to assert that they are in Caxton’s autograph. Of this +there is no evidence. + +Hugh Brice, of the same county as Caxton, where he held the manor of +Jenkins (_Lysons_, vol. iv, page 75), was also of the Mercers’ Company, +although Stow calls him a goldsmith (_Thoms’s Stow_, page 77). He was +knighted about 1472; and in that year accompanied John Russell and +others on a trade embassy to Bruges. John Russell was the orator whose +celebrated speech, upon the reception of the Order of the Garter by the +Duke of Burgundy, is one of the earliest pieces attributed to the press +of Caxton. In 1473, Hugh Brice, who is called “Clericus in officio +Contrarotulatoris Monetæ nostræ,” was sent on a similar embassy, “De +difficultatibus super intercursu Burgundiæ removendis;” and on both +occasions would necessarily become personally acquainted with Caxton, +who at that time was in the service of the Duchess of Burgundy at +Bruges (_Rymer_, edit. 1727, vol. xi, page 738, &c. &c.) He also held +the offices of Keeper of the King’s Exchange, London; Governor of the +King’s Mint in the Tower, under Lord Hastings; and Mayor of London, +1494. He died in 1496. + +Sixteen copies are known: British Museum (2), Cambridge, Bodleian, +Windsor, Göttingen, and ten in private libraries. + + + NO. 32.--THE HISTORY OF REYNARD, THE FOX. _First Edition. Folio. + Translated in the Abbey of Westminster by William Caxton, 1481, + but without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date._ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i~ are 4ns, ~k~ and ~l~ are 3ns, ~a~ +1 and ~l~ 6 being blank. Between the leaves ~h~ 8 and ~i~ 1 is inserted +a leaf half printed on both sides. This was probably owing to the +accidental omission of a page by the compositor. Total, 84½ leaves, of +which the first and last are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No. 2*, +none other being used throughout the volume. The lines are spaced out +to one length, and measure 4¾ inches. A full page has 29 lines. Without +folios or catch-words. Arabic figures are used in the signatures. +Spaces 2 lines deep are left for the insertion of initials. + +The Text begins, on sig. ~a~ 2 recto, thus:-- + + ~This is the table of the historye of reynart the foxe~ + +ending half-way down sig. a 3 recto, + + ~How the foxe with his frendes departed nobly fro the + kynge & wente to his castel maleperduys / capitulo xliij~ + +On the verso begins the story-- + + ~Hyer begynneth thystorye of renard the foxe~ + +ending half-way down the verso of the 5 th folio of sig. ~l~, + + ~Where they shal fynde faute / For J haue not added ne + mynusshed but haue folowed as nyghe as J can my copye + whiche was in dutche ⸝ and by me willm Caxton trans- + lated in to this rude & symple englyssh in thabbey of west- + mestre . fynysshed the vj daye of Juyn the yere of our + lord · M . CCCC . Lxxxj . & the xxj yere of the regne of + kynge Edward the iiijth /~ + + ~Here endeth the historye of Reynard the foxe &c~ + +REMARKS.--The date of printing this book is nowhere stated, though it +was probably put to press directly after if not during the translation, +which was finished on the 6th of June, 1481. The literary history of +this fable is very obscure. It appears to have had great popularity for +some centuries previous to Caxton’s time, as quotations from it appear +so early as the twelfth century. Caxton’s translation was made from +“Die Historie van Reinaert die Vos, ghepreñt ter goude in hollant by +mi gheraert leeu Jnt iaer Mcccc en lxxix,” or perhaps from the still +earlier edition in Dutch, discovered in 1854, and described in K. +Gödike’s Deutsche Wochenschrift for that year, Heft 8, page 256. + +Copies are in the British Museum, Eton College, and two private +libraries. + + + NO. 33.--TULLY OF OLD AGE; TULLY OF FRIENDSHIP; THE DECLAMATION OF + NOBLESSE. _Folio. “Emprynted by me symple persone William + Caxton.” No Place. 1481._ + +COLLATION.--_Old Age_: sigs. 1 and ~a~ are 3ns, with 1 1, and ~a~ +6 blank--~b c d e f g h~ are 4ns--~i~ is a 2n, with ~i~ 4 blank. +_Friendship_ and the _Declamation_: ~a b c d e f~ are 4ns, with no +blanks. The first section in the “De Senectute” is signed in Arabic +numerals only, thus: 1 2--1 3--1 4, the rest of the work being signed +in letters and Arabic numerals. The three tracts together have 117 +printed and three blank leaves. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page to any of the three +treatises. The type is all No. 2*, except where Latin quotations or +proper names are introduced, when Caxton’s largest type, No. 3, is +used. The lines are fully spaced out, and the long lines measure 4¾ +inches; 29 lines make a full page. Without folios or catchwords. Space +is left at the beginning of the chapters with a director, for the +insertion of 2 to 5-line initials. The peculiar ~&c~ belonging to type +No. 1 is used in this book. + +Although in three distinct treatises, Caxton intended them to form but +one volume, as is plainly stated in the epilogue, which renders it +difficult to imagine a reason for his printing the volume with two sets +of signatures. + +After a blank leaf the Text begins on sig. 1 2, space being left for a +2-line initial ~H~ with director, + + ~h~ ~Ere begynneth the prohemye vpon the reducinge ⸝ + both out of latyn as of frensshe in to our englyssh + tongue / of the polytyque book named Tullius de senec- + tute . whiche that Tullius wrote vpon the disputacons &~ + +The treatise “De Senectute” ends, with the following colophon, at the +head of the 3rd recto of sig. ~i~, + + ~Thus endeth the boke of Tulle of olde age translated + out of latyn in to frenshe by laurence de primo facto at + the comaundement of the noble prynce Lowys Duc of + Burbon / and enprynted by me symple persone William + Caxton in to Englysshe at the playsir solace and reue- + rence of men growyng in to olde age the xij day of Au- + gust the yere of our lord . M . CCCC . lxxxj :~ + +A blank leaf, and then the “De Senectute” begins with a new series of +signatures on ~a j~, the whole work ending on the 8th verso of sig. ~f~, + + ~that we at our departyng maye departe in suche wyse, that + it maye please our lord god to receyue vs in to his euir- + lastyng blysse . Amen:~ + + ~Explicit per Caxton~ + +REMARKS.--We learn from Caxton’s own pen, that the translation of +Cicero’s “De Senectute” and “De Amicitiâ” into French was made by the +command of Louis Duke of Bourbon, in 1405, by Laurence de Premierfait. +This learned priest was a native of the city of Troyes, and obtained +great celebrity by his numerous translations. + +To Jean Mielot we must attribute the French version of “The +Declamation,” in which he styles the author “Surse Pistoie, Docteur en +Loix, et grand Orateur.” This was one of the first books that issued +from the press of Colard Mansion at Bruges. + +The English translation of the “De Senectute” was accomplished, as we +learn from the first prologue, at the ordinance and desire of Sir John +Fastolfe. It has been ascribed by Leland to the Earl of Worcester, and +by Anstis to Wyllyam de Wyrcestre; in both cases without evidence. We +have seen already that the “Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers” +had been translated in 1450 for Sir John Fastolfe, by Stephen Scrope, +his son-in-law (see page 191, _ante_), and this possibly came from the +same pen. Whoever the translator may have been he took for his text the +work of Laurence Premierfait, of which this version is a most literal +translation, notwithstanding his assurance (see the end of the first +prologue) that “this book is more amply expounded and more sweeter to +the reader, _keeping the just sentence of the Latin_.” The English +version of “De Amicitiâ” and the “Declamation” are attributed by +Caxton to the Earl of Worcester, a great traveller, a great collector +of books, and a great orator. The Earl’s history and acquirements +have been described by Fuller, Dr. Henry, and many others; Caxton’s +admiration for him is expressed in the most touching and characteristic +terms. Probably their love of literature was a friendly bond. The Earl +also translated, at a later period, Cæsar’s Commentaries, which Rastell +printed. + +Of 22 copies extant, twelve are in the chief corporate libraries in +England, and ten in private hands. + + + NO. 34.--THE GAME AND PLAY OF THE CHESS. _Second Edition. Folio. + Woodcuts. “Explicit per Caxton.” Without Place or Date. (1481?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i~ are 4ns, ~k l~ are 3ns = 84 +leaves, of which the first is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used +is No. 2.* The lines are spaced out to an even length, and signatures +are used. A full page has 29 lines, and a full line measures 4⅞ inches. +Space left for the insertion of 2 or 3-line initials, with director. +Without folios or catchwords. + +After the blank leaf the prologue of Caxton commences on sig. ~a ij~. + +The Text begins thus:-- + + ~He holy appostle and doctour of the peple saynt + ~t~ Poule sayth in his epystle . Alle that is wryten + is wryten vnto our doctryne and for our ler- + nyng . Wherfore many noble clerkes haue endeuoyred~ + +The table of chapters follows on the verso, and ends on ~a iij~ recto, +the verso being blank. On ~a iiij~ recto, the first chapter commences, +and is illustrated with a woodcut representing King Evilmerodach, son +of Nebuchadnezzar, “a jolly man without justice who did do hew his +father his body into three hundred pieces.” + +The Text ends on ~l~ 6 recto, the verso being blank-- + + ~man but as a beste . Thenne late euery man of what + condycion he be that redyth or herith this litel book redde · + take therby ensaumple to amende hym ·~ + + ~Explicit per Caxton.~ + +REMARKS.--All the copies of this book show the types thick and worn. +Also many double letters and ligatures which occur frequently in +earlier books never appear in this. + +The woodcuts in this volume number only sixteen, not twenty-four, as +Dibdin and other writers say, eight of them being impressions from +blocks used for previous chapters. As already noticed, there seems a +probability that the two cuts for “Parvus Chato,” third edition, were +the earliest used by Caxton. These were soon after printed again, with +the addition of many others in the “Mirrour of the World.” The present +cuts were perhaps the third essay of Caxton in this department, and +for these, judging by the general style, he appears to have employed +another artist. + +[Illustration: “EVILMERODACH, A JOLLY MAN WITHOUT JUSTICE WHO DID DO +HEW HIS FATHER IN PIECES.”] + +The literary history of the work has been given under the first +edition, but we must notice that the original prologue dedicated to the +Duke of Clarence, the major portion of which was a translation from the +French, has been superseded in this edition by a prologue from Caxton’s +own pen, the ideas in which, with the exception of the first few lines, +and almost the very words, are often met with in manuscripts of that +age. + +In the first chapter of the Fourth tractate is a curious interpolation +by Caxton respecting “the good old times” of his youth. The original +text has this remark: “And truly a royame wythout habundaunce of +goodes by whyche hyt may be gouerned and prospere may better be callyd +a latrocynye or a nest of theuys than a royame.” To this Caxton adds +the following:--“Alas what habundaunce was somme tymes in the royames +/ and what prosperite / in whiche was Justyce . and euery man in his +offyce contente! how stood the cytees that time in worship & renome . +how was renomed the noble royame of englond alle the world dradde hit +and spake worshyp of hit. How hit now standeth and in what habundaunce +I reporte me to them that knowe hit . yf there ben theuys wyth in the +royame or on the see . they knowe that laboure in the royame and sayle +on the see / I wote wel the fame is grete therof / I pray god saue that +noble royame . & sende good trewe and polletique councellours to the +gouernours of the same.” + +The year in which this edition is generally considered to have been +issued seems to me very incorrect. Ames assigns no date to it, but +Dibdin, probably misled by Bagford’s observations, thinks it one of +Caxton’s earliest efforts, while in some remarks attached to a reprint +of this edition by Mr. Figgins, it is considered as the _earliest_ +specimen of the Westminster press, and to have been printed from _cut_ +metal types. An examination of the work, however, with a typographical +eye does not afford a single evidence of very early workmanship. All +Caxton’s early books were uneven in the length of their lines--this +is quite even. Not one of the early works had any signatures--this is +signed throughout. These two features alone are quite sufficient to +fix its date of impression at least as late as 1480, when Caxton first +began the use of signatures. Probably it was the last book for which +Type No. 2* was used. + +Copies are in the British Museum; the Pepysian and Trinity, Cambridge; +Bodleian and St. John’s, Oxford; Imperial Library, Vienna; and seven in +private hands. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[14] “Ballad Royal” was the title of a seven-line rhythm, each stanza +of which rhymed as follows:--_a_--_b_--_a_--_b_--_b_--_c_--_c_. + +[15] An account of this discovery may be found interesting, showing +strongly the importance of examining the covers of old books before +rejecting them. In the summer of 1858 I inspected the old library in +the Grammar School attached to the Abbey of St. Albans. I found a +few valuable books all contained in an old deal cupboard, upon which +the leakage from the roof had dripped apparently for years. It must +have been long since any one had touched a book there, and the amount +of dust and decay was certainly enough to deter even a bibliomaniac +from so doing. After examining a few interesting books I pulled out +one which was lying flat upon the top of others. It was in a most +deplorable state, covered thickly with a damp sticky dust, and with a +considerable portion of the back rotted away by wet. The white decay +fell in lumps on the floor as the unappreciated volume was opened. It +proved to be Geoffrey Chaucer’s English translation of “Boecius de +Consolatione Philosophiæ,” printed by Caxton, in the original binding, +as issued from Caxton’s workshop, and uncut!! On examining the amount +of damage it had sustained, I found that the wet, which had injured the +book, had also, by separating the layers of paper of which the covers +were composed, revealed the interesting fact that several fragments, +on which Caxton’s types appeared, had been used in their manufacture. +After vexatious opposition and repeated delays the Acting Trustees +were induced to allow the book, which they now prized highly, to be +deposited in the care of Mr. J. Winter Jones, of the British Museum, +for the purpose of rebinding. On dissecting the covers they were found +to be composed entirely of waste sheets from Caxton’s press, two or +three being printed on one side only. The two covers yielded no less +than fifty-six half-sheets of printed paper, proving the existence of +three works from Caxton’s press quite unknown before. The following is +the list of the fragments, all genuine specimens of England’s first +printer, though unfortunately mostly in very poor condition:-- + + 1. The English “Jason,” ten leaves. + 2. “Dictes,” three leaves. + 3. “Chronicles,” six leaves. + 4. “Description of Britain,” eight leaves. + 5. “Curia Sapientiæ” (extremely rare), two leaves. + 6. “Tulle,” seven leaves. + 7. Lydgate’s “Life of our Lady,” two leaves. + 8. “Temple of Brass,” fourteen leaves. + 9. “The Chorle and the Bird,” two leaves. + 10. “The Horse, the Sheep, and the Goose,” four leaves. + 11. “Horæ beatæ Virginis” (unique), four leaves. + 12. “Pica Sarum” (unique), eight leaves. + 13. “An Indulgence of Pope Sixtus IV,” two slips of parchment (unique). + + + + +A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN + +TYPE No. 3. + + + + +_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 3._ + + + 35. An Advertisement 1477-78? + + 36. Directorium. First Version 1477-78? + + 37. Horæ. Second Edition 1480? + + 38. Psalterium, &c. 1480-83? + + + + +BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 3. + + + NO. 35.--AN ADVERTISEMENT. _Long Octavo. Westminster. No Date. + (About 1477-78.)_ + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is all No. 3, the whole +advertisement being comprised in seven lines, unevenly spaced, the +longest measuring five inches. The verso is blank. + + ~Jf it plese ony man spirituel or temporel to bye ony + pyes of two and thre comemoracios of salisburi vse + enpryntid after the forme of this preset lettre whiche + ben wel and truly correct ⸝ late hym come to westmo- + nester in to the almonesrye at the reed pale and he shal + haue them good chepe.·.·~ + + ~Supplico stet cedula~ + +REMARKS.--This is an interesting relic, not only as giving us the name +of the house inhabited by our first printer--the Red-pale (“reed” +was commonly used by Caxton for “red”)--but also as a specimen of +advertisements in the fifteenth century. Although small in size, it +may also be considered as the earliest instance known of a “broadside” +printed in this country. + +Our printer was not alone in advertising his books, although, from the +fugitive nature of such productions, specimens are very rarely to be +found. An interesting list of books printed by Coburger, at Nuremberg, +in the fifteenth century, is in the British Museum (C. 18. e. 2. 27), +to which is attached the following heading:--“Cupientes emere libros +infra notatos venient ad hospicium subnotatum Venditorem habituri +largissimum,” &c. + +The “Pye”[16] was a collection of rules to show the priest how to deal +(under every possible variation in Easter) with the concurrence of more +than one office on the same day. In reading Caxton’s Advertisement +the question arises,--In what respect did the “pyes of two and three +commemorations of Salisbury use” differ from the ordinary pyes +of Salisbury use? The Very Reverend Canon Rock, D.D., has kindly +placed at my disposal an explanation which confines the “pye of two +commemorations” to the rules for Easter and Whitsuntide, and the “pye +of three commemorations” to the rules for Easter, Whitsuntide, and +Trinity.[17] Caxton’s Advertisement, therefore, refers to separately +published portions of the common “Directorium seu Pica Sarum,” +applicable, perhaps, to the current year only. In the succeeding +article is described a “Pica,” which, in some particulars, agrees +entirely with Caxton’s description. + +A poor copy is among the Doucé fragments in the Bodleian; and a good +one, formerly in Dr. Farmer’s library, at Althorpe. + +It has been suggested that the first line being very short, the +syllable _co_ has accidentally dropped out, and that the text should +read “to buy any _co_pies,” &c.; but the word “copy,” in that sense, +was unknown in the fifteenth century. + + + NO. 36.--DIRECTORIUM, SEU PICA SARUM. _First Version. Quarto. Sine + ullâ notâ. (About 1477-8.)_ + +No perfect copy of this book being known, the COLLATION is necessarily +omitted. The four fragments from the covers of the St. Alban’s +“Boethius” are four separate half sheets in quarto, making a total of +sixteen pages. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Only one type, No. 3, is used in these +fragments. The lines are not spaced out to one length. The longest +measure 3⅝ inches. A full page has 22 lines. Without signatures, or +catchwords, or printed folios to the leaves. There are no initial +letters, nor is there any space left for them. The whole is in very +contracted Latin. + +REMARKS.--There can be no doubt that this was the product of Caxton’s +press, as all the circumstances connected with it tend to prove. It +was extracted from the covers of a book which was evidently bound in +Caxton’s workshop, and for the binding of which he had used waste +sheets from the press (see _ante_, page 215). The fragments belonging +to known books were all printed by Caxton before 1481; while the +“Advertisement” and “Directorium,” reasoning from the measurement of +the lines and their uneven length, were certainly printed before 1480, +and probably about the same time as the later set of quarto poetic +pieces, _i.e._, about 1478. + +This “Directorium” is not the same version as that printed by Caxton, +about 1486, in type No. 5, and a second edition of which was issued +a few years later in type No. 6. These last are the text revised for +Bishop Rotherham, founded upon an earlier version, of which latter the +leaves under notice appear to be a portion. + +Formerly in the library of the St. Alban’s Grammar School; they are now +in the British Museum. + + + NO. 37.--HORÆ AD USUM SARUM. _Second Edition. Quarto. (1480-83.)_ + +No perfect copy being known, the COLLATION is of necessity omitted. The +following remarks are made from three fragments rescued from the St. +Alban’s “Boethius,” already noticed. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The only type used, judging from these +fragments, was No. 3. The lines are spaced out, and measure 3⅜ inches. +A full page has 20 lines. The initials and paragraph marks are not +inserted. + +The first fragment, a quarto leaf printed on both sides, but very +defective, contains part of the “Suffragia of the Three Kings,” which +are among the additions to the first part of the “Primer;” and in +an early edition by Wynken de Worde, immediately precede the Latin +“Fifteen Oes.” + +The second fragment is also but one leaf, and contains the commencement +of Part II of the “Horæ,” the “Ne Reminiscaris” being the anthem +belonging to the Seven Penitential Psalms. + +The third fragment consists of two pages of prayers, containing the +first of the “Fifteen Oes” in Latin, and some prayers near the end of +the Litany. + +REMARKS.--As all the “Fifteen Oes” and the Litany, as well as other +prayers, intervene between the two pages of the third fragment, it is +evident they were not intended to be printed on one sheet; this, added +to the fact that the paper is printed only on one side, makes it clear +that these are proof pages. + +This edition of “Horæ” is entirely unknown to any of our +bibliographers, and was doubtless a second edition of that already +noticed at p. 191. + +These fragments, now in the British Museum, were purchased in 1874. +They were formerly in the library of King Edward VI Grammar School, St. +Alban’s. + + + NO. 38.--PSALTERIUM, ETC. _Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. (1480-83?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u x y~ are 4ns, +with ~a~ 1 blank; but as only one copy is known to be in existence, and +that imperfect, no complete collation can be given. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is only one type, No. 3, used +throughout the work, excepting for the signatures, where the Arabic +numerals belong to type No. 2. The lines, which are spaced out, +measure 3⅜ inches, and a full page has 20. Without printed folios +or catchwords. Space for the insertion of 2 to 4-line initials, +generally without director, is left at the beginning of paragraphs. The +signatures are in letters and Arabic numerals, a mode of signing used +by Caxton only between the years 1480 and 1483. + +The book doubtless commenced with a blank leaf for ~a~ 1, which is +wanting in this copy. + +The Text begins at the head of ~a~ 2 recto, thus:-- + + ~Jheronimus de laude dei super + psalterium~ + ~Jchil enim est in hac vita + ~n~ mortali in quo possumus fa- + miliarius inherere deo q’ di- + uinis laudibus. Nullus e’m mor-~ + +“Jheronimus super Psalterium” ends on ~a~ 6 recto, and is followed by +two prayers and a metrical hymn. + +The Psalter finishes on sig. ~t~ 3 recto, and is followed by the +Canticles, Te Deum, Athanasian Creed, a general Litany, including most +of the prayers now in use, and ends imperfectly on sig. ~y~ 7 verso. +There is an eighth leaf, which at first sight is very defective, +seeming to be ~y~ 8; in fact it is an intercallary leaf, consisting of +two pages accidentally omitted between ~r~ 7 and ~x~ 8, and bound up +wrongly after ~y~ 7, the real ~y~ 8 being absent. + +As these typographical blunders suggest that the compositor worked from +a printed and not a manuscript copy, we may well believe that this is +not the first edition of the work. + +The only copy at present known is in the British Museum, having formed +a portion of the old Royal Library. It has the initials M. R. (Queen +Mary I.) on the back of the volume, and was recognised as being printed +with Caxton’s types by Mr. Bullen of the British Museum, through whose +hands it passed for re-cataloguing. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[16] The _Pica_ type of printers is commonly supposed to derive +its name from having been used for printing the early “Pica seu +Directorium.” I have searched in vain among the earliest editions of +the Directorium for a copy printed in types approaching the size of +_Pica_. They are mostly the size of modern Brevier. + +[17] “Easter being a moveable feast, and ruling the time for +Septuagesima, Sexagesima, and Quinquagesima Sundays, and the beginning +of Lent, as well as the Sundays for Whitsuntide and the beginning of +Trinity, makes great and ever-recurring alterations in the Service +of the Calendar on Saints’ days. Hence was it to show the Cleric +at a glance how to commemorate the Saints’ days that came in the +everchanging times of Lent, Easter, Whitsuntide; and the Octave of the +Trinity, the _Pica_ began by giving a table of the Dominical letters, +which make the keys of all the rest of the _Pica_; and after such a +way no matter what month or week Easter might fall on, the manner of +commemorating the Saints’ days happening then, or of putting them off +till another time, was accurately described for all variations. But as +the chief variations in keeping the Saints’ days happened at Easter +and its following week--at Whitsuntide and its week or Octave--and at +Trinity and its Octave; and, as during these three great feasts, with +their Octaves, the occurring feast itself was chiefly celebrated with +mere mention, or Collect, or Commemoration; and as people in Caxton’s +days had not printed but handwritten Breviaries without the _Pica_ +or _Pye_ in them, Caxton printed, to supply their want, ‘pyes of two +and three commemorations,’--that is to say, directions for saying the +whole office of _two_ Octaves or Commemorations, say of Easter and +Whitsuntide, and of _three_ Octaves, Easter, Whitsuntide, and Trinity. +It should be borne in mind, as I have pointed out in _t._ 4, _p._ 139 +of ‘The Church of our Fathers,’ that the Laity as well as the Clergy +used to say the Breviary. Hence Caxton’s invitation to buy his ‘pyes’ +to the Laity too.”--_Extract from a letter to J. F. Goulding, Esq., +from the Very Rev. Canon Rock, D.D. February, 1862._ + + + + +A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN + +TYPE No. 4. + + + + +_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPES No. 4 AND 4*._ + + + 39. Chronicles. First Edition Type 4 1480 + 40. Description of Britain Type 4 1480 + 41. Curia Sapientiæ Type 4 1481? + 42. Godfrey of Boloyne Type 4 1481 + 43. Indulgence. First Edition Type 4 1481 + 44. Ditto Second Edition Type 4 1481 + 45. Chronicles. Second Edition Type 4 1482 + 46. Polychronicon Type 4 1482 + 47. Pilgrimage of the Soul Type 4 1483 + 48. A Vocabulary Type 4 1483? + 49. The Festial. First Edition Type 4* 1483 + 50. Four Sermons Type 4* 1483? + 51. Servitium de Visitatione Type 4 1483? + 52. Sex Epistolæ Type 4 and 4* 1483? + 53. Confessio Amantis Type 4 and 4* 1484 + 54. The Knight of the Tower Type 4 and 4* 1484? + 55. Caton Type 4* 1484 + 56. Golden Legend. First Edition Type 4 and 4* 1484 + 57. Death-bed Prayers Type 4* 1484? + 58. Æsop Type 4* 1484 + 59. Order of Chivalrye Type 4* 1483-85 + 60. Canterbury Tales. Second Edition Type 4* 1484? + 61. Book of Fame Type 4* 1484? + 62. The Curial Type 4* 1484? + 63. Troilus and Cresside Type 4* 1484? + 64. Life of our Lady Type 4* 1484? + 65. St. Winifred Type 4* 1485? + 66. King Arthur Type 4* 1485 + 67. Charles the Great Type 4* 1485 + 68. Paris and Vienne Type 4* 1485 + 69. The Golden Legend. Second Edition Type 4* 1487 + + + + +BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 4. + + + NO. 39.--THE CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. _Folio. “Emprynted by me William + Caxton in thabbey of Westmynstre.” June 10th, 1480. First + Edition, with short commas._ + +COLLATION.--Prologue and table a 4n, signed ~ij~, ~iij~, and ~iiij~, +the first leaf being blank, ~a~ (~a j~ blank) ~b c d e f g h i k l m n +o p q r s t u x~ are 4ns; ~y~ is a 3n. Total 182 leaves, of which +two are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 4 only is +used. There are forty lines to a full page. The lines are spaced out to +an even length, and measure 4¾ inches. The signatures are in lower-case +letters and Arabic numerals. Spaces left for the insertion of initials. +Without folios or catchwords. The short comma (~⸝~) only is used. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows on sig. ~ij~ recto, +the Text beginning, with a space for a 5-line initial, + + ~N the yere of thyncarnacion of our lord Jhu crist M. + CCCC . lxxx . And in the xx . yere of the Regne of + ~J~ kyng Edward the fourthe ⸝ Atte requeste of dyuerce + gentilmen I haue endeueurd me to enprinte the cro- + nicles of Englond as in this booke shall by the suf- + fraunce of god folowe ⸝ And to thende that euery mon may + see and~ + +The Chronicle ends on the sixth recto of sig. ~y~, the verso being +blank, + + ~Thus endeth this present booke of the cronicles of + englond ⸝ enp’n | ted by me william Caxton In thabbey of + westmynstre by london | Fynysshid and accomplisshid + the x . day of Juyn the yere of thin- | carnacion of our lord + god M . CCCC . lxxx . And in the xx . yere of | the regne + of kyng Edward the fourth~ + +REMARKS.--The use of short commas, which characterises the early state +of this type, would induce us to give priority to this edition over the +other, in which the long commas are used, independently of any printed +date. + +The history here printed by Caxton differs but little from the +“Cronicle of Brute,” one of the most popular of the fifteenth and +sixteenth century books. It is, however, carried further than any +manuscript chronicle I have seen, and it appears probable that, as any +writer who felt competent made his own additions in transcribing, so +Caxton added more or less to his copy, and brought the history down, as +he acknowledges having done in “Polycronicon,” to the battle of Towton. +The old “Cronicle of Brute” was so called from the opening chapter +which describes the settlement of Brutus, the descendant of Æneas, in +Britain. The respective parts due to Nennius, Douglas of Glastonbury, +and Geoffrey of Monmouth, are probably too obscure to determine. The +St. Alban’s Chronicle, printed two or three years later, and in types +somewhat resembling those of Caxton, is the same text, interpolated +throughout with a history of the Popes and ecclesiastical matters. +This, and the edition of Machlinia (Caxton’s text), about the same +date, are not unfrequently catalogued erroneously as from Caxton’s +press. + +One of the most rare books from the early Dutch Press is a reprint of +Caxton’s text by Gerard Leeu. + +This work is often called “Caxton’s Chronicle” by old writers, probably +from the publicity he gave it both as editor and printer, and he is +often blamed for its inaccuracies, although, with the exception of the +last few pages, he had nothing to do with its compilation; nor indeed +does he in any way lay claim to it. + +Of this edition with the short commas there are copies at Cambridge, +Bodleian (2), St. John’s, Oxford, Hunterian Museum, Glasgow, and +Lambeth Palace. Six are in private hands. + + + NO. 40.--THE DESCRIPTION OF BRITAIN. _Folio. “Fynyshed by me William + Caxton.” No Place. 18th August, 1480._ + +COLLATION.--Three 4ns and one 3n, unsigned. Thirty leaves, the last +being blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 4 only is +used. There are forty lines to a full page. The lines are spaced out to +an even length, and measure 4¾ inches. Spaces left for the insertion +of initials. Without signatures, folios, or catchwords. The signatures +were probably omitted on account of the limited extent of the work. + +The Text begins, on the verso of the first leaf, thus:-- + + ~Hit is so that in many and diuerse places the comyn + cronicles | of englond ben had and also now late enprinted + at westmynstre |~ + +and ends on the 29th recto, + + ~lated the book of Policronicon into englissh ⸝ Fynysshed + by me | william Caxton the xviij . day of August the yere of + our lord god | M. CCCC. lxxx . and the xx . yere of the + regne of kyng Edward | the fourthe .~ + +REMARKS.--“The Description of Britain” is one of the chapters out +of Ralph Higden’s “Polycronicon.” Caxton printed it as a supplement +to the Chronicles, and evidently intended it to follow on after the +termination of that work. The blank leaf at the end instead of the +beginning favours this idea. + +It is improbable that a second edition of “The Description of Britain” +was issued, as no copy with the long commas (/) has yet been found. + +Copies are in British Museum, Cambridge, Oxford (3), St. John’s, +Oxford, Lambeth, Glasgow, and four in private libraries. + + + NO. 41.--CURIA SAPIENTIÆ; OR THE COURT OF SAPIENCE. _Folio. Without + Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. (1481?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d~ are 4ns, ~e~ is a 3n = 38 leaves, of which +the first is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No. +4 throughout. The whole work is in “Balad Royal,” or stanzas of +seven lines, of which there are five to each page. Without folios or +catchwords. Space is left for the insertion of 3-line initials. + +After a blank the Text begins on ~a ij~ recto, with space for a 3-line +initial, with director, + + ~He laberoꝰ & ye most merueyloꝰ werkes + Of sapience syn firste regned nature + ~t~ My purpos is to tell as writen clerkes + And specyally her moost notable cure~ + +The Text ends half-way down the second column, on the sixth verso of +signature ~e~, + + ~lyuyng ⸝ nedeful werkes ⸝ and + dredeful dedes of ioye and of + peyne~ + +REMARKS.