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diff --git a/78599-h/78599-h.htm b/78599-h/78599-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9faf6c2 --- /dev/null +++ b/78599-h/78599-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,3740 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html> +<html lang="en"> +<head> + <meta charset="UTF-8"> + <meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1"> + <meta name="format-detection" content="telephone=no,date=no,address=no,email=no,url=no"> + <title> + The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290 | Project Gutenberg + </title> + <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.png" type="image/x-cover"> + <style> + +body { + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + +h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; +} + +p { + margin-top: .5em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .5em; +} + +.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} + +hr { + width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: 33.5%; + margin-right: 33.5%; + clear: both; +} + +hr.tb {width: 45%; margin-left: 27.5%; margin-right: 27.5%;} +hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} +@media print { hr.chap {display: none; visibility: hidden;} } + +hr.r5 {width: 5%; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 47.5%; margin-right: 47.5%;} + +div.chapter {page-break-before: always;} +h2.nobreak {page-break-before: avoid;} + +table { + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; +} + +.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: small; + text-align: right; + font-style: normal; + font-weight: normal; + font-variant: normal; + text-indent: 0; +} /* page numbers */ + +blockquote { + margin-top: 0; + margin-bottom: 0; + margin-left: 5%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + +.center {text-align: center; text-indent: 0;} + +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + +.allsmcap {font-variant: small-caps; text-transform: lowercase;} + +figcaption {font-weight: bold;} +figcaption p {margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: .2em; text-align: inherit;} + +/* Images */ + +img { + max-width: 100%; + height: auto; +} + +/* Footnotes */ +.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + +.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + +.fnanchor { + vertical-align: super; + font-size: .8em; + text-decoration: + none; +} + +/* Poetry */ +/* uncomment the next line for centered poetry */ +/* .poetry-container {display: flex; justify-content: center;} */ +.poetry-container {text-align: center;} +.poetry {text-align: left; margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%;} +.poetry .stanza {margin: 1em auto;} +.poetry .verse {text-indent: -3em; padding-left: 3em;} + +/* Transcriber's notes */ +.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; + color: black; + font-size:small; + padding:0.5em; + margin-bottom:5em; + font-family:sans-serif, serif; +} + + +/* indent paragraphs */ +p { text-indent: 1em; } +p.noindent { text-indent: 0; } + +/* de-emphasize page numbers */ +.pagenum { color: #bbbbbb; } + +/* TN styling */ +.transnote { + background-color: inherit; + border: 1px dashed #bbbbbb; + margin-top: 3em; + page-break-before: always; +} + +/* don't visibly style abbr */ +abbr { text-decoration: none; } +/* abbrs that should be read letter-by-letter */ +abbr.spell { speak: spell-out; } + +/* "gray bar" blockquotes */ +blockquote { + border-left: .15em solid #c8c8c8; + padding-left: .7em; + margin-left: 4%; + margin-right: 8%; +} + +/* don't wrap; better than invisible word joiner char? */ +.nowrap { white-space: nowrap; } + +/* Poetry indents */ +.poetry .indent0 {text-indent: -3.0em;} + +/* title page sizing */ +.tp-l { font-size: 115%; } +.tp-xl { font-size: 150%; } + +/* for a footnote poetry attribution */ +.attribution1 { padding-left: 10em; } + +/* remove italic styling, e.g. on a <cite> */ +.nonitalic { font-style: normal; } + + </style> +</head> + +<body> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78599 ***</div> + + + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</span></p> + +<p class="center tp-xl"><b>Arnold Prize Essay, 1894.</b></p> + +<h1 class="p2"> +THE EXPULSION OF THE<br> +JEWS FROM ENGLAND IN 1290 +</h1> + +<p class="center p2">BY</p> + +<p class="center tp-xl">B. L. ABRAHAMS</p> + +<p class="center"><i>Formerly Scholar of Balliol College.</i></p> + +<p class="center p2 tp-l"><b>Oxford</b><br> +B. H. BLACKWELL 50 <span class="allsmcap">AND</span> 51, BROAD STREET</p> + +<p class="center tp-l"><b>London</b><br> +SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, HAMILTON, KENT & <abbr title="Company">CO.</abbr></p> + +<hr class="r5"> + +<p class="center"><abbr title="1895">M DCCC XCV</abbr></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</span></p> + +<p class="center allsmcap p2">LONDON:<br> +PRINTED BY WERTHEIMER, LEA & <abbr title="Company">CO.</abbr><br> +CIRCUS PLACE, LONDON WALL.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</span></p> + +<p class="noindent"> +<span class="smcap">This Essay</span>, to which the Arnold Prize in the University +of Oxford was awarded in 1894, has appeared in the +<cite>Jewish Quarterly Review</cite> for October, 1894, and January +and April, 1895. I am indebted to the Editors of the +<cite>Review</cite> for permission to republish it.</p> + +<p>I wish to express my obligations to <cite>Bibliotheca Anglo-Judaica: +a Bibliographical Guide to Anglo-Jewish History</cite>, +compiled by <abbr title="Misters">Messrs.</abbr> <span class="smcap">Joseph Jacobs</span> and <span class="smcap">Lucien Wolf</span>, +and to <cite>The Jews of Angevin England</cite>, by <abbr>Mr.</abbr> <span class="smcap">Joseph +Jacobs</span>. Nearly all the passages bearing on Anglo-Jewish +history, down to 1206, are contained in the latter book, +and many of the references in the earlier part of my essay +might have been made to its pages. I thought it better, +however, to refer direct to the original authorities, and +have, as a rule, mentioned <abbr>Mr.</abbr> Jacobs’ book only when +using passages in it which have been nowhere else printed.</p> + +<p>Some articles which I have contributed to <abbr>Mr.</abbr> <span class="smcap">R. H. I. +Palgrave’s</span> <cite>Dictionary of Political Economy</cite>, to the First +Volume of the <cite>Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society +of England</cite>, and to the <cite>Jewish Chronicle</cite> for April <abbr>26th</abbr>, +1895, contain information bearing on the subject of this +Essay. +</p> +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a><a id="Page_5"></a>[Pg 5]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + <h2 class="nobreak" id="THE_EXPULSION_OF_THE_JEWS_FROM"> + THE EXPULSION OF THE JEWS FROM + ENGLAND IN 1290. + </h2> + + +<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> expulsion of the Jews from England by Edward <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr> is +a measure concerning the causes of which no contemporary +historian gives, or pretends to give, any but the most +meagre information. It was passed by the King in his +“secret council,” of the proceedings of which we naturally +know nothing. Of the occasion that suggested it, each +separate writer has his own account, and none has a claim +to higher authority than the rest; and yet there is much +in the circumstances connected with it that calls for explanation. +How was it that, at a time when trade and +the need for capital were growing, the Jews, who were +reputed to be among the great capitalists of Europe, were +expelled from England? How did Edward, a king who +was in debt from the moment he began his reign till the +end, bring himself to give up the revenue that his father +and grandfather had derived from the Jews? How could +he, as an honourable king, drive out subjects who were +protected by a Charter that one of his predecessors had +granted, and another had solemnly confirmed? To answer +these questions we must consider what was the position +that the Jews occupied in England, how it was forced +on them, and how it brought them into antagonism at +various times with the interests of the several orders of +the English people, and with the teachings of the Catholic +Church. We shall thus find the origin of forces strong +enough when they converged to bring about the result +which is to be accounted for.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</span></p> + + +<h3 id="I-The_Jews_from_their_Arrival_to_1190"> + <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>—<span class="smcap">The Jews from their Arrival to 1190.</span> +</h3> + +<p>Among the foreigners who flocked to England at, or +soon after, the Conquest were many families of French +Jews. They brought with them money, but no skill in +any occupation except that of lending it out at interest. +They lent to the King, when the ferm of his counties, or his +feudal dues were late in coming in;⁠<a id="FNanchor_1_1" href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> to the barons, who, +though lands and estates had been showered on them, +nevertheless often found it hard, without doubt, to procure +ready money wherewith to pay for luxuries, or to meet +the expense of military service; and to suitors who had to +follow the King’s Court from one great town to another, +or to plead before the Papal Curia at Rome.⁠<a id="FNanchor_2_2" href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>But though they thus came into contact with many +classes, and had kindly relations with some, they remained +far more alien to the masses of the people around them +than even the Normans, in whose train they had come to +England. Even the Norman baron must, a hundred years +after the Conquest, have become something of an Englishman. +He held an estate, of which the tenants were English; +he presided over a court attended by English suitors. In +battle he led his English retainers. He and the Englishman +worshipped in the same church, and in it the sons of +the two might serve as priests side by side. But the Jews +remained, during the whole time of their sojourn in England, +sharply separated from, at any rate, the common +people around them by peculiarities of speech, habits and +daily life, such as must have aroused dread and hatred in +an ignorant and superstitious age. Their foreign faces +alone would have been enough to mark them out. +Moreover, they generally occupied, not under compulsion, +but of their own choice, a separate quarter of each town +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</span>in which they dwelt.⁠<a id="FNanchor_3_3" href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> And in their isolation they +lived a life unlike that of any other class. None of +them were feudal landowners, none farmers, none villeins, +none members of the guilds. They did not join in +the national Watch and Ward. They alone were forbidden +to keep the mail and hauberk which the rest +of the nation was bound to have at hand to help in preserving +the peace.⁠<a id="FNanchor_4_4" href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> They were not enrolled in the Frank-pledge, +that society that brought neighbours together and +taught them to be interested in the doings of one another +by making them responsible for one another’s honesty. +They did not appear at the Court Leet or the Court Baron, +at the Town-moot or the Shire-moot. They went to no +church on Sundays, they took no sacrament; they showed +no signs of reverence to the crucifix; but, instead, they +went on Friday evening and Saturday morning to a synagogue +of their own, where they read a service in a foreign +tongue, or sang it to strange Oriental melodies. When +they died they were buried in special cemeteries, where +Jews alone were laid.⁠<a id="FNanchor_5_5" href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> At home their very food was +different from that of Christians. They would not eat +of a meal prepared by a Christian cook in a Christian +house. They would not use the same milk, the same wine, +the same meat as their neighbours. For them cattle had +to be killed with special rites; and, what was worse, it +sometimes happened that, some minute detail having been +imperfectly performed, they rejected meat as unfit for +themselves, but considered it good enough to be offered +for sale to their Christian neighbours.⁠<a id="FNanchor_6_6" href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> The presence of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</span>Christian servants and nurses in their households made it +impossible that any of their peculiarities should remain +unobserved or generally unknown.⁠<a id="FNanchor_7_7" href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Thus, living as semi-aliens, growing rich as usurers, and +observing strange customs, they occupied in the twelfth +century a position that was fraught with danger. But, +almost from their first arrival in the country, they had +enjoyed a kind of informal Royal protection,⁠<a id="FNanchor_8_8" href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> though, as +to the nature of their relations with the King during the +first hundred and thirty years of their residence, very +little is known. It was probably less close than it afterwards +became, for the liability to attack and the need for +protection had not yet manifested themselves.</p> + +<p>But, at the end of the eleventh century, there began to +spread throughout Europe a movement which, when it +reached England, converted the vague popular dislike of +the Jews into an active and violent hostility. While +the Norman conquerors were still occupied in settling +down in England, the King organising his realm, +and the barons enjoying, dissipating, or forfeiting their +newly-won estates, popes and priests and monks had been +preaching the Crusade to the other nations of civilised +Europe. At one of the greatest and most imposing of all +the Church Councils that were ever held, where were present +lay nobles and clerics of all nations, attending each as +his own master, and able to act on the impulse of the +moment, Urban <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr>, in 1095, told the tale of the wrong that +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</span>Christians had to suffer at the hands of the enemies of +Christ. He told his hearers how the Eastern people, a +people estranged from God, had laid waste the land of the +Christians with fire and sword; had destroyed churches, +or misused them for their own rites; had circumcised +Christians, poured their blood on altars and fonts, scourged +and impaled men, and dishonoured women.⁠<a id="FNanchor_9_9" href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Such denunciations, +followed by the appeal to all present to help +Jerusalem, which was “ruled by enemies, enslaved by +the godless, and calling aloud to be freed,” excited, +for the first time in Europe, a furious and fanatical +hatred of Eastern and non-Christian races. The Jews +were such a race, as well as the Saracens, and between +the two the Crusaders scarcely distinguished. +Before they left home and fortune to fight God’s enemies +abroad, it was natural that they should kill or convert +those whom they met nearer home. Through all central +Europe, from France to Hungary, the bands that gathered +together to make their way to the Holy Land fell on the +Jews and offered them the choice between the sword and +the font.⁠<a id="FNanchor_10_10" href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The disasters that followed the first Crusade brought +with them an increase in the ferocity of the attacks to +which the Jews of Continental Europe were subjected, and +<abbr title="Saint">S.</abbr> Bernard, when he preached the second Crusade, found +that he had revived a spirit of fanaticism that he was +powerless to quell. He had wished for the reconquest of +the Holy Land as a result that would bring honour +to the Christian religion; but his followers and imitators +thought less of the end than of the bloodshed that was +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</span>to be the means. A monk, “who skilfully imitated the +austerity of religion, but had no immoderate amount of +learning,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_11_11" href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> went through the Rhineland preaching that all +Jews who were found by the Crusaders should be killed +as enemies of the Christian faith. It was in vain that +Bernard appealed to the Christian nations whom his eloquence +had aroused, in the hope that “the zeal of God which +burnt in them would not fail altogether to be tempered +with knowledge.” He himself narrowly escaped attack: +and the Jews suffered from the second Crusade as they had +suffered from the first.⁠<a id="FNanchor_12_12" href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>England was so closely related to the Churches of the +Continent that it could not fail to be affected by the great +movement. But the first Crusade was preached when the +Conquest was still recent, and the Normans had no leisure +to leave their new country; the second, during the last +period of anarchy in the reign of Stephen.</p> + +<p>Thus there were, during the first hundred years after the +Council of Clermont, few English Crusaders. Yet the Crusading +spirit, working in a superstitious mediæval population, +called forth a danger that was destined to be as fatal +to the English Jews as were the massacres to their brethren +on the Continent. The Pope who preached the first Crusade +had told his hearers that Eastern nations were in the +habit of circumcising Christians and using their blood in +such a way as to show their contempt for the Christian +religion. This charge was naturally extended to the Jews +as well. What alterations it underwent in its circulation it +is hard to say; but in 1146, a tale was spread among the +populace of Norwich, and encouraged by the bishop, that +the Jews had killed a boy named William, to use his blood +for the ritual of that most suspicious feast, their Passover. +The story was supported by no evidence more trustworthy +than that of an apostate Jew, which was so worthless that +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</span>the Sheriff refused to allow the Jews to appear in the +Bishop’s Court to answer the charge brought against +them, and took them under his protection. But the +popular suspicion of the Jews lent credibility to the +story, and so terrible a feeling was aroused that many of +the Jews of Norwich dispersed into other lands, and of +those who remained many were killed by the people in +spite of the protection of the Sheriff.⁠<a id="FNanchor_13_13" href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> The accusation once +made naturally recurred, first at Gloucester, in 1168, and +then at Bury <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Edmund’s, in 1181. “The Martyrs” were +regularly buried in the nearest church or religious house, +and the miracles that they all worked would alone have +been enough to continually renew the belief in the terrible +story.⁠<a id="FNanchor_14_14" href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Under the firm reign of Henry <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr>, anti-Jewish feeling +found no further expression in act. The King, like his +predecessors, gave and secured to the Jews special privileges +so great as to arouse the envy of their neighbours. +They were allowed to settle their own disputes in their +own <i>Beth Din</i>, or Ecclesiastical Court, and in so far to enjoy +a privilege that was granted only under strict limitations +to the Christian Church.⁠<a id="FNanchor_15_15" href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> They were placed, apparently, +under the special protection of the royal officers of each +district.⁠<a id="FNanchor_16_16" href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> They lived in safety, and they made considerable +contributions to the Royal Exchequer.</p> + +<p>The death of Henry <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr> and the accession of Richard <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr>, +the first English Crusading King, brought trouble, as +was but natural, to the rich and royally favoured infidels +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</span>of the land where the blood accusation had its birth. +The interregnum between the death of one King and the +proclamation of the “peace” of his successor was always +a time of danger and lawlessness during the first two +centuries after the Conquest, and the growth of the +crusading spirit, and of the popular belief in the truth of +the blood accusation, caused all the forces of disorder to +work in one direction, <abbr>viz.</abbr>, against the Jews. The day of +Richard’s coronation was the first opportunity for a great +exhibition of the anti-Jewish fanaticism of the populace. +The nobles from all parts of the country brought with them +to London large trains of servants and attendants, who were +left to occupy themselves as best they might in the streets, +while their lords were present at the ceremony. The Jews, +who had been refused permission to enter the Abbey, took +up a prominent position outside. Their appearance exasperated +the crowd, and in the mediæval world a crowd +was irresistible. While the service was proceeding, the +Jews were fiercely attacked by the “wild serving men” of +the nobles and the lower orders of citizens. One at least +was compelled to accept baptism to save himself from +death. Later in the same day, when the King and magnates +were banqueting in the palace, the attack on the +Jews was renewed. The strong houses of the Jewry were +besieged and fired, and the inhabitants were massacred. +But soon “avarice got the better of cruelty,” and in spite +of the efforts of the King’s officers the city was given up +to plunder and rapine.⁠<a id="FNanchor_17_17" href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Though the King was bitterly angry at what had happened, +the first attempt at punishment showed him how +powerless he was against the forces hostile to the Jews. +Had the offenders been nobles or prominent citizens, he +could, when the first irresistible disorder had subsided, have +taken vengeance at his leisure. But what could he do +against a collection of serving-men and poor citizens, whom +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</span>no one knew, who had come together and had separated in +one day? When he departed for the Crusades, he left +behind him all the materials for more outbreaks of the same +kind. In the more populous towns Crusaders were continually +gathering together in order to set out for the Holy +Land in company: and they, aided by the lower citizens, +clerics, and poor countrymen, and in some cases by ruined +landholders, fell on and killed the Jews wherever they had +settlements in England, at Norwich, York, Bury <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Edmunds, +Lynn, Lincoln, Colchester, and Stamford.⁠<a id="FNanchor_18_18" href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> Again +the Royal officers were unable to touch the offenders. When +the Chancellor arrived with an army at York, the scene of +the most horrible of all the massacres, he found that the +murderers were Crusaders, who had long embarked for the +Holy Land, peasants and poor townsmen who had retired +from the neighbourhood, and some bankrupt nobles, who +had fled to Scotland. The citizens humbly represented that +they were not responsible for the outrage and were too +weak to prevent it. No punishment was possible except +the infliction of a few fines, and the Chancellor marched +back with his army to London.⁠<a id="FNanchor_19_19" href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>It was clear that the King must strengthen his connection +with the Jews. He could not afford to lose them +or to leave them continually liable to plunder. They were +too rich. In 1187, when Henry <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr> had wanted to raise a +great sum from all his people he had got nearly as much +from the Jews as from his Christian subjects. From the +former he got a fourth of their property, £60,000, from the +latter a tenth, or £70,000.⁠<a id="FNanchor_20_20" href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> It is of course improbable +that, as these figures would at first seem to show, the +Jews held a quarter of the wealth of the kingdom, but +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</span>they were as useful to the King as if they had. He had +a far greater power over their resources than over those +of his other subjects; their wealth was in moveable property, +and what was still more important, it was concentrated +in few hands. It was easily found and easily +taken away.⁠<a id="FNanchor_21_21" href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>⁠</p> +</div> + +<div> +<h3 id="II-The_Constitution_of_the_Jewry"> + <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>—<span class="smcap">The Constitution of the Jewry.</span> +</h3> + +<p>Richard’s policy, or his councillors’, was simple. On the +one hand, in order to encourage rich Jews to continue to +make England their home, he issued a charter of protection, +in which he guaranteed to certain Jews,⁠<a id="FNanchor_22_22" href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> and perhaps to +all who were wealthy, the privileges that they had +enjoyed under his father and great-grandfather. They +were to hold land as they had hitherto done; their +heirs were to succeed to their money debts; they +were to be allowed to go wherever they pleased +throughout the country, and to be free of all tolls and +dues. On the other hand he asserted and enforced his +rights over them and their property by organising a complete +supervision of all their business transactions. In 1194 +he issued a code of regulations, in which he ordered that +a register of all that belonged to them should be kept for +the information of the treasury. All their deeds were to +be executed in one of the six or seven places where +there were establishments of Jewish and Christian clerks +especially appointed to witness them; they were to be +entered on an official list, and a half of each was to be +deposited in a public chest under the control of royal +officers.