--The only manuscript copy of this poem is preserved in the +library of Trinity College, Cambridge. It belonged formerly to John +Stow, who has noted several omissions in the text, as compared with +some other copy, probably the printed edition; and who has written over +the top, “By John Lydgate.” The poem itself is headed “Here beginneth a +brief compiled treatise called by the Author thereof _Curia Sapientiæ_.” + +The following description by Oldys is taken from _Bib. Harl._ Vol. +III, No. 3313: “Though neither the author’s nor printer’s name appears +to this poem, it was visibly enough printed by Caxton and composed +by Lidgate, had we not the authority of John Stowe for it, in the +catalogue of his writings. The author tells us it was written at +the command of his Sovereign (perhaps King Hen. V), and it seems to +be one of the scarcest of his pieces extant. There seems to be more +invention in it and variety of matter than in most other poems of his +composition, displaying, after a copious debate between Mercy and +Truth, Justice and Peace, a distinct survey throughout the palace +and domains of Sapience, of all the products of nature, in distinct +chapters, and of arts and sciences; with his further reference, at +the end of each, to the authors who have written on them.” Ames says +(_Typ. Ant._, page 67), after quoting the whole of the “Prohemium,” +“I take Caxton to be the poet or author, by the above verses.” This +opinion was perhaps too readily adopted. Although there is a curious +parallel between the poet’s statement of his rude and corrupt speech, +and the apology of Caxton in his additions to “The Recuyell” for his +“vnperfightness” in English, owing to his having been educated where +was “spoken as brode and rude englissh as is in ony place of englond;” +and although we know that Caxton could put together a few verses, as +in the instance of the last two stanzas of “Moral Proverbs;” yet, +judging from the literary ability of his known works and translations, +we should hardly be justified in ascribing the authorship of “Curia +Sapientiæ” to him. The plan of this work, in which theology, geography, +natural history, horticulture, grammar, rhetoric, arithmetic, geometry, +music, and astronomy are all in turn described, was certainly too high +a flight for our printer. + +The titles given to this book, “The werke of Sapience” and +“Tractatus de Fide et Cantus famule sue,” adopted by Ames and other +bibliographers, were taken from the first and last lines of the poem. +The proper title, “Curia Sapientiæ,” appears at the end of “Liber +Primus.” + +Caxton’s edition is very scarce. St. John’s, Oxford, and Earl Spencer, +have copies, and fragments are in the Bodleian and the British Museum. +This last library is inaccurately stated by Dibdin to possess a perfect +copy. + + + NO. 42.--THE HISTORY OF GODFREY OF BOLOYNE; OR THE CONQUEST OF + JERUSALEM. _Folio. Printed the 20th November, in the Abbey of + Westminster, by William Caxton, 1481._ + +COLLATION.--~a~ is a 3n with ~a j~ blank; ~b~ a 2n, ~b~ 1 being +blank; 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 16 are +all 4ns, 17 is a 3n = 144 leaves, of which two are blank. Excepting +the first two gatherings, the signatures are entirely in Arabic +numerals. Dibdin corrects Ames, and says he counted 146 leaves, but +Ames was right. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is +entirely No. 4. A full page has forty lines, which are of an even +length, and measure 4¾ inches. Without folios or catchwords. Space at +the commencement of chapters is left for the insertion of 3 to 7-line +initials. + +The volume commences with a blank leaf, after which follows the +prologue, the Text beginning on ~a~ 2, with a space for a 4-line +initial, + + ~He hye couragyous faytes / And valyaunt actes of + ~t~ noble Jllustrous and vertuous personnes ben digne + to be recounted ⸝ put in memorye ⸝ and wreton. to thende + that ther may be gyuen to them name Jnmortal by so- + uerayn laude and preysyng. And also for to moeue and + tenflaw |~ + +ending half-way down the recto of the sixth folio of sig. 17, the verso +being blank, + + ~myng . whiche boook J began in marche the xij daye and + fynys- | shyd the vij day of Juyn ⸝ the yere of our lord · + M . CCCC · lxxxj | & the the xxj yere of the regne of our + sayd sauerayn lord kyng Ed | ward the fourth . & in this + maner sette in forme & enprynted the | xx day of nouem- + bre the yere a forsayd in thabbay of westmester | by the + said wylliam Caxton~ + +In the British Museum is a splendid manuscript of this work, a large +folio, on vellum, fifteenth century, with numerous illuminations. The +character of the writing is very similar to the large type of Colard +Mansion, and it begins “Les anciennes histoires dīet que eracles fut +moult bon x’pien et gouuerneur de lempire de romme.” The text is +without doubt the original of Caxton’s translation, with which it +agrees chapter for chapter, but is carried much further than the death +of Godfrey, with which Caxton concludes. The author appears to be +unknown. + +An edition was printed at Paris, in 1500, with the title “Les faits +et Gestes de preux Godefroy de Bovillon et de ses chevalereux freres +Baudouin et Eustache.” + +Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge (2), Imperial Library, +Vienna, Hunterian College, Glasgow, Bristol, Göttingen, besides four in +private libraries. The copy belonging to S. Holford, Esq., is specially +interesting; it is in its original vellum cover, and contains the +following interesting notice:--“This was king Edw. y^e fourth Booke.” +Also the autographs, “p’tinet Rogero Thorney,” and “Rob^t Wellborne.” +The former of these names is worth a comment, because it throws some +doubt upon the accuracy of the previous notice. Roger Thorney, like +other literary mercers of his time, was probably a friend and supporter +of Caxton: he certainly patronised his successor, Wynken de Worde, as +the following lines from the “Polychronicon” of 1495, show:-- + + “--------this boke of Policronicon + “Whiche Roger Thorney Mercer hath exhorted + “Wynken de Worde of vertuous entent + “Well to correcte, and gretely hym comforted, + “This specyal boke to make and sette in prente.” + +How then did Roger Thorney become possessed of the copy of “The +History of Godefroy of Bulloyn,” belonging to his king? On the +inside cover is also the book-plate of Sir John Dolben, Bart., of +Finedon, in Northamptonshire. This volume was sold among the books of +Secondary Smyth, in 1682, and passed into the library of the Earl of +Peterborough. It was afterwards in the Vernon collection, which is now +included in that of Mr. Holford. + + + NO. 43.--LETTERS OF INDULGENCE FROM JOHANNES DE GIGLIIS, ALIAS DE + LILIIS, ISSUED IN 1481 ON THE AUTHORITY OF POPE SIXTUS IV, FOR + ASSISTANCE AGAINST THE TURKS. _On Parchment._ 1481. + +This indulgence is represented by two slips of parchment, extracted +from the St. Alban’s “Boethius.” (See _ante_, page 215.) + +Originally in one, the document was cut in two pieces by Caxton’s +binder, who used them for strengthening the back of the book. They +were pasted, one at the beginning and one at the end, down the +whole length, inside the boards. When the volume was dissected they +were, unfortunately, subjected to the usual soaking in water. This +has entirely changed their original appearance, as the print has +necessarily participated in the shrinking of the parchment. From +personal examination, while the fragments were in the original state, +the following particulars are obtained:-- + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The Type is all No. 4. The lines, which are +spaced to an even length, measured nine inches. The complete document, +apparently, contained 13 lines. + +The second slip containing the date, is as follows:-- + + ~mutare libere et licite . . . . . | . et singuloru fide pre- + sentes sigilli ꝯmissionis indulgeciaru et dispensacionu + sancte cruciate qu . . | mus et fecimus appensione com + . . ixi / Datum die mensis | + CCCC. lxxxj . Ac pontificatus prefati sanctissimi domini + nostri do . ini Sixti pape . .~ + +The two slips, now measuring each 7¼ × 1 inches, were originally about +11 × 2 inches. They are now in the British Museum. + + + NO. 44.--LETTERS OF INDULGENCE ISSUED IN 1481, ON THE AUTHORITY OF + POPE SIXTUS IV, FOR ASSISTANCE AGAINST THE TURKS. _Second + Edition. On Parchment. 1481._ + +The type is all No. 4. The lines are spaced to an even length. The +whole document is printed on one side of a slip of paper. + +The only two copies known are pasted inside the “Royal Book” printed +by Caxton, and now in the Bedford Library, Bedford. They measure 8 +× 6 inches. A slip of parchment containing four lines of the same +Indulgence was discovered by Mr. Bradshaw in the Library of King’s +College, Cambridge. + + + NO. 45.--THE CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. _Folio. “Emprynted by me william + Caxton In thabbey of westmestre” October 8th, 1482. Second + Edition, with long commas._ + +COLLATION.--Prologue and title a 4n, signed ~ij~, ~iij~, and ~iiij~, +the first leaf being blank, ~a~ (~a j~ blank) ~b c d e f g h i k l m n +o p q r s t u x~ are 4ns; ~y~ is a 3. Total 182 leaves, of which two +are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 4 only is +used. There are forty lines to a full page. The lines are spaced out to +an even length, and measure 4¾ inches. The signatures are in lower-case +letters and Arabic numerals. Spaces left for the insertion of initials. +Without folios or catchwords. + +The above collation and particulars are identical with those of the +first edition, described at page 247, _ante_. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows on sig. ~ij~ recto, +the Text beginning with space for a 4-line initial, + + ~N the yere of thyncarnacyon of our lord Jhu crist M + CCCC / lxxx / And in the xx yere of the Regne of + ~i~ kyng Edward the fourth / Atte request of dyuerse gen + tylmen J haue endeuyryd me to enprynte the Cro- + nycles of Englond / as in this book shal by the suffraunce + of god~ + +The Text ends on the sixth recto of sig. ~y~, the verso being blank, + + ~Thus endeth this present book of the Cronycles of + Englond / Enprynted by me William Caxton Jn thabbey + of westmestre by london / Fynysshed / and accomplysshyd + the / viij / day of Octobre / The yere of the Incarnacyon of + our lord God / M / CCCC / lxxxij And in the xxij yere of + the regne of kyng Edward the fourth~ + +Copies are in the British Museum (2) and Oxford, with three in private +libraries. + + + NO. 46.--POLYCRONICON. _Folio. “Imprinted and set in forme by me + William Caxton.” Without Place or Date. Translation ended 2nd + July, 1482._ + +COLLATION.--~a b~ are 4ns, with the first leaf of ~a~ blank; ~C~ is a +2n; sigs. 1 to 28 are 4ns, the first and 5th leaves of sig. 1 being +blank; sig. 28 is followed by an unsigned single sheet, of which but +one leaf is printed, the other being blank; 29 to 48 are 4ns; 49 a 2n; +50 to 55 are 4ns, with the last leaf of 55 blank; sig. 50 is followed +by 52, sig. 51 being accidentally omitted = 450 leaves, of which five +are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No. +4. The lines, which measure 4¾ inches, are fully spaced out, and forty +make a full page. Space is left at the beginning of the chapters for +the insertion of initials. The first gatherings have the signatures +in Roman numerals, but all the rest are signed with Arabic numerals. +After the introductory matter folios are introduced, although with many +errors. + +The Text, preceded by a blank, begins on sig. ~a~ 2 recto, with space +for a 4-line initial, + + ~Prohemye~ + + ~g~ ~Rete thankynges lawde & honoure we merytoryous- + ly ben bounde to yelde and offre vnto wryters of hys- + toryes / whiche gretely haue prouffyted oure mortal + lyf / that shewe vnto the reders and herers by the + ensamples of thynges passyd / what thynge is to be desyred /~ + +The Text ends on the recto of 55-7; the verso and 55-8 being blank. + + ~wrytynge / Ended the second day of Juyll the xxij yere + of the regne of kynge Edwardthe fourth & of the Jncar- + nacion of oure lord a thousand four honderd foure score + and tweyne /~ + ~Fynysshed per Caxton~ + +REMARKS.--Few of Caxton’s books have excited more interest and research +than the “Polycronicon.” It appears to have had its origin with Roger, +Monk of St. Werberg, in Chester, who, about the beginning of the +fourteenth century, made an extensive compilation in Latin from several +of the old chronicles and works on natural history then in existence. +Ralph Higden, of the same monastery, who died before 1360, amplified +this compilation, entitling his work, “Polycronicon;” and this, judging +from the numerous copies still extant, had a very extended popularity. +In 1387 Trevisa, chaplain to the Earl of Berkeley, translated the Latin +of Higden into English prose. An account of Trevisa, with a history +of his works, is given by Dr. Dibdin, in _Typ. Ant._ vol. i., page +140, who, however, has not included in his list Trevisa’s English +translation of the Gospel of Nicodemus (_Addit. MS._ 16165). Trevisa’s +translation of the Bible is expressly mentioned by Caxton in his +prologue. Nearly a century later, Caxton “a little embellished” the +antiquated text of Trevisa, which, together with a continuation of the +history to the year 1460, was finished on July 2nd, 1482, and printed +soon after: he entitled his continuation “Liber ultimus,” and it is +most interesting as being the only original work of any magnitude from +our printer’s pen. + +Caxton tells us very little of the sources of his information. He +mentions two little works, “Fasciculus temporum” and “Aureus de +Vniverso,” from which, however, he certainly obtained but little +material for his “Liber ultimus,” which treats almost entirely of +English matters. + +As a specimen of the alteration made by our printer, when he “a lytyl +embellyshed” the text as rendered by Trevisa, the following quotation +is given, in which the consequences of Man’s fall are graphically +described. The embellishment chiefly consists in modernising the old +English, although here and there Caxton added sentences to the text. + + +TREVISA’S TEXT, 1387. + +(Harleian MS., No 1900, fol. 94_b_). + + From that day forthward ye body y^t is corrupt by syne greuey y^e + soule / Ye flesche couetiy azenꝰ ye soule / and mānes wittes torney + & assentith liztlich to euel A mānes owne meynal wittes bey his owne + enemyes ℂ So y^t al a mānes lif is temptacion while he lyuey here in + erye Also man is eū failynge and aweyward . he may nouzt stidfastlich + abide he falliy liztliche bot he may nouzt lightlich arise . P’fite + is of birye sorrowe & care ī lyuyng/ and man mot nedes deye And thouz + alle oy^e yat bey made haue schelles · ryndes · skynnes · wolle. + heer. bristels · fethers · wynges other skales · man is y bore wiyout + eny helyng / naked & bar . anone at his birye he gyney forto wepe + atte bygynyng liche to a best . but his lymes failey hym & may nouzt + help hymself . But he is febler yan any oy^r beste · he kan noon + helpe · he may nouzt do of hymself but wepe wiy al his myzte. No best + hay lif more brutel and vnsiker. Noon hay sekenesse more greuous · + noon more likynge to do oy^rwise than he sholde / noon is more cruwel + Also oy^r bestes louey eūeche oye of ye same kynde & woney to gedres + & bey nouzt cruwel but to bestes of other kynde y^t ben contrairie to + hem But man torney y^t maner doyng vpsodoū & is contr’ie to hym self + & cruel to oy^r men + + +CAXTON’S TEXT, 1483. + +(Sig, 10 4 verso). + + Fro that day forth the body that is corrupt by synne greueth the + soule The flesshe coueyteth ayenste the soule and mannes wyttes torne + and assente lightly to euyl A mannes oune meynal wyttes / be his owne + enemyes / so that al mannes lyf is in temptacion whyle he lyueth here + in erthe . & the disposipon of the soule ruleth meynteneth / helpeth + and conforteth the body / But ayeinward the wretched disposicion + of the bodye distourbeth the soule · Also man is euer fayllyng and + wayward he may not stydfastly abyde / he falleth lightly but he may + not lightly aryse / Profyt of byrth is sorow and care in lyuyng and + man must nedes dye And thaugh oll other that be made haue shelles + ryndes skynnes . wolle heer bristels feders wynges owther skals / + Man is born withoute ony helyng or keueryng nakede and bare / anone + at his birth . he gynneth for to wepe atte begynnyng lyke a beest + but his lymmes fayllen hym and maye not helpe hym self · but he is + febler than ony other beeste / he can noon helpe / he may nought doo + of hym self but wepe with al his myght No beest hath lyf more brutyl + & vnseker / None hath sekenesse more greuous noon more lykyng to do + otherwyse than he shuld . none is more cruel Also other bestes loue + eueryche other of the same kynde . and dwell to gyder and be not + cruel / but to beestes of other kynde that be contrary to hem / But + man torneth that maner doyng vp so downe and is contrary to hymself + and cruel to other men / + +This is one of the most common of Caxton’s works, at least thirty +copies being known, of which half are in various public libraries. + + + NO. 47.--THE PILGRIMAGE OF THE SOUL. _“Emprynted at westmestre by + william Caxton, and fynysshed the sixth day of June,” 1483._ + +COLLATION.--An unsigned 2n, with the first leaf blank; ~a b c d e f g +h i k l m n~ are 4ns, with ~a j~ blank; ~o~ is a 3n, with the last +two leaves blank. Total 114 leaves, of which four are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type +throughout is No. 4. The lines are of an equal length, and measure 4⅞ +inches. A full page has forty lines. There is a running head to the +pages, and the leaves have printed folios, numbered very carelessly. +Space has been left for the insertion of 2, 3, and 6-line initials. +Commencing with a blank, the title and table follow on folio ~ij~, +which is unsigned. + +The Text begins, on the second leaf, thus:-- + + ~Folio ij~ + + ~This book is intytled the pylgremage of the sowle / trans- + lated ‖ oute of Frensshe in to Englysshe / whiche book is + ful of deuonte ‖ maters touchyng the sowle / and many ques- + tyons assoyled to cau ‖ se a man to lyue the better in this + world / And it conteyneth fyue ‖ bookes / as it appereth her- + after by Chapytres~ + +The Text ends on the fourth leaf of sig. ~o~, and the verso of folio +~Cx~, + + ~Here endeth the dreme of pylgremage of the soule trans- + latid ‖ out of Frensshe in to Englysshe with somwhat of + addicions / the yere of our lord / M.CCCC / & thyrten / + and endeth in the Uigy ‖ le of seynt Bartholomew~ + + ~Emprynted at westmestre by William Caxton / And + fynysshed ‖ the sixth day of Juyn / the yere of our lord / + M.CCCC ⸝ lxxxiij ‖ And the first yere of the regne of + kynge Edward the fyfthe / ‖~ + +This is the only book from the press of Caxton having the name of +Edward V in the colophon. + +REMARKS.--The common custom among preachers of the Middle Ages of +engaging the attention of their hearers by _spiritualising_ tales and +even jests current among the people is well known. This practice seems +to have suggested to a monk named Guillaume de Deguilleville the idea +of _moralising_ the celebrated “Roman de la Rose.” His poem was divided +into three parts, and completed about 1335. It contains more than +36,000 lines, and its title is “Le Romant des trois Pelerinages.” These +three pilgrimages are “Le pelerinage de la vie humaine;” “Le pelerinage +de l’Ame;” and “Le pelerinage du Jesus Christ.” Brit. Mus. _Addit. +MS._ 22937 contains the three parts complete. None of these appear +to have been printed. Not satisfied, however, with the result of his +labours, Guillaume again set to work and recast the whole poem, with +many amplifications and additional verses. This, which was finished +about 1350, and of which a manuscript copy is in the _Bib. Imp. Paris_, +6988^2, is the text of which several editions were issued from the +early French press. + +Nearly a century passed when another monk, Jehan de Gallopes, +transposed the rhymes of Deguilleville into French prose. This was +with the object of modernising the old language, or, as he says, “pour +esclaircir et entendre la matiere la contenue.” Gallopes, however, +apparently extended his labours no further than “The Pelerinage de +l’Ame,” and here we find the text used by the translator of “The +Pylgremage of the Sowle,” printed in 1483 by our William Caxton. +Manuscripts of the prose “Pelerinage de l’Ame” are very scarce, but a +perfect copy is in _Bib. Imp. Paris_, No. 7086. + +Of the author and translators mentioned above, but little can be said. +Guillaume de Deguilleville was monk, and afterwards prior, of the Abbey +of Chalis; and this seems all that is known of him. His name appears +in the later manuscripts as Guillaume de Guilleville, and is mostly so +printed, but is spelt correctly in some of the early French printed +editions. In a fourteenth century manuscript, already noticed, the name +appears “de Deguilleville,” and that this is the true orthography is +placed beyond question by an acrostic, consisting of two “chansons” +in the French text. Here the author has veiled himself in the initial +letters of each line, and by putting these together we obtain his real +name, “Guillaume de Deguilleville.” + +“Jean de Gallopes, dit le Galoys,” as we learn from the prologue to +his French prose version, was the “humble chapellain” to John, Duke of +Bedford and Regent of France, for whom the translation was undertaken. +It was, therefore, executed before the death of the Regent, in 1435, +and there seems reason to suppose that its author was an Englishman. +In the Imperial Library, Paris, is a manuscript, mentioned by M. +Paris (_Les Msc. Franç._, vol. v, page 132), entitled “Vie de Jesus +Christ,” which is attributed also to Gallopes, but which appears to be +a different work from the third “Pilgrimage” of Deguilleville. + +To John Lydgate, monk, of Bury, is generally attributed the English +version of “The Pylgremage of the Sowle,” and probably with truth, as +some of the additional poems found here form a part also of Lydgate’s +well-known poem “The Life of our lady.” He is also supposed, from +internal evidence of style, to be the author of “The Pilgrimage of man” +(_Cotton MSS._, Vitel. C. XII), an English metrical translation of +Deguilleville’s “Pelerinage de la vie humaine.” + +The numerous copies of the “Pilgrimages” still extant in our old +libraries prove that they must have attained a considerable amount +of popularity. In France there were several printed editions, but +in England, probably owing to the growth of the Reformation, “The +Pylgremage of the Sowle,” printed by Caxton, is the only known edition. + +Copies are in the British Museum, St. John’s, Oxford, and Sion College, +London; also in the Althorpe and Britwell Libraries. + +There is no connection whatever between this work and Bunyan’s +“Pilgrim’s Progress.” Caxton’s book treats of the journey and trial of +the soul _after_ death, the only point in common being that both are +supposed to happen in a dream. “The Pilgrimage of man” is nearer in +idea, but equally distinct in treatment. + + + NO. 48.--A VOCABULARY IN FRENCH AND ENGLISH. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. + 1483?_ + +COLLATION.--Two 4ns, and one 5n, unsigned = 26 leaves, the first +being, doubtless, blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title of any sort. The type +is No. 4 throughout. 42 lines in double column (84 lines) make a full +page, and the long lines measure 2⅞ inches. The words “Frensshe” +and “Englissh” appear as head-lines to every page. Without folios, +catchwords, or initials. + +The Text begins, in double column, on the 2nd recto, thus:-- + + ~Frensshe Englissh~ + + ~Cy commence la table Hier begynneth the table + De cest prouffytable doctrine Of this prouffytable lernynge + Pour trouuer tout par ordene For to fynde all by ordre + Ce que on vouldra aprendre That whiche wen wylle lerne~ + + +The Text ends, with seven lines on the 26th recto, thus:-- + + ~Frensshe Englissh~ + + ~La Grace de sainct esperit The grace of the holy ghoost + Ueul enluminer les cures Wylle enlyghte the hertes + De ceulx qui le aprendront Of them that shall lerne it + Et nous doinst perseuerance And vs gyue perseueraunce + En bonnes operacions Jn good werkes + Et apres ceste vie transitorie And after this lyf transitorie + La pardurable ioye & glorie The euerlastyng ioye and glorie~ + +“A Book for Travellers” is the title given to this work in _Typ. Ant._ +vol. i, page 315, but as there is no especial suitability in it for the +use of travellers, and as from its composition it appears to have been +formed with a scholastic aim, it has been thought advisable to change +so evident a misnomer. + +No manuscript of this compilation in French or English is known to +exist, nor is there any clue to the author. + +A copy is in each of the four following libraries--Ripon Cathedral, +Bamborough Castle, Earl Spencer, and Duke of Devonshire. + + + NO. 49.--THE FESTIAL (LIBER FESTIALIS). _First Edition. Folio. + “Emprynted at Westmynster by Wyllyam Caxton the laste day of + Juyn, 1483.”_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n~ are 4ns, ~a j~ being blank; +~o~ and ~p~ are 3ns = 116 leaves, of which one is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title of any sort. The type +is entirely No. 4*, which here appears for the first time. The lines, +which are fully spaced out, measure 5 inches. A full page has 38 lines. +Without folios or catchwords. Space left for the insertion of 3 to +5-line initials, with director. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the sermon for the First Sunday in Advent +follows on sig. ~a ij~, space being left for the insertion of a 5-line +initial. + +The Text begins thus:-- + + ~His day is callyd the first sonday of aduent / that + is the sonday in cristys comyng / Therfore holy + ~t~ chirche this day maketh mencion of ij comynges + The first comyng was to bye mankynde out of bon + dage of the deuyll and to brynge mannys sowle to + blysse / And this other comyng shal be at the day of dome~ + +The Text ends on the sixth recto of sig. ~p~, + + ~vs that for vs deyed on the rood tree / Qui cum deo patre & + spū ‖ sancto viuit et regnat deus AMEN /~ + + ~Explicit~ + + ~Enprynted at Westmynster by wyllyam Caxton the laste + day of Juyn Anno domini M CCCC Lxxxiij~ + +The compiler of “The Festial,” John Mirkus, was a canon of the +Monastery of Lilleshul, an old foundation in Shropshire, as we +learn from a MS. copy of his work in the Cottonian Library. He says +that, finding many priests, from incapacity, were, like himself, +unable to teach their parishioners properly, he had taken pains to +compile sermons for all the principal feasts of the year, which he +had extracted chiefly from the “Golden Legend.” The omission of the +prologue, by Caxton, as well as the final sermons on the Paternoster +and Burial of the dead, makes us suspect that our printer had a copy +imperfect at beginning and end. The subject of nearly every chapter in +“The Festial” may also be found in the “Golden Legend;” but, taking the +two books, as printed by Caxton, for comparison, it will be seen that +the sermons for the Moveable Feasts, with which each work commences, +have nothing in common but their subject, and that the histories of the +saints are treated very differently, and often disagree even in their +supposed historical facts. The “Gesta Romanorum” furnished many stories +for the “Golden Legends,” but in “The Festial” that mine of anecdotes +has contributed still more largely to the illustration and enforcement +of the preacher’s remarks. “The Festial” is yet further removed from +our Book of Common Prayer, with which it has been associated by some +writers. With the exception of the names in the calendar there is +nothing in common between them. + +Although in Caxton’s edition of this work it is entirely without a +name, there seems no reason for giving it the Latin title by which it +is generally known, “Liber Festivalis.” John Mirkus, its compiler, +who wrote it in English, says, “I will and pray that it be called a +Festial;” and, accordingly, it was so called by Wynken de Worde in +several editions, by Rood of Oxford, and by other early printers. + +Copies are at the British Museum, Bodleian, Lambeth, and Althorpe. + + + NO. 50.--FOUR SERMONS, ETC. (QUATUOR SERMONES, ETC.) _First Edition. + Folio. “Enprynted by Wylliam Caxton at Westmestre.” Without + Date. (1483?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c~ are 4ns, ~d a~ 3n = 30 leaves. No blanks. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title. The type is entirely No. +4*. The lines are fully spaced out, and measure 5 inches. A full page +has 38 lines. Without folios or catchwords. In this book we find, for +the first time, the paragraph mark ℂ used--a mark which never appears +in the early state of this type. + +The Text begins on sig. ~a j~, with space for a 3-line initial, without +director, + + ~He mayster of sentence in the second booc and the + first ‖ dystynction / sayth that the souerayn cause / + why god made ‖ al creatures in henen erthe or water / + was his oune good- ‖ nes / by the whiche he wold that some of~ + +On sig. ~d iij.~ recto, + + ℂ ~The Generalle Sentence.~ + + ~Ood men and wymmen J do you to vnderstonde that + ~g~ We that haue cure of your sowlys be commaumdyd of + our ordenaries and by the coystytucions and the laWe + of holy chirche to shewe to you foure tymes by the yere + in eche a quarter of the yere onys when the peple is most~ + +The Text ends on the sixth verso of sig. ~d~, + + ~resurrectionis gloria inter sanctos et electos tuos resussitati + respi ‖ rent / per xpristum dominm nostrum Amen /~ + + ~Enprynted by wylliam Caxton at westmestre /~ + +REMARKS.--The name of the writer of these homilies is not known, nor +do they appear attached to any of the manuscripts of the Festial +above noticed. That they were, however, printed by Caxton at the +same time as the Festial appears evident from the identity of their +typographical arrangements, strengthened by the fact of their being, in +several instances, under the same cover. That Caxton also intended to +allow their separate use may, nevertheless, be deduced from the first +gathering having ~a~ for its signature, and from the existence of some +copies unaccompanied by the Festial. In the Lambeth copy the sermons +precede the Festial. + +The four sermons are thus apportioned:-- + +1. On the Paternoster, the Creed, and the Ten Commandments. + +2. The Seven Sacraments, the Seven Deeds of Mercy, and the Seven Deadly +Sins. + +3. A continuation of the subject of Deadly Sins. + +4. On Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction. + +After the sermons are “The General Sentence or Comminacion,” and two +forms of bidding prayer, called “The Bedes on Sondaye.” + +Every priest was obliged by the Canon Law to read the “Modus +Fulminandi,” or Commination, and to preach at least one sermon every +three months. These homilies appear to have been written for this +purpose, and would probably meet with a good sale among the preaching +orders of the clergy. + +Nine copies are known, of which two only are in private hands. + + + NO. 51.--SERVITIUM DE VISITATIONE B. MARIÆ VIRGINIS. _Quarto. Sine + ullâ notâ. (1481-3)._ + +COLLATION.--One 4n = 8 leaves, of which the last is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is entirely No. 4. The lines, +which are fully spaced out, measure 3¼ inches in length; there are 26 +lines to a full page. Without signatures, folios, or catchwords. + +The first leaf is wanting in the only copy known. The second recto +commences with space for a 2-line initial, with director, + + ~p~ ~Rima aut mihi tunc aurora refulsit & + horridis polo fugientibz vmbris celo ru + bescente die vtcunqz a nocte distinxi . tuc quo~ + +followed, on the same page, by-- + + ~Lectio sexta~ + +On the verso is-- + + ~Lectioties de Omel’ . p octauas prima die~ + +giving the lessons for the week. On the fourth recto is-- + + ~Ad missam Jntroitus~ + +The sixth verso begins-- + + ~Oratio sanctissimi . d. n. Sixti pape quarti~ + +The Text ends on the seventh verso, two lines short of a full page, + + ~et exultatioe ppetua renascamur . Per xpm + dominu nostru~ + +The only EXISTING COPY is in the British Museum (C. 21. c), and, +although wanting the first leaf, has the final blank. Measurement, 8⅜ × +5⅝ inches. + + + NO. 52.--SEX PERELEGANTISSIMÆ EPISTOLÆ PER PETRUM CARMELIANUM + EMENDATÆ. _Quarto. Per Willelmum Caxton. In Westmonasterio. + (1483.)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c~ are 4ns = 24 leaves, of which ~a j~ is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The types used +are Nos. 4 and 4*. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, +measure 3¼ inches, and there are 26 to a page. Without catchwords or +folios. The whole appearance of the print is like the “Servitium de +Visitatione” and the “Order of Chivalry.” + +The use of types 4 and 4* together points unmistakably to 1483 as +the period of issue; and this date, gathered from the typographical +particulars only, is completely verified by the letters themselves, the +dates of which range from December 11th, 1482, to February, 1483. + +The Text begins on ~a ij~ recto, with an introduction which occupies +three pages. + + ~h~ ~Ercules dux Ferrarie in eo ducatu + venetoru armis constitutus paulo post + vetustissimus eorum violat immunitates / + init foedus cum Therdinando Rege Nea- + politano Mediolanensium duce / et floren- + tinorum repu / quod per veneta foedor’ no + licebat / Ueneti propria reposcunt ⸝ ille ter- + giuersari ⸝ Xystus pontifex quartus / relic- + Therdinadi foed &c.~ + +The six letters begin on sig. ~a iij~ verso. On ~c~ 8 recto is the +following colophon:-- + + ~Finiunt sex p’elegantissime epistole / + quarum tris a summo Pontifice Sixto + Quarto et Sacro Cardinalium Collegio + ad Jllustrissimum Uenetiarum ducem + Joannem Mocenigum totidemqz ab ipso + Duce ad eundem Pontificem et Cardina- + les / ob Ferrariense bellum susceptum / con- + scripte sunt / Jmpresse per willelmum Cax- + ton / et diligenter emendate per Petrum + Camelianu Poetar’ Laureatum in West- + monasterio~ + +Beneath this is a Latin quatrain, beginning + + ~Eloquii cultor,~ + +followed by + + ~Jnterpretatio magnarum litterarum punctatarum parua- + rumque.~ + +The Text ends with 23 lines on the verso of the same leaf. + +REMARKS.--These six letters passed between the Sacred College of +Cardinals on one side and the Doge of Venice on the other, the subject +being the necessity of closing the war with the City of Ferrara. + +Petrus Carmelianus, the editor of these letters, is noticed by Mr. +Gairdner, in his preface to the “Memorials of King Henry the Seventh,” +published in 1858, for the Master of the Rolls, as having been in +England from the time of Edward the Fourth. He may, therefore, have +personally employed Caxton to print his “Sex Epistolæ.” The title +“Brixiensis” sometimes attached to his name shows that he was a +native of the town of Brescia. He seems to have taken an interest in +educational matters, as verses by him to John Anwykyl and to William +Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester, are prefixed to the “Compendium +totius grammaticæ,” printed at Oxford about 1482-83. Some more of his +poetry is printed in the Oxford “Phalaris” of 1485. Tanner assigns +to Carmelianus the following promotions--Rector of St. George’s, +Southwark, 1490; Prebend of York, 1498; Archdeacon of Gloucester, +1511; Prebend of London, 1519. Being in such favour, no wonder that +he waxed rich, and that when, in 1522, “an annual grant was made by +the Spirituality for the King’s personal expenses in France for the +recovery of the Crown,” the name of “Mr. Petrus Carmelianus” appears +among the “Spiritual Persons” for the handsome sum of £333 6_s._ 8_d._ +In the Calendar of State Papers, where he is called “Latin Secretary +of King Henry the Seventh,” mention is made of a letter sent to him +from Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, thanking him for his services, +and promising him favour and reward. On the projected marriage of +Prince Charles of Castile with the Princess Mary of England he wrote +a poem in Latin, printed by Pynson about 1514, of which a unique copy +is in the Grenville Library (see _Archæologia_, vol. xviii.) In the +same library is a manuscript poem on the birth of the Prince of Wales +(1486), another copy, beautifully illuminated, being among the royal +MSS. in the British Museum. Both are evidently in the handwriting of +Carmelianus, the latter being his presentation copy to the king. The +argument of this poem is so characteristic of the age that it is worth +noting. Almighty God, compassionating the miserable state of England +lacerated with civil war, convoked a meeting of the Saints in Heaven +to ask their opinions as to how the long-standing dispute between the +Houses of York and Lancaster might be composed. The saints reply that, +if the Omniscient Deity cared for any of their counsels, no one was +better qualified to state how the wars might be terminated than King +Henry the Sixth (already in heaven), who knew the country and the +causes of dissension, and they recommended that he should be appealed +to. Henry is accordingly called upon to reply to the Supreme Being, and +proposes that the two houses should be united so as to be one house, +for which an opportunity then offered by the marriage of the Earl of +Richmond with the Princess Elizabeth. The Deity approves and decrees +its execution, the marriage takes place, and the poem terminates +with an exhortation to England to rejoice on account of the prince’s +birth. Carmelianus died August 18th, 1527; John de Giglis, Bishop of +Worcester, in 1497, his contemporary and countryman, also employed +Caxton to print Indulgences. + +A manuscript, “Carmen de Vere,”[18] in the British Museum, which is +dedicated to Edward Prince of Wales (afterwards Edward V), dated April +1482, affords some information from the pen of Carmelian himself. He +says that for the previous ten years he had been travelling about +the world, having very lately arrived in England, with the intention +of proceeding to Germany and Switzerland; but, captivated by the +pleasantness of the country, he had been unable to leave it. He adds +that his poem was written to gain the favour of the prince. Whence his +dignity of Poeta laureatus was obtained is not known. + +The only copy known of this tract was discovered in the year 1874 by +Dr. G. Könnecke, archivist of Marburg, in an old volume of seventeenth +century divinity, in the Hecht-Heinean Library at Halberstadt. It was +described in the “Neuer Anzeiger” of Dr. Julius Petzholdt for October +1874; also in the Athenæum for February 27th, 1875. + + + NO. 53.--CONFESSIO AMANTIS. _Large Folio. “Enprynted at Westmestre + by me Willyam Caxton the ij day of Septembre / a thousand / CCCC + lxxxxiij (a typographical error for lxxxiij)”._ + +COLLATION.--A 4n, signed ~ij~, ~iij~, ~iiij~, the first and eighth +leaves being blank, followed by a 4n, signed on the second leaf only 1 +2, the first leaf being blank; then ~b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s +t u x y z & A B~ all 4ns; ~C~ a 3n, with the sixth leaf blank. In all +222 leaves, of which four are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 4 is used +for sigs. ~1~ to ~x~; sigs. ~&~ to ~C~, as well as the introductory +matter, are in type No. 4*, while sigs. ~y~ and ~z~ are partly in one +and partly in the other. Where type No. 4 is used there are 46 lines +to a column, and 44 lines of type No. 4*. On sig. ~z iiij~ recto the +two types appear in the same page, the first column being in No. 4 and +the second in No. 4*. Without catchwords or folios. Space left for +inserting 2 to 6-line initials, with director. The signatures at the +beginning of the volume are irregularly printed, and show the want +of a settled plan in the printer’s mind. The first 4n, which, as it +includes the index, must have been printed last, is properly signed; +but, on beginning the book, it appears as if the compositor thought +there could be no use for signatures if every leaf had a printed +folio, and accordingly they were omitted except on the second sheet, +which is signed in Arabic numerals only. The inconvenience of this +being seen, the folios were omitted, and the signatures printed in +the second 4n, ~b~; while in sig. ~c~ both plans are united, and we +have signatures and folios too to the end of the book--the latter, +however, with continual errors. The introductory 4n is not included +in the enumeration of the folios. Note that sig. ~b~ 4 is printed +2 4, and that from sig. ~p~ to the end the Arabic numerals used in +the signatures give place to Roman numerals. The book is in double +column throughout. The date in the colophon is printed a thousand CCCC +lxxxxiij, a typographical error, which would have led to some confusion +had not the regnal year, “the first year of the reign of King Richard +the third,” been also added, fixing the right date as 1483. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the paragraph title and table follow on +sig. ~ij~, space being left for a 3-line initial, with director. + +The Text begins thus:-- + + ~His book is intituled how the world was first of + ~t~ confes- ‖ sio amantis / golde / & ‖ after alwey werse + that is to saye ‖ in & werse folio bj ‖ + englysshe the confessyon of ‖ + the louer maad and com- + pyled by ‖ Johan Gower + squyer borne in walys ‖ Thus endeth the prologue~ + +The Text ends on the verso of sig. ~C~ 5, ~Folio CCxj~ with colophon in +first column, + + ~Enprynted at westmestre + by me ‖ Willyam Caxton + and fynysshed the ij ‖ day of + Septembre the fyrst yere of + the ‖ regne of Kyng Richard + the thyrd / the ‖ yere of our + lord a thousand / CCCC / ‖ + lxxxxiij /~ + +REMARKS.--The life and poetical writings of the “moral” Gower have +received frequent illustrations from modern critics. His chief work, +the “Confessio Amantis,” appears to have been begun about 1386 and +completed in 1392-3. It was originally dedicated to Richard II, but, on +the wane of that monarch’s power, Gower suited himself to the changing +times, and recast his prologue. The copies made after this version are +termed Lancastrian. The Latin verses and the marginal index are in some +manuscripts, as in Caxton’s printed edition, included in the text. They +were, Dr. Pauli believes, the original composition of Gower, abounding, +like his other poetry, in instances of false prosody and even bad +grammar. The verses are imitations in the manner of Boethius, but often +unintelligible. + +Seventeen copies are extant. British Museum (3); Cambridge; Pembroke +College, Cambridge; Hereford Cathedral; Lambeth; Queens’ College and +All Souls, Oxford; and eight in private libraries. + + + NO. 54.--THE BOOK WHICH THE KNIGHT OF THE TOWER MADE TO THE + “ENSEYGNEMENT” AND TEACHING OF HIS DAUGHTERS. _Folio. “Emprynted + at Westmynstre the laste day of Januer the fyrst yere of the + regne of Kynge Rychard the thyrd.” (i.e. 1484.)_ + +COLLATION.--A 2n, signed on second leaf only ~ij~; ~a b c d e f g h i +k l m~ are 4ns; ~n~ a 3n, with the last two leaves blank. In all +106 leaves, of which two are blank. + +NOTE--sig. ~c iiij~ is wrongly printed ~d iiij~, and the first leaf of +~d~ is without any signature. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type, as far +as sig. ~f~, is No. 4, and forty lines, each 4⅞ inches long, make a +full page. From sig. ~f j~ to the end the type is No. 4*, with 38 +lines, each 4⅝ inches long, to the page. The lines are fully spaced +out. Without folios or catchwords. Space is left for 3, 4, and 6-line +initials, with directors. + +The Text commences with the prologue on an unsigned leaf, with space +for a 3-line initial ~A~, + + ~Lle vertuouse doctryne & techynge had & lerned of + ~a~ suche ‖ as haue endeuoured them to leue for a remem- + braunce~ + +On sig. ~a j~ recto, + + ~Here begynneth the book whiche the knyght of the toure + made / And speketh of many fayre ensamples and then- + sygnementys and techyng of his doughters~ + +The Text ends on the fourth verso of sig. ~n~, + + ~Here fynysshed the booke ⸝ whiche the knyght of the Toure + ma ‖ de to the enseygnement and techyng of his doughters + transla ‖ ted oute of Frenssh in to our maternall Englysshe + tongue by ‖ me William Caxton / whiche book was ended + & fynysshed the ‖ fyrst day of Juyn / the yere of oure lord + M CCCC lxxxiij + And enprynted at westmynstre the last day of Janyuer the + fyrst yere of the regne of Kynge Rychard the thyrd~ + +REMARKS.--In the department of “Maine et Loire,” between Chollet and +Vezins, may still be seen the ruins of an ancient château, called +“Latour-Landry.” Archæologists ascribe the structure to the twelfth +century. The place originally bore the name of “La Tour” only, the +old family name of the owners being “Landry;” but eventually the two +were combined, and “De la Tour Landry” became the patronymic of a long +race of knights. The earliest instance of the double name is found +in a document dated 1200. Passing over the history of the family, we +will confine ourselves to Geoffrey and his book, “pour l’enseignment +de ses filles.” The date of neither his birth nor death is known. He +was at the siege of Aiguillon in 1346, when he must be supposed to be +at least of the age of twenty years. He tells us he wrote his book +in 1371, which would make him, at the youngest, 45 years old, though +he was probably older. In all the illuminated copies of his work he +is represented as discoursing with his three daughters, for whose +instruction in their journey through life it was written, as the knight +himself in a preface informs us. + +He had also sons, as we learn that a similar work had previously been +undertaken for their instruction, “as hit is reherced in the booke +of my two sonnes, and also in an Euangely.” (See Caxton’s edition, +sig. ~n~ 4.) It is interesting to note here, as an instance of the +entire disappearance of books once well known, that neither of these +compositions of the knight are known now to exist. We also learn that +in the compilation of this work he called to his aid two priests, who +read to him the Bible, the “Gesta,” and various chronicles of France, +England, and other countries. To this may, perhaps, be attributed the +predominance of the ecclesiastical element in this book. The knight +originally intended to write the whole work in verse, but finding that +method necessitated a less concise narration, he soon changed his +composition into prose. In the original French, however, a considerable +portion of the introduction, though prose to the eye, will be found to +have retained its metrical form. + +Several writers have denounced the work as obscene, and more fitted +for the corruption than the instruction of youth; while others, taking +into consideration the manners of that age, have arrived at the very +opposite conclusion. At any rate, it is plain our Caxton thought +highly of it: he says in his preface, “I advise every gentleman or +woman having children, desiring them to be virtuously brought forth, +to get and have this book, to the end that they may learn to govern +them virtuously in this present life.” He tells us also the occasion of +his translating and printing it, which was “at the request of a noble +lady which hath brought forth many noble and fair daughters, which he +virtuously nourished.” An interesting article upon this work appeared +in the _Retrospective Review_: New Series, 1827; vol. i, part ii, page +177. See also, _Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry_, par M Anatole +de Montaiglon. 12mo. Paris, 1854. + +We must here notice that, although the anonymous English translation +(_Harl. 1764_) preceded that by Caxton, a comparison of the two +versions makes it evident that our printer owed nothing to his +predecessor. M. Montaiglon, indeed, from a literary point of view, +gives a decided preference to the earlier text. + +The following amusing extract is suggestive of Shakspere’s “Taming of +the Shrew.” Act V, Scene II. + + How a woman sprange vpon the table · Capitulo xviij. + + N a tyme it happed that Marchauntes of Fraunce cam from certayn + J Fayres / where as they sought Draperye / and as they cam with + Marchaundyse fro Roan / that one of them said / it is a moche + fayre thynge a man to haue a wif obeysaunt in alle thynges to her + husbond / Verayly sayde that one / my wyf obeyeth me well / And the + second said. J trowe / that my wyf obeye me better / ye sayd the + thyrd / lete laye a wager / that whiche wyf of vs thre that obeyeth + best her husbond / and doeth sonnest his commaundement that he wynne + the wager / wherupon they waged a Jewele / and accorded al thre to + the same / & sworen that none shold aduertyse his wyf of this bargayn + / sauf only to saye to her / doo that whiche J shall commaunde what + soeuer it be / After when they cam to the first mans hows / he sayd + to his wyf Sprynge in to this bacyne / and she answerd / wherfore + or what nede is it. And he said by cause it playsyth me so / and J + wyll that thou do so / Truly said she J shall knowe fyrst wherfor J + shall sprynge / And soo she wold not doo it · And her husbond waxe + moche angry and felle / and gafe her a buffet / After thys they cam + to the second marchauntes hows / and he saide to his wyf lyke as + that other saide / that she wold doo his commaundement / And it was + not long after that he said to her Sprynge in to the basyn / And she + demaunded hym wherfore / And at the last ende for ought that he dyde + / she dyd it not / wherfore she was beten as that other was / Thenne + cam they to the thyrd mans hous And there was the table couered · + and mete set theron And the marchaunt said to thother marchauntes in + theyr eres / that after dyner he wold commaunde her to sprynge in + to the bacyn / And the husbond sayd to his wyf / that what someuer + he commaunded her she shold do it / his wyf whiche that moche louyd + hym and dred hym herd wel the word. And it was so that they bygan to + ete / and there was no salt vpon the table / And the goodman sayd + to his wyf / Sail sur table And the good wyf whiche hadde fere to + disobeye hym / sprang vpon the table and ouerthrewe table ⸝ mete + / wyn / and platers to the ground / How said the good man / is this + the manere / Cōne ye none other playe but this / are ye mad or oute + of youre wyt. Syre said she / J haue done your commaūdement / haue ye + not said that youre commaundement shold be done what someur it was. + Certaynly J haue it done to my power how be it that it is youre harme + and hurte as moche as myn. For ye sayd to me that J shold spryge on + the table ⸝ J said he /J sayd ther lacked salt vpon the table / + Jn good feyth J vnderstode said she for to spryng / thene was ther + laughter ynouz & al was taken for a bourd and a mocquerye / Thenne + the other two Marchauntes said it was no nede to late her sprynge in + the basyn / For she had done ynough / And that her husband had wonne + the wager.... And thus ought euery good woman to fere and obeye her + lord & husbonde and to do his commaundement is hit right or wrong / + yf the commaundement be not ouer outrageous / And yf ther be vyce + therin / she is not to blame / but the blame abydeth vppon her lord + and husbonde. + +There are two copies in the British Museum, one at Cambridge, one at +Oxford, and two in private libraries. + + + NO. 55.--CATON. _Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. + “Translated ... by William Caxton in thabbey of Westmynstre the + yere of our lord M CCCC lxxxiij.” (1484?)_ + +COLLATION.--The prologues and table a 3n, signed ~ij~ and ~iij~ on the +second and third rectos, the first and last leaves being blank: then ~a +b c d e f g h~ are 4ns; ~i~ a 5n; ~a j~ and ~i~ 10 being blank. In all +eighty leaves, of which four are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Two sizes of type +are used: No. 2 for the Latin headings, and No. 4* for the Text. The +lines, which are fully spaced out, measure 4⅝ inches, and there are 38 +to a full page. Without folios or catchwords. Space is left for the +insertion of 3-line initials, sometimes with and sometimes without +directors. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, Caxton’s short prologue and his +dedication to the City of London follow on sig. ~ij~. + +The Text begins thus:-- + + ~ℂ Here begynneth the prologue or prohemye of the book + callid ‖ Caton / whiche booke hath ben translated in to En- + glysshe by ‖ Mayster Benet Burgh / late Archedeken of + Colchestre and ‖ hye chanon of saint stephens at westmestre / + which ful craftly ‖ hath made it in balade ryal for the erudi- + cion of my lord Bou- ‖ sher / Sone & heyr at that tyme to my + lord the erle of Estsex ‖ And by cause of late cam to my + hand a book of the said Caton ‖ in Frensshe / whiche + reherceth many a fayr lernynge and nota ‖ ble ensamples / + J haue translated it oute of frensshe in to En ‖ glysshe / + as al along here after shalle appiere / which J presente + unto the Cyte of london /~ + + ~Nnto the noble auncyent and renomed Cyte / the + ~v~ Cyte ‖ of london in Englond / J William Caxton + Cytezeyn ‖ & coniurye of the same / & of the frater- + nyte and felauship ‖ of the mercerye owe of ryght my + seruyse & good wyll / and of~ + +The table follows, making, with the introductory matter, eight printed +pages, the whole concluding on the fifth verso, with the sixth blank +leaf. After another blank is the Gloss, headed by a quotation of seven +lines of Latin in type No. 3, with ~a ij~ for the signature. + +The Text ends on the ninth recto of sig. ~i~, the tenth leaf being +blank, + + ~thynge men may intytule this lytell book the myrour of the + re ‖ gyme & gouernement of the body and of the sowle /~ + + ~Here fynyssheth this present book whiche is sayd or + called ‖ Cathon translated oute of Frensshe in to Englysshe + by Will- ‖ iam Caxton in thabbey of westmynstre the yere + of oure lord ‖ M CCCC lxxxiij / And the fyrst yere of the + regne of kynge ‖ Rychard the thyrd the xxiij day of decembre~ + +REMARKS.--In his prologue Caxton says, “To the end that the histories +and examples that be contained in this little book may be lightly found +... they shall be set and entitled by manner of Rubrics ... and they +shall be signed as that followeth of the number of leaves where they +shall be written.” Accordingly the numbers given in the table agree +with their proper folios, but these folios are not inserted, either +in print or manuscript, in the body of the work, rendering the table +almost useless. + +Caxton says in his preface that he translated from a French copy, +“which rehearsed many a fair learning and notable example;” and some +portions of his own introductory matter suggest also a French original. +Were a manuscript to be found, its title would probably agree with +Caxton’s concluding description of the work--“the mirror of the regime, +and government of the body and of the soul.” + +The year 1483 is usually assigned to the printing of this book; but as +the translation was not ended till December 23rd, it seems improbable +that it was printed till 1484. + +As already noticed, this “Caton” is a very different work from the +composition known as “Catho Magnus,” the distichs of which serve here +only as a text whereon to hang an extensive gloss. A short notice of +“Mayster Benet Burgh” has already been given. + +There are copies in the British Museum, Cambridge, Glasgow, Oxford, +Exeter College, Oxford, and seven in private hands. + + + NO. 56.--THE GOLDEN LEGEND. _Largest Folio. First Edition. + “Fynysshed at westmestre the twenty day of nouembre / the yere + of our lord M / CCCC / lxxxiij / By me Wyllyam Caxton.” (1484?)_ + +COLLATION.--An unsigned 3n, with first and sixth leaves blank; ~a b c +d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u x y z &~ are 4ns; 9 a 3n; ~A B C D +E F G H J K L M N O P Q R S T U~ are 4ns; ~X~ a 3n; ~Y~ is a single +sheet, followed by a single leaf, the back edge of which is sometimes +returned round ~Y~, and sometimes sewn separately; ~aa bb cc dd ee ff~ +are 4ns; ~gg~ a 3n; ~hh ii~ 4ns; ~kk~ a 3n, ~kk~ 6 being blank. In all +449 leaves, of which three are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. There are two sizes +of type, No. 3 being used for head-lines and headings to chapters, +while No. 4* is used for the text. The whole is in double columns, and +the lines, which are fully spaced out, measure three inches; 55 lines +in a column, and 110 to a full page. There are folios throughout, but +numbered very irregularly. Space is left for the insertion of 3 to +6-line initials, with directors. There are no catchwords. Woodcuts +are used throughout, apparently from the hand of the same artist who +engraved the cuts for the second edition of the “Chess Book.” + +The first edition is principally distinguished by the use of Type No. +3 for head-lines, &c., and also by a variation in the signatures ~X~ +and ~Y~. Both this and the second edition are printed upon very large +sheets of paper, larger indeed than Caxton ever used before or after. +The edition of 1493 is upon the usual size. + +The first leaf is blank; on the second recto is a large woodcut of +Saints, 9 × 6½ inches, under which the Text begins thus, making a full +page:-- + + (_Woodcut of Saints._) + + ~He holy & blessed & accomplisshed dyuerse + ~t~ doctour ‖ saynt Jerom werkys ‖ & hystoryes trans- + sayth thys aucto ‖ ryte / lated out of frensshe ‖ in to + do alweye somme good ‖ englysshe at the requeste of + werke / to thende that the cer- ‖ teyn lords / ladyes + deuyl fynde ‖ the not ydle / and gentylmen / ‖ as thy- + And the holy doctour ‖ saynt storye of the recuyel of + austyn sayth in the book Troye / ‖ the book of the + of the ‖ labour of monkes / chesse / the hystorye of ‖ Ja- + that no man stronge ‖ or son / The hystorye of the + myghty to laboure ought to myrrour ‖ of the world / the + be ydle ‖ for which cause xv bookes of Meta- ‖ mor- + when J had parfour- ‖ med pheseos in whyche been con- + teyned ‖~ + +This prologue finishes, half-way down the second column, on the verso +of the same leaf. On the third recto is another woodcut, 8 × 4½ inches, +of a horse galloping past a tree, bearing a label, ~My Truste Js~ +(see a facsimile in Dibdin’s _Typ. Ant._, vol. i, page 186). This was +the device of William Fitzallan, Earl of Arundel, Caxton’s patron. +Underneath this commences Caxton’s own prologue, with space for a +3-line initial ~A~, + + ~Nd for as moche as also haue enprynted it in the + this ‖ sayd werke was moost best ‖ Wyse that J + grete & ouer charge- haue coude or myght / and ‖ + able to me taccomplisshe ‖ J presente this sayd boook to + feryd me in the begynnyng his good & ‖ noble lordshyp ⸝~ + +This occupies the whole page. On the third verso the table is begun, +ending on the sixth recto, with sixteen lines in the first column, the +rest of the page being blank. It ends thus-- + + ~Dues folio CCCC xxvij + Explicit~ + +On sig. ~a j~ the original Text is begun, space being left for a +6-line ~T~, + + ~He tyme of thaduet quysshid of ygnorance & + Jmpuissauce /‖ to y^e yf he + or comyng of our had so come to fore / pauen- + ture ‖ man myght saye y_{t} by + lord in to this world his owne merites ‖~ + +The Text ends on ~kk~ 5 recto, half-way down the second column, + + ~afore is made mencyon / + Whiche werke ‖ J haue + accomplisshed at the com- + maun-‖demente and requeste + of the noble and ‖ puyssaunte + erle / and my special good ‖ + lord Wyllyam erle of aron- + del / & haue ‖ fynysshed it at + westmestre the twenty ‖ day + of nouembre / the yere of our + lord ‖ M / CCCC / lxxxiij / + & the fyrst yere ‖ of the reygne + of Kyng Rychard the ‖ thyrd + By me wyllyam Caxton~ + +In the latter half of the thirteenth century, Jacobus de Voragine, +Archbishop of Genoa, who died in 1298, compiled a book called “Legenda +Aurea,” in which the lives and miracles of numerous saints were +narrated. This was found very useful to the priests in their sermons, +and soon became so popular that it was translated into nearly every +European language. The Latin text of “Voragine” has been reprinted +from an early manuscript, and edited by Dr. Th. Graesse, 8vo, Lipsiæ, +1840. It has also received a modern French dress under the title “La +Légende dorée, par Jacques de Voragine, traduit du Latin, par M. G. +B., 8vo, Paris, 1843.” In the early part of the fourteenth century, +Jean Belet, an author but little known to modern bibliographers, though +often quoted by the writers of his age, translated the Latin of Jacobus +into French, not, however, without embellishing it with many new +additions. Shortly after the production of Belet, Jehan de Vignay, who +has been already noticed as translating the Book of Chess, undertook +a new version in French of “La Légende dorée,” which he accomplished +before 1380, as he dedicated it to “Jeane, royne de France.” His +translation, however, was founded on the previous labours of Belet, +which he amplified, adding about 44 new legends. About the middle of +the fifteenth century, certain “worthy Clerks and Doctors of Divinity” +compiled a “Book of the Life of Saints,” which they describe as “drawn +into English after the tenor of the Latin.” These worthy Clerks and +Doctors, however, would have given a much more true account of their +labours had they stated that, with the exception of some additional +fables not traceable in the original Latin, they owed the whole of +their compilation to “La Légende dorée” of Jehan de Vignay. + +It is probable that in Caxton’s time the English version here noticed +was well known; indeed we may infer this from the account given by our +Printer of the origin of his own text: “Against me here might some +persons say, that this Legend hath been translated tofore, and truth it +is; but forasmuch as I had by me a Legend in French, another in Latin, +and the third in English, which varied in many and diverse places; and +also many histories were comprised in the two other books which were +not in the English book, therefore I have written one out of the said +three books.” Caxton, with his Latin, French, and English copies before +him, found a prologue ready to his hand in the version by Jehan de +Vignay. This, as was his wont, he translated literally, merely changing +two or three of the inapplicable proper names, and adding some personal +observations of his own. The bulk of his text comes also from the same +source, being nearly identical with that of the English manuscript +already noticed; although to Caxton may be given this praise, that in +several places where the “worthy doctours of divinite” had inserted in +their English version some stories more incredible or more filthy than +usual, he very discreetly considerably modified or altogether omitted +them. The reader curious in this matter may compare the tales about +Nero in the “Life of St. Peter,” as narrated in _Harl. 630_, with folio +202 in Caxton. How much he took from the Latin is impossible to say; +nor have I been able to trace to their origin the curious explanatory +derivations of the name of each saint, which form the first paragraph +in every “Life.” As in “The Festial,” many saints in the “Golden +Legend” have their lives illustrated or interwoven with tales from the +“Gesta Romanorum.” + +This work may be considered the most laborious, as well as the most +extensive, of all Caxton’s literary and typographical labours. The +compilation of the text only must have been a most arduous task, +and the very extensive use of woodcuts must have been extremely +expensive and troublesome. Caxton, indeed, confesses that he was “in +a manner half desperate to have left it,” when the Earl of Arundel, +who apparently suggested the undertaking, sent John Stanney to him, +promising the Printer a small annuity, and to take a “reasonable +quantity” of copies when completed. The annuity was to be a buck +in summer and a doe in winter; but it is not improbable that these +presents were commuted into a fixed sum of money, as was certainly the +practice with the Gifts of Wine, which, in the fourteenth and fifteenth +centuries, were so frequently bestowed as rewards for services +rendered. As a memorial of the Earl’s connection with the work, Caxton +placed the Arundel device, “My truste is,” after the preface. + +Although, from the numerous copies still extant, it is evident that +this edition must have been larger than usual, no perfect copy has yet +been discovered. The Legend of St. Thomas of Canterbury has been a +special object of destruction, being, in nearly every instance, torn +out of the volume. + +While making every allowance for the rudeness of the age and the +plain speaking then customary, the tendency of many of the “Lives” +here narrated is so immoral, that many persons have doubted whether +these legends were really read to congregations of men and women. But +the legacy of several copies of this work to the parish church of St. +Margaret’s, as already noticed (p. 159), and the following extract from +the will of Queen Margaret, prove that the “Golden Legend” was reckoned +among the Church Service Books:--“Item, I will that mine executors +purvey a complete Legend in one book, and an Antiphony in another book; +which books I will be given to abide there in the said church to the +worship of God as long as they may endure.” (Norf. and Norwich Arch. +Soc., Dec. 1850, fol. 163.) + +This is one of the most common of the productions of Caxton’s press, +and probably a larger number than usual was printed. Of the thirty +known copies sixteen are divided between the British Museum, Cambridge, +Corpus and Pembroke, Cambridge, Oxford, Glasgow, Loganian Philadelphia, +King’s College, Aberdeen, Lincoln, Hereford and Bath Cathedrals, +Rawlett’s Library, Tamworth, others being in private libraries. + +[Illustration: Plate XI. + +_Portion of the “Death-bed Prayers,” 1484. Caxton’s Type, No. 3, and +Type, No. 4._] + + + NO. 57.--DEATH-BED PRAYERS. _A Folio Broadside. (1484?)_ + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Types No. 3 and 4* are used. The lines are +spaced to an even length. It is half a sheet of paper printed on one +side only. + +From the language of these prayers it is evident that they were +intended for use by the death-bed. They were probably printed in this +portable form for priests, and others, to carry about with them. + +Although short their interest is great, and the reader may not be +displeased to read them in the following more modern spelling than that +of the original. + + O glorious Jesu! O meekest Jesu! O most sweetest Jesu! I pray thee + that I may have true confession, contrition, and satisfaction ere + I die; and that I may see and receive thy holy body, God and man, + Saviour of all mankind, Christ Jesu without sin. And that thou wilt + my Lord God forgive me all my sins, for thy glorious wounds and + passion. And that I may end my life in the true faith of all holy + church, and in perfect love and charity with my even[19] Christians + as thy creature. And I commend my soul into thy holy hands through + the glorious help of thy blessed mother of mercy, our lady Saint + Mary, and all the holy company of heaven. Amen. ¶ The holy body of + Christ Jesu be my salvation of body and soul. Amen. The glorious + blood of Christ Jesu bring my soul and body into the everlasting + bliss. Amen. I cry God, mercy! I cry God, mercy! I cry God, mercy! + Welcome my Maker! Welcome my Redeemer! Welcome my Saviour! I cry thee + mercy with heart contrite of my great unkindness that I have had unto + thee. + + O thou most sweet spouse of my soul, Christ Jesu, desiring heartily + evermore for to be with thee in mind and will, and to let none + earthly thing be so nigh my heart as thou, Christ Jesu; and that + I dread not for to die for to go to thee, Christ Jesu; and that I + may evermore say unto thee with a glad cheer, my Lord, my God, my + sovereign Saviour Christ Jesu, I beseech thee heartily take me, + sinner, unto thy great mercy and grace, for I love thee with all my + heart, with all my mind, with all my might, and nothing so much in + earth nor above earth as I do thee, my sweet Lord, Christ Jesu. And + for that I have not loved thee, and worshipped thee above all things + as my Lord, my God, and my Saviour, Christ Jesu, I beseech thee with + meekness and heart contrite, of mercy and of forgiveness of my great + unkindness, for the great love that thou showedst for me and all + mankind, what time thou offerdst thy glorious body, God and man, unto + the Cross; there to be crucified and wounded, and unto thy glorious + heart a sharp spear, there running out plenteously blood and water + for the redemption and salvation of me and all mankind. And thus + having remembrance steadfastly in my heart of thee, my Saviour Christ + Jesu, I doubt not but thou wilt be full nigh me, and comfort me both + bodily and ghostly with thy glorious presence, and at the last bring + me unto thy everlasting bliss, the which shall never have end. Amen. + +The only EXISTING COPY known is in the library of Earl Spencer, where +it is bound up in a copy of Caxton’s “Pilgrimage of the Soul.” It is in +perfect condition, and measures 11 × 8 inches. + + + NO. 58.