⁠<a id="FNanchor_23_23" href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> No Jew was to plead before any court but that +of the King’s officers, and special Justices were appointed +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</span>to hear cases in which Jews were concerned, and to +exercise a general control over their business.⁠<a id="FNanchor_24_24" href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>These arrangements underwent various modifications +under Richard’s successors. The privileges which had at +first been granted to certain Jews by name were extended +by John to the whole community⁠<a id="FNanchor_25_25" href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>⁠; and the royal hold +over them was tightened by an edict, issued in 1219, which +ordered the Wardens of the Cinque Ports to prevent any +Jews who lived in England from leaving the country.⁠<a id="FNanchor_26_26" href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>This elaborate constitution did not indeed afford complete +security against a repetition of the massacres of 1189 +and 1190, but its existence was a more solemn and official +recognition than had been given before of the fact that +the King was the sole lord and protector of the Jews, and +that he would regard an injury done to them as an injury +to himself. And thus it went far to secure to him +his revenue and to them their safety. From this +time forward, the Jews yielded to the king, not +simply irregular contributions, such as the £60,000 they +had paid to Henry <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr>, and the sums they had paid to Longchamp +towards the expenses of Richard’s Crusade,⁠<a id="FNanchor_27_27" href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> but a +steady and regular income. They paid tallages, heavy +reliefs on succeeding to property, and a besant in the +pound, or ten per cent., on their loan transactions; they +were liable to escheats, confiscation of land and debts, and +fines and amercements of all kinds.⁠<a id="FNanchor_28_28" href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Their average annual +contribution to the Treasury, during the latter part of the +twelfth century, was probably about a twelfth of the whole +Royal revenue,⁠<a id="FNanchor_29_29" href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> and of the greater part of what they owed +the realisation was nearly certain. Other debtors might +find in delay, or resistance, or legal formalities, a way of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</span>avoiding payment. But the King had the Jews in his own +hands. He could order the sheriffs of the county to distrain +on defaulters, and there was no one between the sheriffs +and the Jews.⁠<a id="FNanchor_30_30" href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> He could despoil them of lands and debts. +He could imprison them in the royal castles. In the reign +of John, all the Jews and Jewesses of England were thrown +into prison by his command, and are said to have been +reduced to such poverty that they begged from door to +door, and prowled about the city like dogs.⁠<a id="FNanchor_31_31" href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> The only +way they had of removing any of their property from his +reach was by burying it. Whereupon the King, if he +suspected that a Jew had more treasure than was apparent, +might order him to have a tooth drawn every day until +he paid enough to purchase pardon.⁠<a id="FNanchor_32_32" href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Powerless as the Jews were against royal oppression in +England, the position that was offered to them by Richard +and John was no worse than that of their co-religionists +in other countries of Europe. Those of Germany were the +Emperor’s <i lang="de">Kammerknechte</i>;⁠<a id="FNanchor_33_33" href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> those of France had been +expelled in 1182, and though they were soon recalled, might +at any time be expelled again.⁠<a id="FNanchor_34_34" href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> A Jew in a feudalised +country was liable to be the subject of quarrel between the +lord on whose estate he dwelt and the king of the country, +and he could be handed about, now to the one and now to +the other.⁠<a id="FNanchor_35_35" href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> The right to live and to be under jurisdiction, was +everywhere still a local privilege that had to be enjoyed by +the permission of a lord, lay or clerical, and had to be paid for. +In England, the Jews, so long as they were protected by +the King, were at any rate under the greatest lord in +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</span>the land. The towns where especially they wished to +settle for the purposes of their business, were, thanks to +the policy of William the Conqueror, mostly on the royal +domain. And the royal power acting through its local +officers was used to the full to protect the Jews. The +sheriffs of the counties were especially charged to secure +to them personal safety and the enjoyment of the immunities +that had been granted to them.⁠<a id="FNanchor_36_36" href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The arrangement by which Jewish money-lenders +received on English soil the protection of the King against +his own subjects was not very honourable to either of the +parties. But the King had no compunction, and the Jews +had no choice. It could endure so long as the royal power +was strong enough to override the objections of barons and +abbots to a measure in favour of their creditors, of the +towns to an encroachment on their privileges, and of the +Church to the royal support of a body of infidel usurers.</p> + +<p>At the end of the twelfth century neither towns nor +landholders nor Church were in a position to offer any +effectual protest. In the thirteenth century the strength +of the opposition of each of these three orders grew steadily. +But in each it pursued a separate course, though to the +same end, and each order struck its decisive blow at a +different moment. Hence the various forms of opposition +must be separately considered.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<h3 id="III-The_Conflict_with_the_Towns"> + <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>—<span class="smcap">The Conflict with the Towns.</span> +</h3> + +<p>The towns were the first to carry out a practical and +effective anti-Jewish policy. It was they that suffered +most keenly and constantly from the presence of the +Jews. They had bought, at great expense, from King or +noble or abbot, the right to be independent, self-governing +communities, living under the jurisdiction of their own +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</span>officers, free from the visits of the royal sheriffs, and paying +a fixed sum in commutation of all dues to the King or the +local lord; and yet many of them saw the King protecting +in their midst a band of foreigners, who had the royal permission +to go whithersoever they pleased, who could dwell +among the burgesses, and were yet free not only from all +customs and dues and contribution to the ferm,⁠<a id="FNanchor_37_37" href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> but even +from the jurisdiction of those authorities which were responsible +for peace and good government.⁠<a id="FNanchor_38_38" href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> This was exasperating +enough; but there was more and worse. The exclusion +of the sheriff and the King’s constables was one of the +most cherished privileges of towns, but, wherever the +Jews had once taken up their residence, it was in danger +of being a mere pretence. At Colchester, if a Jew was +unable to recover his debts, he could call in the King’s +sheriffs to help him. In London, Jews were “warrantised” +from the exchequer, and the constable of the Tower had +a special jurisdiction by which he kept the pleas between +Jews and Christians. At Nottingham, complaints against +Jews, even in cases of petty assaults, were heard before +the keeper of the Castle. At Oxford the constable called +in question the Chancellor’s authority over the Jews; +contending that they did not form part of the ordinary +town-community.⁠<a id="FNanchor_39_39" href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> Moreover, the debts of the Jews were +continually falling into the King’s hands, and whenever +this happened, his officers would no doubt penetrate into +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</span>the town to make on behalf of the royal treasury a +collection such as had never been contemplated when the +burgesses made their agreement, which was to settle once +and for all their payment to the King.⁠<a id="FNanchor_40_40" href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>In some of the towns the feeling against the Jews was +expressed in riots as early as the reign of John, and the +beginning of that of Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr> But the King in each +case took stern measures of repression. John told the +mayor and barons of London that he should require the +blood of the Jews at their hands if any ill befell them.⁠<a id="FNanchor_41_41" href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> +In Gloucester and in Hereford, the burgesses of the town +were made responsible for the safety of the Jews dwelling +amongst them. In Worcester, York, Lincoln, Stamford, +Bristol, Northampton, and Winchester, the sheriffs were +charged with the duty of protecting them against injury.⁠<a id="FNanchor_42_42" href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> +Such measures only increased the ill-feeling of the +burgesses. At Norwich in 1234 the Jewry was fired and +looted.⁠<a id="FNanchor_43_43" href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> The Jews were maltreated and beaten, and were +only saved from further harm by the timely help of the +garrison of the neighbouring castle. At Oxford the +scholars attacked the Jewry and carried off “innumerable +goods.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_44_44" href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>But the towns soon began to use a far more effective +method than rioting in order to rid themselves of the +Jews. Just as they had found it worth while to pay +heavily for their municipal charters, so now they were +willing to pay more for a measure which would secure +them in the future against a drain on their revenues and +a violation of their privileges. Whether a town held its +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</span>charter from the King, or was still dependent on an intermediate +lord, the motive was equally strong. An abbot +or a baron would be glad to second the efforts made by +the inhabitants of one of his vills to expel a portion of +the populace which took much from the resources whence +his revenue came and added nothing to them.⁠<a id="FNanchor_45_45" href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> The abbot +of Bury <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Edmund’s induced the King to expel the Jews +from the town in 1190.⁠<a id="FNanchor_46_46" href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> The burgesses of Leicester +obtained a similar grant from Simon de Montfort in 1231, +those of Newcastle in 1234, of Wycombe in 1235, of Southampton +in 1236, of Berkhampsted in 1242, of Newbury in +1244, of Derby in 1263; at Norwich the citizens complained +to the King, but without any result, of the harm that they +suffered through the growth of the Jewish community +settled in the city.⁠<a id="FNanchor_47_47" href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> In 1245 a decree in general terms was +issued by Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr>, prohibiting all Jews, except those to +whom the King had granted a special personal license, from +remaining in any town other than those in which their co-religionists +had hitherto been accustomed to live.⁠<a id="FNanchor_48_48" href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> This +series of measures did not simply deprive the Jews in +England of a right which had been solemnly granted them +and which they had long enjoyed. It went much further. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</span>For, by circumscribing the area in which they could carry +on their business, and so diminishing their opportunities +of acquiring wealth, it threatened their very existence in a +land where their wealth alone secured them protection.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<h3 id="IV-The_Conflict_with_the_Barons"> + <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr>—<span class="smcap">The Conflict with the Barons.</span> +</h3> + +<p>At the same time that the towns were making their +attack on the Jews in their own way, there was growing +up within the baronial order a new party, stronger than +the towns in the elements of which it was composed and +in its capacity for joint action, and filled, on account of the +private circumstances of its members, with a deeper +hatred of the Jews than the greater barons, who had +hitherto represented the order, had ever known. For the +old Baronial party which had forced Magna Carta on +John was too rich to be seriously indebted to the Jews, and +the anti-Jewish feeling of its members must have been +blunted by the fact that, when they had to pay their debts, +they could raise the money by benevolences levied on their +tenants.⁠<a id="FNanchor_49_49" href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> Moreover some of them imitated on their own +estates the King’s policy of sharing in the profits of +usury.⁠<a id="FNanchor_50_50" href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> Hence they were little influenced by personal +grievances, and it was no doubt partly from political considerations, +and partly as a concession to the lesser and +poorer members of their order, that they had introduced +into Magna Carta certain limitations of the power of the +Jews, or of their legatee, the King, over the estates of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</span>debtors, a measure which, small as it was, was repealed on +the re-issues of the charters, when, during the minority of +Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr>, the great Barons had to undertake the duty +of Government. And yet even the great Barons must have +felt, after twenty years’ experience of the personal Government +of Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr>, that an alteration in the Royal system of +managing the Jewry was necessary if their order was ever +to succeed in the constitutional struggle in which it was +engaged. They knew that many of those among the King’s +acts which they hated worst would have been impossible +but for the Jews. It was by money extorted from them +that he had been enabled to prolong his expeditions in +Brittany and Gascony, to support and enrich his foreign +favourites, and to baffle the attempts of the Council to +secure, by the refusal of supplies, the restoration of Government +through the customary officers. In 1230, and again in +1239, he took from them a third of their property; in 1244, +he levied a tallage of 60,000 marks; in 1250, 1252, 1254, +and 1255 he ordered the royal officers to take from them +all that they could exact, after thorough inquisition and the +employment of measures of compulsion so cruel as to make +the whole body of Jews in England ask twice, though +each time in vain, for permission to leave the country. +Thus the whole Baronial order was for a time united, on +the ground of constitutional grievances, in a policy which +found its expression in the successful attempt of the +National Council in 1244 to exact from the King the right +of appointing one of the two justices of the Jews, so as to +gain a knowledge of the amount of the Jewish revenue, +and a power of controlling its expenditure.⁠<a id="FNanchor_51_51" href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>⁠</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</span></p> + +<p>But such a measure did nothing to relieve the personal +grievances of the lower baronage, and it was naturally +from this class that further complaints proceeded. Its +members, unlike the greater barons, made no profit from +the encouragement of usury. On the other hand, they +were among the greatest sufferers from the practice. +Many a one among them must, when summoned to take +part in the King’s foreign expeditions, have been compelled +to pledge some land to the Jews in order to be +able to meet the expenses of service; and no doubt the +Jews derived from such transactions a large share of the +profits that enabled them to make their enormous contributions +to the exchequer. A landholder’s debt to a Jew +would, when once contracted, have been, under any circumstances, +difficult to pay off. But the lower baronage, +or knight’s bachelors, were threatened, when they +had fallen into debt, with new dangers, the knowledge +of which intensified their hatred of the whole system of +money-lending. “We ask,” they said in the petition of +1259, “a remedy for this evil, to wit, that the Jews sometimes +give their bonds, and the land pledged to them, to +the magnates and the more powerful men of the realm, +who thereupon enter on the land of the lesser men, and +although those who owe the debt be willing to pay it with +usury, yet the said magnates put off the business, so that +the land and tenements may in some way remain their +property, ... and on the occasion of death, or any +other chance, there is a manifest danger that those to +whom the said tenements belonged may lose all right in +them.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_52_52" href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The special wrongs of the lower baronage were, in the +course of the Civil War, temporarily lost sight of. Nevertheless, +the action of the whole baronial party throughout +the war contributed greatly, though indirectly, to the ultimate +banishment of the Jews from England. Just as the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</span>towns had, by their measures of exclusion, weakened the +mercenary bond that united the Jews to the King, so now +the barons, by their wholesale destruction of Jewish +property, worked, as unconsciously as the towns had done, +to the same end. They attacked and plundered the Jewry +of London twice in the course of the war, and destroyed +those of Canterbury, Northampton, Winchester, Cambridge, +Worcester, and Lincoln. Everywhere they carried off or +destroyed the property of their victims. In London they +killed every Jew that they met, except those who accepted +baptism, or paid large sums of money. They took from +Cambridge all the Jewish bonds that were kept there, and +deposited them at their head-quarters in Ely. At Lincoln +they broke open the official chests, and “trod underfoot in +the lanes, charters and deeds, and whatever else was +injurious to the Christians.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_53_53" href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> “It is impossible,” says a +chronicler, in describing one of these attacks, “to estimate +the loss it caused to the King’s exchequer.”</p> +</div> + +<div> +<h3 id="V-The_Beginning_of_Edwards_Policy_of_Restriction"> + <abbr title="5">V.</abbr>—<span class="smcap">The Beginning of Edward’s Policy of Restriction.</span> +</h3> + +<p>When the Civil War was over, the position of the King’s +son Edward as, on the one hand, the sworn friend of the +lower baronage, and, on the other hand, the leader of the +Council and the most powerful man in England,⁠<a id="FNanchor_54_54" href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> made it +impossible that the Jews should continue to carry on their +business under the royal protection as they had hitherto +done. And Edward’s personal character and political ideals +were such as to make him execute with vigour the policy +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</span>towards the Jews that was forced on him by his relations +with the lower baronage. He was a religious prince, one +who could not but feel qualms of conscience at seeing +the “enemies of Christ” carrying on the most unchristian +trade of usury in the chief towns of England. He was +a statesman, the future author of the Statutes of Mortmain +and <i lang="la">Quia Emptores</i>, and he wished to see the work of +the nation performed by the united action of the nation, +and its expenses met by due contributions from all the +National resources. But in so far as the Jews had any +hold on English land they prevented the realisation of this +ideal. Sometimes they took possession of land that was +pledged to them, and then the amount of the feudal revenue +and the symmetry of the feudal organisation suffered, +though the King might gain a great deal in other ways;⁠<a id="FNanchor_55_55" href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> +very often they secured payment in money of their debts +by bringing about an agreement for the transfer to a +monastery of the estates that had been pledged to them as +security,⁠<a id="FNanchor_56_56" href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> and then the land came under the “dead hand”; +sometimes they contented themselves with a perpetual +rent-charge,⁠<a id="FNanchor_57_57" href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> and then it would be hard, if not impossible, +for the struggling debtor to discharge his feudal obligations.⁠<a id="FNanchor_58_58" href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The indebtedness of the Church must have shocked +Edward’s sympathies as a Christian, just as much as the +indebtedness of the lay landholders thwarted his schemes +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</span>as a statesman. For the condition of ecclesiastical estates +was indeed deplorable. They had begun to fall into debt +in the twelfth century, no doubt in consequence of the +expense that was necessary for the erection of great buildings, +and their debts had gone on growing, partly in consequence +of bad management, partly through the necessity of +fulfilling the duties of hospitality by keeping open house +continually, partly through the exactions of the Pope and +the King. The Bishop of Lincoln pledged the plate of his +cathedral, the Abbot of Peterborough the bones of the +patron-saint of his Abbey; at Bury <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Edmunds each +obedientiary had his own seal, which he could apply to bonds +which involved the whole house; and loans were freely +contracted which accumulated at 50 per cent.⁠<a id="FNanchor_59_59" href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> Hence in +the thirteenth century Matthew Paris wrote that “there +was scarcely anyone in England, especially a bishop, who +was not caught in the meshes of the usurers.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_60_60" href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> “Wise +men knew that the land was corrupted by them.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_61_61" href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> The +literary documents of the latter half of the century fully +confirm these accounts. The See of Canterbury was +weighed down with an ever-growing load of debt when +John of Peckham first went to it.⁠<a id="FNanchor_62_62" href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> The buildings of +the cathedral were becoming dilapidated for want of +money to repair them.⁠<a id="FNanchor_63_63" href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> Those of the neighbouring Priory +of Christ Church were in an equally bad state, and its +revenue was equally encumbered.⁠<a id="FNanchor_64_64" href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> The bishop of Norwich +was so poor that in spite of the extortions regularly +practised by his officials, he had to borrow six hundred +marks from the Archbishop of Canterbury.⁠<a id="FNanchor_65_65" href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> The Bishop +of Hereford had been compelled to seek the intervention +of Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr>, in order to obtain respite of his debts to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</span>the Jews.⁠<a id="FNanchor_66_66" href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> The Abbey of Glastonbury was weighed down +by “immeasurable debts,” and, in order to save it from +further calamities, the Archbishop had to order a reorganisation +of expenditure so thorough as to include regulations +concerning the number of dishes with which the abbot +might be served in his private room.⁠<a id="FNanchor_67_67" href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> The Prior of Lewes +asked permission to turn one of his churches from its right +use, and to let it for five years to any one who would hire +it, in order that he might thus get together some money to +help to pay off what the priory owed.⁠<a id="FNanchor_68_68" href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> <span id="TN5">The Church of +Newnton could not afford clergymen</span>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_69_69" href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> Even the great +Monastery of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Swithin’s, Winchester, in spite of the +revenue that its monks drew from the sale of wine and fur +and spiceries, and from the tolls paid by the traders who +attended its great annual fair, was always in debt, sometimes +to the amount of several thousand pounds.⁠<a id="FNanchor_70_70" href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> Except +in the cutting down of timber and the granting of life +annuities in return for the payment of a lump sum, the +religious houses had no resources except the money-lenders.⁠<a id="FNanchor_71_71" href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> +They borrowed from English usurers, from Italians, from +Jews, and from one another.