--THE FABLES OF ÆSOP; OF AVIAN; OF ALFONSE; AND OF POGE, + THE FLORENTINE. _Folio. “Emprynted by me William Caxton at + Westmynstre . . the xxvj daye of Marche the yere of oure lord + M CCCC lxxxiiij.”_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s~ are 4ns, the last two +leaves of ~s~ being blank. In all 144 leaves, of which two are blank. + +Note.--The first leaf of ~a~ is not signed, being printed only on the +verso. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page, unless we call the +great cut of Æsop by that name. The type is of two sorts, No. 3, used +in three places at the beginning of the work for headings, and No. +4*, in which is the whole text and the head-lines. The lines, which +measure 4⅝ inches, are fully spaced out, and in those few pages where +there is no woodcut there are 37 or 38 lines. There are head-lines and +folios throughout, except in sig. ~n~, which has folios only. Woodcut +initials are used throughout, and on the verso of sig. ~a ij~ is a +large floriated ~A~, afterwards used in the “Order of Chivalry.” + +The first recto of sig. ~a~ is blank. Upon the verso is a large woodcut +(4⅝ × 6¾ inches), of Æsop, surrounded by the subjects of his fables, +with the word ESOPVS at the top. On the second recto, which is signed +~a ij~, the book commences with the following title, in large type, No. +3-- + + ~ℂ Folio ija + ℂ Here begynneth the book of the subtyl hystoryes + and Fables of Esope whiche were translated out + of Frensshe in to Englysshe by wylliam Caxton + at westmynstre Jn the yere of oure Lorde . M . + . CCCC . lxxxiij .~ + + ~Jrst begynneth the lyf of Esope with alle his fortune + ~F~ how he was subtyll/wyse/and borne in Grece / not ferre + fro Troye the graunt in a Towue named Amoneo / + whiche was amonge other dyfformed and euylle shapen / For~ + +[Illustration: ÆSOP BEATEN BY HIS MASTER.] + +The whole is finished by an epilogue, written by Caxton himself, which +begins on the recto, and concludes on the verso of sig. ~s~ 6. + + ~swere of a good preest and an honest / And here with J fy- + nysshe this book / translated & emprynted by me William + Cax-‖ton at westmynstre in thabbay / And fynysshed the + xxvj daye ‖ of Marche the yere of oure lord M CCCC + lxxxiiij / And the ‖ fyrst yere of the regne of kyng Rychard + the thyrdde~ + +The woodcuts by their treatment evidently came from the hands of the +artist who had previously illustrated the “Game of Chess.” It is +perhaps impossible to decide whether they are of Flemish or English +origin. The woodcut on p. 288 represents Æsop beaten by his master. + +Caxton himself tells us at the beginning of the book that it was a +translation of his own from the French. It is rather remarkable that +although the fables of Æsop, in French, were found in all the great +libraries of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and as many as +three or four different copies in some, yet none apparently have +descended to our time. No trace of an English translation previous to +that of Caxton has been discovered, and he must therefore have the +credit of introducing these fables to his countrymen in the English +tongue. They were reprinted in London, with scarcely any alteration, +for nearly two centuries. Whether translated from a manuscript, or an +early French printed edition, it is now impossible to say. + +This is a very rare book: the only perfect copy known was devised by +Mr. Hewett, of Ipswich, to King George III, and is now in the Royal +Library, Windsor. Imperfect copies are in the British Museum and at +Oxford. + + + NO. 59.--THE ORDER OF CHIVALRY. _Quarto. Without Printer’s Name, + Place, or Date. Translated by Caxton and presented to Richard + III. (1483-5.)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f~ are 4ns, ~aj~ being blank; ~g~ a 2n, with +the last leaf blank; in all 52 leaves, of which two are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No. +4*, but two headings at the beginning of the work are in type No. 3. +The lines, which measure 3⅛ inches, and of which there are 26 to a +full page, are fully spaced out. Without folios or catchwords. Initial +letters cut in wood are used. + +Commencing with a blank leaf the work opens with a short preface, on +sig. ~a ij~, the first four lines being in type No. 3. The Text begins +thus:-- + + ~ℂ Here begynneth the Table of + this present booke Jntytled the + Book of the ordre of chyualry + or knyghthode~ + +The Text ends:-- + + ~vertuouse dede / And J shalle pray almyz- + ty god for his long lyf & prosperous wel- + fare / & that he may haue victory of al his + enemyes / and after this short & transitory + lyf to haue euerlastyng lyf in heuen / whe- + re as is Joye and blysse world without + ende Amen /~ + +The date of printing, which was in the reign of Richard III, must have +been between June 26th, 1483, and August 22nd, 1495. The “Order of +Chivalry” has no connection with “L’ordene de chevalerie.” Dibdin, in +the _Typ. Ant._, and Moule, in _Bib. Herald._, both err in this matter. + +Two copies are in the British Museum, and two in private libraries: no +others are known. + + + NO. 60.--CHAUCER’S CANTERBURY TALES. _Folio. Second Edition, with + Woodcuts. “By William Caxton.” Without Place or Date. (1484?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t~ are 4ns, with +~a j~ blank; ~v~ a 3n, ~aa bb cc dd ee ff gg hh~ are 4ns; ~ii~ a +3n; ~A B C D E F G H J K~ are 4ns; ~L~ a 2n. In all 312 leaves, of +which one is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type of the +Text is No. 4*, the heads being all in No. 2*. The lines in the +prose portion are spaced to an even length, and measure 4⅞ inches. +38 lines to a page. Without catchwords or folios, and almost without +punctuation. Space left for the insertion of initials. + +This second edition, Caxton tells us, was printed six years after the +first. Having fixed the year 1477-8 as about the date of the first, +that will give about 1484 for this. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the prohemye follows on ~a ij~. + + ~Prohemye~ + ~Rete thankes lawde and honour / ought to be gy- + uen vnto the clerkes / poetes / and historiographs + ~g that haue wreton many noble bokes of wysedom + of the lyues / passios / & myracles of holy sayntes + of hystoryes / of noble and famous Actes / and + faittes / And of the cronycles sith the begynnyng + of the creacion of the world/vnto thys present tyme/by whyche~ + +The proheme, which is an excellent and indubitable specimen of Caxton’s +own composition, and reflects as much credit upon his disposition as +upon his literary abilities, finishes on the verso of sig. ~a ij~-- + + ~after thys short and transitorye lyf we may come to euer- + lastyng ‖ lyf in heuen / Amen~ + + ~By Wylliam Caxton~ + +On sig. ~a iij~ recto, with room for a 4-line initial, + + ~Han that Apryll wyth hys shouris sote + ~w~ The droughte of marche hath percyd the rote + And bathyd euery veyne in suche lycour + Of whyche vertue engendryd is the flour + Whanne Zepherus eke wyth hys sote breth~ + +The Parson’s Tale finishes on sig. ~L iij~ verso, and is followed by +the Retraction. + +The Text ends with seven lines on sig. ~L~ 4 recto, + + ~be one of hem at the day of dome that shal be sauyd / Qui + cum ‖ patre et spiritu sancto viuit et regnat deus / Per omnia + secula ‖ seculorum AMEN /~ + +The verso is blank. + +REMARKS.--The wood-cut illustrations appear to be by the same artist +that was engaged upon Æsop. The wife of Bath is represented on page 293. + +Two copies are in the British Museum, and one in each of the following +libraries--Magdalen and Pepysian, Cambridge; St. John’s, Oxford; Royal +Society, London; Earl of Ashburnham, and Earl Spencer. In the year 1858 +I discovered a copy in the Library of the French Protestant Church, in +a torn and dirty state, having been used for some time to light the +vestry fire. I drew attention to its great value and interest, and it +was doubtless saved from further mutilation. Some time afterwards it +disappeared from the library altogether, and no one now knows what +has become of it. For identification the following particulars are +here given:--it wants all before sig. ~h~ 5; ~p~ 7; ~t~ 8 and ~v ij~; +~bb ij~; and ~dd~ 8; ~A j~; ~B iij~ and 4; and all after ~E~ 8. In +the original binding. Torn, dirty, and ill used. Measurement, 10⅝ × +7¾. Autograph “·· Rawlinson A° 1717.” Also, “Ex dono · · · Bateman +Bibliopola.” + +[Illustration: “THE WIFE OF BATH.” + +FROM THE SECOND EDITION OF CHAUCER’S “CANTERBURY TALES.”] + + + NO. 61.--THE BOOK OF FAME. _Folio. “Emprynted by wylliam Caxton.” + Without Place or Date. (1484?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c~ are 4ns. ~a j~ being blank; ~d~ a 3n, ~d~ 6 +being blank = 30 leaves, of which two are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is +entirely No. 4*. In the epilogue, which is the only prose part, the +lines are fully spaced out, and measure 4⅞ inches. 38 lines to a page. +Without folios or catchwords. Space left for the insertion of 2 or +3-line initials, with directors. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text follows on sig. ~a ij~ recto, + + ~The book of Fame made by Gefferey Chaucer~ + + ~Od torne vs euery dreme to good + ~g~ For it is wonder thyng by the rood + To my wyt / what causyth sweuenys + On the morowe / or on euenys~ + +The poem ends on sig. ~d~ 5 recto, + + ~Thus in dremyng and in game + Endeth thys lytyl book of Fame~ + + ~Explicit~ + +The epilogue immediately follows, the Text ending, + + ~J humbly beseche & praye yow / emonge your prayers / to + remem-‖bre hys soule / on whyche / and on alle crysten + soulis / J beseche al-‖myghty god to haue mercy Amen~ + + ~Emprynted by wylliam Caxton~ + +The epilogue has considerable interest, as showing Caxton’s opinion of +Chaucer, and is here given verbatim. + + “J fynde nomore of this werke to fore sayd / For as fer as I can + vnnderstōde / This noble man Gefferey Chaucer fynysshyd at the sayd + conclusion of the metyng of lesyng and sothsawe / where as yet they + ben chekked and maye not departe / whyche werke as me semeth is + craftyly made / and dygne to be wreton & knowen / For he towchyth + in it ryght grete wysdom & subtyll vnderstondyng / And so in alle + hys werkys he excellyth in myn oppynyon alle other wryters in our + Englyssh / For he wrytteth no voyde wordes / but alle hys mater is + ful of hye and quycke sentence / to whom ought to be gyuen laude and + preysyng for hys noble makyng and wrytyng / For of hym alle other + haue borowed syth and taken / in alle theyr wel sayeing and wrytyng + / And I humbly beseche & praye yow / emonge your prayers to remembre + hys soule / on whyche and on alle crysten soulis I beseche almyghty + god to haue mercy Amen” + +REMARKS.--As will be seen by the list of Existing Copies, the printed +text of Caxton is extremely rare; so is the reprint by Pynson in +1526. Manuscripts of this poem were, probably, even in our printer’s +time, difficult to obtain. The copy used by him was certainly very +imperfect. Many lines are altogether omitted, and in the last page +Caxton was evidently in a great strait, for his copy was deficient 66 +lines, probably occupying one leaf in the original. We know from his +own writings the great reverence in which our printer held the “noble +poete,” and we can imagine his consternation when the choice had to +be made, either to follow his copy and print nonsense, from the break +of idea caused by the deficient verses, or to step into Chaucer’s +shoes and supply the missing links from his own brain. He chose the +latter course, and thus instead of the original 66 lines, we have two +of the printer’s own, which enable the reader to reach the end of the +poem without a break-down. These lines are in the following quotation +printed in italics; the entire extract being the first six lines of the +last page:-- + + They were a chekked bothe two + And neyther of hym myght out goo + _And wyth the noyse of themwo_ _Caxton_ + _J Sodeynly awoke anon tho_ + And remembryd what I had seen + And how hye and ferre I had been + +It should be noticed that Caxton has here printed his name in the +margin to make known his responsibility to his readers. The “out” not +having been hitherto noticed, the position of his name there has been a +puzzle to all bibliographers, until explained by Mr. Bradshaw. + +Copies are in the British Museum; Cambridge; Imperial Library, Vienna, +and Althorpe. + + + NO. 62.--THE CURIAL. _Folio. “Translated thus in Englysshe by + wylliam Caxton.” Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. (1484?)_ + +COLLATION.--A 3n, signed ~j~, ~ij~, and ~iij~, without any blanks. In +all six leaves. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is +entirely No. 4*. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure +4⅞ inches, and there are 38 to a full page. Without catchwords or +folios. + +The Text begins on sig. ~j~ recto, + + ~Here foboweth the copye of a lettre whyche maistre + Alayn ‖ Charetier wrote to hys brother / whyche desired to + come dwelle in ‖ Court / in whyche he reherseth many my- + seryes & wretchydnesses ‖~ + +The “Curial” finishes on the sixth recto, + + ~to god J comande the by thys wrytyng whyche gyue the hys + gra ‖ ce / Amen~ + + ~Thus endeth the Curial made by maystre Alain + Charretier ‖ Translated thus in Englyssh by wylliam + Caxton~ + +On the verso Caxton has given us the translation of a ballad, written +by Alain Chartier, consisting of 28 lines. It has a burthen:--“Ne chyer +but of a man Joyous,” and commences thus:-- + + ~Ther ne is dangyer / but of a vylayn + Ne pryde / but of a poure man enryched~ + +The Text ends on same page, with Caxton’s name at foot, + + ~Ther is no speche / but it be curtoys + Ne preysyng of men / but after theyr lyf + Ne chyer but of a man Joyous + Caxton~ + +REMARKS.--Caxton translated the Curial from the French, “for a noble +and virtuous Erle,” probably Lord Rivers, who was beheaded at Pomfret, +on June 13th, 1483. + +Alain Chartier, born in Normandy about 1386, earned for himself the +appellation of “excellent orateur, noble poëte, et très-renommé +rhétoricien.” He held the office of “Secretaire de la Maison” to both +Charles VI and Charles VII. He died about 1457. The most complete +editions of his works are those by Galiot du Pré, 16mo, Paris, 1529; +and by Duchesne, 4to, Paris, 1617. In the former, however, is an error +which has led to some confusion, as “Livre de l’Esperance” is there +entitled “Le Curial,” the real Curial being a much shorter piece, and +totally different in design. By the “Curial” being addressed to his +brother it is supposed to have been written by Alain to Jean Chartier, +known as the author of “Histoire de Charles VII.” As an instance of +the great repute, in which the writings of Chartier were held in his +age, it is reported that Margaret, the wife of the Dauphin of France, +afterwards Louis XI, finding him one day asleep in his chair, kissed +his lips to the great astonishment of her attendants. “Je ne baise pas +la personne mais la bouche dont estoíent sortes tant de beux discours,” +she exclaimed. There is a painting in Add. MS. No. 15300, vividly +depicting this scene. + +Only two copies are known; one is in the British Museum, and the other +at Althorpe. + + + NO. 63.--TROYLUS AND CRESIDE. _Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place, + or Date. (1484?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g~ are 4ns, the first leaf of ~a~ being +blank; ~h~ a 5n; ~i k l m n o~ are 4ns; ~p~ a 3n, with the last +two leaves blank. In all 120 leaves, of which 3 are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type +throughout is No. 4*. Each page contains five stanzas of seven lines +each, with a blank line between each stanza. Without folios or +catchwords. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the poem follows on sig. ~a ij~ recto, +beginning thus:-- + + ~t~ ~He double sorow of Troylus to telle + Kyng Pryamus sone of Troye + Jn louyng / how hys auentures felle + From woo to wele / and after out of Joye + My purpos is / or that J parte froye~ + +Book I ends on sig. ~b~ 8 verso; Book II on ~f j~ recto; Book III on +~h~ 10 recto; Book IV on ~m j~ recto; Book V on ~p~ 4 recto. On sig. +~p~ 4 recto is also Chaucer’s dedicatory stanza to the “Moral Gower.” + +The Text ends on the same page, + + ~So make vs Jhesu for thy mercy dygne + For loue of mayden / & moder thyn benygne + Here endeth Troylus / as touchyng Cresede + Explicit per Caxton~ + +REMARKS.--A good account of the source of this poem, and a comparison +between it and Shakspere’s “Troilus and Creside,” with which, however, +it appears to have had little connection, will be found in Bell’s +edition of Chaucer’s works. + +Two copies are in the British Museum, one at St. John’s, Oxford, and +one at Althorp. + + + NO. 64.--THE LIFE OF OUR LADY.--_Folio. “Empryntyd by Wyllyam + Caxton.” Without Place or Date. (1484?)_ + +COLLATION.--Two unsigned leaves; ~a b c d e f g h i k l~ are 4ns; +~m~ a 3n, the last leaf being blank. In all 96 leaves, of which one is +blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is +entirely No. 4*. A page has five stanzas of seven lines each, the space +of one line being left between each stanza. The lines in the prose part +measure almost 5 inches. Without catchwords or folios. Space left for +the insertion of initials of one to three lines deep, with directors. + +The Text begins, with a space for a 3-line initial, on the recto of +the first leaf, + + ~t~ ~His book was compyled by dan John lydgate monke of + burye / at the excitacion and styryng of the nohle and + victoryous prynce / Kyng harry the fyfthe / in thonoure + glorye & reuerence of the byrthe of our moste blessyd + lady / mayde ‖ wyf / and moder of our lord Jhesu cryst / + chapytred as foloweth ‖ by this table~ + +The table follows immediately, finishing with nine lines on the verso +of the second leaf. + +The poem commences on sig. ~a j~ recto, with space for a 2-line initial, + + ~o~ ~Thougtful herte plungyd in distresse + With slo’bre of slouth this long wynters nyght~ + +On the lower-half of the fourth verso of sig. ~m~, + + ~Here endeth the book of the lyf of our lady + made by dan John lydgate monke of bury / + at thynstaunce of the moste crysten kynge / + kyng harry the fyfth~ + + ~Goo lityl book and submytte the + Unto al them / that the shal rede + Or here / prayeng hem for charite + To pardon me of the rudehede + Of myn enpryntyng / not takyng hede + And yf ought be doon to theyr plesyng + Say they thyse balades folowyng~ + +The Text ends on the fifth recto of sig. ~m~, + + ~Blessid be the swettest name of our lord + Jhesu crist / and most glorious marie + His blessyd moder / with eternal accord + More than euer / tendure in glorye + And with hir meke sone for memorye + Blesse vs marie / the most holy virgyne + That we regne in heuen with the ordres nyne~ + + ~Enpryntyd by Wyllyam Caxton~ + +A blank leaf completes the volume. + +REMARKS.--This poem appears to have enjoyed, for a long period, a +considerable popularity. It was composed, as the manuscripts and +printed edition both tell us, by John Lydgate, at the excitation of +King Henry V. The envoy commencing “Goo lytyl booke,” is doubtless a +specimen of Caxton’s own powers of versification, as perhaps are also +the two ballads which follow it. Although the division of the poem into +chapters by Caxton does not agree with any of the known manuscripts, +yet he probably had a copy so divided, for, as we have seen, the +original poem was not chaptered at all, and later scribes would divide +it after their own judgment. + +It would have surprised our worthy printer could he have foreseen the +grave charges of carelessness to be brought against him in future ages, +with reference to this production. Ames gives a very slight account of +“The Lyf of oure Ladye,” but so far as it goes, it is correct. Herbert +enlarged Ames’s article, but unfortunately wrote his description from a +copy deficient eight leaves in the middle of the poem, an imperfection +which, notwithstanding the consequent irregularity of signature, he +ascribes to carelessness on the part of Caxton; and, worse still, makes +Caxton himself confess that he was aware of the blunder he had made +before the conclusion of the printing, but thought that to ask the +reader’s pardon was sufficient reparation; a conclusion drawn from the +deprecatory stanzas quoted above, beginning, “Goo lityl book”--a style +of “envoy” very common to all writers of that age. Then follows Dr. +Dibdin, who, as usual, did not make an independent examination, but was +content with reprinting his predecessor’s remarks. The paragraph reads +thus:--“This [the omission of several chapters] must be attributed to +carelessness, which Mr. Caxton himself ingenuously acknowledges in one +of the concluding stanzas.”--_Typ. Ant._ vol. i, page 340, and _Bib. +Spenc._ vol. iv. page 333. + +Both Herbert and Dibdin give the heads of all the chapters in this +poem, excepting, of course, those contained in the eight missing leaves +of their copy. These are, therefore, supplied here from the table, +which differs slightly from the heads in the body of the work. + + How the chyef temple of rome fyl the nyght of crystes + byrthe / and other wonderful tokenes capitulo L + + How the nyght of cristes byrthe a welle in rome + ranne oyle capitulo Lj + + How the senatours of rome wolden haue holden Octauyan + theyr emperour as for her god capitulo Lij Liij + + How the romayns whan they had domynacion ouer alle + the world made an ymage & callyd hit theyr god capitulo Liiij + + How wyse sybyle tolde to the senate of rome + the byrthe of cryst capitulo Lv + + How the prophetes prophecyed the byrthe + of cryst capitulo Lvi + + A questyon assoyled whiche is worthyest of kyng + wyne or woman capitulo Lvij + +EXISTING COPIES:--British Museum, Bodleian, Exeter College, Oxford, +Glasgow, and four in private hands. + + + NO. 65.--THE LIFE OF THE HOLY AND BLESSED VIRGIN SAINT WINIFRED. + _Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Date, or Place. “Reduced in to + Englysshe by me William Caxton.” (1485?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a~ and ~b~ are 4ns = 16 leaves, of which the first is +blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is +entirely No. 4*. There are 38 or 39 lines to a full page, and they are +spaced to an even length. Without folios or catchwords. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text follows on sig. ~a ij~, + + ~ℂ Here begynneth the lyf of the holy & blessid vyrgyn + saynt ‖ Wenefryde /~ + +On sig. ~b~ 6 recto, + + ~ℂ Thus endeth the decollacion / the lyf after / and the + transla- ‖ cion of saynte Wenefrede virgyn and martir / + whiche was rey ‖ sed after that her hede had be smyton of + the space of xv yere ‖ reduced in to Englysshe by me + William Caxton /~ + +The Text ends, with ten lines on the recto of sig. ~b~ 8, the verso +being blank, + + ~celebramus translacionem / cunctorum adipisci mereamur + pec- ‖ catorum remissionem / Per dominum nostrum ⸝ et + cetera /~ + +REMARKS.--Caxton’s translation gives all the particulars of the +birth, parentage, dedication to God, decollation by Prince Caradoc, +restoration to life “after her head had been smyton off the space of +xv year,” and subsequent canonisation of St. Winifred; followed by the +service in Latin for her “commemoration.” + +The earliest existing notice of this saint is found in Cotton MS. +Claud. A. v, which begins “Incipit Vita sancte Wenefrede virginis et +martyris.” The character of the writing is of the twelfth century, +but the Holy Well in Flintshire, dedicated to her, as well as the +existence of chapels and other places in Wales bearing her name, prove +her fame to have been spread for some centuries earlier. The Cotton +MS. itself was probably copied from a much older original. Historians +have therefore agreed to consider her as having lived in the seventh +century. Being a Welsh saint, her name does not at first seem to have +been received with any great veneration outside her own country, and +this may account for the entire absence of all notice of her in the +early historians. The Cotton MS. has a memorandum in a more modern +hand, stating it to be the composition of St. Elerius. For this, +however, there appears to be no other reason than the mention of this +saint as St. Winifred’s confessor. It has, however, been adopted by +Leland, Bale, Pits, and other writers. A second life of St. Winifred +was undertaken in the year 1140 by Robert, a Welsh monk of Shrewsbury, +who compiled his account from MSS. then extant, with the addition +of all the floating details which, in the course of centuries, the +legend had developed. The fame of the saint at that time was rapidly +increasing, partly owing to the grand ceremonial with which her relics +had been, in 1138, translated to the Benedictine Abbey in Shrewsbury. +The variations in these two accounts, especially as to the length of +time she lived after her decollation, has induced a belief that they +are independent productions. Had the second history been shorter and +less miraculous than the first, there might be some reason for the +opinion. + +In “Liber Festivalis,” and in the “Golden Legend,” both printed by +Caxton, are short notices of St. Winifred; but in 1484 Caxton himself +set about “reducing into English” her Life. It is unfortunate that he +makes no mention of the language in which his original was written. +There is no reason to suppose that Caxton understood Welsh, or else +doubtless he could have obtained several MSS.[20] Again, it is very +improbable that Caxton translated from his usual source, the French, as +the saint was unknown across the Channel. It is therefore most probable +that the Latin account of Robert, already noticed, was Caxton’s +original, a probability we are not able to verify by collation, as no +manuscript appears to be known. + +Caxton’s edition has the Latin commemoration of the saint at the +end, which was ordained with great ceremony by Arundel, Archbishop +of Canterbury, in 1391, who, at the same time, removed the day from +June 24th to November 3rd. This shows how the fame of St. Winifred +had increased. All the old legends state that on the spot where +Prince Caradoc decapitated the Virgin, there immediately sprung up an +impetuous stream of healing water. The famous Holy Well is on this +spot, and thence flows “St. Wenefrede’s Stream,” which empties itself +at the mouth of the Dee. The fame of wonderful cures effected by these +waters spread all over England, and greatly enhanced the shrine of St. +Winifred, until Holywell became the most favoured goal of pilgrims to +the north. Caxton could not perhaps have chosen a more popular life +when he undertook his translation. Henry VII built an octagonal well +over the source of the stream, with conveniences for using the waters, +and over this a beautiful chapel. + +The shrine was plundered at the dissolution of the monasteries, and a +portion of the ruins was, in 1811, and is probably, still used as a +free grammar school. + +In Caxton’s “Polycronicon,” in the metrical account of Wales, there are +twenty-two lines of curious matter concerning the Holy Well, and the +awful fate which befell the descendants of Prince Caradoc. + +Only three copies of this edition are known. There is a fair specimen +in the King’s Library, British Museum, a poor one at Lambeth, and a +good one at Ham House, Surrey. + + + NO. 66.--THE NOBLE HISTORIES OF KING ARTHUR AND OF CERTAIN OF HIS + KNIGHTS. _Folio. “Emprynted in thabbey westmestre, the last day + of Juyl the yere of our Lord M CCCC lxxxv.”_ + +COLLATION.--The prologue and table take up a 4n and 5n; the first +leaf in the 4n is blank, the next 3 are signed ~ij~, ~iij~, ~iiij~; +the first four leaves only of the 5n are signed ~v~, ~vj~, ~vij~, +~viij~; ~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u x y z & A B C D E F G +H J K L M N O P Q R S T U X Y Z aa bb cc dd~ are 4ns; ~ee~ is a 3n. +In all 432 leaves, of which one is blank. + +Note.--Sig. ~S iij~ is printed ~R iij~ and ~T ij~ is printed ~S ij~. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type throughout +is No. 4*. The lines are spaced out to an even length of 4⅝ inches, +and 38 make a full page. Without folios, head-lines, or catchwords. +Initials in wood of three to five lines in depth. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, Caxton’s prologue follows on sig. ~ij~, +with a 3-line initial in wood. The Text begins thus:-- + + ~Fter that J had accomplysshed and fynysshed dyuers + ~A~ hystoryes as wel of contemplacyon as of other hysto + ryal and worldly actes of grete conquerours & pryn + ces / and also certeyn bookes of ensaumples and doctryne /~ + +The Text ends on the recto of the sixth leaf of sig. ~ee~, the verso +being blank. + + ~ℂ Thus endeth thys noble and Joyous book entytled le + morte ‖ Darthur / Notwythstondyng it treateth of the byrth / + lyf / and ‖ actes of the sayd kyng Arthur / of his noble + knyghtes of the ‖ rounde table / theyr meruayllous enquestes + and aduentures / ‖ thachyeuyng of the sangreal / & in thende + the dolorous deth & ‖ departyng out of thys world of them + al / whiche book was re ‖ duced in to englysshe by syr + Thomas Malory knyght as afore ‖ is sayd / and by me + deuyded in to xxj bookes chapytred and ‖ enprynted / and + fynysshed in thabbey westmestre the last day ‖ of Juyl the + yere of our lord / M / CCCC / lxxxv /~ + + ~ℂ Caxton me fieri fecit~ + +REMARKS.--There does not appear to be any trace in the collections +of the British Museum, or elsewhere, of a manuscript of Sir Thomas +Malory’s text. Of Sir Thomas himself, all we know is contained in the +last sentence of his own book: “This book was ended the ninth year of +the reign of King Edward the fourth by Sir Thomas Malory, Knight;” +that is about 1470. Caxton tells us in his prologue, that Sir Thomas +had “reduced it from certain books in French.” These books, judging +from the conduct of the story, were the celebrated romances of Merlin, +Launcelot, Tristram, the Quest du S. Graal, and Mort Artus, on the +origin of which romances very little appears to be known, though much +has been written. Manuscript copies of all of them are in the British +Museum. Caxton’s edition was reprinted several times, the last being +the well-known 4to. volume, edited by Robert Southey, who has prefixed +a learned dissertation on the rise and development of the story. A very +interesting essay upon the character, epoch, and authors of the various +romances of the Round Table is contained in _Les Msc. Franç._, par M. +Paris, vol. i. page 160. See also the introduction of Thomas Wright to +his reprint of the 1634 edition, entitled _The History of King Arthur_, +3 vols. London, 1858. Also _Les Romans de la Table Ronde et les Contes +des anciens Bretons_, par M. le Vicomte Hersart de la Villemarqué. 8vo. +Paris, 1860. + +The only perfect copy known is in the library of Earl Jersey; Earl +Spencer has an imperfect copy, and a fragment is in the British Museum. +There is not a copy at Lichfield, as stated by Mr. Botfield. + + + NO. 67.--THE LIFE OF THE NOBLE AND CHRISTIAN PRINCE, CHARLES THE + GREAT. _Folio. “Explicit per William Caxton.” Without Place. + “Enprynted the fyrst day of decembre / M CCCC lxxxv.”_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m~ are 4ns. In all 96 leaves, +of which ~a j~ and ~m~ 8 appear to have been blank. The last leaf, +however, may have had the device. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No. +4*. The pages have two columns, with 39 lines to a column. The lines, +which are spaced to one length, measure 2⅜ inches. Without folios or +catchwords. Woodcut initials three lines deep. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue of the French translator +follows, on sig ~a ij~, with a 3-line printed initial. The Text begins +thus:-- + + ~Aynt Poul doctour of somme werkes haultayne + ~S~ veryte sayth to vs that doon ‖ & comysed by their + al thynges that ben re- grete strength ‖ & ryght ar- + duced by wrytyng / ben daunt courage / to the ‖ ex- + wryton ‖ altacyon of the crysten fayth~ + * * * * * * * * * * + +This preface finishes with five lines down the first column of the +verso, and is followed by Caxton’s prologue, in the same column, which +is finished on the 26th line of the opposite column. + + ~T~ ~Henne / for as moche J + late had fynysshed in + enpryntye the book of the + noble & ‖ vyctoryous kyng + Arthur fyrst ‖~ + +The Text ends with the following colophon, + + ~Whyche werke was fy- + nysshed ‖ in the reducyng of + hit in to en-‖glysshe the xviij + day of Juyn the ‖ second + yere of kyng Rychard ‖ the + thyrd / And the yere of our ‖ + lord M CCCC lxxxv / + And ‖ enprynted the fyrst + day of de- ‖ cembre the same + yere of our lord ‖ & the fyrst + yere of kyng Harry ‖ the + seuenth /‖~ + + ~ℂ Explicit p william Caxton~ + +REMARKS.--Histories and romances of “Karlemaine,” in French and +in Latin, in prose and in verse, existed so early as the twelfth +and thirteenth centuries. These became incorporated later in the +general histories, such as the “Speculum Historiale,” the “Fleur +des Histoires,” &c. The compilation of the romance under notice is +recounted by the anonymous Author himself in his preface and envoye. +From these we learn that Henry Bolomyer, Canon of Lausaune, regretting +the existence of several “disjoined” accounts of Charles the Great, +“excited” our anonymous Author to compile a continuous history of the +first Christian King of France. This he did, and the sources of his +narration, as well as the contents, cannot be described better than in +his own words, thus translated by Caxton (sig. ~m~, 7 recto), “it is so +that at the requeste of the sayd venerable man to fore named Maister +henry bolonnyer chanonne of lausaune J haue been Incyted to translate +& reduce into Frensshe the mater tofore reduced. As moche as toucheth +the fyrst & the thyrd book/ J haue taken & drawen oute of a book named +myrrour hystoryal for the moost parte / & the second book J haue onely +reduced it out of an olde romaūce in frensshe.” + +On comparing the first and last books of the text under notice with +the chapters devoted to Charlemagne, in Verard’s edition of the +_Speculum Historiale_ (vol. iv, book 25), it is evident that the +compiler did not confine himself to the account of Vincent de Beauvais. +The Second Book, he tells us, was taken from an old romance in French; +perhaps the same as is still extant in _Royal MS._ 4 C. XI. 10, or the +manuscript in the Imperial Library, Paris, No. 6795. + +It is the French compilation made for Henry Bolomyer which Caxton +was requested by “some persons of noble estate and degree”--“my good +singular lords and special masters” as he calls them--to reduce into +English. Among these his good friend Master William Daubeny, treasurer +of the king’s jewels, who is the only one mentioned by name, seems to +have most influenced him. + +The only EXISTING COPY at present known is in the British Museum, +King’s Library (C. 10. b. 9). It is _perfect_, wanting only the two +blank leaves, and is in excellent preservation. + + + NO. 68.--THE KNIGHT PARIS AND THE FAIR VIENNE. _Folio. “Explicit per + Caxton. Westminster. December 19th, 1485.”_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c~ are 4ns, ~d~ and ~e~ 3ns = 36 leaves, of +which the last only is blank. + +Note.--~d j~ is misprinted ~c i~. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all +No. 4*; in double columns, the lines being spaced to an even length, +and measuring 2⅜ inches; 39 lines to a column. Without folios or +catchwords. Woodcut initials. + +The Text begins on sig. ~a j~ recto, + + ~ℂ Here begynneth thystorye may or ought to haue / The + of ‖ the noble ryght valyaunt sayd ‖ daulphyn thenne and + & wor- ‖ thy knyght Parys / this noble ‖ lady dyane were + and of the ‖ fayr Uyene / vij yere to gy- ‖ dre wythoute + the daulphyns dou- ‖ ghter of yssue that moche ‖ they de- + vyennoys / the whyche ‖ syred to haue / and prayed ‖ + suffred many aduersytees our lord bothe nyght & day + by- ‖ cause of theyr true that ‖ they myght haue chyl + loue or ‖ they coude enioye dren play ‖ saunt and redy + the effect therof of ‖ eche to hys deuyne ‖ seruyce / + other / and our lord thorugh ‖~ + +The Text ends thus, on sig. ~e~ 5 recto, with sixteen lines in the +first column, + + ~may accompanye them in the + per ‖ durable glorye of heuen + Amen /~ + + ~ℂ Thus endeth thystorye of + the ‖ noble and valyaunt + knyght pa-‖rys / and the fayr + vyenne dough ‖ ter of the + doulphyn of Uyen- ‖ noys / + translated out of frensshe ‖ + in to englysshe by wylliam + Cax- ‖ ton at westmestre + fynysshed the ‖ last day of + August the yere of ‖ our lord + M CCCC lxxxv / and ‖ + enprynted the xix day of + decem- ‖ bre the same yere / + and the fyrst ‖ yere of the + regne of kyng Harry ‖ the + seuenth /~ + + ~ℂ Explicit p Caxton~ + +REMARKS.--Although frequently copied in manuscript, and often printed +in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, there are few romances so +rare as “Paris and Vienne.” Translated into the “langage provençal,” +from the original composition, which was in “Catalane,” it was turned +into Latin, French, Italian, Flemish, and English. The French, which +was the translation Caxton used, was accomplished about the beginning +of the fifteenth century, by Pierre de la Sippade, of Marseilles. The +first printed edition was in Italian, at Trévise, 1482; the second, +Caxton’s, 1485. G. Leeu, at Antwerp, 1487, brought out two impressions, +one in German and one in French. Wynken de Worde made an early reprint +of Caxton’s edition. The admiration which Jean de Pins, Bishop of +Rieux, one of the most elegant scholars of his age, conceived for this +romance, induced him to turn it into Latin, for the instruction of +the children of his friend the Chancellor Duprat. It was printed in +1516. The Jesuit Charron, in his Memoirs of Jean de Pins (_Avignon_, +8vo, 1748), speaks thus of this romance: “As for children, it would be +impossible to find a work more fitted to imbue the mind with correct +taste and elegance of style, to influence their characters by the +wisdom of its reflections, or to forearm their hearts against those +assaults of passion which blindly precipitate the young into the +abysses of misery. The work is truly admirable. The situations are so +interesting and the _dénoûment_ so happy, that their conception would +reflect honour on the best writers of the most renowned ages.” (See +_Histoire du Chevalier Paris, et de la belle Vienne_, 8vo, Paris, 1835.) + +In the Utterson Library was an extremely rare printed edition of the +French version, from which Caxton translated, entitled “l’Hystoire du +vaillant and noble cheualier paris: and de la belle Viene fille du +dauphin de Vienoys.” 4to. Paris. Jehan Bonfons. c. 1500. + +The only EXISTING COPY is in the British Museum. It was formerly +in Ames’s possession, but after the issue of “The Typographical +Antiquities,” passed into the library of Sir Hans Sloane, and thence +into the King’s Library, St. James’s. + +A reprint of this copy has been edited, with a Preface, Glossary, and +Notes, by W. C. Hazlitt, for the subscribers to the Roxburghe Library. +London, 4to. 1868. + + + NO. 69.--THE GOLDEN LEGEND. _Largest Folio. Second Edition. Small + Head-lines. (1487?)_ + +COLLATION.--The same exactly as the first edition, with the exception +of sigs. ~X~ and ~Y~, in which appears the following variation:-- + + FIRST EDITION. | SECOND EDITION. + | + sig. ~X~, 6 leaves } | sig. ~X~ = 8 leaves. + sig. ~Y~, 2 ” } = 9 leaves | signed to ~X iiij~, and followed + unsigned 1 ” } | by sig. ~aa~. + +In order to get the matter of the two signatures into one, the sixteen +pages of ~X~ in the second edition are all made a line longer than in +the first. This arrangement was evidently considered as an improvement, +and therefore was later in point of time than the edition in which it +does not occur. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--These in the main are identical with +the edition already described, the chief peculiarity being that the +head-lines of the pages and the head-lines of the various lives, which +in the first edition are all in type No. 3, are in the second edition +all in type No. 5. We must also notice that in places (_e.g._ sig. +~X j~ recto) the large capital letters, used in type No. 6, make an +accidental appearance in the head-lines, where they were occasionally +used instead of quadrats. This evinces a much later period for the +impression than the first edition. + +REMARKS.--The absence of any complete copy, or indeed of any copy +having prologues or colophon, suggests the idea that certain sheets +only may, for some reason, have been reprinted to supply deficiencies; +if so, the reprint is so extensive, that, for the sake of accuracy, it +is better to look upon it as a separate edition. + +EXISTING COPIES.--In the British Museum is a copy, of which by far the +larger portion belongs to the second edition, sigs. ~x~ to 9 and sigs. +~G~ to ~aa~ being of the first edition. In the Douce Library at Oxford +is a copy, of which by far the larger portion belongs to the first +edition, the part belonging to the second edition being just that which +is wanting in the British Museum copy; so that if an exchange could be +made, the British Museum might have a perfect second edition and the +Bodleian a perfect first edition. + +Portions of the second edition are in the University Library, +Cambridge, and the library of the Duke of Devonshire at Chatsworth. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[18] Reg. 12 A xxix, the particulars of which were kindly communicated +by Mr. Bond, keeper of the MSS. + +[19] “Even” = “fellow.” The gravedigger in _Hamlet_, act V, sc. 1, uses +the same phrase, “even Christian.” + +[20] Llwyd, in his Catalogue of Welsh MSS., mentions two. + + + + +A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN + +TYPE No. 5. + + + + +_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 5._ + + + 70. Good Manners May 11th, 1487 + + 71. Speculum. First Edition 1487? + + 72. Directorium. First Edition 1487? + + 73. Horæ. Third Edition 1488? + + 74. Royal 1488? + + 75. Image of Pity 1489? + + 76. Doctrinal. May 7th, 1489? + + 77. Speculum. Second Edition 1490? + + 78. Commemoratio 1491? + + 79. De Transfiguratione 1491? + + 80. Horæ 1491? + +[Illustration: Plate XII. + +_Caxton’s Type, No. 5._] + + + + +BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 5. + + + NO. 70.--THE BOOK OF GOOD MANNERS. _Folio. “Explicit et hic est + finis per Caxton.” Without Place. “Enprynted the xj day of Maye” + the year of our Lord 1487._ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g~ are 4ns, ~h~ a 5n = 66 leaves (no +blanks). + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type throughout +is No. 5. The lines are spaced to an even length, and measure 4⅝ +inches. A page has 33 lines. Without catchwords or folios. Woodcut +initials of two to three lines in depth. + +The Text begins on sig. ~a j~ recto, + + ~W~ ~Han J consydere the condycions & maners of the + comyn ‖ people whiche without enformacion & lernyng + ben rude ‖ and not manerd lyke vnto beestis brute acordyng + to an olde ‖~ + +making a full page. On the verso, with 2-line wood initial, + + ~H~ ~Ere begynneth the table of a book named & Jntytuled + the ‖ book of good maners the which was made & com + posed ‖ by the venerable & dyscrete persone Frere Jaques + le graunt ly ‖ cecyat in Theologye religyous of the ordre of + saynt augustyn ‖ of the conuent of parys.~ + +The end is on the tenth recto of sig. ~h~, the verso blank, + + ~ℂ Explicit / et hic est finis / per Caxton &c~ + + ~ℂ Fynysshed and translated out of frenshe in to englysshe + the ‖ viij day of Juyn the yere of our lord M iiij C lxxxvj / + and ‖ the first yere of the regne of kyng harry the vij / And + enpryn- ‖ ted the xj day of Maye after / &c~ + + ~Laus deo~ + +REMARKS.--Jacques Legrand was an Augustin friar, and is stated (though +upon what authority does not appear) to have been a native of Toledo, +in Spain, confessor to Charles VII, and to have refused a bishopric. +He is known to have been the author of the “Sophologium,” originally +written in Latin, and translated by himself into French for the Duke +of Orleans, son of Charles V. He also was the author of “Le livre des +bonnes meurs,” which he dedicated to the Duke de Berri. + +In an interesting prologue appended by Caxton to this work we are +informed that he undertook the task at the desire of William Praat, +a fellow-mercer. The terms in which Caxton speaks of Praat as “an +honest man” and “a singular friend of old knowledge,” whose death-bed +request it was that the book which had pleased and instructed his own +mind should have greater currency among the people by means of his +friend’s new Art of Printing, prove the close amity which must have +existed between the two Mercers. Caxton, according to his friend’s +wish, translated and printed it “for the amendment of manners and the +increase of virtuous living.” + +Only three copies are known--one at Cambridge, one at the Royal +Library, Copenhagen, and one at Lambeth. + + + NO. 71.--SPECULUM VITÆ CHRISTI. _Folio. “Emprynted by wyllyam + Caxton.” Without Place or Date. Edition A. (1487?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s~ are 4ns, with the +first leaf of sig. ~a~ blank; ~t~ a 2n, with the fourth leaf blank. In +all 148 leaves, of which two are blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title-page. The type throughout is +No. 5. The lines are spaced to an even length, and measure 4⅝ inches. +A page has 33 lines, exclusive of the head-lines, and one line space +between. Without folios or catchwords. There are side notes throughout +the volume, a rare practice with Caxton, who, however, probably +followed his copy in this particular, as side notes appear in nearly +all the manuscript versions. An initial, cut on wood, begins every +chapter. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text begins thus on sig. ~a ij~ +recto:-- + + ~ℂ Jncipit Speculum vite Cristi.~ + + ~T the begynnynge of the prohemy of the booke that is + ~A~ cleped the myrroure of the blessyd lyf of Jhesu Cryste + the fyrst parte for the monedaye / ℂ A deuoute medy- + tacion of the grete counceyll in heuene for the restorynge of + man ‖ and hys sauacyon . Capitulum primum . ℂ Of the + manere~ + +At the head of sig. ~b ij~ recto, + + ~Die lune ℂ Prima pars ca j.~ + + ~dome all the Courte of heune wondrynge and commendyng + the souerayne wysedome assented wel here to / but ferther- + more ‖~ + +At the head of sig. ~f~ 6 verso, + + ~ℂ Ca / xv ℂ Die Mercurij ℂ Tercia pars~ + + ~parauentur there with a fewe smal fysshes that oure lady + had ‖ ordeyned theme as god wold / & soo therwith the + Aungels co-‖~ + +The “Speculum” ends at foot of sig. ~s i~ recto, + + ~lord ihesu and his moder Mary now and euer withoute + ende ame~ + + ~ℂ Explicit speculum vite Cristi.~ + +On the verso begins a treatise on the Sacrament of Christ’s body, + + ~ℂ A shorte treatyce of the hyhest and most worthy sacra- + mente ‖ of crystes blessid body . and the merueylles therof.~ + +which finishes on sig. ~t~ 3 recto with the following imprint:-- + + ~ℂ Emprynted by wyllyam caxton~ + +REMARKS.--There appear to have been two original works on the “Life +of Christ” in the libraries of the fifteenth century. One by Father +Ludolphe, or Rudolphe (_Addit._ 16609), was translated, as already +noticed, into French, and thence into English; but this is an entirely +different work to that printed by Caxton. St. Bonaventure, in 1410, +wrote “The Life of Christ” in Latin (_Royal_ 17, D. XVII), which became +very popular, and was translated several times into French, with +amplifications more or less. In the early part of the fifteenth century +Jean de Gallopes, already noticed as the translator of “The Pilgrimage +of the Soul” (_ante_ page 259), made a French prose translation of +Bonaventure’s Latin work (_Royal_ 20, B. IV). This bears a close +resemblance to the English text as printed by Caxton, was dedicated by +Gallopes to Henry V, and probably had considerable currency among the +English, to whom Gallopes, if not an Englishman himself, was well known +from his connection with the Duke of Bedford. The author of Caxton’s +English text is unknown, but he professes to have borrowed largely from +the Latin of Bonaventure. + +Of the “Speculum vitæ Christi” two distinct editions were issued, both +printed with the same types, page for page, line for line (with few +exceptions), and nearly letter for letter. The typographical minutiæ do +not enable us with facility to determine which edition has the better +claim to priority of workmanship. The greatest variations will be found +in the head-lines, where, from sig. ~k~ to the end of the volume, there +is a difference in every page; one edition (A) using the word ~Ca~ in +the heads, while the other (B) has the full word ~Capitulum~. In the +University Library, Cambridge, there is a copy of each edition. + +There is a curious transposition of pages in the copy belonging to W. +E. Watkyn Wynne, Esq., proving that even so late as 1489, the practice +of printing one page at a time was retained. This is shown by the verso +of sig. ~e iiij~ being printed on the recto of sig. ~e~ 6, and _vice +versâ_. In sig. ~e~ there are several instances of the side notes +having been blocked out in the printing. Pressmen call it “a bite.” + +EXISTING COPIES.--British Museum; Cambridge; Hunterian Museum, Glasgow; +and four in private libraries. One of the copies in the British Museum +is on vellum, and before the Reformation was in Sion Nunnery. + + + NO. 72.--DIRECTORIUM SACERDOTUM, UNA CUM DEFENSORIO EJUSDEM; ITEM + TRACTATUS QUI DICITUR CREDE MIHI. _Folio. Second Version, First + Edition. Per William Caxton apud westmonesteriu. Without Date. + (1487?)_ + +COLLATION.--Kalendar a 3n, signed ~j ij iij~; ~a b c d e f g h i k l m +n o p q~ are 4ns; ~r~ a 5n; ~s t~ are 4ns. In all 160 leaves. In the +only copy known the whole of the kalendar is inserted between the first +and second leaves of sig. ~a~, making ~a j~ appear as the first leaf in +the book. + +Note.--The signature to ~e j~ is not printed. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title-page. The type is all No. 5. +The lines, which are fully spaced out, measure 4⅝ inches. Exclusive of +head-lines there are 33 to the page. Without folios or catchwords. A +few 2-line woodcut initials. + +The work commences with a kalendar of the months, a month to a page, +each being headed by a Latin couplet on unlucky days, and a woodcut KL. + +The Text begins on sig. ~j~ recto, + + ~KL~ ~Prima dies mensis. & septima truncat vt ensis + Januarius het dies xxxj / luna vero xxx + iij A Januarij Circusicio dm dup fm ix l’c~ + +The Text ends on sig. ~t~ 8 verso, + + ~de michi / Na qui predcas regulas memoriter tenet vix pote- + rit errare in seruicio diuino / Deo gras /~ + + ~ℂ Caxton me fieri fecit~ + +REMARKS.--The large woodcut, which is really on sig. ~a j~ verso, is, +in the only known copy, transposed, very naturally, to precede the +Kalendar. This at first misleads one to believe that it does not belong +to the volume. It measures 9 × 5¾ inches, and occupies the entire +page, being thus described by Herbert--“In the middle part Christ is +seen naked, half length, as at a window, with his arms across and his +head inclined, showing the wounds on his hands and under the right +breast; a spear erect on the right and a sponge on the left; over his +head is a tablet with INRI. On a tablet beneath the window the title +appears evidently to have been printed, but from this copy has been +indiscreetly cut out. About this middle part are 28 square divisions, +each containing some symbol of the passion, forming a kind of border.” +An engraving similar in design was used for the “Horæ,” described at +No. 75 _post_. + +There was another edition of this work in type No. 6, printed in 1489 +(see No. 87). In both the Latin is printed with many contractions. In +the various editions of “Typographical Antiquities,” these two editions +being treated as one has led to several errors. + +The numerous and constantly varying alterations in the daily order of +Church Service must have rendered, in all ages, a book of directions +most necessary to all officiating priests. But the introduction of new +Feasts and Commemorations would, in course of time, render any such +book incorrect. Thus it happened that Clement Maydestone, a monk of +the order of St. Bridget, and a priest, finding, as he tells us in +his prologue, that one of the most important festivals in the year, +that of Corpus Christi, with its Octave, was, according to the written +directions, celebrated _cum regimine chori_, while the admitted and +general custom of the Salisbury rule was to celebrate that festival +_sine regimine chori_; finding also several necessary things omitted +altogether, and a wrong disposition made of others, determined, by +the consent of his superiors, to correct and supply all defects. When +Clement Maydestone had thus reformed and renewed the Pica, he gave his +work the now recognised title of “Directorium Sacerdotum.” This is the +text as printed by Caxton. + +Clement Maydestone appears to have been the son of Thomas Maydestone +(probably of Hounslow, Middlesex), and flourished in the reign of Henry +V. An account of the martyrdom of Archbishop Scroop is also ascribed to +him. + +In the latter half of the fifteenth century the reformed Pica of +Maydestone was again collated with the true “Sarum Ordinale,” by one +Clarke, a singing man of King’s College, Cambridge, by order of the +University, which at this period evidently followed the Salisbury +use. A notice of Clarke’s work may be seen in the prologue appended +by Pynson to his “Directorium” of 1497. In the copy of this edition, +lately purchased of Mr. Maskell for the British Museum, are numerous +notes in the autograph of Bishop Wagstaffe, the nonjuror, which have +supplied material for some of the above remarks. + +The only EXISTING COPY at present known is that in the King’s Library, +British Museum (C. 10. b. 16), which is _perfect_, in fair condition, +and measures 10½ × 7½ inches. On a fly-leaf is the autograph “W. +Bayntun, Gray’s Inn, bought of a man introduced by Doctor Nugent.” This +copy, which is catalogued by Dr. Middleton as being in the University +Library, Cambridge, was stolen thence between 1772 and 1778. Before +1787 it was purchased by W. Bayntun--and probably (though, of course, +in ignorance) from the thief himself. + + + NO. 73.--HORÆ.--A FRAGMENT.--_Third Edition. 8vo. Sine ullâ notâ. + (1488?)_ + +The COLLATION cannot be given, eight leaves, or the whole of sig. ~m~, +being all that is known at present. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is No. 5 only. The lines, of which +there are seventeen to the page, are fully spaced out and in length +measure 2⅝ inches. Large full-faced capital letters are used. + +On sig. ~m j~ recto the Text begins, + + ~Non fecisti~ + +The first words on the rectos of each leaf are--1, ~non~; 2, +~perhanc~; 3, ~habitabile~; 4, ~A Doro~; 5, (injured); 6, woodcut; +7, ~Domine~; 8, ~siones~; the last word on the eighth verso, being +~cospui~. + +The woodcut on ~m~ 6 recto is an “Image of Pity,” very similar in +treatment to that noticed on page 316. It occupies only the depth of +ten lines of text, and beneath, in six lines, is the following:-- + + ~To them that before * * * * yma + ge ofpyte deuoutly sey . v . P’r + noster / v . Auyes & a * * * * py- + teously beholdyng * * * * * * of + Xp’s passyon ar graunted * * * * + M / vij . C & . lv / yeres of pardon~ + +These unique leaves, which have evidently been rescued from the binding +of an old book, were presented, in 1858, by Mr. Maskell to the British +Museum (C. 35. a). Measurement 5¼ × 4 inches. They are in the same +binding as the fragments of another Horæ described at page 332. + + + NO. 74.--THE ROYAL BOOK OR BOOK FOR A KING. _Folio. Without + Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. “Translated out of frensshe + into englysshe by me wyllyam Caxton / whiche translacion was + fynysshed the xiij day of septembre in the yere of our lord M / + CCCC. lxxxiiij.” (1488?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t~ are 4ns, the +first leaf of ~a~ being blank; ~u~ a 5n, with the last leaf blank. In +all 162 leaves, of which two are blank. + +Note.--~m iij~ is wrongly signed ~m ij~; and ~n j~ is wrongly signed ~n +iiij~. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is +entirely No. 5. The lines are fully spaced out, and measure 4⅝ inches, +33 forming a full page. Without folios or catchwords. 2-line initials +in wood are used at the commencement of the chapters. There are six +small vignette illustrations in wood, all of which, however, except the +first, which appeared in the “Golden Legend,” are from the “Speculum” +just described, where they are suited to the text, and not, as here, +used without any reference to fitness. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows on ~a ij~ recto, +with a 2-line initial. + +The Text begins thus:-- + + ~W~ ~Han J remembre and take hede of the conuersacion + of ‖ vs that lyue in this wretched lyf . in which is no + surete ‖ ne stable abydyng . And also the contynuel besynes + of euery ‖~ + +The Text ends, with a full page, on sig. ~u~ 9 recto, + + ~T~ ~his book was compyled & made atte requeste of kyng + Phelyp of Fraunce in the yere of thyncarnacyon of our + lord / M . CC · lxxix . & translated or reduced out of + frensshe in ‖ to englysshe by me wyllyam Caxton . atte + requeste of a wor-‖shipful marchaunt & mercer of london . + whiche Jnstauntly re-‖~ + + * * * * * + + ~to be called Ryall / as tofore is sayd . whiche translacion or + re-‖ducyng oute of frensshe in to englysshe wos achyeued . + fynys-‖shed & accomplysshed the xiij day of Septembre in + the yere of ‖ thyncarnacyon of our lord . M / CCCC.lxxxiiij / + And in the ‖ second yere of che Regne of Kyng Rychard + the thyrd / ‖~ + +In the printed epilogue appended to the book by Caxton we +read:--“Which book is called in French ‘Le livre Royal,’ that is +to say the royal book, or a book of a king; for the Holy Scripture +calleth every man a king which wisely and perfectly can govern and +direct himself after virtue.” But “Le livre Royal” was by no means +the title by which Caxton’s contemporaries knew this work. The most +common name is that found in _Royal MS._ 19 C. II “Le livre des Vices +et des Vertus;” although it was sometimes entitled “La Somme de Roi,” +or “La Somme des Vices et des Vertus.” By whatever name known it was +for centuries a favourite book, as is proved by the numerous copies +still extant. Its author is said to be “Frere Laurent de l’ordre +des predicateurs et confesseur de Phillippe le Hardi” (_Les Msc. +Franç._ t. iii, page 388), but his name does not appear in any of the +above-mentioned manuscripts of the work. Very soon after its appearance +it was favourably received in England, where, in the year 1340, it was +translated by a priest of Kent, for the purpose of being read to the +people in their own dialect. This was called “The Ayenbite of Inwit,” +and was printed from the Arundel MS. (No. 57) in the British Museum, +in 1855, for the Roxburghe Club. Another and purer translation into +English (_Addit._ 17013) was also made in the fourteenth century. + +EXISTING COPIES.--Bedfordshire General Library, British Museum, +Cambridge, and five in private collections. + + + NO. 75.--IMAGE OF PITY. _Quarto Broadside. Sine ullâ notâ. (1489?)._ + +This is a woodcut measuring 5½ × 3⅝ inches, printed on one side of a +quarto. Like the folio woodcut described at page 320, and the 8vo cut +described at page 322, there is a central figure of our Saviour upon +the Cross, surrounded by eighteen small compartments, each having some +reference to the Passion. Beneath the central figure the block has been +cut, and the following sentence inserted in type No. 5:-- + + ~To them that before + this ymage of pyte de + uoutly saye v Pr nr + v Aues & a Credo py- + teuously beholdyng these + ar of Xps passio ar + grauted xxxij . M . vij. C + & lv. yeres of pardon ·~ + + + NO. 76.--THE DOCTRINAL OF SAPIENCE. _Folio. “Caxton me fieri fecit.” + Without Place or Date. Translated May 7th, 1489._ + +COLLATION.--~A B C D E F G H J~ are 4ns; ~K~ and ~L~ 5ns. In all +92 leaves. No blanks. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type throughout +is No. 5. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure 4⅝ +inches, and there are 33 to a page. Without folios or catchwords. There +are side-notes, which, however, never exceed the three letters ~Exa~, +which are placed in the margin whenever an “Example” occurs in the +Text. Two woodcuts and printed initials. + +The Text begins on sig. ~A j~ recto, with a 3-line initial, + + ~his that is written in this lytyl boke ought the prestres + ~T~ to lerne and teche to theyr parysshes: And also it is ne- + cessary for symple prestes that vnderstode not the scrip~ + +This prologue is followed by the table, which commences on the bottom +line of sig. ~A j~ verso, and finishes at foot of ~A iij~ recto; and +on the verso, with a woodcut down the side of the type, and a 2-line +initial ~E~, is the commencement of the work. + + ┌───────────────────────────┐ ~E~ ~Very crysten man & + │ _Woodcut from “Speculum,” │ woman ought to bi + │ of Jesus in the Temple._ │ leue fermely the xij arty- + └───────────────────────────┘ cles of the cristen feith.~ + + +On ~B j~ is another woodcut, the Crucifixion, also from the “Speculum.” +On the verso of sig. ~J ij~ the 64th chapter is thus dismissed:-- + + ~ℂ Of the neclygences of the masse and of the remcdyes J + pas ‖ se ouer for it apperteyneth to prestes & not to laie + men . C . lxiiij ‖~ + +The Text ends on the tenth recto of sig. ~L~, + + ~god bi his grace graunte for to gouuerne vs in such wyse + and ‖ lyue in thys short lyf that we may come to hys blysse + for to ly ‖ ue and regne there wythout ende in secula secu- + lorum Amen~ + + ~ℂ Thus endeth the doctrinal of sapyence the whyche is + ryght ‖ vtile and prouffytable to alle crysten men / whyche + is translated ‖ out of Frenshe in to englysshe by wyllyam + Caxton at westme ‖ sster fynysshed the . vij . day of may + the yere of our lord / M / cccc ‖ lxxx ix~ + + ~Caxton me fieri fecit~ + +On the verso is Caxton’s large device. + +REMARKS.--The “Manipulus Curatorum,” compiled in the early part of the +fourteenth, was printed frequently in the fifteenth century. Greswell +mentions--“Savilliani anno 1470; Aug. Vindel. 1471; Gering at Paris +1478;” and several times later. In these, as in all the early French +editions, the authorship is ascribed to Guy, Archbishop of Sens, who +died 1409. This has been adopted by the compilers of the Harleian +Catalogue (III. 1552), and from them by all subsequent bibliographers. +That it is, nevertheless, erroneous, appears from the extracts given +above. In no manuscript copy is the authorship attributed to Guy de +Roye: in fact, it was well known before his time, for it was “envoié à +Paris,” by Blanche, Queen of France, who died in 1370. The archbishop +was, nevertheless, the cause of its being circulated in the French +language; for about the year 1388 he employed several doctors of +divinity to translate it from the original Latin, and promoted its use +by the clergy in all the parishes of his diocese. Further than this he +appears to have had no direct connection with it. + +It was known in France under the titles of “Livre de Sapience” and +“Doctrinal de la foy catholique,” but most commonly as “Le Doctrinal au +simples gens.” + +The following remark of Mr. Douce is written in his copy of the +“Doctrinal.” “The Sermons of Vitriaco,” or some other of his works, +much quoted in “Scala Perfections,” seem to have been used in the +“Doctrinal.” + +EXISTING COPIES.--Cambridge and Oxford (2), and seven in private +libraries. The copy at Windsor Castle is so interesting that a special +description is necessary. It is printed on vellum, and has a chapter on +“Negligences happing in the Mass,” which does not appear in any other +known copy. The parchment used is very coarse, discoloured, uneven in +substance, and disfigured with holes. Dr. Dibdin could never have seen +it, or he would not have written in terms of admiration. A slip of +paper at the beginning states, “This book was presented to the Royal +Library by Mr. Bryant,” which was doubtless the reason why it was +(together with the Æsop) retained when that splendid collection became +national property. It is not known how Bryant obtained it, but it is +curious to note in these days, when every leaf of a Caxton represents a +bank-note, how Bryant demurred at giving the exorbitant price of four +guineas for this vellum copy, and then only after mature consideration +with “old Pain,” the celebrated bookbinder. + +The unique chapter at the end of this copy occupies three leaves, +unsigned, and begins thus:-- + + ~ℂ Of the necligences happyng in the masse . and of the + reme-‖ dyes Capitulo · lxiiij°~ + + ~L~ ~Jke as we haue seyd that thys is made especyally + for the symple peple· and for the symple prestes. whiche + vnderstond not latin / bycause that he is not so suffy- + saut ‖ but that somtyme for necligence or other wyse he + may faylle ‖~ + +The whole of this chapter is very curious, and is occupied with what +the officiating priest is to do--if, after the consecration of the +wine, he remembers that no water had been mingled with it; or finds +that he has consecrated water only; or remembers that he has eaten +ought since midnight; or finds a fly, a “loppe,” or a venomous beast in +the chalice; whether, if a small piece of meat abide in the teeth, and +be swallowed during the celebration, it incapacitates the priest from +singing Mass; what is to be done when the priest lets fall any portion +of the consecrated elements, or meets with a similar accident. + +On the third verso the chapter ends, + + ~And yf the body of Jhesu crist + or ony piece fylle vpon the palle of the aulter or vpon ony + of the ‖ vestymentes that ben blessyd · the piece ought not + to be cutte ‖ of on whyche it is fallen . but it ought right wel + to be wasshen ‖ And the wasshyng to be gyuen to the + mynistres for to driuke / ‖ or ellys drynke it hym self / + This chapitre to fore J durst not sette in the boke by cause + it ‖ is not conuenyent ne aparteynyng that euery laye man + sholde ‖ knowe it Et cetera /~ + + + NO. 77.