⁠<a id="FNanchor_72_72" href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>If the lay and ecclesiastical estates of England were to +be freed from their burdens, heroic measures were necessary. +The barons had done their part in the work by +carrying off or destroying such bonds as they could find. +But the financial revolution, to be effective, must be carried +out by due process of law.</p> + +<p>When, on the restoration of tranquillity, the Council +under Edward’s influence began its attempt to redress the +grievances against which the barons had been fighting, the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</span>first measure in the programme of reform was one for the +relief of the debtors of the Jews. Any interference with +Jewish business would, of course, entail a loss to the Royal +Exchequer, and, honest and patriotic as Edward was, his +poverty was so great that he could not afford to sacrifice +any of his resources. But the exhausting demands that +the King had made on the Jews in the time of his difficulties, +and the terrible destruction of their property that had +taken place during the war, must have so far diminished +the revenue to be derived from the Jews as to make the +possible loss of it a far less serious consideration than it +would have been twenty years earlier. Accordingly, at the +feast of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Hilary in 1269, a measure, drawn up by Walter +of Merton, was passed, forbidding for the future the alienation +of land to Jews in consequence of loan transactions. +All existing bonds by which land might pass into the hands +of Jews were declared cancelled; the attempt to evade the +law by selling them to Christians was made punishable +with death and forfeiture; and none to such effect was to +be executed in future.⁠<a id="FNanchor_73_73" href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>But this was only a slight measure compared with what +was to follow. The Jews might still acquire land by purchase, +and needy lords and churches, when forbidden to +pledge their lands, were very likely, under the pressure of +necessity, to sell them outright. Already the Jews were +“seised” of many estates,⁠<a id="FNanchor_74_74" href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> and, according to the story +of an ancient historian,⁠<a id="FNanchor_75_75" href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> they chose this moment to +ask the King to grant them the enjoyment of the privileges +that regularly accompanied the possession of land, +<abbr>viz.</abbr>, the guardianship of minors on their estates, the right +to give wards in marriage, and the presentation to livings. +Feudal law recognised the two former privileges, and the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</span>Church recognised the latter,⁠<a id="FNanchor_76_76" href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> as incidental to the possession +of real property. It was strange, however, that the Jews +should present a demand for new social privileges of this +kind to a council that had already shown its determination +to deprive them of their old legal rights; and it was only +natural that the churchmen should take the opportunity +of denouncing their “impious insolence.” Certain of the +councillors were at first in favour of granting the Jews’ +request; but a Franciscan friar, who obtained admittance +to the Council, pleaded that it would be a disgrace to +Christianity, and a dishonour to God. The Archbishop of +York, and the Bishops of Lichfield, Coventry, and Worcester +were present, and argued that the “perfidious Jews” ought +to be made to recognise that it was as an act of the King’s +grace that they were allowed to remain in England, and +that it was outrageous that they should make a demand, +the granting of which would allow them to nominate the +ministers of Christian churches, to receive the homage of +Christians, to sit side by side with them on juries, assizes +and recognitions, and perhaps ultimately to come into +possession of English baronies. Edward and his equally +religious cousin, the son of Richard, King of the Romans, +were present at the council to support the argument of the +Bishops,⁠<a id="FNanchor_77_77" href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> and not only were the original requests refused, +but the Jews were now forbidden by the act of the King +and his Council to enjoy a freehold in “manors, lands, +tenements, fiefs, rents, or tenures of any kind,” whether +held by bond, gift, enfeoffment, confirmation, or any other +grant, or by any other means whatever. They were forbidden +to receive any longer the rent-charges which +had been a common form of security for their loans. +Lands of which they were already possessed were to +be redeemed by the Christian owners, or in default of +them, by other Christians, on repayment without interest +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</span>of the principal of the loan in consequence of which they +had come into the hands of the Jews. In the interest +of parochial revenues, Jews were forbidden to acquire +houses in London in addition to those which they already +possessed.⁠<a id="FNanchor_78_78" href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>⁠</p> +</div> + +<div> +<h3 id="VI-The_Prohibition_of_Usury"> + <abbr title="6">VI.</abbr>—<span class="smcap">The Prohibition of Usury.</span> +</h3> + +<p>Very soon after the passing of the Statute of 1270, +Edward left England to join the second Crusade of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> +Louis, and did not return till 1274, two years after he +had been proclaimed king. At once he took up with +characteristic vigour, and with the help and advice of a +band of statesmen and lawyers, the work of administrative +reform that he had already begun as heir-apparent. He +recognised that the state of affairs established in 1270 +could not endure, since, under it, the Jews, while practically +prevented from lending money at interest, now that +the law forbade them to take in pledge real property, the +only possible security for large loans, were nevertheless +still nothing but usurers, allowed by ancient custom and +royal recognition to carry on that one pursuit as best they +could, and prevented by the same forces from carrying on +any other. Edward, with his usual love for “the definition +of duties and the spheres of duty,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_79_79" href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> felt that it was +necessary to define for the Jews a new position, which +should not, as did their present position, condemn them +to hopeless struggles, nor demand from him acquiescence +in what he believed to be a sin.</p> + +<p>For the Church had never ceased to maintain the +doctrine of the sinfulness of usury which Ambrose and +Clement, Jerome and Tertullian, had taught in strict +conformity with the communistic ideas of primitive +Christianity. It is true that till the eleventh century +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</span>usury and speculative trading generally had not been +active enough to call for repression, nor would the Church +have been strong enough to enforce on the Christian world +the observance of its doctrine. It could not follow up +the attempt made by the Capitularies of Charles the Great +to prevent laymen from practising usury, and it had to +rest content with enforcing the prohibition on clerics.⁠<a id="FNanchor_80_80" href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> +But the growth under Hildebrand of the power of the +Church over every-day life, and the elevation of the moral +tone of its teaching that resulted from its struggles with +the temporal power, enabled it to adopt with increasing +effect measures of greater severity. Hildebrand, in 1083, +decreed that usurers should, like perjurers, thieves, and +wife-deserters, be punished with excommunication;⁠<a id="FNanchor_81_81" href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> and +the Lateran General Council of 1139, when exhorted by +Innocent <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr> to shrink from no legislation as demanding +too high and rigorous a morality, decreed that usurers +were to be excluded from the consolations of the Church, +to be infamous all their lives long, and to be deprived of +Christian burial.⁠<a id="FNanchor_82_82" href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> The religious feeling aroused by the +Crusades still further strengthened the hold on the +Christian world of characteristically Christian theory, +while the prospect of the economic results that they +threatened to bring about in Europe, awoke the Church +to the advisability of putting forth all its power to +protect the estates of Crusaders against the money-lenders. +Many Popes of the twelfth century ordained, and <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> +Bernard approved of the ordinance⁠<a id="FNanchor_83_83" href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> that those who took +up the Cross should be freed from all engagements to +pay usury into which they might have entered. Innocent +<abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr> absolved Crusaders even from obligations of the kind +that they had incurred under oath, and subsequently +ordered that Jews should be forced, under penalty of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</span>exclusion from the society of Christians, to return to +their crusading debtors any interest that they had already +received from them.⁠<a id="FNanchor_84_84" href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Stronger even than the influence of the Crusades was +that of the Mendicant Orders. The Dominicans, who +preached, and the Franciscans, who “taught and wrought” +among all classes of people throughout Europe, carried with +them, as their most cherished lesson, the doctrine of poverty. +It was by the teaching of this doctrine, and by the practice +of the simple unworldly life of the primitive Church, that +the founders of the two orders had been able to give new +strength to the ecclesiastical institutions of the thirteenth +century. And their teaching, if not their practice, made +its way from the Casiuncula to the Vatican. Cardinal +Ugolino, the dear friend of <abbr title="Saint">S.</abbr> Francis, became Gregory +<abbr title="the Ninth">IX.</abbr>; Petrus de Tarentagio, of the order of the Dominicans, +became Innocent <abbr title="the Fourth">IV.</abbr>; and Girolamo di Ascoli, the “sun” +of the Franciscans, was soon to become Nicholas <abbr title="the Fourth">IV.</abbr> +Moreover, the work of formulating and publishing to the +world the official doctrines of the Church was in the +hands of the Mendicants. A Dominican, Raymundus de +Peñaforte, was entrusted by Gregory <abbr title="the Ninth">IX.</abbr> with the +preparation of the Decretals, which formed the chief +part of the canon law of the Church.⁠<a id="FNanchor_85_85" href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> And friars of +both orders codified with indefatigable labour the moral +law of Christianity, and set it forth in hand-books, or +<i lang="la">Summæ</i>, which were universally accepted as guides for +the confessional, and which all agreed in condemning +usury.⁠<a id="FNanchor_86_86" href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> Hence, the doctrine of its sinfulness was taught +throughout Christian Europe, by priests and monks, by +Dominican preachers and Franciscan confessors, who could +enforce their lesson by the use of their power of granting +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</span>or refusing absolution. How strong and violent a public +opinion was thus created is best shown in the lines in +which Dante, the contemporary of Edward <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr>, tells with +what companions he thought it fit that the Caursine +usurers should dwell in hell.⁠<a id="FNanchor_87_87" href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>There was every reason why the hatred of usury should +be as strong in England as anywhere. The Franciscan +movement had spread throughout the country, and had +found among Englishmen many of its chief literary +champions.⁠<a id="FNanchor_88_88" href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> And the Englishman’s pious dislike of +usury had been strengthened by many years of bitter +experience. Italian usurers had in the previous reign +gone up and down the country collecting money on behalf +of the Pope, and lending money on their own account at +exorbitant rates of interest.⁠<a id="FNanchor_89_89" href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> From some of the magnates +they obtained protection (for which they are said to have +paid with a share of their profits),⁠<a id="FNanchor_90_90" href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> but to the great body +of the Baronage, to the Church, and to the trading classes +their very name had become hateful. One of them, the +brother of the Pope’s Legate, had been killed at Oxford.⁠<a id="FNanchor_91_91" href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> +In London Bishop Roger had solemnly excommunicated +them all, and excluded them from his diocese.⁠<a id="FNanchor_92_92" href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>No English king who wished to follow the teachings of +Christianity could willingly countenance any of his subjects +in carrying on a traffic which was thus hated by the +people and condemned by all the doctors of Christendom. +Even Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr> was once so far moved by indignation and +religious feeling as to expel the Caursines from his kingdom,⁠<a id="FNanchor_93_93" href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> +and had religious scruples about the retention of +the Jews.⁠<a id="FNanchor_94_94" href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> But, as has been shown, he could not do without +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</span>the Jewish revenue. Edward was not only free from +dependence on that source of income, but he was also a far +more religious king than his father. He was a man to +obey the behests of the Church, instead of setting them at +naught with an easy conscience, as his father had done. +In the second year of his reign the Church, by a decree +passed at the Council of Lyons, demanded from the Christian +world far greater efforts against usury than ever +before.⁠<a id="FNanchor_95_95" href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> Till this time, though Popes and Councils had +declared the practice accursed, churches and monasteries +had had usurers as tenants on their estates, or had even +possessed whole ghettos as their property.⁠<a id="FNanchor_96_96" href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> Now this was +to be ended, and it was ordained by Gregory <abbr title="the Tenth">X.</abbr> that no +community, corporation, or individual should permit +foreign usurers to hire their houses, or indeed to dwell +at all upon their lands, but should expel them within +three months. Edward, in obedience to this decree, ordered +an inquisition to be made into the usury of the Florentine +bankers in his kingdom with a view to its suppression, +and allowed proceedings to be taken at the same time +and with the same object against a citizen of London.⁠<a id="FNanchor_97_97" href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> +And the events of the last reign enabled him to proceed +to what at first seems the far more serious task of +bringing to an end the trade that the Jews had carried +on under the patronage, and for the benefit, of the Royal +Exchequer.</p> + +<p>For the Jews could no longer support the Crown in +times of financial difficulty as they had been able to do in +previous reigns. The contraction of their business that +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</span>was the result of their exclusion from many towns, and +the losses that they had suffered through the extortions of +Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr> and the plundering attacks of the barons, had +very greatly diminished their revenue-paying capacities, +and the legislation of 1270 must have affected them still +more deeply. At the end of the twelfth century they had +probably paid to the Treasury about £3,000 a year, or +one-twelfth of the whole royal income,⁠<a id="FNanchor_98_98" href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> and for some parts +of the thirteenth century the average collection of tallage +has been estimated at £5,000;⁠<a id="FNanchor_99_99" href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> but in 1271—by which +time the royal income had probably grown to something +like the £65,000 a year which the Edwards are said to +have enjoyed in time of peace⁠<a id="FNanchor_100_100" href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>⁠—Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr>, when pledging +to Richard of Cornwall the revenue from the Jewry, +estimated its annual value, apart from what was yielded +by escheats and other special claims, at no more than +2,000 marks.⁠<a id="FNanchor_101_101" href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> And while the resources of the Jews had +fallen off, the needs of the Crown had increased. Not +only must Edward have conducted his foreign enterprises +at a much greater cost than did his predecessors, under +whom the English knighthood had been accustomed to +serve without serious opposition, but, in addition, he had +to make the best of a vast heritage of debt that his father +had left him.⁠<a id="FNanchor_102_102" href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> He had to seek richer supporters than the +Jews, and such were not wanting.</p> + +<p>The Italian banking companies were the only organisations +in Europe that could supply him with such sums of +money as he needed. From all the greatest cities of Italy—from +Florence, Rome, Milan, Pisa, Lucca, Siena, and Asti—they +had spread to many of the chief countries of Europe, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</span>to France, England, Brabant, Switzerland, and Ireland.⁠<a id="FNanchor_103_103" href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> +They were merchants, money-lenders, money-changers, and +international bankers, and in this last occupation their +supremacy over all rivals was secured by the great advantage +which the wide extent of their dealings enabled them +to enjoy, of being able to save, by the use of letters of +credit on their colleagues and countrymen, the cost of the +transport of money from country to country.⁠<a id="FNanchor_104_104" href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> They were +thus the greatest financial agents of the time. They transacted +the business of the Pope. At the Court of Rome +ambassadors had to borrow from them.⁠<a id="FNanchor_105_105" href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> In France their +position was established by a regular diplomatic agreement +between the head of their corporation and Philip <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr>⁠<a id="FNanchor_106_106" href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> +In England they had in their hands the greater part of the +trade in corn and wool;⁠<a id="FNanchor_107_107" href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> and the protection and favour of +English kings was often besought by the Popes on their +behalf in special bulls.⁠<a id="FNanchor_108_108" href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Edward began his reign in financial dependence on the +Italians. His father had in the earliest period of his personal +government incurred obligations to them which he +himself, as heir apparent, had to increase considerably +at the time of his Crusade.⁠<a id="FNanchor_109_109" href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> When in later years he +needed money to pay his army, he borrowed it from them; +when he diverted to his own use the tenth that was voted +for his intended second Crusade, they gave security for +repayment.⁠<a id="FNanchor_110_110" href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> So great were the amounts that they advanced +to him, that between 1298 and 1308 the Friscobaldi +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</span>Bianchi alone, one of the thirty-four companies that +he employed,⁠<a id="FNanchor_111_111" href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> + received in repayment nearly £100,000.⁠<a id="FNanchor_112_112" href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> +He was compelled to favour them, although he attempted +to stop their usury. He gave them a charter of privileges.⁠<a id="FNanchor_113_113" href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> +He presented them with large sums of money. +He bestowed on the head of one of their firms high office +in Gascony. At various times he placed under their charge +the collection of the Customs in many of the chief ports in +England.⁠<a id="FNanchor_114_114" href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Edward’s close connection with a body of financiers so +rich and powerful made the Jews unnecessary to him. If +he was not to disobey the decree of the Council of Lyons +he must either withdraw his protection from them or else +forbid them any longer to be usurers. To withdraw his +protection from them would be to expose them to the +popular hatred, the danger from which had been the justification +of the relations that had been established between +Crown and Jewry after 1190, and still existed. He chose +the second alternative. In 1275 he issued a statute, in +which he absolutely forbade the Jews, as he had just forbidden +Christians,⁠<a id="FNanchor_115_115" href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> to practise usury in the future. He +gave warning that usurious contracts would no longer be +enforced by the king’s officers, and he declared the making +of them to be an offence for which henceforth both parties +were liable to punishment. To ensure that all those +contracts already existing should come to an end as quickly +as possible, he ordered that all movables that were in +pledge on account of loans were to be redeemed before the +coming Easter.⁠<a id="FNanchor_116_116" href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>⁠</p> +</div> + +<div> +<h3 id="VII-Edwards_Policy_The_Jews_and_Trade"> + <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>—<span class="smcap">Edward’s Policy: The Jews and Trade.</span> +</h3> + +<p>Thus the Jews, already shut out from the feudal and +municipal organisation of the country, were forbidden by +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</span>one act of legislation to follow the pursuit in which the +kings of England had encouraged them for two hundred +years.</p> + +<p>However, for the hardships imposed by the Christian +Church there was an approved Christian remedy. Thomas +Aquinas, the greatest authority on morals in Europe in the +thirteenth century, had written: “If rulers think they +harm their souls by taking money from usurers, let them +remember that they are themselves to blame. They ought +to see that the Jews are compelled to labour as they do in +some parts of Italy.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_117_117" href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> A Christian king, and one whom +Edward revered as his old leader in arms and as a model +of piety, had already acted in accordance with the teaching +of Thomas Aquinas. In 1253 <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Louis sent from the +Holy Land an order that all Jews should leave France +for ever, except those who should become traders and +workers with their hands.⁠<a id="FNanchor_118_118" href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> And now, when Edward was +forbidding the Jews of England to practise usury, he +naturally dealt with them in the fashion recommended by +the great teacher of his time and adopted by the saintly king. +“The King also grants,” said the Statute of 1275, “that +the Jews may practise merchandise, or live by their labour, +and for those purposes freely converse with Christians. +Excepting that, upon any pretence whatever, they shall not +be levant or couchant amongst them; nor on account of +their merchandise be in scots, lots, or talliage with the +other inhabitants of those cities or boroughs where they +remain; seeing they are talliable to the King as his own +serfs, and not otherwise.... And further the King +grants, that such as are unskilful in merchandise, and +cannot labour, may take lands to farm, for any term not +exceeding ten years, provided no homage, fealty, or any +such kind of service, or advowson to Holy Church, be +belonging to them. Provided also that this power to farm +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</span>lands, shall continue in force for ten years from the making +of this Act, and no longer.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_119_119" href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The 16,000⁠<a id="FNanchor_120_120" href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> Jews of England were thus called upon +to change at once their old occupation for a new one, and +the task was imposed upon them under conditions which +made it all but impossible of fulfilment. They were +forbidden to become burgesses of towns; and the effect of +the prohibition was to make it impossible for them, in most +parts of England, to become traders, for it practically excluded +them from the Gild Merchant. It is true that some +towns professed that their Gild was open to all the +inhabitants, whether burgesses or not, so long as they took +the oath to preserve the liberties of the town and the king’s +peace.⁠<a id="FNanchor_121_121" href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> But most of the Gilds were exclusive bodies, to +which all non-burgesses would find it hard to gain +admission,⁠<a id="FNanchor_122_122" href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> and Jewish non-burgesses, though not as a +rule kept out by a disqualifying religious formula,⁠<a id="FNanchor_123_123" href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> would +on account of the unpopularity of their race and religion, +find it trebly hard.