--SPECULUM VITÆ CHRISTI. _Folio. “Emprynted by wyllyam + Caxton.” Without Place or Date. Edition B. (1488?)_ + +COLLATION the same as No. 71. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS the same as No. 71. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text begins thus on sig. ~a ij~ +recto:-- + + ~ℂ Jncipit Speculum vite Cristi.~ + + ~A~ ~T the begynnynge of the prohemye of the booke that is + cleped the myrroure of the blessyd lyf of Jhesu Cryste + the fyrst parte for the monedaye/⁚ℂ A deuoute medy- + tacion of the grete counceyll in heuene for the restorynge of + man ‖ and hys sauacyon. Capitulum primum. ℂ Of the + manere ‖~ + +At the head of sig. ~b ij~ recto, + + ~Die lune ℂ Prima pars Capitulo j~ + + ~dome all the Courte of heuene wondrynge and commendynge + the souerayne wysedome assented wel here to . but forther- + more ‖~ + +At the head of sig. ~f~ 6 verso, + + ~ℂ Die mercurij ℂ Tercia pars Capitulum xv /~ + + ~parauenture ther with a few smale fisshes that oure lady + had ‖ ordeyned thenne as god wold . & soo therwyth the + aungels[* typo angels?] co-‖~ + +The “Speculum” ends at foot of sig. ~s i~ recto, + ~hys moder Marye now and euer wythout end Amen + ℂ Explicit speculum vite Cristi.~ + +On the verso is a treatise on the Sacrament of Christ’s body, + + ~ℂ A shorte treatyce of the hyhest and most worthy sacra- + mente ‖ of crystes blessid body . and the merueylles therof /~ + +which finishes on sig. ~t~ 3 recto with the following imprint:-- + + ~ℂ Emprynted by wyllyam caxton~ + +On the verso of the same leaf the Text ends, + + ~ℂ Jhesu lord thy blessyd lyf / helpe and comforte oure + wret ‖ chid lyf · Amen · soo mote it be + Explycit speculum vite Cristi complete / + ℂ Jn omni tribulacione / temptacione · necessitate & an- + gustya ‖ succurre novis pijssima virgo maria Amen.~ + +The recto of sig. ~t~ 4 is blank, and the verso occupied with Caxton’s +device. + +EXISTING COPIES.--British Museum; Cambridge; Lambeth and two in private +collections. + + + NO. 78.--COMMEMORATIO LAMENTATIONIS SIVE COMPASSIONIS BEATÆ MARIÆ IN + MORTE FILII. _Quarto. Without Name, Place, or Date. (1491?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d~ are 4ns, signed on the first and third leaves +only. Altogether 32 leaves. If a sheet is printed in 4to, a signature +on the first page is sufficient guide for the binder; and two sheets +so printed, and the second inserted after folding inside the first, +would give signatures as in this copy, and, as in the “Servitium,” No. +79, which has Caxton’s imprint. This method, however, points to a late +period of Caxton’s career, and the date 1491 has therefore been affixed. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 5 only. +The lines are evenly spaced, and 24 to a full page. Without folios or +catchwords. One small woodcut is on the first page. + +The Text begins on ~a j~ recto, + + ~Comemoraco Lametacois sine copassiois bte + marie i morte filij & dr Comemoraco bte ma- + rie pietatis vl’ ꝯmemoraco pietatis q celebrari + debet feria sexta imediate pcedete domica i passi + one p eo q) ipo die legit’ i eccl’ia de resuscitacoe + lazari~ + +The Commemoration ends on sig. ~d~ 8 verso. + +This particular Commemoration seems quite unknown to all +bibliographers; and of the edition printed by Caxton, the only copy +known is preserved in the Public Library at Ghent. It was first +recognised as a Caxton by Mr. M. F. A. G. Campbell, chief librarian of +the Royal Library, The Hague. + + + NO. 79.--SERVITIUM DE TRANSFIGURATIONE JHESU CHRISTI. _Quarto. + Caxton me fieri fecit. Without Place or Date. (1491?)_ + +COLLATION.--Sig. ~a~ consists of a sheet folded in quarto, having a +half-sheet inside; the first recto of the sheet is unsigned, but upon +the first recto of the half-sheet, which is the third recto in the +book, is the sig. ~a ij~. Sig. ~b~ is a whole sheet, signed only on the +first recto, ~b j~. There are altogether ten leaves and no blanks. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No. 5 +only. The lines are spaced to an even length, and measure 3⅝ inches. 24 +lines to a full page. Without folios or catchwords. One small woodcut +of the transfiguration on the first recto. The initial letter in wood, +with many rubrics, are printed in red, not as noticed in “Quatre +derrennieres choses,” by the same pull of the press, but by a separate +operation. + +The Text begins on an unsigned leaf, in red ink, + + ~ℂ Octauo Jdꝯ Augusti fiat seruic’ / de tnsfigu~ + +The Text ends on sig. ~b~ 4 verso, + + ~Sci deꝯ . Per oia scl’a seculoru amen + ℂ Caxton me fieri fecit /~ + +REMARKS.--This little tract has considerable interest for the +bibliographer, for although Caxton had already printed several +service books before this was undertaken, such as the two (if not +three) editions of the “Horæ” (pages 189 and 240 _ante_), the Psalter +with Service for the Dead (page 105 _ante_), and the “Servitium de +Visitatione” (page 264 _ante_), not to mention the service books +for the priests, such as “The Festial” and the three editions of +“Directorium,” yet this can certainly claim a unique distinction in two +particulars, for it is the only _perfect_ service book in the types of +Caxton, and it is the only one known to have his imprint. + +The observations concerning the printing of the “Horæ,” last noticed, +might be repeated here. This also has every appearance of being a very +late issue. No other book from the same press was signed in a similar +way. The first sheet was evidently, like sig. ~b~, printed four pages +at once, in which case it would be only necessary to sign the _first_ +page, so as to show the binder how to fold it. As in the first sheet +the red-ink title and the woodcut would answer that purpose, we find no +signature at all; but the first page of the half-sheet, which is the +_third_ leaf in the tract, is signed ~a ij~. This is very systematic, +and according to the same plan the second sheet is signed ~b j~ on the +first recto only; but it is an advance in the art, beyond the usual +practice of Caxton. + +This service is one of the numerous additions made to the “Church +Calendar” in the fifteenth century, and, being newly ordained by the +Church, would not be found in the old manuscript “Service Books.” To +supply this deficiency it was, therefore, printed separately. + +The only EXISTING COPY was purchased many years ago in a volume of +theological tracts by Joshua Wilson, Esq., of Tunbridge Wells. When, +in 1831, Mr. Wilson presented a large portion of his collection to +the Congregational Library, Blomfield Street, London, this volume was +among the number. Here it was first noticed, in 1860, as containing +a Caxton, by Mr. Cowper, who sent an account of the volume to _Notes +and Queries_. It was determined shortly after to dispose of it, and, +in July 1862, it came under the hammer of Mr. Puttick, when it fetched +the high price of £200, and added another curiosity to the Caxtonian +treasures of the British Museum. The volume is in its original binding, +somewhat dilapidated, of oak boards covered with stamped leather, and +contains besides four other black-letter tracts. + + + NO. 80.--HORÆ.--A FRAGMENT. _Fourth Edition. 8vo. Sine ullâ notâ. + (1490?)_ + +The COLLATION cannot be given, as four leaves only, signed ~d j~, ~d +ij~, ~d iij~, ~d iiij~, are known. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is No. 5 only. The lines, of which +there are seventeen to a page, are fully spaced out, and measure 2⅝ +inches. Large full-faced Lombardic capitals are plentifully used, and +printed in red ink separately, as are also such words as _Psalmus_ and +_Versicle_. This points to quite a late production in the career of +Caxton, probably after he had resigned the management of the practical +part to his successor, Wynken de Worde. + +The Text of sig. ~d j~ recto begins thus, with a 2-line capital ~O~ in +red ink, + + ~O~ ~Gloriosa femina exel- + la p’rper sidera qui te cre- + auit prouide lactasti sacro vbere~ + +These are Latin rhymes printed as prose. + +The first words on the succeeding recto are--2, ~rum liberati~; 3, +~dominum~; 4, ~Deus~. + +These unique leaves, which have evidently been used as binder’s waste +to form the covers of a book, were presented to the British Museum, in +1858, by Mr. Maskell (C. 35. A.). Measurement 5¼ × 4 inches. + + + + +A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN + +TYPE No. 6. + + + + +_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 6._ + + + 81. Fayts 1489 + + 82. Statutes 1489 + + 83. Governal 1489 + + 84. Reynard. Second Edition 1489? + + 85. Blanchardyn 1489? + + 86. Four Sons of Aymon 1489? + + 87. Directorium Sacerdotum. Second Edition 1489? + + 88. Eneydos 1490? + + 89. Dictes. Third Edition 1490? + + 90. Mirror. Second Edition 1490? + + 91. Divers Ghostly 1491? + + 92. Fifteen Oes 1491? + + 93. Art and Craft 1491? + + 94. Courtesy. Second Edition 1491? + + 95. Festial. Second Edition 1491? + + 96. Four Sermons. Second Edition 1491? + + 97. Ars moriendi 1491? + + 98. Chastising 1491? + + 99. Treatise of Love 1491? + + + + +Books Printed in Type No. 6. + + + NO. 81.--THE FAYTS OF ARMS AND OF CHIVALRY. _Folio. “Per Caxton.” + Without Place. Printed the 14th day of July, the fourth year of + the reign of K. Henry VII., or 1489._ + +COLLATION.--Two unsigned leaves of table; ~A B C D E F G H J K L M N O +P Q R~ all 4ns; ~S~ a 3n, with the last leaf blank. In all 144 leaves, +of which one is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The whole book +is in one type only, No. 6. The lines, which are fully spaced out, +measure 4¾ inches, and there are 31 to a full page. Without folios or +catchwords. Woodcut initial letters. + +The Text begins, with a 3-line initial, + + ~Ere begynneth the table of the rubryshys of the + ~H~ boke of the fayt of armes and of Chyualrye whiche + sayd boke is departyd in to foure partyes / + ℂ The fyrst partye deuyseth the manere that kynges and~ + +On sig. ~A j~ recto, + + ~Here begynneth the book of fayttes of armes & of Chyual- + rye / and the first chapytre is the prologue / in whiche xpry- + styne of pyse excuseth hir self to haue dar enterpryse to + speke ‖ of so hye matere as is conteyned in this sayd book~ + +The Text ends on the verso of the same leaf, + + ~remayne alleway vyctoryous / And dayly encreace fro ver + tu to vertue & fro better to better to his laude & honour in + this ‖ present lyf / that after thys short & transitorye lyf / + he may at- ‖ teyne to euerlastyng lyf in heuen / Whiche + god graunte to ‖ hym and to alle hys lyege peple AMEN /~ + + ~Per Caxton~ + +REMARKS.--There is a MS. in the British Museum (_Roy_, 15 E vi) +containing the original French text of Christine de Pisan. It agrees +very accurately with Caxton’s English version, and has the introductory +chapter, in which Christine excuses herself, and explains her reasons +for writing a work on chivalry. This manuscript is also interesting +from having been written for the celebrated John Talbot, Earl of +Shrewsbury, who died in 1453, and by whom it was presented to Queen +Margaret. A still greater degree of interest would invest the volume +if we suppose it to be the identical manuscript from which Caxton made +his translation. This is certainly not improbable, as the original +from the Royal Library was intrusted to our printer, for the purpose +of translation and printing, by King Henry VII of England, as we learn +from the prologue:--“which book, being in French, was delivered to +me, William Caxton, by the most christian king, my natural sovereign +lord, King Henry VII, in his Palace of Westminster, and desired me to +translate this said book, and to put it in print.” + +Many French bibliographers (_Les Msc. Franç._ t. v, page 94) ascribe +the composition of “Fait d’Armes et de Chevalerie” to Jean le Meun, +so well known from his connection with “Le Roman de le Rose.” The +sole reason for this appears to have been the fact that Jean le +Meun translated into French the celebrated work of Vegetius, “De re +militari,” written in 1284, a work often quoted in the “Faits d’Armes;” +but since the writings of Christine have become better known, no one +has ventured to claim for the thirteenth, a work containing references +and facts applicable only to the fifteenth century. That a book on +the “Rules of War” should in any age have been written by a woman, +is sufficiently improbable to require a critical examination; and, +therefore, as the claims of Christine to the authorship of “Les Faits +d’Armes” are still denied by some writers, it may not be inappropriate +to state both sides of the argument. + +Among the manuscripts in the British Museum is one entitled “The +Boke of Noblesse” (_Royal_ 18, B. XXII). This, for the first time, +was printed in 1860, for the members of the Roxburghe Club. The +author is entirely unknown, and the only reason for mentioning this +at all is that the name of Christine frequently appears in its pages +as an authority upon military matters, but is always referred to as +“Dame Cristyn in hir booke of Tree of Batailes,” or some military +phrase. But “L’Arbre des Battailes” is the well-known compilation +of Honoré Bonet, of which copies may be seen in _Royal_ 20 C. VIII, +and _Addit._ 22768. Now, what is the natural conclusion from this +erroneous ascription? Evidently that the unknown writer of the “Book +of Noblesse,” quoting probably from a copy of “L’Arbre des Battailes,” +which had neither prologue nor epilogue; and having in his mind the +great fame of Christine as the writer of a book on a similar subject, +made the not unpardonable mistake of misquoting the author’s name, and +attributing to Christine, the compiler of “Les Faits d’Armes,” all the +quotations drawn from Bonet’s “L’Arbre de Battailes.” Not so, argues +Mr. John Gough Nichols, in his interesting preface to the Roxburghe +impression. “Christina de Pisan,” he urges, “was a Poetess;” and it +is not likely that she had more to do with the “Faits d’Armes” than +the “dame Christine” of “The Book of Noblesse” had with the “Arbre des +Battailes.” In support of this opinion is quoted a marginal note in +“The Boke of Noblesse,” in an old hand-writing, but more modern than +the original manuscript, to the following effect:-- + + “_L’Arbre des Battailles compose par Honore Bonet Prieur de Sallon en + Prouuence._” + + “Note y^t in some Authors this Booke is termed Dame Christine of + y^e tree of Battayles, not that she made yt; But bicause she was a + notable Benefactour to Learned men and perchance to y^e autor of this + Booke And therefore diverse of them sette furthe their Bookes under + her name.” + +The author of this note was evidently unacquainted with the +particulars of the life, or the character of the writings, of +Christine--the “virilis fœmina” of her eminent contemporary, +Gerson--and “La grant sagesse” of her editor, Jean Marot. The assertion +that authors set forth their books under her name is unsupported by a +single known instance; while her early tuition, political life, and +numerous writings, would both enable and incline her to compose such a +work. + +Christine expressly states in the preface that she wrote the work; and +although Verard, in his printed edition of 1488, omits the prefatory +address, it appears in numerous manuscripts, and may be read in +Caxton’s translation. “Because,” says Christine, “men of arms are not +clerks, nor instructed in the science of language, I have assembled +and gathered together diverse books to produce this work. And because +that this is a thing not accustomed and out of usage to women / which +commonly do not intermit but to spin on the distaff and occupy them in +things of household. I supplicate humbly * * to have nor take it for no +evil if I a woman charge myself to treat of so high a matter.” + +Then follows an appeal to the goddess Minerva, who, being born in +“Puylle” in Italy, was “somewhat consonant in the nation,” for, adds +Christine, “I am as thou wert, a woman Italian.” + +Christine was no common poetess whose strength was in the prettiness +of her amatory verses. The short account of her already given (see +_ante_ page 195) will show the energetic and comprehensive character +of her mind. Educated by her father in the whole course of literature +at that time in vogue, she had, while yet young, made herself mistress +of the Latin language, and stored her mind by the perusal of the most +celebrated writings, as well Pagan as Christian. Living in the midst +of wars and preparations for war, many of her acknowledged writings +teem with warlike allusions. In politics her opinion had great weight; +she was consulted by the highest nobles of France; and many years of +her life were spent in the endeavour to raise the political and moral +tone of the country. The celebrated Jean le Meun found in her no weak +opponent, and the equally celebrated Chancellor Gerson a most potent +ally. + +There are 21 copies of this work known, of which eleven are in private +libraries. + + + NO. 82.--STATUTES OF HENRY VII. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. (1489?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d~ are 4ns, with the first leaf of ~a~ blank; ~e~ a +5n, with the last blank. Total 42 leaves, of which two are blank. + +Note.--The signature is omitted on ~a ij~. The third and fifth leaves +of ~e~ are erroneously signed ~d iij~ and ~d v~. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No. +6. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure 4⅝ inches, +and there are 31 (in three instances 33 lines) to a full page. Without +folios or catchwords. Only one 2-line woodcut initial is used. + +After a blank leaf, the work commences on the second recto of sig. ~a~. + +The Text begins thus-- + + ~ℂ The kynge our souereyn lorde henry the seuenth after the + conquest by the grace of god kyng of Englond & of Fraunce + and lorde of Irlonde at his parlyamet holden at west-~ + +The Text ends with nine lines on sig. ~e~ 9 verso, the last three being +as follows:-- + + ~‖ pleysure Wheder he wylle after the fourme conteyned & + ordei ‖ ned in and by this acte / or after the maner & fourme + afore ti ‖ me vsed /~ + +REMARKS.--This is the earliest known volume of printed statutes, and is +further remarkable as being in English. It contains some very curious +and interesting legislation on political, trade, and domestic matters. + +The British Museum copy was purchased from Mr. Lilly, who, a few days +before, had bought it at Hodgson’s for £2, 10s. It was then bound up +with some other law tracts and year-books, mostly from the press of +Machlinia, one of which, being unique, was catalogued by Mr. Lilly at +100 guineas. There is also a perfect copy in the National Library, +Paris, and the Inner Temple, London, with one copy only in private +hands. + + + NO. 83.--THE GOVERNAL OF HEALTH.--THE MEDICINA STOMACHI. _Quarto. + Sine ullâ notâ. (1489?)_ + +COLLATION.--The “Governal,” ~A~ and ~B~ 4ns; the “Medicina,” two +unsigned leaves = eighteen leaves. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title-page. Only one type, No. 6, +is used throughout. The lines, which are of an even length, and measure +2⅝ inches, excepting ~B~ 7 verso, which has 24, have all 23 lines to a +page. Woodcut initials to chapters. Without folios or catchwords. + +The Text begins on sig. ~A j~ recto, + + ~n this tretyse that is cleped Go + uernayle of helthe : What is to + ~I~ be sayd wyth crystis helpe of so- + me thynges that longen to bodi + ly helthe / hadde and to be kept or + to bodily helthe . lost and to be recouered / and~ + +and ends, + + ~This receyte boughte is of no potycarye + Of mayster antony ne of mayster hughe + To all indyfferent it is rychest dyetarye~ + + ~Explicit medicina stomachi:~ + +REMARKS.--The “Governal” was originally written in Latin, and soon +after translated into English, but no trace of the translator’s name +is left. The date of the original composition is unknown; we can only +gather from the non-existence of manuscripts of an earlier date than +the latter half of the fourteenth century that it was composed about +that period. + +The name of the author or compiler is doubtful. From _Sloane_ 989 +one would say that John de Burdeux wrote it for the good of a “frende,” +but _Sloane_ 3149 attributes it to another writer, “Explicit tractatus +Bartholomei.” John de Burdeux was the author of several tracts on +medicine, and flourished in the latter half of the fourteenth century. +Bartholomeus was rather a prolific writer of the fourteenth and +fifteenth centuries, but the “Governal” is not found among the works +generally attributed to him. Whoever may have been the author, the work +possesses small claims to originality, being a compilation from the +medical works of the Arabian and Greek physicians, and quoting largely +from the “Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum.” The “Medicina Stomachi” is +contained in most collections of Lydgate’s poetry, and in _Harl._ 116 +is directly attributed to him. + +[Illustration: Plate XIII. + +_Caxton’s Type, No. 6._] + +Both tracts were reprinted by Wynken de Worde, _sine anno_, who repeats +all the blunders of the first edition. These editions are equally rare, +the only copy of the second being in the Public Library, Cambridge. +An annotated reprint of Caxton’s text was issued privately by the +editor of this work in 1858. On no other occasion does this interesting +treatise, which was the earliest medical book printed in the English +language, appear to have passed through the press. + +A good copy is in the old library of the Earls of Dysart, at Ham House, +Surrey, and another in the Bodleian. + + + NO. 84.--THE HISTORY OF REYNARD THE FOX. _Second Edition. Folio. + Sine ullâ notâ. (1489?)_ + +COLLATION.--An unsigned sheet of introductory matter; sigs. ~a b c d e +f g h~ are 4ns; ~i~ is a 3n. No blank leaves. In all seventy leaves. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type throughout +is No. 6. The lines, which are fully spaced out, measure 5⅝ inches, and +there are 31 (sometimes 32) to a page. Woodcut initials are used. On +the first recto is Caxton’s device, underneath which is the following +line only:-- + + ~ℂ This is the table of the historye of Reynart the foxe /~ + +On the verso commences the table, which ends seven lines down the +second recto, underneath which is, + + ~ℂ Hyer begynneth hystorye of reynard the foxe.~ + +The preface finishes the page. The second verso is blank. + +On sig. ~a j~, + + ~ℂ How the lyon kynge of alle bestys sent oute hys + maude ‖ mentys that alle beestys sholde come to hys feest + and court / ‖~ + + ~ℂ Capitulo Primo~ + +The conclusion of the text cannot be given, no perfect copy being at +present known. For an account of the first edition of this celebrated +allegory see _ante_ page 229. + +The only EXISTING COPY is in the Pepysian Library, Cambridge. It +unfortunately wants the last two leaves, containing the epilogue of +Caxton, and ends on sig. ~i~ 4 verso, with these words, + + ~And her wyth wil J leue fforw + hat haue J to wryte of thyse mysdedis J haue ynowh to doo~ + +It is in good condition, but cropped, measuring 9 × 6¾ inches. Pepys’s +arms on the binding, and his book-plate inside. The wanting leaves are +supplied in manuscript of seventeenth century. + + + NO. 85.--THE HISTORY OF BLANCHARDIN AND EGLANTINE. _Folio. Sine ullâ + notâ. (1489?)_ + +COLLATION.--Imperfectly known. The introductory matter makes a 3n, +signed ~i~, ~ii~, ~iij~, the sixth leaf being blank. ~A B C D E F G H +J K L M~ are 4ns, and there were probably several other additional +signatures. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title. The type is all No. 6. The +lines, which are all of one length, measure 4⅝ inches, and there are 31 +to a full page. Woodcut initials. Without folios or catchwords. + +The Text begins on sig. ~j~ recto, with a prologue by Caxton, + + ~U~ ~Nto the right noble puyssaut & excellet pryncesse my + redoubted lady my lady margarete duchesse of So- + mercete / moder vnto our naturel & souerayn lord and most~ + +and finishes on the verso of the same leaf, + + ~Joyes desirs in thys present lyf: ℂ And after this short + and transytorye lyff . euerlastynge lyff in heuen Amen /~ + +The table follows on sig. ~ij~, with a 2-line initial, + + ~H~ ~Ere begynneth the table of the victoryous prynce + Blanchardyn / sone of the noble kyng of Fryse~ + +and finishes on the 5th recto, which, however, in the only copy known, +is, unfortunately, in manuscript. This appears to have been copied +from the very rare reprint by Wynken de Worde, the last four lines +being--“How Blanchardin wedded his love the proude | pucelle in amours: +And of the grete ioye that | was made there . and of the Kynge of Fryse +deth capl° liiij°” + +The sixth leaf is blank. On sig. ~A j~ recto the first chapter +commences as follows:-- + + ~ℂ The first chapitre of this present boke conteyneth how + Blanchardyn departed out of the court of his fader kynge + of fryse / Capitulo primo .~ + + ~T~ ~Hat tyme when the Right happy . wele of~ + +All the text after sig. ~M iiij~ is wanting in the only known copy. + +REMARKS.--The prologue to Caxton’s translation of this romance is +fortunately preserved, from which we learn that Margaret, Duchess of +Somerset, brought to Caxton the French version of this romance (which +she had “long before” purchased of him), with her commands that he +should translate it into English. Having made the translation, he +presented it to Her Grace, probably as a manuscript, as he says nothing +of any command to print it. It was, however, soon after put to press, +perhaps at Caxton’s own risk, as a trade speculation. As to the date, +there are only the typographical particulars to guide us, which, +however, all point to about the year 1489. + +The only known EXISTING COPY is in the library of Earl Spencer. One +leaf is in the Library of the British Museum. + + + NO. 86.--THE FOUR SONS OF AYMON. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. (1489?)_ + +The COLLATION cannot be given accurately, as no perfect copy is known. +~A B C D E F G H J K L M N O P Q R S T U X Y Z aa bb cc dd ee ff gg +hh ii kk ll~ are all 4ns, ~mm~ being a 3n, with the sixth leaf, +probably, blank. This makes a total of 278 leaves; but it is more than +likely that some introductory matter preceded sig. ~A~. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Only one type, No. 6, is used. The lines, +which are all of an even length, measure 4⅝ inches, and there are 31 to +a full page. Without folios or catchwords. Woodcut initials throughout. + +The only known copy of this edition begins on sig. ~B iij~, in the +middle of a sentence:-- + + ~Reynawde one of the sones of Aymon / wherof specyally tre~ + +The Text ends on the fifth verso of sig. ~mm~, with the following +sentence:-- + + ~M~ ~y fayr lordes thenne that this present boke shal re- + de or here . we shall praye god & the gloryous saynte + Reynaude the marter / that he gyue vs grace to perseuere / + and ‖ contynue our liff in good werkes . by the whiche we + may ha ‖ ue at our endynge the liff that euer shall laste /~ + + ~AMEN.~ + +REMARKS.--Manuscripts of this favourite romance, concerning the +original of which little appears to be known, mount up to the +thirteenth century, and references to it are found in manuscripts of a +still earlier date; but all these are rhythmical romances, and Caxton’s +translation (if we may give him the credit of it) was evidently made +from a French prose text, perhaps that printed at Lyons, about 1480, +under the title “Les quatre filz Aymon.” + +Before the discovery of the volume under review, the earliest printed +English text of “The four sons of Aymon” was the 1554 edition of R. +Copland, to which was appended the following colophon:-- + + “ℂ Here finishith the hystory of the | noble and valiaunt knyght + Reynawde | of Mountawban, and his three bre- | thern ℂ Imprinted + at London, by | Wynken de Worde, the . viij . daye of | Maye, and + y^e yere of our lorde . M,C | CCCC iiii . at the request and com- + | maundement of the noble and puis- | saunt erle, the Erle of + Oxenforde, | And now Emprinted in the yere of | our Lord . M . CCCCC + . l iiii . the | vi daye of Maye, By wylliam Cop- | land, for Thomas + Petet.” + +From Copland’s colophon we learn that an edition was issued in 1504 +by Wynken de Worde, although, unfortunately, not a single copy is +now known to exist. He, of course, reprinted from the text under +review; and, indeed, the first portion of the colophon above quoted, +so far as it concerns Wynken de Worde, is quite in Caxton’s style, +and recalls the numerous instances already noticed in which Wynken +de Worde, by altering the printer’s name and the date, has falsified +both typographical and historical truth. That in this case he used +Caxton’s colophon, with alterations, is rendered almost certain when +the prologue to Copland’s edition is perused. Here we have all the +peculiarities of our first printer’s style, and his very diction. + +No manuscript or printed copy of Caxton’s life of Robert, Earl of +Oxford, is known. + +The only known EXISTING COPY of Caxton’s edition is in the library of +Earl Spencer. It is imperfect, wanting all before sig. ~B iij~; ~D~ 8, +~N~ 8, and ~MM~ 6, upon which probably was the Device. + + + NO. 87.--DIRECTORIUM SACERDOTUM, UNA CUM DEFENSORIO EJUSDEM; ITEM + TRACTATUS QUI DICITUR CREDE MIHI. _Folio. Second Version. Second + Edition. “Impressum per Willelmū Caxton apud westmonasteriū + prope London/” Without Date. (1489?)_ + +COLLATION.--A preliminary 4n, signed only on the fourth recto with the +figure 4; ~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u x y~ are all 4ns; +~z~ is a 5n. Total 194 leaves. No blanks. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No. +6. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure 4⅝ inches. +Exclusive of head-lines there are 31 to a page. A few 2-line woodcut +initials. Without folios or catchwords. The Table on the 8th recto is +printed in black and red. + +The “Kalendar,” which has the same woodcut KL as in the first edition, +commences on the first recto, thus:-- + +[Illustration: ~KL~] + + ~Prima dies mensis et septima trucat vt ensis + Januarius habet dies xxxj / luna vero .xxx~ + +The Text ends on sig. ~z~ 10 verso, + + ~vix poterit errare: in seruicio diuino Deo Gracias~ + + ~ℂ Caxton me fieri fecit .~ + +REMARKS.--From the fact of the Printer beginning his table for finding +the Golden and Dominical Letters at the year 1489, we may safely assume +that year to be the date of printing, as to print back years would be +useless. The combination of red and black figures, the black form being +first printed, and the red form secondly and separately, shows a great +advance in workmanship over other books by Caxton. + +Like the first edition, there is only one EXISTING COPY known of this, +which is in the Bodleian Library. It is, with “The Art and Craft to +know well to die” by the same printer, still in the original parchment +wrapper, as issued from Caxton’s workshop. It is perfect, and in good +condition. + + + NO. 88.--ENEYDOS. _Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. + “Translated by me wyllyam Caxton,” June 22nd, 1490._ + +COLLATION.--Sig. ~A a~ 3n, with the first leaf blank: ~B C D E F G H J +K L~ are 4ns, with ~L~ 8 blank. In all 86 leaves, of which two are +blank. + +Dr. Dibdin erroneously ascribes only four leaves to sig. ~A~. + +Note.--Sig. ~a~ is very irregular: the first leaf, which is blank, +is not reckoned in the signatures, the second and third leaves being +signed respectively ~A j~, and ~A ij~. The fourth leaf, which, to agree +with the others, should have been signed ~A iij~, has no signature at +all; while the omitted signature, ~A iij~, appears on the sixth or last +leaf of the 3n. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all +No. 6. The lines are spaced to an even length, and measure 4¾ inches. +There are 31 lines to a full page. Woodcut initials of two, three, and +six lines in depth. + +After a blank leaf the prologue begins on the second recto, signed ~A +j~, + + ~After dyuerse werkes made / translated and achieued / ha + uyng noo werke in hande . J sittyng in my studye where as + laye many dyuerse paunflettis and bookys . happened that~ + +The Text ends on sig. ~L~ 7 recto, with the following colophon:-- + + ~HERE fynyssheth the boke yf Eneydos / compyled by + Uyr ‖ gyle / whiche hathe be translated oute of latyne in to + frenshe / ‖ And oute of frenshe reduced in to Englysshe by + me wyllm ‖ Caxton / the xxij . daye of Juyn . the yere of our + lorde. M . iiij ‖ C lxxxx. The fythe yere of the Regne of + kynge Henry ‖ the seuenth~ + +Caxton’s device on the verso. The eighth leaf is a blank. + +REMARKS.--The “lytyl booke in frenshe, named Eneydos,” which happened +to come under our Printer’s notice while sitting in his study +surrounded with many divers pamphlets, is a free paraphrase of portions +of “The Æneid,” by Virgil. Had Gawin Douglas, who, in 1553, issued a +Scotch metrical version of “The Æneid,” read Caxton’s preface, he would +have seen that Caxton does not pretend to give a translation of the +Latin poem, and might have spared himself the trouble of some hundreds +of lines in abuse thereof. The “Eneydos” was issued only as a romance +compiled from Virgil’s “Æneid,” and Bocace’s “Fall of Princes;” and, +with little merit, it seems to have gained little favour, even with the +lovers of such compilations, for it never reached a second edition. It +would appear, however, that a good sale was expected, and an impression +more numerous than usual struck off, as few of Caxton’s books are so +common as “Eneydos.” + +EXISTING COPIES.--British Museum (3); Cambridge; Trinity College, +Cambridge; Oxford (3); St. John’s, Oxford; Hunterian, Glasgow; and 11 +in private libraries. + + + NO. 89.--THE DICTES AND SAYINGS OF THE PHILOSOPHERS. _Third Edition. + Folio. Westminster. The year 1477 erroneously reprinted, the + real date being about 1490._ + +COLLATION.--The device and prologue occupy two unsigned leaves; then, +~A B C D E F G~ are 4ns; ~H~ and ~J~ 3ns, the sixth leaf of ~J~ +being blank. In all 70 leaves, of which the last is blank. Dr. Dibdin +erroneously says “only 66 leaves.” + +There is no title-page. The only type used is No. 6. The lines, which +are fully spaced out, measure 4⅝ inches. There are 30 and 32 lines to a +page, but mostly 31. Without folios or catchwords. 2 and 3-line woodcut +initials. + +Caxton’s device is in the centre of the first recto, the prologue +commencing on the verso with a 2-line wood initial, + + ~W~ ~Here it is so that euery creature by the suffraunce of + our lord god is born and ordeyned to be subgette and + thrall vnto the stormes of fortune . And so in diuerse and~ + +On sig. ~Aj~ the work commences:-- + + ~Edechias was the first. Philosophir by whom + ~S~ through the wyl and pleaser of oure lord god. Sa- + pience was vnderstande and lawes resceyued. whi- + che. Sedechias saide that euery creature of good beleue~ + +The Text ends at foot of fifth recto of sig. ~J~, + + ~Whom J beseche Almyghty god tencrece and to continue + in his vertuous disposicion in this world . And after this + lyf to lyue euer lastingly in heuen . Amen .~ + + ~ℂ Caxton me fieri fecit .~ + +The verso and final leaf are blank. + +REMARKS.--This is another instance of the original date and imprint of +a book being reproduced in subsequent editions. All the typographical +particulars prove it to have been printed about 1490; and the presence +of signatures, printed initials, and evenly spaced lines, give +direct testimony against the date 1477, at which time none of these +improvements had been adopted at Westminster. + +For literary particulars, see the first edition, page 188, _ante_. + +EXISTING COPIES.--Cambridge: St. John’s College, Cambridge; Oxford, and +Lambeth Palace. Three copies are in private libraries. + + + NO. 90.--THE MIRROUR OF THE WORLD. _Second Edition. Folio. The Name, + Place, and Date of the First Edition reprinted; but about 1490._ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l~ are 4ns, the last leaf occupied +with the device only. In all 88 leaves. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No. +6. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure 4⅝ inches, +and a full page contains 31. Without folios or catchwords. 2 and 3-line +initials in wood. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the table follows on the second recto, +signed, however, ~a j~. + +The Text begins on ~a j~ recto, + + ~H~ ~Ere begynneth y^e tahle of the rubrices of this presen- + te volume named the myrrour of the world or thy- + mage of the same /~ + +The Text ends on the seventh verso of sig. ~l~, + + ~and transytorye lyf he brynge hym and vs in to his eelesty- + all blysse in heuene AMEN /~ + + ~ℂ Caxton me fieri fecit .~ + +On the eighth verso is the device, the recto being blank. + +REMARKS.--Although this book bears the same dates as the first edition, +it is very evident from the type, from the device, from the use of a +woodcut to head Chapter II, which had been used shortly before in the +“Royal Book,” and from many other more minute evidences, that it really +was not printed till about 1490. + +It would seem that the proper cut for Chapter II, viz. a figure of a +philosopher with the globe in his hand, having been injured or lost, +that the workman chose the first which offered itself, and thus, in +this edition, we have the very inappropriate illustration of Christ’s +transfiguration, as head to the chapter, “Why God made and created the +World.” + +EXISTING COPIES.--Cambridge: Pepysian, Cambridge; Exeter College, +Oxford; Hunterian, Glasgow; Baptist College, Bristol; and eight in +private hands. + + + NO. 91.--A BOOK OF DIVERS GHOSTLY MATTERS, CONTAINING:--THE SEVEN + POINTS OF TRUE LOVE AND EVERLASTING WISDOM, OR OROLOGIUM + SAPIENTIÆ: THE TWELVE PROFITS OF TRIBULATION;--THE RULE OF ST. + BENET. _Quarto. Wyllelmū Caxton. “Emprynted at westmynstre.” + Without Date. (1490?)_ + +COLLATION.--The “Seven points of True Wisdom” has ~A B C D E F G H J K +L M~ all 4ns, or 96 leaves. + +The “Twelve profits of Tribulation” has ~A B C D~ all 4ns, or 32 +leaves. + +The “Rule of St. Benet” has ~a b~ 4ns, and ~c~ a 2n, or 20 leaves. + +Total of the three tracts, 148 leaves, all printed. + +Note.--The signatures to the third tract are unusual, viz. ~a~ is +signed ~aa~, ~a ij~, ~aa iij~, ~a iiij~; ~b~ is signed ~bb~, ~b ij~, ~b +iij~, ~b iiij~; ~c~ is signed ~cc~, ~c ij~. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title-page. The type throughout +is No. 6. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure 3⅝ +inches, and 24 make a full page. Without folios or catchwords. + +The Text of “The Seven points of True Wisdom” begins on sig. ~A j~:-- + + ~T~ ~Hese ben the chapitres of thys tretyse + of y^e seuen poyntes of trewe loue and + euerlastyng wysdom drawen oute of + y^e booke y^t is writen in latyn and cleped Oro- + logium sapiencie /~ + +The tract ends thus, on sig. ~M~ 8 verso, + + ~ℂ Thus endith the treatyse of the vij + poyntes of true loue & euerlastyng wysdom / + drawen of of the boke that is wryten in laten na + med Orologiu sapiecie .~ + + ~ℂ Emprynted at westmynstre~ + + ~ℂ Qui legit emendet / pressorem non repre + hendat~ + + ~ℂ Wyllelmu Caxton . Cui deꝰ alta tradat~ + +The “Rule of St. Benet” ends on verso of sig. ~c~ 4, + + ~ℂ Emprynted at westmynstre by desiryng + of certeyn worshipfull persones:.~ + +REMARKS.--Little is known of Jehan de Soushavie, or Souaube, as a +French copy has it. Bibliographers generally call him Henry de Suso, +probably after the example of Echard, in his “Script. ordin. Prædicat.” +The English version printed by Caxton is correctly described, not +as a translation, but as “drawen oute of” a book named “Orologium +Sapientiæ.” The printed text is not equal in extent to one-half of the +original. Was it this induced Caxton to end the tract with “Qui legit +emendet, _pressorem_ non reprehendat?”--a parody of the phrase often +seen in manuscripts “Qui legit emendet _scriptorem_ non reprehendat.” +Caxton says of the “Rule of St. Benet,” which is a translation from +the Latin, that he was employed to print it “by desire of certain +worshipful persons.” + +The signatures given by the Printer to these three tracts suggest the +probability that they were intended to be issued separately; but as +in all the known copies they appear bound together, and as they have +hitherto been described under the general head of “Divers Ghostly +matters,” it has been deemed advisable to retain that arrangement. + +EXISTING COPIES.--Cambridge, Durham Cathedral, and four in private +libraries. + + + NO. 92.--THE FIFTEEN OES, AND OTHER PRAYERS. _Quarto. “Printed by + commandment of the Princess Elizabeth, Queen of England, and the + Princess Margaret, Mother unto our sovereign lord the King, by + their most humble subject and servant William Caxton.” Without + Place or Date. (1491?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b~ are 4ns; ~c~ is a 3n = 22 leaves. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title. The type is all No. 6. +The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure 3¼ inches, and +there are 21 to a full page. Without folios or head-lines. Woodcut +initials. A woodcut border, in four separate pieces, is placed round +each page. This border was used later, for an undated but very early +edition of “Horæ,” by Wynken de Worde. The wood engraving of the +Crucifixion, which appears upon the verso of the first leaf, has +considerable artistic merit. It appears to have been a favourite, +having been used at a later period by Wynken de Worde in several +publications. + +The recto of the first leaf is blank, but the verso is occupied with +the woodcut of the Crucifixion, already noticed. + +Upon the second recto (not signed, unless the signature has been cut +away in binding) the Text begins with a 5-line initial in wood,-- + + ~Jhesu endles swetnes of + louyng soules / O Jhesu + ~O~ gostly ioye passing & ex- + cedyng all gladnes and + desires. O Jhesu helthe & + tendre louer of al repentaut sinners that~ + +and on the verso of ~c~ 6, ends thus:-- + + ~ℂ Thiese prayers tofore wreton ben en + prited by the comaudementes of the mos + te hye & vertuous pryncesse our liege la + di Elizabeth by the grace of god Quene + of Englonde & of Frauce . & also of the + right hye & most noble pryncesse Marga + rete Moder vnto our souerayn lorde the + kyng / &c~ + + ~ℂ By their most humble subget and + seruaut William Caxton~ + +REMARKS.--The fifteen prayers, named from the fact of their all +commencing with the letter O, “the fifteen Oes,” are commonly found in +the manuscript Horæ of the fifteenth century, in their original Latin. +They were frequently printed both in that language and in English, +Caxton’s version of the latter being possibly the earliest. All these +prayers breathe a spirit of earnest devotion, and as an example the +following is laid before the reader. + + “O Jhesu heuenly leche haue mynde of thy langour and blewnes of thy + woūdes & sorowe that thou suffredest in the heyght of the crosse / + when thou were lifte vp fro the erthe / that thou were all to torne + in all thy limmes / soo that there was noo limme abydynge in his + right ioynte / soo that noo sorowe was like to thyne fro the sole + of thy fote to the toppe of thy hede there was no hole place / And + yet forgetying in maner all those greuous paynes / thou preydest + deuoutly & charitably to thy fader for thine enmyes sayeng thus / + Fader foryeue it theim / for they wyte not what they done / For this + blessed charytable mercy that thou shewdest to thyne enmyes. and for + mynde of thyse bytter paynes / graunte me / that the mynde of this + bytter passion be to me plenar remyssion & foryeuenes of my sinnis + Amen / ℂ Pater noster Aue maria” + +Another prayer commences thus:-- + + “O blessid Jhesu swetnes of hertes and gostli hony of soules. I + beseche the for the bytternes of the aysel and galle that thou + tasted,” &c. + +The “Rex Henricus” of the Prayer on ~c iiij~ verso, was Saint Henry, +surnamed the Pious and the Lame. He was son of Henry Duke of Bavaria, +and was born in the year 972; crowned King of Germany, at Mentz, in +1002; died 14th July 1024; and was canonised by Pope Eugenius III in +1152. + +Preceding a printed Latin version of the “Fifteen Oes” in the British +Museum (C. 23. b. 24), is the following paragraph in English:--“These +be the . xv . oos the whyche the holy virgyn saint brygitta was wonte +to saye dayly before the holy rode in saint Paules chyrche at rome : +who so saye this a holy yere he shall deleuer . xv . soules out of +purgatory of hys nexte kyndred . and conuerte other . xv. synners to +gode lyf and other . xvx. ryghtuouse men of hys kynde shall perseuer in +gode lyfe.” + +In _Harl. MS._ 2255 is a paraphrase of the “Fifteen Oes,” by John +Lydgate, beginning--“O blessyd lord my lord, O Christ Jesu.” + +The only EXISTING COPY known is in the British Museum (C. 25. c), +and is bound with several tracts printed by Wynken de Worde. It is +_perfect_ and in good preservation, although a good deal cropped in the +binding. Measurement, 6⅞ × 5 inches. Purchased in 1851. + + + NO. 93.--THE ART AND CRAFT TO KNOW WELL TO DIE. _Folio. Translated + by Caxton in 1490. Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. + (1491?)_ + +COLLATION.--~A~ a 4n; ~B~ a 2n; then a single leaf improperly signed +~B iij~, which was, probably, followed by a blank. Total, thirteen +printed leaves. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used +is No. 6. The lines, which measure 4⅝ inches, are spaced to an even +length, and there are 31 to a page. Without catchwords or folios. +Several 2 and 3-line woodcut initials are used. + +The Text begins on sig. ~A j~ recto, + + ~ℂ Here begynneth a lityll treatise shorte and abredged spe- + kynge of the arte & craft to knowe well to dye~ + + ~Hhan it ys soo that what a man maketh or doeth / it + ~W~ is made to come to some ende / And yf the thynge be + goode and well made / it muste nedes come to goode + ede . Thenne by better & gretter reason / euery man oughte to~ + +The Text ends on a single leaf, signed ~B iij~, + + ~Thus endeth the trayttye abredged of the + arte to lerne well to deye / translated oute of + frenshe in to englysshe . by willm Caxton + the xv . day of Juyn ⸝ the yere of our lord a + M iiij Clxxx x .~ + +REMARKS.--Manuscripts of this work are usually known as “The Art and +Craft to live well and die well.” This was often printed. A Latin +edition was issued by Guy Marchand, at Paris, in 1483, and French +editions by Verard, at Paris, and Colard Mansion, at Bruges. From +the latter it seems very probable that our Caxton, as he says in the +colophon, “abredged” his text. + +An English version of the full work was made early in the sixteenth +century by Andrew Chertsey, and printed by Wynken de Worde in 1506. + +Copies are in the British Museum, Oxford, and National Library, Paris. + + + NO. 94.--THE BOOK OF COURTESY.--_Quarto. Second Edition. “Emprynted + atte westmoster.” Without Name or Date. (1491?)_ + +COLLATION.--This little piece probably consisted, like Caxton’s early +editions, of a 4n and a 3n, making fourteen leaves, all printed--a +conclusion gathered from the only fragment known. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The fragment, from which alone we know +that such an edition was printed, consists of two quarto pages only, +printed upon one side of a half-sheet, the other side being blank. One +of the pages is signed ~bb~, which, as already seen in “The Rule of St. +Benet,” was used for ~b j~. Here then we have the first recto of the +outermost sheet of the second signature, and, by folding the half-sheet +with the unprinted part inside, we see directly that the opposing page +must be the last of that signature, and, in all probability, the last +of the tract. + +The type is all No. 6, but the appearance of the small device, which +was probably never used in Caxton’s lifetime, points out a late date +for its execution. + +The last lines, underneath which are the imprint and the small device, +are as follows:-- + + ~a Thraue of thresshers a Lyeng of pdoners + a Lasshe of carters a Hastynes of cookes~ + + ~ℂ Here endeth a lytyll treatyse called + the booke of curtesye or lytyll John . + Enprynted atte westmoster .~ + + _The small + “W. C.” Device + up-side-down._ + +As this edition, like the first and second, has three stanzas to the +page, it would, although in a somewhat smaller type, take up the same +number of leaves. The early editions had a blank leaf at the end, which +here we find filled up with the curious phrases noticed above. + +The _fragment_ is in the Douce collection at the Bodleian, having +apparently been rescued from the cover of a book. Measurement, 6¾ × 5¼ +inches. The reversal of the device, and the blank side of the paper, +suggest the idea that this fragment was a _first proof_, although, from +the numerous blunders in most of Caxton’s pages, it is difficult to +believe that corrections were ever made after the matter was once set +up. + + + NO. 95.--THE FESTIAL (LIBER FESTIVALIS). _Folio. Second Edition. + “Caxton me fieri fecit.” Without Place or Date. (1491?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p~ are 4ns, with the first +leaf of ~a~ blank; ~q~ has but one printed sheet, or two leaves; ~R~ a +4n; ~s~ a 3n, with device on ~s~ 6. In all 136 leaves, of which one +is blank. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type consists +of two sizes, Nos. 6 and 7, the latter being that in which Wynken de +Worde printed many of his early books. The lines are in double column, +and measure only 2⅝ inches. They are spaced to an even length, and +there are 33 to a column. Without folios or catchwords. Plain initials, +cut in wood, of the depth of 2, 3, or 5 lines are used. There is a +small rude woodcut on sig. ~f~ 6 verso. + +Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows, in double column, +on sig. ~a ij~, the Text beginning-- + + ~ℂ The helpe and grace of of all the hie festis of the + al- ‖ myghty god thrugh the yere. J ‖ wyll & praye that + besechyn ‖ ge of his blessed it be called fes- ‖ tiuall / the + moder saynt ma ‖ whiche begineth at the ‖~ + +The Text ends on the fifth verso of sig. ~s~, three-fourths of the way +down the second column, + + ~the rather by the helpe of his + bles ‖ sid moder mary / & + his holy spow- ‖ sesse saynt + brygytte / and all sayn ‖ tes . + AMEN~ + + ~Caxton me fieri fecit~ + +The next recto is a blank page, the verso having the large device. + +REMARKS.--From the use of No. 7 type, which was Wynken de Worde’s, +it is very probable that this book was printed by him immediately +after his master’s death. This edition too is not an exact reprint of +Caxton’s, issued in 1483. Every Festival has the prefix “Gode men and +wymmen,” or “Good frendis,” and every tale is preceded by the word +“Narracio.” Several stories not in the first edition have been added, +while the Pardon of Corpus Christi, in Latin and English, which follows +Trinity Sunday in first edition, is here entirely omitted. + +Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge, Oxford; and three in +private libraries. + + + NO. 96.--FOUR SERMONS. _Folio. Second Edition. Sine ullâ notâ. + (1491?)_ + +COLLATION.--~A B C~ are 4ns; ~D~ is a 5n = 34 leaves. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title. The type is all No. 6. +In double column. The lines measure 2½ inches, being a very little +shorter than the “Festial,” and are spaced to an even length. 33 lines +to a column. Without folios or catchwords. + +The Text begins on sig. ~A j~ with a 3-line woodcut initial:-- + + ~He mayster of sentence se myn owne soule . ne yours / + ~T~ in the seconde boke · and J ‖ purpose me by his leue + the fyrst dystynction / hoomly ‖ thus to shew it and + sa- ‖ yth that the souerayn rede it to you ‖ in the boke / + cause / whi ‖ god made all for to your lernynge ‖ it is as + creatures in heuen ‖ good thus as wythout ‖~ + +The Text ends half-way down the second column of the ninth verso of +sig. ~D~, with the collect “Absolve quesumus,” the last three lines +being-- + + ~gloria inter sanctos et electos + tuos ressussitati respirent / + Per ‖ xpm dmn nostrum + Amen / ‖~ + +On the recto of the tenth leaf is the device of Caxton, the verso being +blank. + +For REMARKS, see the first edition, page 264. + +Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge, and three private +libraries. + + + NO. 97.--ARS MORIENDI; THAT IS TO SAY, THE CRAFT FOR TO DIE FOR THE + HEALTH OF MAN’S SOUL. _Quarto. Without Printer’s Name, Date, or + Place. (1491?)_ + +COLLATION.--~A~ a 4n = 8 leaves, all printed. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--No title-page. The type of the text is No. +6, but the four lines of heading at the beginning, and some head-lines +at the end, are in Wynken de Worde’s No. 1 type. The lines are spaced +very evenly, except on four pages at the end, and there are 24 to a +page. Woodcut initials to chapters. Without folios or catchwords. With +the exception of the use of Wynken de Worde’s type, this tract agrees +in all particulars with No. 83, “The Gouvernal of Helthe.” + +The Text begins on sig. ~A j~ recto, + + ~ℂ Here begynneth a lytyll treatyse schortely + compyled and called ars moriendi / that is + to saye the craft for to deye for the helthe of + mannes sowle .~ + + ~W~ ~han ony of lykly hode shal deye / thenne + is moste necessarye to haue a specyall~ + +The tract ends on ~A~ 8 verso, with a full page:-- + + ~For suche right bere ad=usite or oni tribulacon + To that y^e chirche techeth y^e put ful credulyte .~ + + ~That god hath pmysed trust it well withou + defallacyon .~ + + ~In hope abydyng his reward and eulastyng + glorie . Amen Explicit .~ + +REMARKS.--This short tract appears to be a translation from the Latin, +and doubtless by Caxton himself. No other copy, however, manuscript or +printed, in Latin or any other language, appears to be known. + +This unique specimen is in the middle of a volume of black-letter +tracts in the Bodleian Library. + + + NO. 98.--THE CHASTISING OF GOD’S CHILDREN. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. + (1491?)_ + +COLLATION.--An unsigned sheet (two leaves), containing table and +prologue; ~A B C D E F G~ are 3ns; ~H~ a 2n. In all 48 leaves, and no +blanks. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--In this book we meet with the first +approach to a title-page, which consists of a 3-line paragraph printed +in the centre of the first recto. The types are No. 6 for the Text, +No. 7 being found on the first page only. Double column--the lines +measuring 2⅝ inches, and being fully spaced out. 36 lines to a column. +Without folio or catchwords. Initials in wood 3 and 4 lines deep. + +The Text begins with the following 3 lines in the centre of the first +recto, + + ~ℂ The prouffytable boke for manes soule / And right + comfor= ‖ table to the body / and specyally in aduersitee & + trybulacyon / whiche ‖ boke is called The Chastysing of + goddes Chyldern~ + +On the verso, with a floriated 4-line initial, and in double column, +the first two lines being in type No. 7, + + ~N drede of almigh= The causes considered . and + ~I~ ty ‖ god Relygyous many ‖ other skylfully . J + sus= ‖ ter a short may drede to wri ‖ te of this + pistle J sen ‖ de chastysing But askyng ‖ + you of the mater of ‖ temp= helpe of god almyghty / by + tacons / whiche pystle as whoos ‖ might the asse had + me ‖ speche to the pro ‖~ + +The Text ends on the recto of sig. ~H~ 4, with the verso blank, + + ~not denye to the alone that to ful Joye & blisse / Now + prayest ‖ her soo besely / Yet god gra ‖ unt that it myghte + ouer all this ‖ whan thou art so be . that euer ‖ is lastyng + harde tempted . and ‖ in Trinyte /~ + * * * * * + +REMARKS.--The use of a title-page, a practice unknown to Caxton, the +appearance of type No. 7, and the adoption of signatures having three +sheets only--all point to Wynken de Worde, rather than to Caxton, as +the printer of this book, which was probably executed about 1491. The +original writer of the work is unknown, and there seems but little +reason for attributing its composition to Caxton, as some writers have +done. + +EXISTING COPIES.--British Museum; Cambridge, University Library (2); +Pepysian, and Sydney Sussex College; Hunterian, Glasgow; Lincoln +Cathedral; Sion College, London; Göttingen University; and three copies +in private hands. + + + NO. 99.--A TREATISE OF LOVE. _Folio. Translated in 1493. Without + Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. (1493?)_ + +COLLATION.--~A B C D E F G H~ are all 3ns = 48 leaves, all printed. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title. The type is No. 6 for the +Text, but on the first page is a line in type No. 7, the first of +Wynken de Worde’s founts. The whole is in double column. + +The Text begins on sig. ~A j~ recto, + + ~ℂ This tretyse is of loue + and spe ‖ kyth of iiij of the + most specyall lo ‖ uys that + ben in the worlde and she~ + * * * * * + ~whiche tretyse was + translatid out of frenshe + Into en= ‖ glyshe / the yere + of our lord M cccc ‖ lxxxxiij / + by a persone that is vnper ‖ + fight insuche werke wherfor + he hu ‖ bly byseche the lernyd + reders wyth ‖ pacyens to cor= + recte it where they ‖ fpnde + nede. And they & alle other ‖ + redders of their charyte to + pray for ‖ the soule of the + sayde translatour ‖~ + +The Text ends on the second column of the sixth recto of sig. ~H~, + + ~Whiche boke was lately + transla- ‖ ted outeof frensh + in to englisshe ‖ by a Right + well dysposed persone / ‖ for + by cause the sayd persone + thoug ‖ hte if necessary to al + deuoute peple ‖ to rede / or to + here it redde / And also ‖ + caused the sayd boke to be + enpryn- ‖ ted /~ + +Underneath this is the small device. The reverse is blank. + +REMARKS.--This is evidently an issue from the press of Wynken de Worde, +whose earliest type is seen in the first page, and who was accustomed +to make up his books in 3ns instead of 4ns, as was the plan +during Caxton’s life. The tract does not appear to have been translated +till 1493, and may have gone to press the succeeding year: now Caxton +died in 1491. The non-occurrence of the small device in any other +book attributed to Caxton is another reason for supposing it to be in +reality the workmanship of Wynken de Worde, who frequently used this +shaped device in his early publications. At a later period he added his +own name to the design. + +Although not the work of Caxton, “A Treatise of Love” has been included +in this chapter, because “A List of Books printed in Type No. 6” would +be imperfect without it. + +Copies are in the University Library, Sydney Sussex College, and +Pepysian Library, Cambridge; in Lincoln Cathedral Library; the +Hunterian Museum, Glasgow; University Library, Göttingen; and two in +private libraries. + +[Illustration: Plate XIV. + +_From Caxton’s “Order of Chivalry.” Type 4*_] + +[Illustration: Plate XV. + +_Woodcuts from Caxton’s “Speculum vitæ Christi.”_] + +[Illustration: Plate XVI. + +_The earliest instance of a Title-page in any English Book; Printed +about 1491._] + +[Illustration: Plate XVII. + +WOODCUT INITIALS FROM CAXTON’S BOOKS.] + +[Illustration: Plate XVIII. + +CAXTON’S DEVICE.] + + + + + A + LIST OF BOOKS + NOT PRINTED BY + WILLIAM CAXTON, + BUT HAVING SOME + CONNECTION WITH HIS TYPES; + ALSO OF + DOUBTFUL WORKS, + AND + BOOKS ERRONEOUSLY ASCRIBED TO HIS PRESS. + + + + +POSTHUMOUS AND DOUBTFUL WORKS. + + + NO. 100.--THE LIFE OF SAINT KATHERINE.--THE REVELATIONS OF SAINT + ELIZABETH OF HUNGARY. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. (1493?)_ + +COLLATION.--~a~ is a 4n; ~b c d e f g h i k l m n o p~ are 3ns; ~q~ +is a 2n. Total 96 leaves, all printed. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type for +some of the headings is No. 7, the same as that already noticed in +“Chastising” and “Festial;” but the type for the body of the work is a +partial re-casting of No. 4*, with many new additions, and on a rather +smaller body, being evidently a different fount from any known to have +been used by Caxton. The pages are in double column, and have 43 and +44 lines to a page. Full lines measure 2⅞ inches. Without folios or +catchwords. On the last leaf is the large Device. + +This book, like some already mentioned, was in all probability the +workmanship of Wynken de Worde, shortly after Caxton’s death. This +opinion is borne out by the types used, by the signatures being in +3ns instead of 4ns; by very long pages, and by wood initials, +identical with those used in the early books of Wynken de Worde. + + + NO. 101.--THE GOLDEN LEGEND. _Third Edition. Folio. “Fynysshed at + westmestre . . The year of our lord M CCCC lxxxxiij / . . ℂ By + me wyllyam Caxton.”_ + +COLLATION.--Table and prologue a 2n; ~a b c d e~ are 4ns; ~F~ a +single sheet; ~f g h i k l m n o p q r s t v x y z &~ 9 are 4ns; +~e~ a 2n, signed to ~e iij~; ~A B C D E F G H J K L M N O P Q R S T +V X Y~ are 4ns; ~aa bb cc dd ee~ are 4ns; ~ff~ a 3n, signed to +~ff iiij~; and ~gg~ a 2n, signed to ~gg iij~. Total 436 leaves, all +printed. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title-page. The types are No. 7, +and the re-casting of type No. 4*, noticed in the preceding work, which +fount is only known to have been used for these two books. The work is +in double column, and the lines, of which there are 44 to a column, +measure 2⅞ inches. Without folios or catchwords. Many woodcuts and +woodcut initials. + +Caxton died two years before the date of printing. + + + NO. 102.--THE SIEGE OF RHODES. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ._ + +COLLATION.--Four unsigned 3ns, or 24 leaves all printed. + +TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title of any sort. The type is +very rude and uneven, being a different fount to that used for the +“St. Katherine” and “Golden Legend” just noticed. Some of the letters +are the same as Caxton’s No. 4*, but many rude additions have been +made. There is a space between each line, probably made by the use of +“reglets,” the unevenness of which is very apparent. The lines are +spaced to an even length, and there are 26 to a page, except the first +and second, which have, respectively, 30 and 31. They measure in length +4½ inches, the depth of 26 lines varying from 7 to 7⅛ inches. Without +signatures, folios, catchwords, or printed initials. + + + NO. 103.--MISSALE AD USUM SARUM.--EXARATUM PARISIUS IMPENSA OPTIMI + VIRI GUILLERMI CAXTON. _Folio. Paris, 4th Dec. 1487._ + +The type is the usual church text used for service books. In double +columns, with head-lines. + +As connected with Caxton, the whole of the interest centres in the +colophon. + + ~Missale ad vsum Sar’ cun + ctitenetis dei dono / magno + conamine elaboratum finis + feliciter . Exaratum Parisiꝰ + impensa optimi viri Guil- + lermi Caxton . Arte vero et + industria Magistri Guiller + mi Maynyal . Anno domini + M . CCCC . lxxxvii . iiij De + cembris.~ + +This is on the recto of the last leaf, and upon the verso is Caxton’s +large device. + +REMARKS.