⁠<a id="FNanchor_124_124" href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> As non-Gildsmen, they would be at +a disadvantage both in buying goods and in selling them. +They would find it hard to buy, because, in some towns at +any rate, the Gildsmen were accustomed to “oppress the +people coming to the town with vendible wares, so that no +man could sell his wares to anyone except to a member of +the society.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_125_125" href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> They would find it in all towns hard to sell, +in some impossible. In some towns non-Gildsmen were +forbidden to deal in certain articles of common use, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</span>such as wool, hides, grain, untanned leather, and unfulled +cloth; in others, as in Southampton, they might not +buy anything in the town to sell again there, or keep +a wine tavern, or sell cloth by retail except on market day +and fair day, or keep more than five quarters of corn in a +granary to sell by retail. There were even towns where +the municipal statutes altogether forbade non-Gildsmen +to keep shops or to sell by retail.⁠<a id="FNanchor_126_126" href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>It was almost as difficult for Jews to become agriculturists +or artisans, as to become traders. They were allowed by +the statute to farm land, but for ten years only, and they +were far too ignorant of agriculture to be able to take +advantage of the permission. They could not work on the +land of others as villeins, because, even if a Christian lord +had been willing to receive them, they would have been +prevented by their religion from taking the oath of +fealty.⁠<a id="FNanchor_127_127" href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Only under exceptional conditions could they work at +handicrafts. A Jew who possessed manual dexterity might, +as was sometimes done in the thirteenth century, have +worked for himself at a cottage industry, and might, though +the task would have been a hard one, have gained a +connection among Christians, and induced them to trust +him with materials.⁠<a id="FNanchor_128_128" href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> But many crafts were at the time +coming under the regulations of craft-gilds. Certainly as +early as the beginning of the fourteenth century, there +were in London fully-organised gilds of Lorimers, +Weavers, Tapicers, Cap-makers, Saddlers, Joiners, Girdlers, +and Cutlers.⁠<a id="FNanchor_129_129" href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> In Hereford there were Gilds for nearly thirty +trades.⁠<a id="FNanchor_130_130" href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> It was probably very often the case, as it was with +the Weavers’ Gild in London, that a craft-gild existing +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</span>in any town could forbid the practice of the craft in the +town to all who had not been elected to membership, or +earned it by serving the apprenticeship that the Gild’s +statute required.⁠<a id="FNanchor_131_131" href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> The period required by the Lorimers’ +statute was ten years, by the Weavers’, seven, and in some +cases certainly, and probably in all, the apprenticeship had +to be served under a freeman of the city.⁠<a id="FNanchor_132_132" href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> The apprentice +who had served his time, was still, in some towns and +industries, unable to practise his craft, unless he became a +citizen and entered the frank pledge.⁠<a id="FNanchor_133_133" href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> It was difficult for +a Jewish boy to become an apprentice, since the Church +threatened to excommunicate any Christian who received +into his house, as an apprentice would naturally be received, +a Jew or Jewess; it was impossible for a Jewish man to +become a citizen, for the king forbade his Jewish “serfs” +to be in scot and lot with the other inhabitants of the cities +in which they lived.</p> + +<p>Excluded from the trades and handicrafts of the towns, +the Jew might try other means of earning a livelihood. +He might attempt to travel with wares or with produce, +from one part of England to another, or he might be an +importer or an exporter. But wholesale trade of this kind +would be open to those alone who had command of a large +capital. And this was not the only difficulty in the way. +If the Jew went about the country with his goods from +fair to fair, or from city to city, he would do so at very +great risk. He would have to travel over the high roads, +the perils of which made necessary the Statute of Winchester, +and are recounted in the words of its preamble, +<i lang="xno">de jour en jour roberies, homicides, arsons, plus sovenerement +sont fetes que avaunt ne soleyent</i>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_134_134" href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> If he survived the +dangers of the road and reached a fair, he would find +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</span>there an assemblage made up in part of “daring persons,” +such as those, who, in spite of the orderly traders and +citizens, had caused the massacre at Lynn in 1190,⁠<a id="FNanchor_135_135" href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> or +those who at Boston killed the merchants and plundered +their goods, until “the streets ran with silver and gold,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_136_136" href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> +or those citizens of Winchester who, in the reign of Henry +<abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr>, carried on for a time a successful conspiracy to rob all +itinerant merchants who passed through the country.⁠<a id="FNanchor_137_137" href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> +With his foreign face and striking badge, he would be the +first mark for the hatred of the riotous crowd. And if he +escaped violence and robbery, he had still to fear the officials +of the lord of the fair, who exercised for the time unlimited +and irresponsible power, and who, according to the regulations +of some fairs, could destroy the goods of any trader +if their quality did not please them.⁠<a id="FNanchor_138_138" href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> When he had +managed to escape from the mob and the officials, his +difficulties were not over. He might make his bargains, +but there was no court of justice to which he could appeal +to enforce the completion of any transaction that required +a longer time than that of the duration of the fair. Redress +for any injustice committed at a fair, or for the failure to +carry out an agreement made there, could be obtained only +through application made by the municipality of the complainant +to that of the wrong-doer.⁠<a id="FNanchor_139_139" href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> The Jew had no +municipality to present his claims. If those with whom +he had transactions deceived him, or refused to pay him, he +was helpless. There was no power to which he could +appeal.</p> + +<p>If instead of going to a fair he tried to sell, in a town, +produce from another country or from a different part of +England, he was in a position of even greater difficulty. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</span>In a strange town he was as much an alien as in a strange +country, and there was scarcely any limit to the vexations +and sufferings that on that account he would have to endure. +In London, for example, alien merchants were forbidden to +remain in the city for more than forty consecutive days. +While they were there they might not sell anything by retail, +nor have any business dealings at all with any but citizens. +There was a long list of articles that they were altogether +forbidden to buy. They might not stow their goods in +houses or cellars; they had to sell within forty days all +that they had brought with them; they were allowed +neither to sell anything after that time, nor to take +anything back with them. They were continually annoyed +by the officers of the city.⁠<a id="FNanchor_140_140" href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> All these disadvantages the +Jew would have to endure to the full while competing with +many powerful organisations which were engaged in foreign +trade, and had, after long struggles, secured from the king +special charters of privilege. Such were the companies +of the merchants of Germany, who had their steelyard in +London and their settlements at Boston and Lynn; the +Flemings, who had their Hanse in London; the Gascons +who enjoyed a charter; the Spaniards and Portuguese; the +Florentines, most powerful of all, and the Venetians, +whose enterprise was, at the beginning of the fourteenth +century at any rate, carried on under the auspices of the +Republic.⁠<a id="FNanchor_141_141" href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The last opportunity for the Jews was to take part in +the export of English produce. English wool was the +most important article of international trade in Western +Europe. It was brought from monasteries and landholders +chiefly by the rich and powerful companies of Flemish +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</span>and Italian merchants, and sent to Flanders and Italy to be +woven and dyed.⁠<a id="FNanchor_142_142" href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> The Jews had, apparently, long taken +some slight part in wholesale trade,⁠<a id="FNanchor_143_143" href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> but the amount of +capital that it required, and the power of the rivals who +held the field, made it impossible for many of them to take +to it immediately as a substitute for money-lending. +Still it was the only form of enterprise in which they +would not be at a hopeless disadvantage; and some Jews, +those probably who had a large capital and were able to +recall it from the borrowers, followed the example of the +Italians, and made to landholders advances of money to be +repaid in corn and wool.⁠<a id="FNanchor_144_144" href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a>⁠</p> +</div> + +<div> +<h3 id="VIII-The_Temptations_of_the_Jews"> + <abbr title="8">VIII.</abbr>—<span class="smcap">The Temptations of the Jews.</span> +</h3> + +<p>But even for those Jews who were rich enough to take +part in wholesale trade, there was still a great temptation +to transgress the prohibition against usury. All the legal +machinery that was necessary for the due execution and +validity of agreements between Jews and Christians—the +chest in which the deeds were deposited, and the staffs +of officers by whom they were registered and supervised—were +still maintained in some towns, since they were +necessary alike for the recovery, by the ordinary process, +of the old debts (many of which, in spite of the order for +summary repayment in the Statute of 1275, still remained +outstanding)⁠<a id="FNanchor_145_145" href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> and for the registration of any new agreements +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</span>that might be made for the delivery of corn and +wool, or for the repayment of money lent ostensibly +without interest. There was no lack of would-be borrowers +to co-operate with the Jews in using this machinery +in order to make agreements on which, in spite of the +prohibition of usury, money might profitably be lent. The +demand for loans was great, far too great to be satisfied, +as the Church thought it reasonable to expect,⁠<a id="FNanchor_146_146" href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> by money +advanced without interest; and owing to the progress of +the change from payment of rents in kind or service to +payment in cash,⁠<a id="FNanchor_147_147" href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> it was steadily growing. It had been +met by the money of the Italian bankers, of the Jews, of +English citizens, and, as is freely hinted by writers of the +time, of great English barons, who secretly shared in the +transactions and the profits of the Jewish and foreign +usurers.⁠<a id="FNanchor_148_148" href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> The supply had suddenly been checked by the +simultaneous prohibition of all usury whether of Jews or of +Christians. Now a Jew who wished, by collusion with a +borrower, to evade the law against usury, had only to study +the methods that had been followed by the Caursines, and +those that were still followed by the Italians and acquiesced +in by the heads of the religious houses with whom they +had dealings. The Caursines, for example, sometimes +avoided the appearance of usury by lending 100 marks +and receiving in return a bond, acknowledging a loan of +£100.⁠<a id="FNanchor_149_149" href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> Sometimes they lent money for a definite period, +on an agreement that they were to get a “gift,” in return +for their kindness in making the loan, and “compensation” +in case it were not repaid in time.⁠<a id="FNanchor_150_150" href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> Sometimes by a still +more elaborate device, the Italians combined their two +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</span>professions of money-lenders and merchants, by inducing +a monastery which had borrowed money, to acknowledge +the receipt, not only of the sum actually received, but also +of the price of certain sacks of wool which it bound itself +in due time to supply.⁠<a id="FNanchor_151_151" href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> The Jews, no doubt, followed the +example of the Caursines and of the Italians. In official +registers, which are still extant, there are mentioned bonds +which secured to Jewish creditors a large payment in money +together with a small payment in kind, and which doubtless +represent collusive transactions, in which the offence of +usury was to be avoided by the substitution of a recompense +in kind for interest in money. Other bonds for +repayment of money alone are mentioned in the same +registers as having been executed after 1275, and every one +of the kind that was executed between that date and the +date of the amendment of the Statute against usury may +be safely considered to represent a transaction which was +an offence, either veiled or open, against the prohibition.⁠<a id="FNanchor_152_152" href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The temptation to transgress the Statute of 1275 could +appeal only to Jews with capital, but on the poorer Jews +other temptations acted with even more strength and even +worse results.</p> + +<p>The only reputable careers known to have been +open to the poorer Jews were to become servants in the +houses of their rich co-religionists,⁠<a id="FNanchor_153_153" href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> or else to imitate in a +humble way their financial transactions, either by keeping +pawnshops,⁠<a id="FNanchor_154_154" href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> or by carrying on, in towns where there was +no recognised Jewry, business of the same kind as that +of the rich money-lenders in the larger Jewish settlements. +To follow these pursuits was now impossible, in consequence, +not only of the prohibition of usury, but also of the strictness +with which Edward enforced the old legislation +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</span>against the residence of Jews in towns <span id="TN1">where there did not +exist a chest</span> for the deposit of Jewish debts, and a staff of +clerks to witness and register them.⁠<a id="FNanchor_155_155" href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> There was thus +nothing to which the poorer Jews could turn. Crowded +as unwelcome intruders into a small and decreasing number +of towns,⁠<a id="FNanchor_156_156" href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> without legal standing or industrial skill, hated +by the people and declared accursed by the Church, they +were bidden to support themselves under conditions which +made the task impossible unless they could take by storm +the citadel of municipal privilege which bade defiance to +the “greatest of the Plantagenets” throughout his reign.</p> + +<p>Under such conditions degeneration was inevitable. Some +of the Jews are said to have taken to highway robbery +and burglary;⁠<a id="FNanchor_157_157" href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> some went into the House of Converts, +where they got 1½<abbr title="pence">d.</abbr> a day and free lodging.⁠<a id="FNanchor_158_158" href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> But to the +dishonest there was open a far more profitable form of +dishonesty than either of those already mentioned, <abbr>viz.</abbr>, +clipping the coin.</p> + +<p>The offence had long been prevalent. In 1248 such +mischief had been done that, according to Matthew Paris +“no foreigner, let alone an Englishman, could look on an +English coin with dry eyes and unbroken heart.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_159_159" href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> It was +in vain that Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr> issued a new coinage, so stamped +that the device and the lettering extended to the edge of +the piece,⁠<a id="FNanchor_160_160" href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> and caused it to be proclaimed in every town, +village, market-place, and fair that none but the new pieces +with their shapes unaltered should be given or taken in +exchange.⁠<a id="FNanchor_161_161" href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> The opportunity for dishonesty was too tempting. +The coins that actually circulated in the country +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</span>were of many different issues,⁠<a id="FNanchor_162_162" href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> they were not milled at the +edges,⁠<a id="FNanchor_163_163" href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> they were so liable to damage and mutilation of all +kinds that their deficiency of weight had to be recognised +and allowed for.⁠<a id="FNanchor_164_164" href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> Hence anyone who had many coins +passing through his hands could secure an easy profit by +clipping off a piece from each one before he passed it +again into circulation. In the early part of the reign of +Edward <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr>, such was the deficiency in the weight of genuine +coins (an annalist of the period estimates it at 50 per cent.),⁠<a id="FNanchor_165_165" href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> +and such the amount of false coin in circulation, that the +price of commodities rose to an alarming height, foreign +merchants were driven away, trade became completely disorganised, +shopkeepers refused the money tendered to them, +and the necessities of life were withdrawn from the markets.⁠<a id="FNanchor_166_166" href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> +The King had to promise to issue a new coinage, +but the announcement of his intention only increased the +general disturbance. The Archbishop of Canterbury complained +that in consequence of the disturbance of circulation, +he could not find anyone, except the professional usurers, +from whom he could borrow money on which to live during +the interval before the revenues of his see began to come +in.⁠<a id="FNanchor_167_167" href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> When the King at this period of his reign went to +a priory to ask for money, the first and most cogent of the +excuses that he heard was that “the House was impoverished +by the change in the coinage of the realm.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_168_168" href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> +Public opinion ascribed to the Jews the greatest share in +the injuries to the coinage. “They are notoriously forgers +and clippers of the coin,” says Matthew Paris.⁠<a id="FNanchor_169_169" href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> And that +the suspicion was not absolutely without justification is +shown by the fact, that early in Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr>’s reign, the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</span>community made a payment to the King in order to secure +as a concession the expulsion from England of such of its +members as might be convicted of the crime.⁠<a id="FNanchor_170_170" href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> When inquiries +were ordered into the causes of the debasement, in +1248, it was generally considered that the guilt would be +found to rest with the Jews.⁠<a id="FNanchor_171_171" href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> The official verdict included +them with the Caursines and the Flemish wool-merchants +in its condemnation.⁠<a id="FNanchor_172_172" href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>It was not unnatural that Edward, when the evil reappeared +in his reign, should share the general suspicion +against the Jews, seeing that they had only recently begun to +give up dealing in money, while many of the poorer among +them must have become, since 1275, desperate enough to +be ready to take to any tempting form of dishonesty. The +King’s indignation at the suffering that had been caused +by the injury done to the old coinage, and at the expense +that was involved in the preparation of the new issue +which had become necessary, prompted him to act on his +suspicions, and to take a measure of terrible severity +in order to make sure of the apprehension of the most +probable culprits. When, in 1278, he was making preparations +for an inquiry into the whole subject of the +coinage, he caused all the Jews of England to be imprisoned +in one night, their property to be seized, and +their houses to be searched. At the same time the goldsmiths, +and many others against whom information was +given by the Jews, were treated in the same way.⁠<a id="FNanchor_173_173" href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The prisoners were tried before a bench of judges and +royal officers. There can be no doubt that many innocent +men were accused, even if they were not condemned. +At a time when all the Jews in England were imprisoned, +there was a great temptation for Christians to bring false +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</span>accusations against those among them whom they disliked +on personal or religious grounds, especially as there +was a good chance of extorting hush-money from the +accused, or, in case of condemnation, of concealing from +the escheators some of their property.⁠<a id="FNanchor_174_174" href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> The Jews and the +King recognised the danger. One Manser of London, for example, +was wise enough to sue that an investigation might +be held into the ownership of tools for clipping that were +found on the roof of his house.⁠<a id="FNanchor_175_175" href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> The King, anxious that +punishment should fall only on the guilty, issued a general +writ, in which the various motives for false accusation were +recited, and it was ordered that any Jew against whom no +charge had been brought by a certain date might secure +himself altogether by paying a fine.⁠<a id="FNanchor_176_176" href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> Nevertheless, a large +number both of Jews and Christians were found guilty. Of +the Christians only three were condemned to death, though +many others were heavily fined. For the Jews, however, +there was no mercy. Two hundred and ninety-three of +them were hanged and drawn in London, and all their +property escheated to the King. A few more had been +condemned, but saved their lives by conversion to +Christianity.⁠<a id="FNanchor_177_177" href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The activity with which Jews took part, or were supposed +to take part, in the debasement of the coinage, and in the prohibited +practice of usury,⁠<a id="FNanchor_178_178" href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> must have aroused in the mind of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</span>the King some misgivings on the subject of his new policy. +Nevertheless, he did not as yet despair of its ultimate +success. The crimes of the Jews were no greater than +those of the Christians around them, though they called +forth heavier punishment. Christians clipped and coined; +Christians still lent money on usury.⁠<a id="FNanchor_179_179" href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> And a certain +amount of crime among Jews could not but be looked for +as a natural result of the terrible difficulties in the way of +the social revolution that had been demanded of them. +Edward saw that he had been trying to do too much at +once. The Jews could not change their occupation as +suddenly as he had wished. The country could not do +without money-lenders. By making the lending of money +at interest a penal offence, and thus encouraging debtors +and creditors to keep their transactions secret, Edward had +weakened the supervision that had been exercised by the +Treasury, since 1194, over the business and property of +the Jews, and thus he had increased the chance of fraud in +the collection of tallages, and in the apportionment of the +share of each estate that had long been claimed by the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</span>Crown as the succession due on Jewish property.⁠<a id="FNanchor_180_180" href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> But he +had not stamped out usury, though the Statute of 1275 +had forbidden it. He had not even secured the redemption +of all pledges of Christians from the hands of the Jews, +though the Statute of 1275 had demanded it. And, therefore, +in order that he might not keep on the Statute Book +a law of which the effective administration was impossible, +he mitigated the severity of the provisions of 1275, and +issued, probably a few years later, a new Statute, in which +he prescribed certain conditions under which usury was to +be permitted. He allowed loans to be made under contract +for the payment of interest at the rate of half a mark +in the pound yearly, but for three years only; and, in order +to reduce the temptation to conclude secret transactions, +restored legal recognition to all debts of the value of £20 +or upwards that were made under the prescribed conditions, +and were registered before the chirographer and +clerk, and threatened heavy penalties against all who +should lend up to that amount without registration.⁠<a id="FNanchor_181_181" href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Edward was wise in thus substituting for his earlier, +harassing measure, one that allowed for gradual change, +and that attempted to control the evil of which the immediate +suppression was impossible. But the few years’ +experience that he had already had ought to have made +him go farther still. It ought to have shown him that it +was hopeless to expect the Jews to give up usury so long +as the greater part of them were practically excluded +from all other pursuits, and that, if ever he was to bring to +a successful issue the policy that he had inaugurated, he +would have to find some means of enabling them to work +side by side with Christians, and to compete with them on +equal conditions.</p> + +<p>Such a task would have been full of difficulties, the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</span>greatest of which resulted from the active hostility with +which the rulers and teachers of the Christian Church in +the thirteenth century, unlike their predecessors, regarded +the Jews. The growth and nature of this hostility must +now be considered.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<h3 id="IX-The_Jews_in_Relation_to_the_Church_of_the_Thirteenth_Century"> + <abbr title="9">IX.</abbr>—<span class="smcap">The Jews in Relation to the Church of the +Thirteenth Century.</span> +</h3> + +<p>The Popes of the earlier part of the Middle Ages had +found enough employment for their energies in the effort +to maintain their own position in Christendom; and they +had neither the wish nor the power to seek a conflict with +a race that remained wholly outside the Church. In the +twelfth century there was no other general Church Law +directed against the Jews than that which forbade them to +live in the same houses with Christians, and to have Christian +servants.⁠<a id="FNanchor_182_182" href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> In England especially, Churchmen of the +twelfth century showed towards the Jews a tolerant spirit, +and made no effort to augment their unpopularity or to +diminish their privileges. The examples of Anselm, and of +his contemporary, Gilbert of Westminster, show that in the +attempts made at that time by men of high position in the +Church to convert the Jews, no method was employed +except that of reasonable persuasion.⁠<a id="FNanchor_183_183" href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> Churches and +monasteries took charge, at times of danger, of the money, +and even of the families, of Jews. Such friendly intercourse +as existed between Jews and Christians was +allowed to go on without any attempt at ecclesiastical +interference.⁠<a id="FNanchor_184_184" href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The accession of Innocent the Third to the pontificate +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</span>brought about a rapid change in the attitude of the +Church towards the Jews. Innocent was the first to advance, +on behalf of the Papacy, the claim that the Lord +gave Peter not only the whole Church, but the whole +world to rule,⁠<a id="FNanchor_185_185" href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> and he endeavoured with a merciless +enthusiasm, from which all unbelievers and heretics in +Christian countries had to suffer, to make good his claim, +and to establish in Europe one united Catholic Church. +He took his stand on the doctrine, which his predecessors +had held⁠<a id="FNanchor_186_186" href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> in a modified form, and without ever acting on +it, that the Jews were condemned to perpetual slavery on +account of the wickedness of their ancestors in crucifying +Christ; and he thought that they ought to be made to feel, +and their neighbours likewise, that it was only out of +Christian pity that their presence was endured in Christian +countries.</p> + +<p>The position of the Jews at the time of Innocent’s accession +to the pontificate was very far from being such as his +theory required. They had magnificent synagogues, they +employed Christian servants, they married, or were said to +marry, Christian wives; they refused, in what some Christians +regarded as a spirit of outrageous insolence, to eat +the same meat and to drink the same wine as the Gentiles, +and they made no secret of their disbelief in the sacred +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</span>history of Christianity. Moreover, they were suspected of +exercising a considerable influence on the growth of the +heresies which it was the chief work of Innocent’s life to +combat. The Vaudois, the Cathari, and the Albigenses, all +kept up Jewish observances, and were said to have learnt +from the Jews their heretical dogmas; the Albigenses, +indeed, were accused of maintaining that the law of the +Jews was better than the law of the Christians. And, +nevertheless, Christian kings supported the Jews in every +way. They countenanced their usury, they refused (so, +at least, Innocent said) to allow evidence against them on +any charge to be given by Christian witnesses, and they +even employed them in high offices of State. In view of +these facts, Innocent thought that a great effort of repression +should be made, and he wrote to the King of France, +the Duke of Burgundy, and other monarchs, asking for +their assistance in the work of reducing the Jews to that +condition of slavery which was their due. He decreed in +his general Church Council that Jews should be excluded +in future from public offices, and that they should wear +a badge to distinguish them from Christians; and he +renewed the old regulation of the Church, which required +them to dismiss Christian servants from their houses. In +order to ensure that the last provision should be observed, +he decided that any Christians having any intercourse +with Jews that transgressed it should be subject to excommunication. +For the enforcement of his other anti-Jewish +measures he relied on the help of the temporal power in all +Christian countries.⁠<a id="FNanchor_187_187" href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The declaration of war made by Innocent <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr> was a +terrible calamity for the Jews; but though it affected at +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</span>once the whole of Christian Europe, still its evil results +might have passed away in time. Popes were but men +and politicians; and just as Innocent had, by the publication +of his wishes and decrees concerning the Jews, set +himself in opposition to his predecessors, so might his +successors, in their turn, moved by different feelings or +taking a different view of the interests and duties of the +Church, set themselves in opposition to him, and go back +to the old lenient opinions and practice. But within a +few years of the death of Innocent, the work of attacking +the Jews ceased to be in the hands of any one man, and +passed over to a body of men habitually influenced not by +personal or political considerations, but only by what they +conceived to be the interest of religion, and filled with a +hatred of the Jews more fierce and fanatical and steadfast +than that of the Popes could ever have been.</p> + +<p>The Dominican order was formally constituted in 1223, +and from the earliest years of its existence devoted itself +to the task of rooting out unbelief from the Christian +world. The work that its members at first professed +to regard as peculiarly their own was that of preaching, +but on the Jews their preaching had no effect. With an +ingenuity and determination worthy of the order that in a +later century was to provide the Inquisition with its chief +ministers, the Dominicans devised and carried out another +plan of action. Assisted by converted Jews who had joined +them, they undertook the study of Hebrew, and their +master, Raymundus de Peñaforte, induced the King of +Spain to build and endow seminaries for the purpose.⁠<a id="FNanchor_188_188" href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> +Armed with this new knowledge, they were able to attack +first, what they represented as the foolish and pernicious +contents of such Jewish books as the Talmud, and +secondly, the stubbornness of the Jews who refused to +accept the doctrines of Christianity, the truth of which +the Dominicans professed to be able to demonstrate from +the Old Testament. Two incidents which must at the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</span>time have been famous throughout Europe illustrate their +method of warfare. In 1239 Nicolas Donin, a converted +Jew who had become a Dominican friar, laid before +Gregory <abbr title="the Ninth">IX.</abbr> a series of statements concerning the Talmud. +Helped, no doubt, by all the influence of his order, he +induced the Pope to issue bulls to the Kings of France, +England, and Spain, and the bishops in those countries, +ordering that all copies of the Talmud should be seized, +and that public inquiry should be held concerning the +charges brought against the book. In England and Spain +nothing seems to have been done, but in Paris the Pope’s +instructions were carried out, and, at the instigation +of the leading Dominicans, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Louis ordered that all +copies of the Talmud that could be found in France +should be confiscated, and that four Rabbis should, on +behalf of the Jews, hold a public debate with Donin, in +order to meet, if they could, the charges that he was +prepared to maintain. In the course of the debate, which +was held in the precincts of the Court and in the presence +of members of the Royal family and great dignitaries of +the Church, Donin asserted that the Talmud encouraged +the Jews to despise, deceive, rob, and even murder +Christians, that it contained blasphemous falsehoods concerning +Christ, superstitions and puerilities of all kinds, +and passages disrespectful to God and inconsistent with +morality. The Rabbis answered as best they could, but +the court of Inquisitors decided that the charges had been +substantiated, and ordered that all the confiscated copies +of the Talmud should be burnt. After a delay of about +two years the <i>Auto-da-fe</i> took place, and fourteen cartloads +of the Talmud were sacrificed.⁠<a id="FNanchor_189_189" href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> The other famous +incident of the kind took place in Spain. Pablo Christiano, +a converted Jew, who, like Donin, had joined the +Dominicans, challenged the Jews of Aragon to a discussion +on the differences between Judaism and Christianity, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</span>and induced James <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr> to compel them to take +up the challenge. The famous Nachmanides came forward +as the representative of his co-religionists. Pablo +undertook to show that the Old Testament, and other +books recognised by the Jews, taught that the Messiah +had come, that he was “very God and very man,” +that he suffered and died for the salvation of mankind, +and that with his advent the ceremonial law ceased to +be of any effect. Nachmanides denied that any of these +propositions could be substantiated from the Jewish +sacred books. For four days the disputation was carried +on in the presence of the king and many great personages +of Church and State. Of course the verdict was that the +Christian disputant had beaten the Jew.⁠<a id="FNanchor_190_190" href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The method of conducting these two controversies showed +that the Dominicans were determined to use every possible +weapon against the Jews. The Talmud, a huge, heterogeneous +and unedited compilation, contains passages +which are trivial and foolish, and others, written by men +who had memories of persecution fresh in their minds, +which express bitter hatred towards the “Gentiles,” that is, +the Romans who had taken Jerusalem, and had destroyed +the nationality of the Jewish race. It was easy for an +opponent to pick out such passages, to assert that what +was said against the “Gentiles” expressed, not the feelings +of the victims of persecution against the Romans of the +second century, but the feelings of all Jews towards all +non-Jews, at every time and at every place, and to convince +an uncritical audience that those who held in honour the +book that contained such passages were enemies of religion, +against whose influence it behoved all Christian powers to +guard the faithful. Similarly, by compelling the Jews to +take part in a discussion concerning the prophecies of the +Old Testament, the Dominicans imposed on them the choice +between the two alternatives of betraying their religion by +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</span>acquiescing in what they believed to be a false interpretation +of their scripture, or else of proclaiming publicly their +disbelief in doctrines which were at the very foundation +of Christianity. The effect on the ruling classes in Europe +of the two discussions just mentioned must have been very +great. And the Dominicans were continually carrying on +the same work, though, of course, seldom before audiences +so distinguished. Pablo, for example, travelled about Spain +and Provence, compelling the Jews, by virtue of a royal +edict that had been issued in his favour, to hold disputes +with him on matters of religion.⁠<a id="FNanchor_191_191" href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> Many other members of +the order devoted their lives to the same pursuit,⁠<a id="FNanchor_192_192" href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> and thus +did their best to fill the rulers of the Church with a dread +of the terrible consequences that the existence of Judaism +threatened to the Christian religion.</p> + +<p>And, unfortunately for the Jews, their religion began to +be feared at the same time as cruel and powerful fanatics +like Innocent and the Dominicans were doing their best to +cause it to be hated. There is good reason to believe, +though detailed evidence is not abundant, that towards the +end of the Middle Ages Judaism exercised over the superstitions +of other faiths the same fascination as in the first +century of the Roman Empire. Thomas Aquinas believed +that unrestricted intercourse between Jews and Christians +was likely to result in the conversion of Christians to +Judaism, and for that reason he thought it right, in spite +of the general liberality of his opinions concerning the +Jews, that intercourse with them should be allowed to such +Christians alone as were strong in the faith, and were more +likely to convert them than to be converted by them.⁠<a id="FNanchor_193_193" href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> “It +happens sometimes,” wrote a Pope of the thirteenth century, +“that Christians, when they are visited by the Lord +with sickness and tribulation, go astray, and have recourse +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</span>to the vain help of the Jewish rite. They hold in the +synagogues of the Jews torches and lighted candles, and +make offerings there. Likewise they keep vigils (especially +on the Sabbath), in the hope that the sick may be restored +to health, that those at sea may reach harbour, that those +in childbirth may be safely delivered, and that the barren +may become fruitful and rejoice in offspring. For the accomplishment +of these and other wishes, they implore the +help of the said rite, and in idolatrous fashion show open +signs of devotion and reverence to a scroll, not without +much harm to the orthodox faith, contumely to our Creator, +and opprobrium and shame to the Universal Church.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_194_194" href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The anti-Jewish feeling that grew up from the causes +that have just been described called into existence new +institutions and measures designed for the purpose of +humbling the Jews and checking the growth of Judaism. +In compliance with the cruel request of Innocent, most of +the monarchs of Europe compelled their Jewish subjects to +wear a badge.⁠<a id="FNanchor_195_195" href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> Local church councils, which hitherto had +contented themselves with the attempt to enforce the old +prohibition against the employment by Jews of Christian +servants and nurses, now went further, and forbade +Christians to allow the presence of Jews in their houses +and taverns, to feast or dance with them, to be present at +the celebration of their marriages, their new moons, and +their festivals, and to employ their services as doctors.⁠<a id="FNanchor_196_196" href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> +The Popes of the latter part of the thirteenth century +appointed Dominicans in various countries of Europe to +perform the duty of preaching to the Jews, and of holding +inquisitions into their heresies, in the hope that with the +help of the secular power they might stamp them out.⁠<a id="FNanchor_197_197" href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>In England the relation of the Jews to the Christians +underwent somewhat the same changes as in Continental +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</span>Europe. Before the thirteenth century the Jews in England +had, as has been said above, been free from molestation +by the Church,⁠<a id="FNanchor_198_198" href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> and their chief danger had been from the +brutality and greed of the disorderly populace, of desperate +outcasts, and of marauding Crusaders.⁠<a id="FNanchor_199_199" href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> The first great +attack made on them by any constituted power came +from Stephen Langton, who, not content with passing +at his Provincial Synod a decree which, in accordance +with the regulations of Innocent, enforced the use of +the badge and prohibited the erection of new synagogues, +went so far as to issue orders that no one in his diocese +should presume, under pain of excommunication, to have +any intercourse with Jews, or should sell them any of +the necessaries of life. The Bishops of Lincoln and +Norwich issued the same orders in their dioceses.⁠<a id="FNanchor_200_200" href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> Many +other bishops in the reign of Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr> did their best, +partly by legislation in their diocesan synods and +partly by the use of their personal and spiritual influence, +to check intercourse between Jews and Christians.⁠<a id="FNanchor_201_201" href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> Of +course the king’s guardians, in the interest of the royal +income, a considerable part of which was derived from +the Jewry, interfered to prevent the measures of Langton +and his colleagues from being carried into effect. And +Henry, when he took into his own hands the work of +government, while, on the one hand, he showed his +sympathy with the fears of the Church by building +a house for the reception of Jewish converts,⁠<a id="FNanchor_202_202" href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> and by +lending the sanction of the civil power to the decree that +ordered the use of the badge,⁠<a id="FNanchor_203_203" href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> nevertheless followed the +example that his guardians had set, and protected the Jews +against the aggression of the Church.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</span></p> + +<p>There were many reasons which might have caused +Edward to sympathise more strongly than his father +had done, with the anti-Jewish feelings of the Church. +He was a pious man and a pious king, filled with a sense +of his kingly duty towards “the living God who takes +to himself the souls of Princes.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_204_204" href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> He was a Crusader, +though the great crusading age was over, a founder of +monasteries, a pilgrim to holy places; and through his +confessors he was in close connection with, and under +the influence of, the Dominican order.⁠<a id="FNanchor_205_205" href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> Some of his +bishops were determined enemies of the Jews. John +of Peckham, for example, the Archbishop of Canterbury, +insisted at one time on the demolition of all the small +private synagogues in London, at which the Jews were +in the habit of worshipping after the confiscation of +their great public synagogues at the end of the reign +of Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr>; at another time he demanded from the +king the help of the temporal power against Jews who +having once been converted to Christianity, wished to go +back to their old faith; on another occasion he took the +bold step of writing to the Queen concerning her business +transactions with the Jews, solemnly warning her that +unless she gave them up she could never be absolved from +her sins, “nay, not though an angel should assert the +contrary.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_206_206" href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> At Hereford, Bishop Swinfield was so +determined to prevent intercourse with Jews that, when +he heard that certain Christians intended to be present +at a marriage feast to be given by some rich Jews of the +city, he issued a proclamation threatening with excommunication +any who should carry out their intention, +and, when his proclamation was disregarded, he carried out +his threat.⁠<a id="FNanchor_207_207" href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a>⁠</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</span></p> + +<p>Certain events that happened, or were said to have +happened, in England in Edward’s lifetime, some, indeed, +under his own observation, may well have seemed to him +to justify the attitude of the Church. In 1275 a Dominican +friar was converted to Judaism.⁠<a id="FNanchor_208_208" href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> In 1268, while +Edward was in Oxford, the Chancellor, masters and +scholars of the University, and the Parochial Clergy, were +going in procession to visit the shrine of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Friedswide +when, according to a story that gained general credence, +a Jew of the city snatched from the bearer a cross that +was being carried at their head and trod it under foot.⁠<a id="FNanchor_209_209" href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> +At Norwich, early in Edward’s reign, a Jew was burnt +for blasphemy.⁠<a id="FNanchor_210_210" href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> At Nottingham, in 1278, a Jewess was +charged with abusing in scandalous terms all the Christian +bystanders in the market-place.⁠<a id="FNanchor_211_211" href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Edward’s conduct could not but be influenced by the +general tone of opinion in the Church, by the strong +anti-Jewish feeling of some of his bishops, and by the +follies, real or supposed, of the Jews themselves. In +continuation of his father’s policy he made, throughout +his reign, such contributions as, with his scanty means, he +could afford, to the support of the House of Converts.⁠<a id="FNanchor_212_212" href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> He +renewed the edict concerning the wearing of the badge, +and extended it to Jewesses, whereas it had formerly +applied only to Jews.⁠<a id="FNanchor_213_213" href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> In order that the Dominicans +might be able to carry on in England the same efforts at +conversion as they were already pursuing in France, Spain +and Germany, he issued to all the sheriffs and bailiffs in +England writs bidding them do their best to induce all +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</span>the Jews in the counties and towns under their charge +to assemble and hear the word of God preached by the +friars.⁠<a id="FNanchor_214_214" href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> To meet the danger to religion that might arise +from the blasphemous utterances of Jews, he ordered that +proclamation should be made throughout England that +any Jew found guilty (after an enquiry conducted by +Christians) of having spoken disrespectfully of Christ, the +Virgin Mary, or the Catholic faith, should be liable to the +loss of life or limbs.