--Passing by the great interest which this missal has in being +five years earlier in date than the celebrated Rouen edition, dated +October 1st, 1492, hitherto considered as the _editio princeps_, we +have to elucidate it in relation to Caxton. + +It has not, until the discovery of this volume, been supposed that +Caxton employed foreign printers to help him, although it is well +known that his successors did so. In this case he used the services of +a printer at Paris, whose name very seldom appears in typographical +annals. Little is known of William Maynyal, who is erroneously called, +by Panzer, George. In 1480, working in conjunction with Ulric Gering, +the first printer at Paris, he produced “Speculum aureum,” as well as +“Summa de virtutibus cardinalibus,” both in Roman types. Afterwards, +he worked alone. In 1487, Caxton, not having appropriate types of his +own, sent instructions to Maynyal, of Paris, to print for him the +Salisbury Missal. The commission was executed, and Caxton, desirous +of associating his press more directly with this issue than by the +colophon only, which many people might overlook, probably designed his +“mark” for the purpose of attracting attention. It is certainly the +earliest date at which it has yet been found; and the state of the +block, which has fewer breakages than any other known example, confirms +the priority of this in a most interesting manner. Since 1484 Caxton +had not used woodcuts; but just at this time, 1487, he appears to have +found some one for the purpose, and the “Royal Book” and the “Speculum” +appeared with numerous cuts. The same artist was probably employed to +design and engrave the new “trade mark.” + +The only known copy is in the possession of W. J. Legh, Esq., M.P., and +was first made known in the _Athenæum_, March 21st, 1874. + + +BARTHOLOMEUS DE PROPRIETATIBUS RERUM. + +This work is supposed to have been printed by Caxton, at Cologne, +on the strength of a statement by Wynken de Worde. As, however, +this printer has perpetrated the most curious contradictions and +mis-statements in many of his prologues and colophons, it seems more +than probable that he blundered here also, as no connection whatever +can be traced between the typographical customs of Caxton and those of +the Cologne school; nor does any copy of “Bartholomeus” exist which +can, with any show of reason, be attributed to Caxton’s press. + +For further remarks on this subject, see page 64. + + +THE METAMORPHOSES OF OVID. + +In the Pepysian library, Cambridge (2124) is an English manuscript +of the fifteenth century, not improbably Caxton’s autograph, and +consisting of the Tenth, Eleventh, Twelfth, Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and +Fifteenth Books of Ovid’s Metamorphoses. Each book in the manuscript +begins with a red-ink title, the first being:-- + +“Here followeth the ‖ xth booke of Ouyde ‖ wherof the first fa ‖ ble is +of the mari ‖ age of Orpheus ‖ and Erudice his lo ‖ ue. Cap° p’m°.” + +For an imitation of this paragraph see Dibdin’s _Typ. Ant._, vol. i, +page 14. At the end of the volume is the following colophon:-- + +“Translated and fynysshed by me William Caxton at Westmestre the xxij +day of Apryll / the yere of our lord m. iiij^c iiij^{xx} And the xx +yere of the Regne of kyng Edward the fourth.” + +Now Caxton, from what we know of his disposition, would never have +begun a translation in the middle of a book. He therefore, no doubt, +translated the former nine books also. But all Caxton’s translations, +and especially in the busy time of 1480, were made for the press. There +seems, therefore, good reason to believe that the Metamorphoses were +printed also by Caxton, although unfortunately no fragment of such a +work is at present known. + +It seems not unlikely that the Pepysian MS. is in Caxton’s own +autograph. + + +THE LIFE AND MIRACLES OF ROBERT EARL OF OXFORD. + +In the preface to “The Four Sons of Aymon,” Caxton says, “Therefore +late at the request and commandment of the right noble and virtuous +Earl, John, Earl of Oxford, my good singular and especial lord I +reduced and translated out of French into our maternal and English +tongue the life of one of his predecessors named Robert Earl of Oxford +tofore said, with divers and many great miracles which god showed for +him as well in his life as after his death as is showed all along in +his said book.” + +Having translated this Life, it is not improbable that Caxton also +printed it. + + +A BALLAD. + +“The small fragment of an unknown work,” preserved among some old +ballads in the British Museum (643. m.) and described by Sir Henry +Ellis, and Dr. Dibdin in _Typ. Ant._, vol. i, page 359, is a portion of +the “Cook’s Tale,” from Caxton’s first edition of Chaucer’s “Canterbury +Tales.” + + * * * * * + +Several works, such as “STATUTA” (probably Machlinia’s), “LYNDEWODE’S +CONSTITUTIONES,” “THE LUCIDARY,” “AN ACCIDENCE,” and others, have been +by various writers included among the books issued by Caxton, but in +all cases erroneously. + +[Illustration] + + + + +THE COMPARATIVE RARITY OF BOOKS PRINTED BY CAXTON, + +SHOWING THE NUMBER OF COPIES OF EACH WORK KNOWN TO EXIST. + +_Quanta fuisti si tanta sunt Reliquia._ + + + No. of + Copies + known. + + Brass, Temple of _frag._ + Book of Courtesy, 2nd edit. _frag._ + Directorium Sacerdotum, 4to. _frag._ + Horæ, 1st edition _frag._ + Ditto, 2nd ditto _frag._ + Ditto, 3rd ditto _frag._ + Indulgence--Sixtus IV _frag._ + + Anelida and Arcyte 1 + Ars moriendi 1 + Aymon, Four Sons of 1 + Blanchardin and Eglantine 1 + Book of Courtesy, 1st edition 1 + Catho, Parvus et Magnus, 1st + edition, 4to 1 + Ditto, ditto, 2nd edition, 4to 1 + Charles the Great 1 + Chorle and the Bird, 1st edit. 1 + Ditto ditto 2nd ditto 1 + Commemoracio beatæ Mariæ 1 + Death-Bed Prayers 1 + Directorium Sacerdotum, folio, + 1st edition 1 + Ditto ditto ditto 2nd ditto 1 + Fifteen Oes 1 + Glass, Temple of 1 + Horse, Sheep, and Goose, 1st edit. 1 + Ditto ditto 2nd ditto 1½ + Image of Pity 1 + Infancia Salvatoris 1 + Indulgence--Sixtus IV 1 + Another, different 1 + Meditacions sur les sept Pseaulmes 1 + Paris and Vienne 1 + Psalterium 1 + Quatre derrennieres Choses 1 + Reynard the Fox, 2nd edition 1 + Stans Puer 1 + Servitium de Transfiguratione 1 + Sex Litteræ 1 + Visitatio Mariæ Virginis 1 + + Advertisement, An 2 + Arthur, Life of King 2 + Catho, Parvus et Magnus, folio, + 3rd edition 2 + Curial, The 2 + Gouvernal of Health 2 + Indulgence, 1481 2 + Propositio Johannis Russell 2 + Saona, Gul. de 2 + + Æsop, Fables of 3 + Art and Craft 3 + Curia Sapientiæ 3 + Dictes and Sayings, 2nd edition 3 + Good Manners, Book of 3 + Jason, Les fais du 3 + Moral Proverbs 3 + Saint Winifred, Life of 3 + + Book of Fame 4 + Chivalry, Order of 4 + Festial, The, 1st edition 4 + Rhodes, Siege of 4 + Statutes of Henry VII 4 + Troilus and Creside 4 + Vocabulary 4 + + Golden Legend, 2nd edition 5 + Pilgrimage of the Soul 5 + Four Sermons, 2nd edition 5 + Reynard the Fox, 1st edition 5 + + Divers Ghostly Matters 6 + Festial, The, 2nd edition 6 + Jason, The Life of 6 + Knight of the Tower 6 + Recueil, Le 6 + + Chronicles of England, 2nd edit. 7 + Dictes and Sayings, 3rd edition 7 + + Life of our Lady 8 + Royal Book 8 + Treatise of Love 8 + + Canterbury Tales, 1st edition 9 + Ditto 2nd ditto 9 + Doctrinal of Sapience 9 + Four Sermons, 1st edition 9 + + Chess, Game and Play of, 1st ed. 10 + Cordial 10 + Golden Legend, 3rd edition 10 + Katherine, Life of St. 10 + + Godfrey of Boloyn 11 + Speculum Vitæ Christi 11 + + Caton 12 + Chastising of God’s Children 12 + Chess, Game and Play of, 2nd edit. 12 + Chronicles of England, 1480 12 + Description of Britain 12 + Mirrour of the World, 2nd edit. 12 + + Dictes and Sayings, 1st edition 13 + + Mirrour of the World, 1st edit. 15 + + Boethius 16 + + Confessio Amantis 17 + + Eneydos 18 + + Recuyell, The 20 + + Fayts of Arms 21 + + Tully of Old Age, &c. 22 + + Polycronicon 30 + + Golden Legend, 1st edition 31 + + * * * * * + +The reader who examines this list may well be astonished at the number +here given of _unique_ Caxtons. Out of 102 works above enumerated, no +less than 38 are known to us by single copies, or by fragments only. +The fact is almost incredible even to those most conversant with +the rarities of the Westminster Press; and the question naturally +arises--If about one-third of Caxton’s issue has been _nearly_ +destroyed, how numerous may have been the editions of which we shall +never learn the existence? A glance at the titles of the _uniques_ +will show that the books most liable to destruction, probably owing +in part to their being much used, and in part to the destructiveness +of religious sectarianism, are those, directly or indirectly, of an +ecclesiastical character--such as “Horæ,” “Psalters,” “Meditacions,” +&c. School-books also, such as the “Stans Puer,” “Catho,” &c., are +always difficult of preservation. On the other hand, there seems no +especial reason for the almost total destruction of such works as the +romances of “King Arthur,” “The Four Sons of Aymon,” “Blanchardin,” +“Charles the Great,” the second edition of “Reynard,” or the various +short poems in quarto. + +The greatest number of copies ever brought together is 83, being +the number now in the British Museum; but of these 25 are duplicates, +leaving the number of works 58, of which three are mere fragments. The +Caxtons in Earl Spencer’s Library, although numerically less than those +of the National Library, make nevertheless a more complete collection, +and embrace 57 separate works. Other Libraries come far behind these +two. The Public Library, Cambridge, has 42 separate works, a total +considerably augmented by the numerous unique pieces of poetry in +quarto. The Bodleian has 34 separate works, and the Duke of Devonshire +25. + + + + +INDEX. + + + Abbey, Meaning of word, 73 + + Adventurers (_See_ Merchant Adventurers) + + Advertisement printed by Caxton, 72, 239 + + Æneid by Virgil, 347 + + Æsop, The Fables of, printed by Caxton, 48, 91, 287 + + Aforge, Daniel, 86 + + Ailly, Cardinal Pierre d’, 228 + + Alburgh, John, 150 + + Alcock, Bishop, 181 + + Aldus, Pius Romanus, 106 + + Alfonse, The Fables of, printed by Caxton, 287 + + Almonry, The, Its position, &c., 73, 74, 75, 79 + + Alphage, St., Parish of, 4 + + Ambassadors at Bruges, 27 + + Ames, Joseph, Note on Caxton’s death, 85 + + Amman, Jost, 104 + + Anderson’s History of Commerce, 26 + + Anelida, Queen, and False Arcyte, printed by Caxton, 212 + + Anne, St., Chapel of, 73, 74 + + Apprentices, Entry and Issues of, 6 + + Apprentices, Duties of, 8 + + Apprentices and Executors, 14 + + Apprentices, Oath of, 145 + + Apprenticeship of Caxton, 5 + + Arbre de, Batailles, 337 + + Arcyte, Queen Anelida, and False, printed by Caxton, 212 + + Ars moriendi, printed by Caxton, 358 + + Art, The, and Craft to know well to Die, printed by Caxton, 346, 354 + + Arthur, The Noble Histories of King, and of certain of his Knights, + printed by Caxton, 304 + + Arundel, Earl of, his Device, 81 + + Ascensius Jodocus Badius, 128 + + Assumption, Guild of Lady of, 77 + + Atkyns, Richard, Origin and Growth of Printing, 90 + + Aubert, David (a Scribe), 35, 187 + + Avian, The Fables of, printed by Caxton, 287 + + Ayenbit of Inwit, The, 324 + + Aymon, The four Sons of, printed by Caxton, 343 + + + Bagford, John, 75, 91 + + Baker, John, 150 + + Bakker, Jenyne, 149 + + Ballads, Some, printed by Caxton, 211 + + Ballad, A, 369 + + Ballard, Mr., of Cambden, 85 + + Balls, Inking, 124 + + Bartholomeus de Proprietatibus, 55, 64, 65, 340, 368 + + Bath Cathedral, 284 + + Bavaria, Henry, Duke of, 353 + + Bayntun, W., 321 + + Beauvais, Vincent de, 226, 227 + + Bedford, Duke of, 34, 36 + + Bedford Library, 255 + + Bedfordshire General Library, 324 + + Bedleem Hospital, Bequest to, by Large, 10 + + Belet, 282 + + Benet College Library, 220 + + Bernard, M. A., 106, 109 + + Bernard, M. A., Opinion on Colard Mansion, 62 + + Berners Juliana, 338 + + Betts, Edward, 151 + + Bequests, Various, of Large, 10 + + Bible, The Mazarine, 45 + + Bibles and Psalters, First, 43 + + Bibles not in demand in Fifteenth Century, 83 + + Bird, the Chorle and the, printed by Caxton, 209, 210 + + Blanchardin and Eglantine, The History of, printed by Caxton, 342 + + Blanche, Queen of France, 326 + + Blandford, Marquis of, 198 + + Blois, Library of, 36 + + Boat Hire, 19 + + Bocace, Fall of Princes, 347 + + Boethius de Consolatione Philosophiæ, translated into English by + Geoffrey Chaucer, printed by Caxton, 215 + + Boke of Noblesse, The, 336 + + Bolomyer, Henry, 307 + + Boloyne, The History of Godfrey of, printed by Caxton, 252 + + Bomsted, Henry, 20 + + Bonet, Honoré, 337 + + Bonifaunt, Rich, 10, 147 + + Bowyer, William, 109 + + Bookbinder described, 130 + + Bookbinding, 95 + + Book of Courtesy, The 1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 211 + + Second Edition, 355 + + Book of Good Manners, printed by Caxton, 81, 315 + + Book, A, of Divers Ghostly Matters, printed by Caxton, 350 + + Book of Fame, The, printed by Caxton, 292 + + Book, The, which the Knight of the Tower made to the “enseygnement” + and teaching of his daughters, printed by Caxton, 273 + + Books, Covers of, 215 + + Books not printed by Caxton but having some connection with his + types, &c., 363 + + Books, Passion for, in Europe, 36 + + Botfield, Mr., 306 + + Bouillon, Godefroy de, 253 + + Bradshaw, H., of Cambridge, 55, 192, 295 + + Brand, John, 198 + + Bretaylles, Louis de, 190 + + Brice, Hugh, 228 + + Bristol, 350 + + Brito, Jean, 38 + + Broad, St. Ward, 75 + + Brown, J., 151 + + Browne, Willis (Mit. Abb.), 223 + + Bruges, 13, 15, 27, 37, 38, 57, 81, 150 + + Bruges, City of, Caxton, a Merchant at, 15, 17 + + Bruges, Ducal Library of, 214 + + Bruges, Guild of St. John the Evangelist, 37 + + Bruges, Records of, 158-160 + + Brute, Chronicle of, 89 + + Bryant, Mr., 327 + + Bryce, H., 82 + + Bryce, T., 17 + + Bullen, Mr., 244 + + Burdeux, John de, 340 + + Burchiello, Portrait of, 91 + + Burgh, Richard, 16, 17, 148, 204, 205, 279 + + Burgundy, Duke of, 15, 16, 24, 27, 34, 38, 58 + + Burgundy (Philip the Good), 38 + + Burial Fees for Wm. Caxton, 79 + + + Campbell, M. F. A. G., 330 + + Canterbury Tales, 1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 193 + + Canterbury Tales, 2nd Edition, printed by Caxton, 290 + + Caradoc, Prince, 304 + + Carmen de Vere, 271 + + Caslon, W., 105, 108 + + Castel, Etienne, 193 + + Catchwords, 133 + + Catho Magnus, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 202, 204 + + Catho Magnus, printed by Caxton, 204, 205 + + Caton, printed by Caxton, 277 + + Cattlyn, Richard and John, 224 + + Caustons, Manor of, 3 + + Causton, Michael de; + Henry de; + Nichol de; + Richard de; + Theobald de; + Roger de; + William de; + Stevyn, 147 + + Cauxton and Causton, a form of Caxton, 3 + + Cawston, Johannes, Will of, 3 + + Cawston, Oliver, 161 + + Caxston, W., 148 + + Caxton, Elizabeth (daughter of Caxton), 30 + + Caxton, Elizabeth: Deed of Separation, 166 + + Caxton, John, 4 + + Caxton, Maude, 81 + + Caxton, Pedigree, 4; + his Patrons, 29; + his knowledge of Printing, derived from Colard Mansion, and not at + Cologne, 49 to 68; + Settles at Westminster, 70; + Extracts from Works, showing a connection between his own name and + a locality, 70; + his Daughter, 75; + Patronised by Edward IV., 80; + Receives a Payment from Edward IV., 80; + List of Works, 82; + Classification of Works, 82; + Time taken for Translation of Works, 83; + Death and Burial, 85; + his Property at Death, 85; + his Will, 86; + his Literary Attainments, 87 to 90; + a Linguist, 88; + Portraits of, 90; + Anecdotes in Appendix to Æsop’s Fables, 91; + his Character, 92; + a Master Printer, 93 to 142; + his Printing Office and Workmen, 93; + his Types, 103; + his large Device, 137; + Price of his Books, 141; + Judgment by, 158; + Payment by the King, 160; + Burial Fees, 161; + Auditor of Parish Accounts, 161; + Chess Book, Interpolation of, 174 + + Caxton, William (not the Printer), 81; + Burial, 4 + + Censuria literaria, 197 + + Charles, King of France, 33 + + Charles the Bold succeeds Philip the Good, 24 + + Charles the Great (Prologue), 83 + + Charles the Great, the Life of the Noble and Christian Prince, + printed by Caxton, 306 + + Charron, The Jesuit, 310 + + Charters, Mercers and Merchant Adventurers, 18-21 + + Chartier, Alain, 297 + + Chases, 123 + + Chastising, The, of God’s Children, printed by Caxton, 359 + + Chato, et Parvus Magnus, 1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 202; + 2nd Edition, 205; + 3rd Edition, 224 + + Chaucer, Geoffrey, 89, 294; + Envoi of, to Skogan, printed by Caxton, 211 + + Chaucer, Geoffrey, Canterbury Tales, 1st Edition, 193; + 2nd Edition, 290; + Boethius de Consolacione Philosophiæ, printed by Caxton, 213 + + Chaucer, The complaint of, to his purse, printed by Caxton, 212 + + Chertsey, Andrew, 355 + + Chess Book, The, 56, 59, 61, 68, 80, 111, 289 + + Chess, Game and Play of, 1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 23, 173 + + Chess, The Game and Play of, the, 2nd Edition, printed by Caxton, + 232 + + Chivalry, The Order of, printed by Caxton, 289 + + Chobham, Eleanor, her penance, 13 + + Chorle, The, and the Bird, printed by Caxton, 209, 210 + + Chronicles of England, The, 1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 247; + 2nd Edition, 255 + + Chronicle of King Alfred, 104 + + Chronicle of Brute, 248 + + Churche, Daniel, 204 + + Clarence, Duke of, 173 + + Cloth, English, excluded by Duke of Burgundy, 16, 23 + + Coburger, Nuremberg, printer, 239 + + Colard Mansion, _See_ Mansion + + Cologne, 62 + + Colonna Ægidius, 174 + + Commission issued, 1464, for renewal of Treaty of Trade, 22 + + Complaint, The, of Chaucer to his purse, printed by Caxton, 212 + + Commemoratio Lamentationis sive compassionis Beatæ Mariæ in morte + filii, printed by Caxton, 329 + + Composing-Stick, 122, 124 + + Compositor, The, described, 121 + + Confessio Amantis, printed by Caxton, 271 + + Congregational Library, 331 + + Connection between Caxton and Colard Mansion, 64 + + Copenhagen, Royal Library, 316 + + Copland, R., 344; + one of Caxton’s workmen, 70 + + Copland, W., 94, 345 + + Corpus Christi College, 220 + + Cordyale, or the Four Last Things, printed by Caxton, 216 + + Court of Sapience, printed by Caxton, 250 + + Courtesy, Book of, printed by Caxton, 211, 355 + + Cowper, Mr., 331 + + Craes, W., 16 + + Creveceur, Seigneur de, 50 + + Crede Mihi, Tractatus, printed by Caxton, 319, 345 + + Croppe, Gerard, 30 + + Crosse, John, 86 + + Cristyne of Pisan--Moral Proverbs, 194, 195 + + Cura Sapentiæ; or the Court of Sapience, printed by Caxton, 250 + + Curial, The, 296 + + + D’Ailly, Pierre, Cardinal, 180 + + D’Angers, Guy, 187 + + Dares Phrygius, 172 + + Daubeney, William, 80 + + Daunnou, M., 227 + + Day, John, Printer, 104 + + Death-bed Prayers, printed by Caxton, 285 + + Dedes, Robert, 10 + + Deguilleville, Guillaume de, Pilgrimage of the Soul, 259 + + Delff, 76 + + Denis de Leewis, 186 + + Description of Britain, The, printed by Caxton, 249 + + Development of Printing, 38 + + Device, Caxton’s, 48, 138 + + Devonshire, Duke of, Purchase of the Recuyell, 171 + + Dictes and Sayings, 24, 65, 70, 79, 86, 188, 221, 348 + + Dictes and Sayings, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 188; + 2nd Edition, 221; + 3rd Edition, 348 + + Dictys Cretensis, 172 + + Dinner, Visitation of Mercers’, 76 + + Directorium, seu Pica Sarum, printed by Caxton, 241 + + Directorium Sacerdotum, una cum Defensorio ejusdem, item tractatus + qui dicitur crede mihi, printed by Caxton, 319, 345 + + Doctrinal de la foy Catholique, 326 + + Doctrinal of Sapience, The, printed by Caxton, 324 + + Domus Angliæ, 22 + + Donatus, St., Church of, 50 + + Douce, F., 172 + + Douce Collection, 356 + + Drapers, Merchant Adventurers, 18 + + Durham Cathedral, 351 + + Dysart, Earl of, 341 + + + Echard, Script. Ordin. Prædicat, 351 + + Edward III introduces cloth factories to England, 2 + + Edward IV, 3, 27, 28, 35, 80, 87 + + Elizabeth of Hungary, Saint, the Revelations of, 365 + + Ellis, Sir Henry, 370 + + Eneydos, printed by Caxton, 2, 74, 80, 346 + + English, First Book in, 170 + + English Nation, The, 22 + + Esterlings, 22, 192 + + Essex, Earl of, 204 + + Esteney, John, Abbot of Westminster, 74 + + Eton College, 179, 230 + + Eugenius III, Pope, 353 + + Evilmerodach, King, 233 + + Exeter, 215 + + Exeter College, Oxford, 279, 301, 350 + + Eye, witch of, 13 + + Eyre, Thomas, husband of Elizabeth Large, 11 + + + Fables of Æsop, the; of Avian; of Alfonse; and of Poge, the + Florentine, printed by Caxton, 287 + + Faits d’Armes, les, 335 + + Fait d’Armes et de Chevalerie, 336 + + Fall of Princes, 347 + + Fame, the Book of, printed by Caxton, 292 + + Farmer’s, Dr., Library, 241 + + Faron, Jean, 174 + + Fastolf, Sir John, 81, 232 + + Fayts of Arms and of Chivalry, The, printed by Caxton, 80, 335, 338 + + Felding Geoffrey, Mayor, 17 + + Festial, The (Liber Festialis) 1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 263, + 331 + + Festial, The (Liber Festialis) 2nd Edition, printed by Caxton, 356 + + Fèvre Ravne le, 58 + + Fifteen Oes, the, and other Prayers, printed by Caxton, 352 + + Figgins, V., 108 + + Filastre, Guillaume, 172 + + Fineschi Vincenzio, 102 + + Fishmongers, Merchant Adventurers, 18 + + Flanders, Peace between England and, 13 + + Flemish goods prohibited, 23 + + Flemish settlers in England, 2 + + Fostalf, John, Knight, 191 + + Founders’ Company, 18 + + Four Last Things or Cordyale, printed by Caxton, 216 + + Four Sermons, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 265 + + Four Sermons, &c. (Quatuor Sermones, &c.), printed by Caxton, 2nd + Edition, 358 + + Four Sons of Aymon, The, printed by Caxton, 343 + + Fowls, Parliament of, printed by Caxton, 211 + + Frankfort typefounders, 107 + + Franklin, Benjamin, 108 + + Freeman of London, Oath of, 146 + + Friskets, 129 + + + Gairdner, Mr., Memorials of King Henry the Seventh, 269 + + Galiard, Messire, 197 + + Gallopes, Jean de, 261, 318 + + Galiot du Pré, 297 + + Gedney, John, 11 + + Geiffe, William, 86 + + Gering, Ulrich, 367 + + Gerson, Chancellor, 338 + + Gervers, M., 29 + + Ghent, 27 + + Ghent, Public Library at, 330 + + Glass, The Temple of, printed by Caxton, 208 + + Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke of, 30 + + Godfrey of Bulloyn, printed by Caxton, 83 + + Gödike, K., 230 + + Golden Fleece, order of, 15 + + Golden Legend, 65, 96; + Copies left by Caxton to St. Margaret’s, Westminster, 86; + 1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 280; + 2nd Edition, printed by Caxton, 310; + 3rd Edition, 365 + + Gossin, Jean, 51, 227 + + Göttingen, Royal University Library, 208 + + Governal of Health, The, printed by Caxton, 340, 358 + + Governor of English Merchants at Bruges--Duties of, 20 + + Guido of Colonna, 172 + + Granton, John, 16 + + Grenville Library, 210 + + Greyhounde, The, 75, 76, 79 + + Groote, Guerard le, 16 + + Gruthuyse, Louis de Bruges, 35, 36, 50 + + Guilds:-- + St. John the Evangelist, 37; + St. Thomas-à-Becket, 18; + Lady Assumption, 77; + Vassel feasts, 78; + Accounts, 78; + “Les Frères de la Plume” of Brussels, 37; + St. Luke at Antwerp, 37 + + + Hadlow, 3 + + Hague, Royal Library, 330 + + Halle, Robert, 147 + + Hamburgh, 13 + + Ham House, Surrey, 304 + + Hansard, T. C., 109 + + Hanseatic League, 192 + + Hardwicke Hall, 205 + + Harrowe, John, 10, 148 + + Hasted on Kent, 2 + + Hastings, Lord, 24, 197, 229 + + Hawes, 209 + + Haywarde, a Scribe, 191 + + Health, The Governal of, printed by Caxton, 340 + + Hecht-Heinean Library, Halberstadt, 271 + + Hende, William, 19 + + Henricus, Rex, 353 + + Henry, Dr., 232 + + Henry II, 204 + + Henry IV, 18 + + Henry VI, 18, 36, 80 + + Henry VII, 80 + + Heton, Christopher, 10 + + Heton, Jas., 147 + + Higden’s, Ralph, Polycronicon, 249 + + History of Blanchardin and Eglantine, The, printed by Caxton, 342 + + History of Godfrey of Boloyne, The; or the Conquest of Jerusalem, + printed by Caxton, 252 + + Histoire du Chevalier Paris, et de la belle Vienne, 310 + + Holkham Library, 198 + + Holtrop’s Monumens Typographiques, Woodcut from, 76 + + Horæ, 242, 320, 331, 352 + + Horæ, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 191; + 2nd Edition, 242; + 3rd Edition, 321; + 4th Edition, 332 + + Horham, Manor of, 9 + + Horse, Shepe, and Ghoos, printed by Caxton, 66, 205, 206 + + House of the English Nation, 22 + + Hunter, Rev. Joseph, 223 + + + Illuminators, 95, 113, 134 + + Image of Pity, printed by Caxton, 322, 324 + + Indenture of Apprentice, 5 + + Infancia Salvatoris, printed by Caxton, 207 + + Initials, 42, 135 + + Ink for Printing, 95 + + + Jackson on Wood Engraving, 137 + + James, John, Typefounder, 109 + + Jason, English Edition by Caxton, 187; + French Edition, 56, 60, 63, 172, 178 + + Jason, Derivation of Name, 15 + + Jean de Bruges, 36 + + Jersey, Earl of, 306 + + Jerusalem, Conquest of, or the History of Godfrey of Boloyne, + printed + by Caxton, 252 + + Joan of Arc, 195 + + John, Duke of Berry, 34 + + John II, King of France, 33 + + John Stubbes, 28 + + Jones, J. Winter, 182, 187, 215 + + “Justification”: a Printer’s term, 44 + + + Karlemaine, 307 + + Katherine, Saint, the Life of, printed by Caxton, 365 + + Kendal, John, Letters of Indulgence issued by, printed by Caxton, + 222, 223 + + Kentish Dialect, 2 + + Kynge Apolyn of Thyre, 70 + + King Edward VI Grammar School, St. Alban’s, 243 + + Knight of the Tower, the, Book to the ensaygnement and teaching of + his Daughters, printed by Caxton, 40, 81, 273 + + Knight Paris, the, and the Fair Vienne, printed by Caxton, 308 + + Könnecke, Dr. G., 271 + + + Lambert, John, 150 + + Large, Alice, 11; + Elizabeth, 9, 11; + Jone, 161; + Johanna, 9-11; + Marries John Godnay, 11; + John, 5, 9, 148; + Richard, 9; + Robert, 147; + a Mercer, 8; + Sheriff and Lord Mayor, 8; + Warden, 9; + House in the Old Jewry, Account by Stow, 9; + Family, 9; + Death and Will, 9; + Widow, 10 + + Large, Robert, his Will, 153-158; + the younger, 5, 11; + Thomas, 9, 11 + + Latour-Landry, 274 + + Laurent, Frere, 324 + + Le Recueil des Histoires de Troye (_see_ Recueil), 25 + + Leeu Gerard, 188, 309 + + Lefevre, Raoul, 188 + + Legenda Aurea, 282 + + Legends, Bequest from Caxton, 162 + + Legh-Gerard, 188 + + Legh, Stephen, M.P., 140 + + Legh, W. J., Esq., 368 + + Legrand, Jacques, 316 + + Leper Houses, Bequest to, by Large, 10 + + Letter to Caxton from Mercers, 23 + + Letters of Indulgence from Johannes de Giglis, printed by Caxton, + 254 + + Letters of Indulgence issued by John Kendal in 1481, printed by + Caxton, 222 + + Lettou, 94 + + Lewis, Rev. John, 91, 217 + + Life of Christ, 318 + + Life of Saint Katherine, The, 365 + + Life, The, and Miracles of Robert, Earl of Oxford, 369 + + Life, The, of the Holy Blessed Virgin, Saint Winifred, printed by + Caxton, 301 + + Life, The, of the Noble and Christian Prince, Charles the Great, + printed by Caxton, 306 + + Lilly, Mr., 339 + + Lincoln Cathedral, 285 + + Livre de Sapience, 326 + + Livre des bonnes Mœurs, le, 316 + + Livre des Vices et des Vertus, 323 + + Livre Royal, le, 323 + + Louis de Bruges, 35 + + Louis of Anjou, 34 + + Louvre Library, 33 + + Low Countries, 20 + + Lucidary, The, 370 + + Lydgate, John, 172, 206, 211, 262, 299, 341, 354 + + Lyf of our Lady, printed by Caxton, 299 + + Lyndewode’s Constitutiones, 370 + + + Machlinia, 45, 339 + + Madden, Sir F., 223 + + Maittaire, 217 + + Mallet, Gilles, 33 + + Malory, Sir Thomas, 305 + + Manipulus Curatorum, 326 + + Mansion Colard, 36, 38, 39, 42, 43, 45, 49, 51, 54, 63, 67, 109, + 179, + 214, 253, 355 + + Mansion Colard, a Skilful Caligrapher, begins to Print, 68; + his Connection with Caxton, 54; + Dean of the Guild of St. John, 50; + Place of Residence and Workshop, 51; + Opinion by Bernard, 62; + Peculiarity of his Printing, 52-54; + the first Printer at Bruges, 49 + + Mansion, Paul and Robert, 51 + + Marchand, Guy, 355 + + Margaret (of Flanders), 34 + + Margaret, Queen, 284 + + Margaret’s, St., Westminster, Records, 4, 31, 77-79, 85, 163 + + Margarita Eloquentiæ, Fratris Laurentii Gulielmi de Saona, printed + by + Caxton, 218 + + Mariæ Virginis Servitium de Visitatione, printed by Caxton, 267 + + Marot, Jean, 337 + + Marshall, J., 151 + + Marten, Walter, 86 + + Marte Townes, Apprentices sent to the, 14 + + Martin, St. Otewich, 75 + + Maskell, Mr., 322, 332 + + Maydestone, Clement, 320 + + Maynyal, W., 140, 367 + + Medicina Stomachi, printed by Caxton, 340, 341 + + Meditacions sur les Sept Pseaulmes Penitenciaulx, printed by Caxton, + 179 + + Mercer’s Company, 5, 8, 16, 28, 75, 76, 145 + + Merchant Adventurers, their Institution, Object, and Charters, + 15-19, + 21, 24 + + Metamorphoses of Ovid, 51 + + Meun, Jean le, 336 + + Middleton, Dr., 321 + + Mielot, Jean, 187, 232 + + Mirkus, John, 264 + + Mirrour of the World, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 226; + 2nd Edition, 234 + + Missale ad Usum Sarum, printed for Caxton, 366 + + Montaiglon, M., 276 + + Moral Distichs, printed by Caxton, 199 + + Moral Proverbs, printed by Caxton, 194 + + Mores, Rowe, 109 + + Moule, Bib. Herald, 290 + + Mountfort, Symoni, 222 + + Moxon, Joseph, 105, 109 + + + National Library, Paris, 355 + + Neche, Thomas, 10, 148 + + Nichols, J. G., 76 + + Noblesse, Declamation of, 230 + + North, Mr., 220 + + Nouns, Substantive, and Verbs, The proper application of certain, + printed by Caxton, 205, 206 + + Nugent, Dr., 321 + + Nyche, Thomas, 147 + + + Obray, William, Governor of the English Merchants, 19, 21 + + Old Age, Tully of, 330 + + Oldys, 228 + + Onkmanton, Henry, 10, 148 + + Order of Chivalry, The, printed by Caxton, 289 + + Orford, Lord, 217 + + Orologium Sapientiæ, 351 + + Osborne, 208 + + Ottley, 128, 135 + + Ovid, Metamorphoses of, 90, 368 + + Oxford, Robert, Earl of, 208, 369 + + + Palmer, Samuel, 109 + + Paper, its Value, 102; + its Watermarks, 98; + Large-Paper Copies, 97; + Paper Mill, 96; + the kind used by Caxton, 97 + + Paris, M., 172, 214 + + Parker, Archbishop, 105, 220 + + Pannartz, 84 + + Pannizzi Sir Anthony, 106 + + Pegge Dr., 3 + + Pembroke College, Cambridge, 273 + + Pepysian, 235, 342, 350, 368, 369 + + Perkin Warbeck, 223 + + Perrot, Thomas, 27 + + Peterborough, Earl of, 253 + + Petrus Carmelianus, Sex Epistolæ, printed by Caxton, 268 + + Petzholdt, Dr. Julius, 271 + + Philadelphia, Loganian Library, 285 + + Pica Sarum, seu Directorium, printed by Caxton, 241 + + Pica, type of printers, 240 + + Pilgrimage of the Soul, The, printed by Caxton, 259 + + Pins, Jean de, 310 + + Pisan, Christine de, 336 + + Poge, the Florentine, the Fables of, printed by Caxton, 287 + + Polycronicon, printed by Caxton, 65, 89, 256 + + Portraits of Caxton, 90 + + Pratt, William, 17, 75, 81, 316 + + Prayers, Death-bed, printed by Caxton, 285 + + Premierfait, Laurence de, 231 + + Preste, Simon, 24 + + Psalter, the First, 44 + + Psalterium, &c., printed by Caxton, 243 + + Purgatoire des mauvais Maris, 63 + + Pye, The, a Tenement, 75 + + Pye, a collection of rules, 240 + + Pykering, John, 151; + Successor to Caxton as Governor of the English Nation, 21; + summoned before the Court of the Mercers, and discharged from his + office, 21 + + Pynson, Richard, 94, 295 + + + Quadrilogue, Le, by Colard Mansion, 67, 179 + + Quaternion, Meaning of, 132, 168 + + Quatre derrennieres Choses, 56, 61, 63, 64, 67, 68, 185, 330 + + Queen’s College, Oxford, 273 + + Quinternion, Meaning of, 168 + + Rawlett’s Library, Tamworth, 284 + + + Recto, Meaning of, 168 + + Recueil, Le, des Histories de Troye, 25, 60, 63, 65, 68, 171 + + Recuyell, The, of the Histories of Troye, 26-28, 31, 41, 56-60, 63, + 68, 104 + + Redeknape, Esmond, 17 + + Redeknape, W., 17, 19, 151 + + Red-Pale, The, 75, 80 + + Red Ink, Curious use of, by Caxton and Mansion, 185 + + Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum, 341 + + Reglets, 123 + + Reinaert die Vos, die Historie Van, 230 + + Revelations of Saint Elizabeth of Hungary, 365 + + Reynard the Fox, History of, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 229; + 2nd Edition, 341 + + Rhodes, The Siege of, 223, 366 + + Richard III, 80, 198, 290 + + Richmond, Margaret, Countess of, 80 + + Ripon Minster, 215, 263 + + Ripoli Press, 102, 106 + + Ritson, 201; + Bib. Poet, 205 + + Rivers, Anthoine, Earl of, 24, 28, 80, 217; + translated the Dictes, 189 + + Robert, Monk of Shrewsbury, 302 + + Rock, Canon, D.D., 240 + + Roger, Monk of St. Werberg, 257 + + Roman Types, 43 + + Romans, Les, de la Table Ronde et les Contes des anciens Bretons, + 305 + + Romuleon, written by Colard Mansion, 50 + + Rood of Oxford, 265 + + Rotherham, Bishop, 242 + + Roxburgh Club, 207, 210 + + Royal Book, the, or Book for a King, printed by Caxton, 322, 368 + + Roye, Guy de, 326 + + Rubrisher, The, 135 + + Rule of St. Benet, The, printed by Caxton, 350, 351, 355 + + Russell, John, Bishop of Lincoln, 24, 197, 228; + his “Propositio,” printed by Caxton, 196 + + Ryolle, William, 86 + + + Sacerdotum Directorium, printed by Caxton, 345 + + Salisbury Missal, 367 + + Salve Regina, printed by Caxton, 199 + + Saona, Fratris Laurentii Gulielmi de, Margarita Eloquentiæ, printed + by Caxton, 218, 220 + + Scala Cœli, 326 + + Scales, Lord, 24, 197 + + Scriptorium of Westminster Abbey, 74 + + Scrivers, 134 + + Scroope, Archbishop, 321 + + Selle, John, 16 + + Seven Points, The, of True Love and Everlasting Wisdom, or Orologium + Sapientiæ, printed by Caxton, 350 + + Sermons, Four, printed by Caxton, 265, 358 + + Sermons of Vitriaco, The, 326 + + Servitium de Transfiguratione Jhesu Christi, printed by Caxton, 330 + + Servitium de Visitatione B. Mariæ Virginis, printed by Caxton, 267, + 331 + + Sex perelegantissimæ Epistolæ per Petrum Carmelianum Emendatæ, + printed by Caxton, 268 + + Shakspere, W., 172, 298 + + Shrewsbury, John Talbot, Earl of, 336 + + Siege of Rhodes, 220, 366 + + Signatures, 41, 42 + + Sixtus IV, Pope, 197, 220 + + Skogan, John, Envoy of Chaucer to, printed by Caxton, 211 + + Sloane, Sir Hans, 310 + + Sluis, The Port of, Bruges, 26 + + Smithfield, Jousts in, 12 + + Smith, John, 109 + + Somerset, Margaret, Duchess of, 343 + + Somme de Roi, La; or, La Somme des Vices et des Vertus, 323 + + Sophologium, 316 + + Sotheby, S. Leigh, 102 + + Soushavie, or Souabe, Jehan, 351 + + Southey, Robert, 305 + + Spacing, 44 + + Speculum Historiale, 307 + + Speculum Vitæ Christi, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 316; + 2nd Edition, 328 + + St. Alban’s, the Printer Schoolmaster of, 45, 219; + Grammar School, 215, 241, 242; + St. Alban’s Chronicle, 248 + + St. Benet’s Chapel, Westminster, 214 + + St. James of Compostella, 189 + + St. John’s College, Cambridge, 349 + + St. John’s College, Oxford, 225, 248, 347 + + St. John’s Hospital of Jerusalem, 174 + + St. John the Evangelist, Guild of, 37 + + St. Martin’s Otewich, 152 + + St. Olave, Old Jewry, 10 + + St. Omer, Proposed Convention at, 23 + + Stans Puer ad Mensam, printed by Caxton, 66, 199 + + Stanzas, various, printed by Caxton, 205 + + Star Chamber Decree, 105 + + Statutes of Henry VII, printed by Caxton, 339 + + Staunton, Thos., 147 + + Steel Yard, 22, 78, 192 + + Steevens, G., 172 + + Stomachi Medicina, printed by Caxton, 340 + + Stow, John G., 250 + + Stower, C., 109 + + Streete, Randolph, 10, 147, 148 + + Strete, Hundred of, 10 + + Stubbes, John, 31, 149 + + Styles, Old and New, in the Year, 56 + + Suso, Henry de, 351 + + Sutton, John, 19 + + Surigo, Stephen, 214 + + Surse, Pistoie, 232 + + Sweynheim and Pannartz, 43, 84 + + + Tate, John, 103, 151 + + Temple of Brass, The, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 208; + 2nd Edition, 211 + + Terms, Explanation of, 168 + + Ternion, Meaning of, 132, 168 + + Thomassy, Raimond, 195 + + Thorney, Roger, 253 + + Timperley, C. H., 109 + + Title Pages, 45 + + Tractatus de ymagine mundi, 228 + + Trade Marks of Printers, 76 + + Trades, List of, in the Guild of St. John the Evangelist, 37 + + Trading Guilds, 17 + + Treatise of Love, A, printed by Caxton, 258 + + Treatise on Hunting and Hawking, 338 + + Treaty of Trade, Commission for Renewal of, 22 + + Tree of Battailes, 337 + + Treveris, Peter, 94 + + Troilus and Creside by Shakspere, 172 + + Trojan War, 172 + + Troy, Siege of, 172 + + Trinity College, Cambridge, 347 + + Trinity College, Dublin, 222 + + Troylus and Creside, printed by Caxton, 297 + + Tully of Old Age; Tully of Friendship; The Declamation of Noblesse, + printed by Caxton, 230 + + Turnat, Richard, 10 + + Twelve Profits of Tribulation, The, printed by Caxton, 350 + + Tympans, 130 + + Typefounding, 104 + + Type, No. 1, Books printed in, described, 169-182 + + Type, No. 2, 64, 112 + + Type, No. 3, 114, 115 + + Type, No. 5, 118 + + Type, No. 6, 119 + + Types, 43, 104, 109 + + + Upsala, University Library, 221 + + Utrecht, Old Records, 25 + + + Vaghan, Thomas, 197 + + Valerius, Maximus, 50 + + Van Praet, M., 37, 50, 51, 179 + + Vegetius, De re militari, 336 + + Vellum used for Caxton’s books, 103 + + Vento, Jeronimo, 160 + + Vérard, Antoine, 338, 355 + + Verso, meaning of, 168 + + Vienna, Imperial Library 235, 253, 295 + + Vignay, Jehan de, 174, 283 + + Vignoles, Bernard de, 223 + + Vins d’honneur, 27 + + Vitæ Patrum, 85 + + Vocabulary in French and English, printed by Caxton, 262 + + + Wagstaffe, Bishop, 321 + + Walbrook, Watercourse of, 10 + + Walpole, Horace, 196 + + Warde, John, 150 + + Warwick, Earl of, 23, 27, 80 + + Watermarks in Caxton’s books, 98 + + Watson, James, 109 + + Weald of Kent, 1 + + Westminster, 70; + Abbots of, 74; + Wool-staple at, 77 + + Whitehill, Sir Richard, 22 + + Whetyngton, Quit Rents, 152 + + Wideville, Richard, 161 + + Wilson, Joshua, Esq., 331 + + Winchester, Earl of, 35 + + Windsor, Royal Library, 289 + + Winifred, Life of Saint, printed by Caxton, 301 + + Wright, Thomas, Mr., 305 + + Wool-staple at Westminster, 77 + + Worde, Wynken de, 45, 75, 94; + His blunders, 64, 66; + Various ways he spelt his name, 66 + + Wyche, Hewe, 28, 31, 149 + + Wyche, Richard, burnt, 12 + + + Year. Old and new style of reckoning in England and Flanders, 56 + + York, Cathedral Library, 207, 210 + + + Zanetti, 102 + + Zel Ulric, 44, 62, 63 + + + + +Transcriber’s Notes + + + • Italics represented with surrounding _underscores_. + + • Small caps converted to ALL CAPS. + + • Blackletter (old style printing) represented with surrounding + ~tildes~. + + • Superscripts not available in Unicode represented with a caret and + braces if more than one character: Rob^{t.} + + • Subscripts not available in Unicode represented with an underscore + and braces: Rob_{t.} + + • The superscripted signatures described on p. 168 are not + superscripted in this text version. So, for example, 4^{ns} is + presented as 4ns throughout. + + • The initial character of every chapter is an ornate illustrated + letter. No attempt to represent these is made in the text or + electronic book versions but is reproduced fully in the HTML version. + + • Obvious typographic errors silently corrected. No corrections made + to any representation of original texts. + + • Variations in hyphenation and spelling kept as in the original. + + • Illustrations moved close to the relevant content. + + • Footnotes numbered consecutively and moved to the end of their + respective chapters. + + • p. 47 - The word “edition” in the table has been shortened to “ed.” + + + + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78654 *** |