⁠<a id="FNanchor_215_215" href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Thus far, and no farther, was Edward prepared to go +with measures for the suppression of Judaism as a religion. +He believed that the Jews, so long as they remain Jews, +lived in ignorance and sin, and he did what he could to +help the friars in the effort to convert them. He believed +that some among them were likely to make blasphemous +attacks on Christianity, and he did what he could to keep +them in check. But he believed that it was possible for +them to live in peace and quietness, carrying on trades and +handicrafts, among Christian neighbours in Christian +towns. And it was to enable them to do so that he +adopted the policy of 1275, and bade the Jews renounce +usury, giving them at the same time permission “to practise +trade, to live by their labour, and, for those purposes, +freely to converse with Christians.” But, as we have seen, +there were imposed on the Jews who attempted to avail +themselves of this permission, legal disadvantages which +wholly unfitted them for industrial competition with non-Jews, +and compelled them to continue the practice of +usury. That Edward recognised this fact is shown by +the issue of the revised Statute of Usurers some years +after 1275; but that measure was inconclusive and inconsistent +with the rest of his policy. Sooner or later the +conclusion would have forced itself on him that until the +Jews were, by the acquisition of the right to become +burgesses and gildsmen, enabled to enter into industrial +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</span>competition on equal terms with Christians, all his efforts +to make them traders instead of usurers would be wasted. +He would then have had before him two alternatives. He +might, on the one hand, have declined to sacrifice his +seignorial rights over the Jews, whom he had described +in the Statute of 1275 as “talliable to the king as his own +serfs, and not otherwise,” and in that case he would have +had to recognise that his whole Jewish policy was an +impossible one. Or he might, on the other hand, have +revoked the provision in the statute which forbade the +Jews to be in “scots, lots, or talliage with the other +inhabitants of those cities or burgesses where they remained.” +Such a measure would have been a step in the +only direction which could possibly lead to the success of +his policy. But it would not by itself have been enough +to secure success; for, when the legal difficulties of the +Jews had been removed, there would still have remained +the social difficulties which proceeded from the dislike in +which they were held by the Church and the people; and, +unless these difficulties also could be removed, so that the +Jews might be in a position of social equality, as well as +legal equality, with Christians, and associate with them +in friendly intercourse, the king’s policy would be as far +from success as ever. Which alternative Edward would +have decided to adopt is, of course, a question we have +no means of answering; but the decision was taken out +of his hands by the interference, for the first and last +time in English history, of the head of the Catholic Church +in the relations between the Jews and the king.</p> + +<p>At the end of 1286, Honorius <abbr title="the Fourth">IV.</abbr> addressed to the +Archbishops of Canterbury⁠<a id="FNanchor_216_216" href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> and York⁠<a id="FNanchor_217_217" href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> + and their suffragans +the following bull:—</p> + +<p>“We have heard that in England the accursed and +perfidious Jews have done unspeakable things and horrible +acts, to the shame of our Creator and the detriment of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</span>Catholic faith. They are said to have a wicked and +deceitful book, which they commonly call Thalmud, containing +manifold abominations, falsehoods, heresies, and +abuses. This damnable work they continually study, and +with its nefarious contents their base thoughts are always +engaged. Moreover, they set their children from their +tender years to study its lethal teaching, and they do not +scruple to tell them that they ought to believe in it more +than in the Law of Moses, so that the said children may +flee from the path of God and go astray in the devious +ways of the unbelievers. Moreover, they not only attempt +to entice the minds of the faithful to their pestilent sect, +but also, with many gifts, they seduce to apostasy those +who, led by wholesome counsel, have abjured the error of +infidelity and betaken themselves to the Christian faith; +so that some, being led away by the treachery of the Jews, +live with them according to their rite and law, even in +the parishes in which they received new life from the +sacred font of baptism; and hence arise injury to our +Saviour, scandal to the faithful, and dishonour to the +Christian faith. Some also who have been baptised they +send to other places, in order that there they may live +unknown and return to their disbelief. They invite and +urgently persuade Christians to attend their synagogues on +the Sabbath and on other of their solemn occasions, to hear +and take part in their services, and to show reverence to +the parchment-scroll or book in which their law is written, +in consequence of which many Christians Judaise with the +Jews.</p> + +<p>“Moreover, they have in their households Christians +whom they compel to busy themselves on Sundays and +feast-days with servile tasks from which they should refrain. +And so they cast opprobrium on the majesty of +God. They have in their houses Christian women to bring +up their children. Christian men and women dwell among +them; and so it often happens, when occasion offers and +the time is favourable to shameful actions, that Christian +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</span>men have unblessed intercourse with Jewish women and +Christian women with Jewish men.</p> + +<p>“Yet Christians and Jews go on meeting in each others’ +houses. They spend their leisure in banqueting and feasting +together, and hence the opportunity for mischief becomes +easy. On certain days they publicly abuse Christians, +or rather curse them, and do other wicked acts which offend +God and cause the loss of souls.</p> + +<p>“And although some of you have been often asked to +devise a fitting remedy for these things, yet you have +failed to comply. Whereat we are forced to wonder the +more, since the duty of your pastoral office binds you to +show yourselves more ready and determined than other +men to avenge the wrongs of our Saviour, and to oppose +the nefarious attempts of the foes of the Christian faith.</p> + +<p>“An evil so dangerous must not be made light of, lest, +being neglected, it may grow great. You are bound to rise +up with ready courage against such audacity in order that it +may be completely suppressed and confounded and that the +dignity and glory of the Catholic Faith may increase. Therefore +by this apostolic writing we give orders that, as the duty +of your office demands, you shall use inhibitions, spiritual +and temporal penalties, and other methods, which shall seem +good to you, and which in your preaching and at other +fitting times you shall set forth, to the end, that this disease +may be checked by proper remedies. So may you +have your reward from the mercy of the Eternal King. +We shall extol in our prayers your wisdom and diligence. +Let us know fully by your letters what you do in this +matter.”</p> +</div> + +<div> +<h3 id="X-The_Effects_of_the_Clerical_Opposition"> + <abbr title="10">X.</abbr>—<span class="smcap">The Effects of the Clerical Opposition.</span> +</h3> + +<p>Edward was too religious to disregard the wishes of the +Pope, expressed thus formally and solemnly and with the +utmost strength of language. And he had special reasons +for paying heed to the words of Honorius <abbr title="the Fourth">IV.</abbr>, on whose +money-lenders he was dependent for loans, and whose +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</span>predecessor had, by the exercise of his spiritual powers, +secured for him a tenth part of the goods of the clergy of +England.⁠<a id="FNanchor_218_218" href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> From the moment of the issue of the bull, the +policy inaugurated by the statute of 1275 was doomed. +For of the two alternatives that Edward would have had +before him in any further Jewish legislation that he might +have undertaken—the alternatives of the abandonment of +the policy of 1275, or the extension of it by further +measures for the assimilation of the status of Jews to that +of Christians—the Church now demanded that he should +at once adopt the former. It demanded that the Jews of +England should live isolated from the Christians; and this +they could do only so long as they kept to pursuits, such as +usury, for the practice of which they required no connection +with the organisation of a gild or a town.</p> + +<p>For a time Edward could take no decisive measures, since +when the bull reached England, he had left for Gascony.⁠<a id="FNanchor_219_219" href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> +In that province nothing had apparently as yet been done +to satisfy the demand made by the Council of Lyons, in +1274, that alien usurers should no longer be tolerated in +the land of Christians. It was hopeless to try to enforce +in a distant dependency the policy that had been beset in +England with so many difficulties, and had now incurred +the direct opposition of the Church. The only alternative +was expulsion, a measure that on French soil suggested itself +the more naturally, since two French kings had practically +adopted it already. Before he returned home, Edward +issued an order that all Jews should leave Gascony.⁠<a id="FNanchor_220_220" href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The application of the same measure in England was a +more serious matter, since the English Jews were doubtless +a much larger community than those of Gascony. But, +determined not to tolerate them as usurers, and convinced +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</span>of the hopelessness of his efforts to change them into +traders, Edward had no alternative but to treat them as he +had treated their coreligionists in Gascony.</p> + +<p>No doubt he was influenced in his resolution by the members +of his family and court. His wife and mother and +various of his officers had been in the habit of receiving +liberal grants from the property and forfeitures of the +Jews.⁠<a id="FNanchor_221_221" href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> They must have known that this resource was +decreasing steadily, and was not worth husbanding, and +they must have welcomed a measure which would bring +into the King’s hands a fairly large amount of spoil capable +of immediate distribution. And, probably, some of the +ecclesiastical members of the court felt, as his mother +certainly did,⁠<a id="FNanchor_222_222" href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> a religious hatred of the Jews and a religious +joy at the prospect of their disappearance.</p> +</div> + +<div> +<h3 id="XI-The_Expulsion"> + <abbr title="11">XI.</abbr>—<span class="smcap">The Expulsion.</span> +</h3> + +<p>Of the course of events for the first few months after +Edward’s return to England, very meagre accounts have +come down to us. His searching inquiry into the conduct +of the judges during his absence⁠<a id="FNanchor_223_223" href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> must have taken up +most of his time and energy. As soon as he had meted +out punishment to those whom he had found guilty of +corruption, he turned to the Jewish question. On the +<abbr>18th</abbr> of July, 1290, writs were issued to the sheriffs of +counties, informing them that a decree had been passed +that all Jews should leave England before the feast of +All Saints of that year.⁠<a id="FNanchor_224_224" href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> Any who remained in the country +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</span>after the prescribed day were declared liable to the penalty +of death.⁠<a id="FNanchor_225_225" href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Every effort was made by the King to secure the peace +and safety of the Jews during the short period for which +they were allowed to remain, and in the course of their +journey from their homes to the coast, and from the coast +to their ultimate destination. The sheriffs were ordered +to have public proclamation made that “no one within +the appointed period should injure, harm, damage, or +grieve them,” and were to ensure, for such as chose to pay +for it, a safe journey to London. The wardens of the +Cinque Ports, within the district of whose jurisdiction +many of the Jews would necessarily embark, received +orders in the same spirit as those that had been addressed +to the sheriffs of the counties. They were to see that the +exiles were provided, after payment, with a safe and +speedy passage across the sea, and that the poor among +them were enabled to travel at cheap rates and were treated +with consideration.⁠<a id="FNanchor_226_226" href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> These general orders were reinforced +by the issue of special writs of safe-conduct for individual +Jews.⁠<a id="FNanchor_227_227" href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> The exiles were allowed to carry with them all +of their own property that was in their possession at the +time of the issue of the decree of expulsion, together with +such pledges deposited with them by Christians as were +not redeemed before a fixed date. A few Jews who were +high in the favour of royal personages, such as Aaron, son +of Vives, who was a “chattel” of the King’s brother +Edmund,⁠<a id="FNanchor_228_228" href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> and Cok, son of Hagin, who belonged to the +Queen,⁠<a id="FNanchor_229_229" href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> were allowed before their departure to sell their +houses and fees to any Christian who would buy them.</p> + +<p>On <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Denis’s Day all the Jews of London started on +their journey to the sea-coast.⁠<a id="FNanchor_230_230" href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> The treatment that they +met with was not so merciful as the king had wished. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</span>Many of the richer among them embarked with all their +property at London. At the mouth of the Thames, the +master cast anchor during the ebb-tide, so that his vessel +grounded on the sands, and invited his passengers to walk +on the shore till it was again afloat. He led them to a +great distance, so that they did not get back to the river-side +till the tide was again full. Then he ran into the +water, climbed into the ship by means of a rope, and bade +them, if they needed help, call on their Prophet Moses. +They followed him into the water, and most of them were +drowned. The sailors appropriated all that the Jews +had left on board. But subsequently the master and his +accomplices were indicted, convicted of murder, and hanged.⁠<a id="FNanchor_231_231" href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>One body of the exiles set sail for France. During their +voyage fierce storms swept the sea. Many were drowned. +Many were cast destitute on the coast that they were +seeking, and were allowed by the King to live for a time +in Amiens.⁠<a id="FNanchor_232_232" href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> This act of mercy, however, called forth the +censure of the Pope, and the <i lang="fr">Parlement de la Chandeleur</i>, +which met in the same year, decreed that all the Jews +from England and Gascony who had taken refuge in the +French king’s dominions should leave the country by the +middle of the next Lent.⁠<a id="FNanchor_233_233" href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> Another body, numbering 1,335, +and consisting, to a great extent, of the poor, went to +Flanders.⁠<a id="FNanchor_234_234" href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> The only known fact that we have to guide +our conjectures as to the ultimate place of settlement of +any of those who left England is that, in a list of the inhabitants +of the Paris Jewry, made four years after the +Expulsion, there appear certain names with the additions +of <i>l’Englische</i> or <i>l’Englais</i>.⁠<a id="FNanchor_235_235" href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> It may well be that many Jews +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</span>from England, speaking the French language, were able, in +spite of the Act of the <i lang="fr">Parlement de la Chandeleur</i>, to become +merged in the general body of the Jews of France, who +were many times as numerous as those of England had +been.⁠<a id="FNanchor_236_236" href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> Many, too, may have thrown in their lot with their +850,000 coreligionists of Spain.⁠<a id="FNanchor_237_237" href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The property that the Jews left behind them in England +consisted of such dwelling-houses, and other houses, as +remained to them in spite of the strict <span id="TN2">conditions imposed +by the Statute of 1275</span>, of the synagogues and cemeteries +of their local congregations, and of bonds partly for the +repayment of money, and partly for the delivery of wool +and corn for which the price had been paid in advance. +All fell into the hands of the King,⁠<a id="FNanchor_238_238" href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> except, possibly, the +houses in some of those towns, such as Hereford, Winchester, +and Ipswich, of which the citizens had by the +purchase of manorial rights become entitled to all fines and +forfeitures.⁠<a id="FNanchor_239_239" href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> The annual value of the houses, as shown in +the returns made by the sheriffs, was, after allowance had +been made for the right of the Capital Lords, about £130. +The value of the debts, as shown in the register made by +the officers of the Exchequer, was about £9,100, but the +amount for realisation was diminished by the King’s resolve +to take from the debtors, not the full amount for +which they were liable, and which, under the amended +statute of the Jewry,⁠<a id="FNanchor_240_240" href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> could include three years’ interest, +but only the bare principal that had been originally +advanced. Even this was not fully collected; payment +was, by the King’s permission, delayed, and confirmations, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</span>made in 1315 and 1327, of the renunciation of interest, +show how long some of the debts remained outstanding. +Edward <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr> finally gave up the claim to all further +payment.⁠<a id="FNanchor_241_241" href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>It was ordered that the houses should be sold and the +proceeds devoted to pious uses.⁠<a id="FNanchor_242_242" href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> But it appears that +they were nearly all given away to the King’s friends.⁠<a id="FNanchor_243_243" href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a>⁠</p> +</div> + +<div> +<h3 id="XII-The_Necessity_for_the_Expulsion"> + <abbr title="12">XII.</abbr>—<span class="smcap">The Necessity for the Expulsion.</span> +</h3> + +<p>The Expulsion was not the act of a cruel king. The +forbearance which marks the orders to the officers who +were charged with the execution of the decree had been +shown by Edward many a time before, when he protected +Jews against claims too rigorously enforced, and ordered +that his own rights should be waived where insistence on +them would have deprived his debtors of their means of +subsistence.⁠<a id="FNanchor_244_244" href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Nor was it prompted by greed. It is true that immediately +after it, and according to the account of many +chroniclers, as an expression of gratitude for it, the +Parliament voted a tenth and a fifteenth.⁠<a id="FNanchor_245_245" href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> But this cannot +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</span>have been a bribe offered beforehand, for the writs +announcing the decree were issued on the fourth day after +that for which the Parliament was summoned.⁠<a id="FNanchor_246_246" href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> It is +impossible to suppose that in so short an interval the +question was brought up, the policy chosen, the price +fixed, and the decree issued. It is equally impossible +that Edward’s conduct should have been affected by the +prospect of the confiscation of the small amount of property +that the Jews left behind them.</p> + +<p>The Expulsion was a piece of independent royal action, +made necessary by the impossibility of carrying out the +only alternative policy that an honourable Christian king +could adopt. And the impossibility was not of Edward’s +making. It was the result of many causes, and the knowledge +of it had been brought home to him by many proofs. +The guesses of our contemporary, and all but contemporary, +authorities who take on themselves to explain his action, +show how many were the obstacles before which he had to +confess himself vanquished. In one chronicle the Expulsion +is represented as a concession to the prayer of the Pope;⁠<a id="FNanchor_247_247" href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> in +another, as the result of the efforts of Queen Eleanor;⁠<a id="FNanchor_248_248" href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> in a +third, as a measure of summary punishment against the blasphemy +of the Jews, taken to give satisfaction to the English +clergy;⁠<a id="FNanchor_249_249" href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> in a fourth as an answer to the complaints made by +the magnates of the continued prevalence of usury;⁠<a id="FNanchor_250_250" href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> in a fifth +as an act of conformity to public opinion;⁠<a id="FNanchor_251_251" href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> in a sixth, as a +reform suggested by the King’s independent general enquiry +into the administration of the kingdom during his absence, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</span>and his discovery, through the complaints of the Council, +of the “deceits” of the Jews.⁠<a id="FNanchor_252_252" href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Each of these statements gives us some information as +to the nature and extent of the failure of Edward’s policy. +None gives the true cause, for none sets before us the true +position of the Jews and their relations with their +neighbours. It is true that it was the bull of Honorius +that finally compelled Edward to give up his attempt to +assimilate the position of the Jews to that of Christian +traders. It is true, no doubt, that his mother had from the +first dissuaded him from generous treatment, and, perhaps, +had induced him to lessen the chance of the success of his +policy by asserting his right over them as over his serfs.⁠<a id="FNanchor_253_253" href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> +But the bull of the Pope and the personal influence of the +Queen-mother were alike unnecessary. If Edward had +waived all his rights, if the Church had in his reign relented +towards the Jews instead of increasing its bitterness towards +them, both acts of generosity would have come too late. +The same causes that had made the Jews accept the position +of royal usurers at the end of the eleventh century, +and of royal chattels at the end of the twelfth, made +it impossible for them to give up either position at the +end of the thirteenth. From the moment of their arrival in +England they had been hated by the common people. +They never had an opportunity of acquiring interests +in common with their neighbours, or of entering their +social or industrial institutions. Isolation brought with +it danger. For the sake of safety they had to accept royal +protection; and their protectors long held them in a close +grip, until one at last refused to tolerate them under the +same conditions as had satisfied his predecessors. But to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</span>have given them their freedom would only have been to +expose them to the old dislike and the old danger. If +Edward had allowed them to become citizens, and had set +at naught the bull of Honorius, he would have seen the +English towns refusing to support his policy and denying +to the Jews the right to join the gild merchant, to learn +trades and to practise them, and to enjoy the protection of +municipal laws and customs.</p> + +<p>For towards all new-comers, of whatever race or religion, +the English burgesses of the Middle Ages showed a +spirit of unyielding exclusiveness.⁠<a id="FNanchor_254_254" href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> But the feeling against +the Jews was far greater than that against any other +class. Every reference to them in English literature, +before the Expulsion and long after it, shows its strength +and bitterness. “Hell is without light where they +sing lamentations,” says one poet of them.⁠<a id="FNanchor_255_255" href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> Another who, +writing a few years after the Expulsion, mentions the +massacre at the coronation of Richard <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr>, finds in it +nothing to wonder at, and nothing to regret. To him it +is only natural that “<span id="TN4">The king took it for great shame, +That</span> from such unclean things as them any meat to him +came.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_256_256" href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> The chroniclers of the time refer to them again +and again, and always in the same tone of dislike. “The +Jews,” says Matthew Paris, in his account of one of the +most cruel of Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr>’s acts of extortion, “had nearly +all their money taken from them, and yet they were not +pitied, because it is proved, and is manifest, that they are +continually convicted of forging charters, seals and coins.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_257_257" href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> +“They are a sign for the nation like Cain the accursed,” he +says elsewhere.⁠<a id="FNanchor_258_258" href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> The eulogist of Edward <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr>, when he +recounts the great deeds of his hero, tells with pride and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</span>without a word of pity how “the perfidious and unbelieving +horde of Jews is driven forth from England in +one day into exile.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_259_259" href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> And just as no punishment that they +can suffer is regarded as too heavy for their sins, so no +story of their misdoings, whether it be of the murder of +Christian children, of insults to the Christian religion, or +of fraud on Christian debtors, is too improbable or too +brutal or too trivial to be repeated.⁠<a id="FNanchor_260_260" href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>The popular hatred showed itself in deed as well as in +word. The massacres of 1190 were imitated on a small +scale at intervals during the sojourn of the Jews in England. +<span id="TN3">Braziers and hosiers, bakers and shoemakers</span>, tailors +and copperers, priests and Oxford scholars were all ready +to take part in the looting of a Jewry.⁠<a id="FNanchor_261_261" href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Nor was there any influence exercised by the higher +classes to make the populace less intolerant. A great +lady declared that it was a disgrace for one of her rank to +sit in a carriage in which a Jewess had sat.⁠<a id="FNanchor_262_262" href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> A great noble +thought it a good jest, when a Jew on his estate fell into a +pit on a Friday, to order that he should not be helped out +either on the Jewish Sabbath or on the Christian, in order +that the absurdity of the Mosaic legislation might be +demonstrated—at the cost, as it resulted, of the Jew’s +life.⁠<a id="FNanchor_263_263" href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Bishops supported with eagerness the charge of child-murder +repeatedly brought against the Jews,⁠<a id="FNanchor_264_264" href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> though Popes +and Councils had declared it to be groundless⁠<a id="FNanchor_265_265" href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a>⁠; and the +judge who showed the greatest eagerness for the punishment +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</span>of the Jewish prisoners who were accused on the +monstrous charge of having murdered Hugh of Lincoln, +was a man who was held in especial honour by his contemporaries +as a scholar and “a circumspect and discreet +man.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_266_266" href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Thus the Christians were not likely to endure the Jews +as neighbours and fellow-workers, and the Jews, even if +they had been permitted, would have been as little willing +to live the life and follow the ordinary pursuits of citizens. +It was not that they loved usury as a calling. On the +contrary, they entered willingly into all those professions +that gave them the opportunity of being their own masters +and living according to their own fashion. Many of them +were physicians, and among the most esteemed in Europe.⁠<a id="FNanchor_267_267" href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> +In Italy, where the municipal and gild organisations were +easier to enter, and less narrow and exacting in their constitution, +than those of England,⁠<a id="FNanchor_268_268" href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> + they worked at trades.⁠<a id="FNanchor_269_269" href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> +In Sicily, under Frederic <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr>, some Jews were employed +as administrators, and many more were agriculturists.⁠<a id="FNanchor_270_270" href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> +In Rome, one was treasurer of the household of Pope +Alexander <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr>, and in Southern France another filled the +same office under Count Raymond, of Toulouse.⁠<a id="FNanchor_271_271" href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> In +Austria, they were the financial ministers of the Archduke,⁠<a id="FNanchor_272_272" href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> +and in Spain, one was chamberlain to Alphonso the Wise, +and many others were in the service of the same king.⁠<a id="FNanchor_273_273" href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> +In England, some Jews were attached to the Court of +Henry <abbr title="the Third">III.</abbr>, and treated with special favour; others were +useful and valued adherents of Richard, King of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</span>Romans,⁠<a id="FNanchor_274_274" href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> and, after the prohibition of usury, others, as we +have seen, became corn-merchants, and wool-merchants.</p> + +<p>But the whole character of the Jews, their religious +beliefs, and their national hopes, were such as to make +repellent to them those close relations with Christians and +Englishmen which would have been necessary if they had +entered into the feudal or municipal organisations of the +Middle Ages. Though there was no religious obstacle to +prevent them from entering a Gild, still they could not, +without violating their religion, eat at a Gild feast, or take +part in its religious ceremonies. Their teachers, like those +of the Church, warned them against social intercourse with +the Christians, “lest it might lead to inter-marriage.”⁠<a id="FNanchor_275_275" href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> +They did not speak the English language.⁠<a id="FNanchor_276_276" href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> They remained +willingly outside the national and municipal life.</p> + +<p>Their isolation caused them no sorrow. Rather must +it have been dear to them as a sign that they were faithful +members of the one race to which in truth they +belonged, the race of Israel. The interests that filled their +mind were those that were common to them, not with +the inhabitants of the country in which they lived, but +with their brethren in faith and race scattered throughout +the world. The rapidity and copiousness with which the +stream of Jewish literature poured forth in the Middle +Ages, showed how unfailing was the strength of the +Jewish life which was its source. In Southern Europe the +Jews waged among themselves fierce controversies over +problems such as were suggested by the support that some +of their Rabbis gave, or appeared to give, to the Aristotelian +doctrines of the eternity of matter and the uncreativeness +of God.⁠<a id="FNanchor_277_277" href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> Among the English Jews, and in the communities +of Northern France with whom the English Jews were in +continual communication, literature, though less controversial +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</span>and engaged with less deep questions, sufficed, +nevertheless, even better to provide continual and engrossing +interest for the orthodox. There were read and +written, down to the last years before the Expulsion, +commentaries and super-commentaries on the Bible and +the Talmud, lexicons and grammars, treatises on ritual +and ceremonial. The Rabbis discussed what blessings it +was right to use on all the occasions of life, on rising in +the morning, or on retiring to rest at night, on eating, on +washing, on being married, on hearing thunder.⁠<a id="FNanchor_278_278" href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> The +English Jews were strict observers of the ceremonial law,⁠<a id="FNanchor_279_279" href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> +they made use in daily life of the minutiæ of Rabbinical +scholarship, they drew up their contracts “after the usage +of the sages,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_280_280" href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> and thus, like all the Jews of mediæval +Europe, they were continually reminded, in the pursuit of +their ordinary interests and occupations, that they were a +peculiar people. How proud they were of the position is +shown by the poetical literature which, as preserved in +the Jewish prayer book, is the most precious legacy that +mediæval Judaism has left us. It was common to Jews in +all lands; it commemorated all the sorrows of their nation, +and gave expression to all their hopes. It made them +feel that, scattered as they were, they yet had a destiny +of their own, and it banished from their minds, as a +counsel of baseness, the thought of making themselves +one with the “Gentiles” around them. It reminded them +that exile and persecution, and ultimate triumph were the +appointed lot of Israel, and that the same teachers who +had prophesied that the Chosen People should suffer, had +also prophesied that in the fulness of time they should +be redeemed. They knew that in the hour of danger and +persecution there had never been wanting martyrs to +testify in death to the unity of God and to the Glory of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</span>his Name. And they could not doubt that the Lord of +Mercy and Justice would mete out due recompense to the +oppressors and the oppressed.⁠<a id="FNanchor_281_281" href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Thus the memory of their past, and the commonplace +occurrences of their daily life, continually strengthened +the bonds that bound Jews together after twelve centuries +of dispersion. In the thirteenth century of the Christian +era, as in the first, they still regarded the Holy Land as +their true home. Three hundred Rabbis from France and +England went thither in 1211.⁠<a id="FNanchor_282_282" href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> There Jehudi Halevi +ended his days.⁠<a id="FNanchor_283_283" href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> There Nachmanides taught that it was +the duty of every Jew to live, and, true to his own lesson, +he set out on his pilgrimage in the seventieth year of his age. +And in his own and the next generation many Jews from +Spain and Germany followed his example.⁠<a id="FNanchor_284_284" href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> A Jewish +traveller of the Middle Ages says of certain of the communities +of his coreligionists that he visited: “They are full of +hopes, and they say to one another, ‘Be of good cheer, +brethren, for the salvation of the Lord will be quick as the +glancing of an eye:’ and were it not that we have hitherto +doubted, and thought that the end of our Captivity has not +yet arrived, we should have been gathered together long ago. +But now this will not be till the time of song arrives, and +the sound of the turtle-dove gives warning. Then will the +message arrive, and we shall ever say ‘The Name of the +Lord be exalted.’”⁠<a id="FNanchor_285_285" href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a>⁠</p> + +<p>Nowhere in Europe could such men have been content to +live the life of those around them, to bind themselves with +the ties of citizenship, to find their highest hopes on earth +in the destiny of the town, or the country, in which they +dwelt. They were but sojourners. They lived in expectation +of the time when the Lord should return the +Captivity of Zion, and they should look back on their +exile as reawakened dreamers.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</span></p> + +<p>Without the privilege of isolation they could not live; +and if in England the communities of the Gentiles had been +open to them, they would never have entered them.</p> + +<hr class="tb"> + +<p>The Expulsion of the English Jews was an event of +small importance alike in English and in Jewish history. +In England the effect that it produced was barely perceptible. +The loss of their capital was too slight to +produce any economic change.⁠<a id="FNanchor_286_286" href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> The only class that benefited +from their departure was the Florentine merchants, +whose trade grew from this time even greater than before.⁠<a id="FNanchor_287_287" href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> +Political results of importance have sometimes been attributed +to the Expulsion. The victory of the towns over +the King has been said to have been hastened by the loss +of the financial support of the Jews.⁠<a id="FNanchor_288_288" href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> But it cannot have +come any the sooner for the disappearance of a community +from whom the King had long ceased to get any real help +in his enterprises abroad, or in his struggles at home. The +trading classes still complained after the Expulsion, as they +had done before it, of the prevalence of the “horrible +practice of usury, which has undone many, and brought +many to poverty,”⁠<a id="FNanchor_289_289" href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> and the “horrible practice” prevailed +none the less; and perhaps the poorer agricultural classes +of England, the newly enfeoffed rent-payers, found, as did +the corresponding class in France,⁠<a id="FNanchor_290_290" href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> that the expulsion of +the Jews only compelled them to go to more cruel money-lenders +than before. The coin was clipped as regularly +after the Expulsion as before it, and the Christian goldsmiths +were as rigorously treated as the Jewish money-lenders +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</span>had been.⁠<a id="FNanchor_291_291" href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> The Church, which had helped to +drive out the Jews, soon found itself in conflict with Christian +heresy, compared with which Jewish unbelief was +harmless.</p> + +<p>The Jews, on their side, were driven from a land which +thirty-five years earlier they had begged in vain to be +allowed to leave.⁠<a id="FNanchor_292_292" href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> They went forth to join the far greater +bodies of their countrymen in other lands, and with them +to fulfil the career of sorrow that they had begun. The +loss of their inhospitable home in England was but one +episode in their tragic history. From France they were +again to be expelled, despoiled and destitute.⁠<a id="FNanchor_293_293" href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> In +Germany the blood-accusation met them as in England.⁠<a id="FNanchor_294_294" href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> +In Spain popular massacres and clerical persecution were +already preparing the ground for the Inquisition.⁠<a id="FNanchor_295_295" href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> The +time was still far off when Jew and Christian could live +side by side and neither suffer because he would not +worship after his neighbour’s fashion. That time could +not come until society was more heterogeneous, and the +circles of interest of ordinary men wider, than they could +be in the thirteenth century, until the citizen ceased to +live his life, bodily and spiritual, within the walls of his +native town, under the shadow of the Church.</p> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<div class="chapter"> + <h2 class="nobreak" id="FOOTNOTES"> + FOOTNOTES: + </h2> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_1" href="#FNanchor_1_1" class="label">[1]</a> J. Jacobs, <cite>Jews of Angevin England</cite>, 43–4; 64–5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_2" href="#FNanchor_2_2" class="label">[2]</a> <abbr>Cf.</abbr> the account of the litigation of Richard of Anesty in Palgrave’s +<cite>Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth</cite>, <abbr title="Volume">Vol.</abbr> <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> (Proofs and +Illustrations), <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> <abbr title="24">xxiv.</abbr>–<abbr title="27">xxvii.</abbr></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_3" href="#FNanchor_3_3" class="label">[3]</a> See Jewries of Oxford and Winchester, in the plans in Norgate’s +<cite>England under Angevin Kings</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 31, 40; and Jewry of London, described +in <cite>Papers of Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition</cite>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 20–52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_4" href="#FNanchor_4_4" class="label">[4]</a> <cite>Chronica Rogeri de Hoveden</cite> (Rolls Series) <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 261; <cite>Gesta Henrici +<abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr> et Ricardi <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr></cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 279.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_5" href="#FNanchor_5_5" class="label">[5]</a> <cite>Gesta Henrici <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr> et Ricardi <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr></cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R. S.</abbr>), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 182; <cite>Chronica Rogeri de +Hoveden</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R. S.</abbr>), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 137.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_6" href="#FNanchor_6_6" class="label">[6]</a> Depping, <cite>Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age</cite>, 170; Jacobs’ <cite>The Jews of +Angevin England</cite>, 54, 178; <cite>Statutes of the Realm</cite> (Edition of 1810), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 202 +(<span lang="la">Judicium Pillorie</span>) and 203 (<span lang="la">Statutum de Pistoribus</span>). See also <cite>Leet +Jurisdiction in Norwich</cite> (Selden Society, 1891), <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 28, where, in a list of +amercements inflicted at the Leet of Nedham and Manecroft, the following +entry occurs:—“<span lang="la">De Johanne le Pastemakere quia vendidit Carnes +quas Judei vocant trefa</span>, 2<abbr title="shillings">s.</abbr>”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_7" href="#FNanchor_7_7" class="label">[7]</a> Mansi, <cite>Sacrorum Conciliorum Collectio</cite>, Venice, 1775, <abbr title="20">XX.</abbr> 399; Wilkins, +<cite>Concilia Magnae Britanniae</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 591, 675, 719; <cite>Gesta Henrici <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr> et +Ricardi <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr></cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R. S.</abbr>), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 230. <cite>Chronica Rogeri de Hoveden</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R. S.</abbr>), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 180.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_8" href="#FNanchor_8_8" class="label">[8]</a> <abbr>Cf.</abbr> the words of John’s Charter: “<span lang="la">Libertates et consuetudines sicut +eas habuerunt tempore Henrici avi patris nostri.</span>”—<cite>Rotuli Chartarum</cite>, +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 93.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_9" href="#FNanchor_9_9" class="label">[9]</a> <cite>Recueil des Historiens des Croisades—Historiens Occidentaux</cite> (Paris, +1866), <abbr title="3">III.</abbr> 321, 727. <abbr>Cf.</abbr> especially (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 727), <span lang="la">Altaria suis foeditatibus +inquinata subvertunt, Christianos circumcidunt, cruoremque circumcisionis +aut super altaria fundunt aut in vasis baptisterii immergunt</span> +(Roberti Monachi, <cite>Historia Iherosolimitana</cite>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_10" href="#FNanchor_10_10" class="label">[10]</a> Neubauer and Stern, <cite>Hebräische Berichte über die Judenverfolgungen +während der Kreuzzüge</cite>; Hefele, <cite>Conciliengeschichte</cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr>, 224, 270; Graetz, +<cite>Geschichte der Juden</cite> (second edition) <abbr title="6">VI.</abbr>, 89–107.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_11" href="#FNanchor_11_11" class="label">[11]</a> C. U. Hahn, <cite>Geschichte der Ketzer im Mittelalter</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr> 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_12" href="#FNanchor_12_12" class="label">[12]</a> Graetz, <cite>Geschichte der Juden</cite> (second edition), <abbr title="6">VI.</abbr>, 155–170. <abbr>Cf.</abbr> +Hefele, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr>, 498, <i><abbr title="note">n.</abbr></i> 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_13" href="#FNanchor_13_13" class="label">[13]</a> Jacobs, <i><abbr lang="la" title="opere citato">Op. Cit.</abbr></i>, 20, 257.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_14" href="#FNanchor_14_14" class="label">[14]</a> <cite>Historia et Cartularium Monasterii <abbr title="Saint">S.</abbr> Petri Gloucestriae</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R. S.</abbr>), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, +21; <cite>Chronica Jocelini de Brakelonda</cite> (Camden Society), 12, 113–14; +<cite>Annales Monastici</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R. S.</abbr>), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 343, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 347; <abbr title="Matthew">Matt.</abbr> Paris, <cite>Chronica +Majora</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R. S.</abbr>), <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr>, 377, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr>, 518; Jacobs’ <cite>Jews of Angevin England</cite>, 19; +and <abbr>cf.</abbr> <cite>Chronicles of Reigns of Stephen, Henry <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr>, Richard <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr></cite> (Rolls +Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 311.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_15" href="#FNanchor_15_15" class="label">[15]</a> <cite>Materials for History of Thomas Becket</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr> 148; +Jacobs, <cite>Jews of Angevin England</cite>, 43, 155.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16_16" href="#FNanchor_16_16" class="label">[16]</a> <abbr>Cf.</abbr> the protection given to Jews of Norwich by the Sheriff (Jacobs, +257).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17_17" href="#FNanchor_17_17" class="label">[17]</a> <cite>Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr>, and Richard <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr></cite> (Rolls +Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 294–9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18_18" href="#FNanchor_18_18" class="label">[18]</a> Radulfi de Diceto, <cite>Opera Historica</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R.S.</abbr>), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 75–6. Jacobs, <cite>Jews of +Angevin England</cite>, 176; <cite>Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr>, and +Richard <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr></cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 309–10, 312–322.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19_19" href="#FNanchor_19_19" class="label">[19]</a> <cite>Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr>, and Richard <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr></cite> +(<abbr title="Rolls Series">R.S.</abbr>) <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 323–4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20_20" href="#FNanchor_20_20" class="label">[20]</a> Jacobs, <cite>Jews of Angevin England</cite>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 91–6; Gervase of Canterbury +(<abbr title="Rolls Series">R.S.</abbr>) <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 422.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21_21" href="#FNanchor_21_21" class="label">[21]</a> Enormous wealth was possessed by Abraham fil Rabbi, Jurnet of +Norwich and Aaron of Lincoln. Jacobs, <i><abbr lang="la" title="opere citato">Op. Cit.</abbr></i>, 44, 64, 84, 90, 91.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22_22" href="#FNanchor_22_22" class="label">[22]</a> Rymer, <cite>Fœdera</cite> <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23_23" href="#FNanchor_23_23" class="label">[23]</a> <cite>Chronica Rogeri de Hoveden</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R.S.</abbr>), <abbr title="3">III.</abbr> 266–7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24_24" href="#FNanchor_24_24" class="label">[24]</a> <cite>Chronicon Johannis Brompton</cite> in Twysden’s <cite>Historiæ Anglicanæ +Scriptores</cite> <abbr title="10">X.</abbr>, <abbr title="column">col.</abbr> 1258.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25_25" href="#FNanchor_25_25" class="label">[25]</a> <cite>Rotuli Chartarum</cite> (Record Commission), <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 93.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26_26" href="#FNanchor_26_26" class="label">[26]</a> Tovey, <cite>Anglia Judaica</cite>, 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27_27" href="#FNanchor_27_27" class="label">[27]</a> <cite>Gesta Henrici <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr> et Ricard. <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr></cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R.S.</abbr>), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 218; M. Paris, <cite>Chronica +Majora</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R.S.</abbr>) <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 381, and Jacobs, 162–4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28_28" href="#FNanchor_28_28" class="label">[28]</a> Jacobs, 222, 228–30, 239–40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29_29" href="#FNanchor_29_29" class="label">[29]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, 328.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30_30" href="#FNanchor_30_30" class="label">[30]</a> Jacobs, 222.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31_31" href="#FNanchor_31_31" class="label">[31]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R.S.</abbr>) <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 528; <cite>Annales Monastici</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R.S.</abbr>) +<abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 29, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 264, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr> 32, 451; <cite>Chronicles of Lanercost</cite> (Maitland Club), <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32_32" href="#FNanchor_32_32" class="label">[32]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite> <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 528.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33_33" href="#FNanchor_33_33" class="label">[33]</a> Depping, <cite>Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age</cite>, 185.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34_34" href="#FNanchor_34_34" class="label">[34]</a> Bouquet, <cite>Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France</cite>, <abbr title="17">xvii.</abbr> 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35_35" href="#FNanchor_35_35" class="label">[35]</a> Depping, <cite>Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age</cite>, 59, 60, 185, 194. <abbr>Cf.</abbr> <cite>Rotuli +Chartarum</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 75 (<i lang="la">Carta Willielmi Marescalli, de quodam Judaeo apud +Cambay</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36_36" href="#FNanchor_36_36" class="label">[36]</a> Tovey, <cite>Anglia Judaica</cite>, 78–9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37_37" href="#FNanchor_37_37" class="label">[37]</a> Stamford was an exception in this respect, Madox, <cite>Firma Burgi</cite> +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 182.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38_38" href="#FNanchor_38_38" class="label">[38]</a> <span lang="la">Et Judæi non intrabunt in placitum nisi coram nobis aut coram illis, +qui turres nostras custodierint in quorum ballivis Judæi manserint</span>, +<cite><abbr title="Rotuli Chartarum">Rot. Chart.</abbr></cite>, 93.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39_39" href="#FNanchor_39_39" class="label">[39]</a> Cutts, <cite>Colchester</cite>, 123; Tovey, <cite>Anglia <abbr title="Judaica">J.</abbr></cite>, 50; <cite>Forty-Seventh Report +of Deputy-Keeper of Public Records</cite>, 306; Lyte, <cite>History of the University +of Oxford</cite>, 59; <cite>Papers of Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition</cite>, +35–6; <cite>De Antiquis Legibus Liber</cite> (Camden <abbr title="Society">Soc.</abbr>), <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 16, (<span class="allsmcap"><abbr class="nowrap spell">A.D.</abbr></span> 1249, <span lang="la">Nam +rex concessit quod Judei qui antea warantizati fuerunt per breve de +scaccario, de cetero placitassent coram civibus de tenementis suis in +Londoniis</span>). <cite>Chronica Jocelini de Brakelonda</cite> (Camden <abbr title="Society">Soc.</abbr>), <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 2, (<span lang="la">Venit +Judeus portans literas domini regis de debito sacristæ</span>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40_40" href="#FNanchor_40_40" class="label">[40]</a> <abbr>Cp.</abbr> <cite>Chronica Monasterii de Melsa</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R.S.</abbr>), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 177. <span lang="la">Interea mortuus +est Aaron Judæus Lincolniæ, de quo jam dictum est, et compulsi sumus, +regis edicto totum quod illi debuimus pro Willielmo Fossard infra breve +tempus domino regi persolvere.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_41_41" href="#FNanchor_41_41" class="label">[41]</a> Rymer, <cite>Fœdera</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_42_42" href="#FNanchor_42_42" class="label">[42]</a> <cite>Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292</cite>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 15; Tovey, <cite>Anglia +Judaica</cite>, 77, 78, 79.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_43_43" href="#FNanchor_43_43" class="label">[43]</a> Tovey, 101; <cite>Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 326.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_44_44" href="#FNanchor_44_44" class="label">[44]</a> <cite>Annales Monastici</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="4">iv.</abbr> 91.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_45_45" href="#FNanchor_45_45" class="label">[45]</a> Especially irritating must have been the fact that the one restriction +on the business of Jews, as money-lenders, was the order that forbade +them to take in pledge the land of tenants on the royal demesne. W. +Prynne, <cite>The Second Part of a Short Demurrer to the Jews’ long discontinued +remitter</cite>, <abbr>etc.</abbr>, London, 1656, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 35; <cite>Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany</cite>, +<abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 328.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_46_46" href="#FNanchor_46_46" class="label">[46]</a> <cite>Chronica Jocelini de Brakelonda</cite> (Camden Society), <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_47_47" href="#FNanchor_47_47" class="label">[47]</a> Thompson, <cite>Leicester</cite>, 72; Madox, <cite><abbr title="History">Hist.</abbr> of Exchequer</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 260, notes O +and P; J. E. Blunt, <cite>Establishment and Residence of Jews in England</cite>, +45; <cite class="nonitalic">Papers <abbr title="Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition">Anglo-J. H. Ex.</abbr></cite> 190; Prynne, <cite>The Second Part of a Short +Demurrer</cite>, <abbr>etc.</abbr>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 37; <cite>Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 326, (<span lang="la">De Judeis +dicebant quod major multitudo manet in civitate sua quam solebat, +et quod Judei qui aliis locis dissainati (<i>sic</i>) fuerunt venerunt ibidem +manere ad dampnum civitatis</span>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_48_48" href="#FNanchor_48_48" class="label">[48]</a> Prynne, <cite>The Second Part of a Short Demurrer</cite>, <abbr>etc.</abbr>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 75; Madox, <cite>History +of the Exchequer</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 249: <span lang="la">Et quod nullus Judaeus receptetur in +aliqua villa sine speciali licentia Regis, nisi in villis illis in quibus +Judaei manere consueverunt.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_49_49" href="#FNanchor_49_49" class="label">[49]</a> Jacobs, <cite>Jews of Angevin England</cite>, 269–271.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_50_50" href="#FNanchor_50_50" class="label">[50]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr> 245. <abbr>Cf.</abbr> the article in the Constitutions +enacted by Walter de Cantilupe, Bishop of Worcester, at his diocesan +synod in 1240: <span lang="la">Quia vero parum refert, an quis per se vel per alium incidat +in crimen usurarum, prohibemus ne quis Christianus Judæo pecuniam +committat, ut eam Judæus simulate suo nomine proprio mutuet ad usuram.</span> +Wilkins, <cite>Magnæ Britanniæ Concilia</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 675, 676. Stubbs, <cite>Select Charters</cite>, +385–6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_51_51" href="#FNanchor_51_51" class="label">[51]</a> For the nature and duration of the earlier struggle between the king +and the barons, see Stubbs, <cite>Constitutional History of England</cite> (Library +Edition), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 40, 44, 63, 67, 69–77. For the king’s acts of extortion from +the Jews, see Matthew Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 194, 543; <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr>, 88; +<abbr title="5">V.</abbr>, 114, 274, 441, 487; Madox, <cite>History of the Exchequer</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 224–5, 229; +Prynne, <cite>Second Part of a Short Demurrer</cite>, 40, 48, 66, 70, 75, 57. For the +appointment by the Council of one Justice of the Jews, M. Paris, <cite>Chronica +Majora</cite>, <abbr title="4">iv.</abbr> 367.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_52_52" href="#FNanchor_52_52" class="label">[52]</a> Stubbs, <cite>Select Charters</cite>, 385–6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_53_53" href="#FNanchor_53_53" class="label">[53]</a> <cite>Annales Monastici</cite>, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 101, 363, 371, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr> 230, <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr> 141, 142, 145, +449, 450; <cite>Liber de Antiquis Legibus</cite> (Camden Society), 62; <cite>Chronicle of +Pierre de Langtoft</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R. S.</abbr>), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 151; <cite>Chronicle of William de Rishanger</cite> +(Camden Society), 24, 25, 126; <cite>Florentii Wigorniensis Chronicon ex +Chronicis</cite> (English Historical Society), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 192.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_54_54" href="#FNanchor_54_54" class="label">[54]</a> Tout, <cite>Edward <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr></cite>, 13, 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_55_55" href="#FNanchor_55_55" class="label">[55]</a> Palgrave, <cite>Rotuli Curiæ Regis</cite> (Record Commission), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 62 (Judaei +habeant seisinam); <cite>Gesta abbatum Monasterii <abbr title="Saint">S.</abbr> Albani</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R. S.</abbr>), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 401; +<cite>Placitorum Abbreviatio</cite> (Record Commission), <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 58; Jacobs, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 90, 234.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_56_56" href="#FNanchor_56_56" class="label">[56]</a> <cite>Chronicles of the Abbey of Melsa</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 173, 174, 306, 367, +374, 377; <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 55, 109, 116; <cite>Archæological Journal</cite>, <abbr title="volume">vol.</abbr> 38, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 189, 190, +191, 192.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_57_57" href="#FNanchor_57_57" class="label">[57]</a> Blunt, <cite>Establishment and Residence of the Jews in England</cite>, 136; +Prynne, <cite>Second Part of a Short Demurrer</cite>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_58_58" href="#FNanchor_58_58" class="label">[58]</a> A very long list of landowners indebted to the Jews could be extracted +from Madox, <cite>History of Exchequer</cite>, <abbr title="Volume">Vol.</abbr> <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 227, <i><abbr>sq.</abbr></i> <abbr>Cf.</abbr> Prynne, +<cite>Second Part</cite>, <abbr>etc.</abbr>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 96, 98, 106; <cite>Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 +to 1292</cite>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_59_59" href="#FNanchor_59_59" class="label">[59]</a> <cite>Gesta Henrici <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr></cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R. S.</abbr>), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 106; <cite>Giraldi Cambrensis Opera</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R. S.</abbr>), +<abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 36; <cite>Cronica Jocelini de Brakelonda</cite> (Camden <abbr title="Society">Soc.</abbr>), <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_60_60" href="#FNanchor_60_60" class="label">[60]</a> <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 328.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_61_61" href="#FNanchor_61_61" class="label">[61]</a> <abbr title="5">V.</abbr> 189.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_62_62" href="#FNanchor_62_62" class="label">[62]</a> <cite>Letters of John of Peckham</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 20, 156.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_63_63" href="#FNanchor_63_63" class="label">[63]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 203.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_64_64" href="#FNanchor_64_64" class="label">[64]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 341.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_65_65" href="#FNanchor_65_65" class="label">[65]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 177, 187.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_66_66" href="#FNanchor_66_66" class="label">[66]</a> Roberts, <cite>Excerpta e <abbr title="Rotuli">Rot.</abbr> Finium</cite> (Record Commission), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_67_67" href="#FNanchor_67_67" class="label">[67]</a> <cite>Letters of John of Peckham</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 261.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_68_68" href="#FNanchor_68_68" class="label">[68]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 380.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_69_69" href="#FNanchor_69_69" class="label">[69]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 194.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_70_70" href="#FNanchor_70_70" class="label">[70]</a> <cite>Obedientiary Rolls of <abbr title="Saint">S.</abbr> Swithin’s, Winchester</cite> (Hampshire Record +Society), 1892, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 10, 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_71_71" href="#FNanchor_71_71" class="label">[71]</a> <cite>Letters of John of Peckham</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 244; Kitchin, <cite>Winchester</cite>, 55; +<cite>Obedientiary Rolls of <abbr title="Saint">S.</abbr> Swithin’s</cite>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 22, 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_72_72" href="#FNanchor_72_72" class="label">[72]</a> <abbr>Cf.</abbr> <cite>Letters of John of Peckham</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 542.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_73_73" href="#FNanchor_73_73" class="label">[73]</a> Tovey, <cite>Anglia Judaica</cite>, 175–7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_74_74" href="#FNanchor_74_74" class="label">[74]</a> <cite>Gesta Abbatum Monasterii <abbr title="Saint">S.</abbr> Albani</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 401; <cite>Placitorum +Abbreviatio</cite> (Record Commission), <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 58, <abbr title="column">col.</abbr> 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_75_75" href="#FNanchor_75_75" class="label">[75]</a> <cite>De Antiquis Legibus Liber</cite> (Camden Society), 234 <i><abbr>sq.</abbr></i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_76_76" href="#FNanchor_76_76" class="label">[76]</a> Hefele, <cite>Conciliengeschichte</cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr>, 1028.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_77_77" href="#FNanchor_77_77" class="label">[77]</a> <cite>Annales Monastici</cite> (<abbr title="Rolls Series">R.S.</abbr>), <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr>, 221.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_78_78" href="#FNanchor_78_78" class="label">[78]</a> Blunt, <cite>Establishment and Residence</cite>, <abbr>etc.</abbr>, 134–9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_79_79" href="#FNanchor_79_79" class="label">[79]</a> Stubbs, <cite>Constitutional History</cite>, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 116.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_80_80" href="#FNanchor_80_80" class="label">[80]</a> Ashley, <cite>Economic History and Theory</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 126–32, 148–50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_81_81" href="#FNanchor_81_81" class="label">[81]</a> Hefele, <cite>Conciliengeschichte</cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr>, 175.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_82_82" href="#FNanchor_82_82" class="label">[82]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, 438–441.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_83_83" href="#FNanchor_83_83" class="label">[83]</a> Jacobs, <cite>The Jews of Angevin England</cite>, 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_84_84" href="#FNanchor_84_84" class="label">[84]</a> <cite>Corpus Juris Canonici</cite> (Leipzig, 1839), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 786.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_85_85" href="#FNanchor_85_85" class="label">[85]</a> Raumer, <cite>Geschichte der Hohenstaufen und ihrer Zeit</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 581.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_86_86" href="#FNanchor_86_86" class="label">[86]</a> Endemann. <cite>Studien in der Romanisch-Kanonistischen Wirthschafts- und +Rechtslehre</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 16–18. Stintzing, <cite>Geschichte der Populären Literatur +des Römisch-Canonischen Rechts</cite>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_87_87" href="#FNanchor_87_87" class="label">[87]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container" lang="it"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">E pero lo minor giron suggella,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Del segno suo e Sodoma e Caorsa.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="attribution1"> + <cite>Inferno</cite>, <abbr title="11">XI.</abbr> 49, 50. +</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_88_88" href="#FNanchor_88_88" class="label">[88]</a> <cite>Monumenta Franciscana</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="45">XLV.</abbr>, <abbr title="50">L.</abbr>, 10, 38–9, 61.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_89_89" href="#FNanchor_89_89" class="label">[89]</a> Macpherson, <cite>Annals of Commerce</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 399–400.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_90_90" href="#FNanchor_90_90" class="label">[90]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr>, 245.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_91_91" href="#FNanchor_91_91" class="label">[91]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_92_92" href="#FNanchor_92_92" class="label">[92]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 332–3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_93_93" href="#FNanchor_93_93" class="label">[93]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr>, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_94_94" href="#FNanchor_94_94" class="label">[94]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Historia Anglorum</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 104.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_95_95" href="#FNanchor_95_95" class="label">[95]</a> Ashley, <cite>Economic History and Theory</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 150; Labbeus, <cite>Sacrosancta +Concilia</cite>, <abbr title="11">xi.</abbr> 991, 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_96_96" href="#FNanchor_96_96" class="label">[96]</a> Depping, <cite>Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age</cite>, 202, 207; Muratori, <cite>Antiquitates +Italicæ Medii Aevi</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 899, 900; <cite>Ninth Report of the Historical +Manuscripts Commission</cite>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 14 (<abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> 264).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_97_97" href="#FNanchor_97_97" class="label">[97]</a> <cite>Forty-fourth Report of Deputy-Keeper of Public Records</cite>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 8, 9, 72; +<cite>The Question whether a Jew</cite>, <abbr>etc.</abbr>, by a Gentleman of Lincoln’s Inn +(London, 1753), Appendix, <abbr title="section">§</abbr> 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_98_98" href="#FNanchor_98_98" class="label">[98]</a> Jacobs, 328.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_99_99" href="#FNanchor_99_99" class="label">[99]</a> <cite>Papers Anglo-Jewish <abbr title="Historical">Hist.</abbr> Exhibition</cite>, 195.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_100_100" href="#FNanchor_100_100" class="label">[100]</a> Stubbs’ <cite>Constitutional History</cite>, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 601.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_101_101" href="#FNanchor_101_101" class="label">[101]</a> Rymer, <cite>Foedera</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 489. <abbr>Cf.</abbr> <cite>Jewish Chronicle</cite> for April 26, 1895, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 19, +<abbr title="column">col.</abbr> 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_102_102" href="#FNanchor_102_102" class="label">[102]</a> <cite>Chronicles <abbr title="Edward">Ed.</abbr> <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr> and <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr></cite> (<abbr title="edited by">ed.</abbr> Stubbs), <abbr title="Volume">Vol.</abbr> <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> <abbr title="100"><span class="smcap">c</span>.</abbr> <abbr>Cf.</abbr> <cite>Forty-second +Report of Deputy-Keeper of Public Records</cite>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 479 (At the beginning of +his reign Edward says, in his writs to the sheriffs, “<span lang="la">Pecuniæ plurimum +indigemus</span>”). <cite>Forty-third Report</cite>, 419.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_103_103" href="#FNanchor_103_103" class="label">[103]</a> Muratori, <cite>Antiquitates Italicæ Medii Aevi</cite> (Dissertatio <abbr title="16">XVI</abbr>); Depping, +<cite>Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age</cite>, 213–6; Rymer, <cite>Foedera</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 644.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_104_104" href="#FNanchor_104_104" class="label">[104]</a> Macpherson, <cite>Annals of Commerce</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 405, 6; and see Peruzzi, <cite>Storia +del Commercio e dei Banchieri di Firenze</cite>, 170.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_105_105" href="#FNanchor_105_105" class="label">[105]</a> Peruzzi, 169; <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, <abbr title="28">xxviii.</abbr> 218, 219.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_106_106" href="#FNanchor_106_106" class="label">[106]</a> Muratori, <cite>Antiquitates Italicæ Medii Aevi</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 889.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_107_107" href="#FNanchor_107_107" class="label">[107]</a> <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, <abbr title="28">xxviii.</abbr> 221; Cunningham, <cite>Growth of English Industry +and Commerce, Early and Middle Ages</cite>, Appendix D; Peruzzi, <cite>Storia del +Commercio</cite>, 70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_108_108" href="#FNanchor_108_108" class="label">[108]</a> Rymer, <cite>Foedera</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 660, 823, 905.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_109_109" href="#FNanchor_109_109" class="label">[109]</a> <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, <abbr title="28">xxviii.</abbr> 261–272.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_110_110" href="#FNanchor_110_110" class="label">[110]</a> Rymer, <cite>Foedera</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 644, 788.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_111_111" href="#FNanchor_111_111" class="label">[111]</a> Peruzzi, 174.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_112_112" href="#FNanchor_112_112" class="label">[112]</a> <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, <abbr title="28">xxviii.</abbr> 244–5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_113_113" href="#FNanchor_113_113" class="label">[113]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, 231, Note 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_114_114" href="#FNanchor_114_114" class="label">[114]</a> Peruzzi, 172–5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_115_115" href="#FNanchor_115_115" class="label">[115]</a> <cite>The Question whether a Jew</cite>, <abbr>etc.</abbr> Appendix, <abbr title="section">§</abbr> 18. Prynne, <cite>A Short +Demurrer</cite>, 58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_116_116" href="#FNanchor_116_116" class="label">[116]</a> Blunt, <cite>Establishment and Residence</cite>, <abbr>etc.</abbr>, 139–144.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_117_117" href="#FNanchor_117_117" class="label">[117]</a> Thomas Aquinas, <cite>Opusculum</cite>, <abbr title="21">XXI.</abbr> (<cite>Ad Ducissam Brabantiae</cite> in +<abbr title="Volume">Vol.</abbr> <abbr title="19">XIX.</abbr> of the Venice edition, 1775–88.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_118_118" href="#FNanchor_118_118" class="label">[118]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr> 361, 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_119_119" href="#FNanchor_119_119" class="label">[119]</a> Blunt, <cite>Establishment and Residence</cite>, <abbr>etc.</abbr>, 141.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_120_120" href="#FNanchor_120_120" class="label">[120]</a> This is the number of those who left the country in 1290. <cite>Flores +Historiarum</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="3">iii.</abbr> 70. Probably the number of those in the +country in 1275 was about the same.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_121_121" href="#FNanchor_121_121" class="label">[121]</a> Gross, <cite>The Gild Merchant</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_122_122" href="#FNanchor_122_122" class="label">[122]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 39–40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_123_123" href="#FNanchor_123_123" class="label">[123]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 68, 138, 214, 243, 257.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_124_124" href="#FNanchor_124_124" class="label">[124]</a> One Jew alone is known to have become a member of a Gild during +the residence of the Jews in England before 1290. He became a citizen +at the same time. His election took place in 1268 (Kitchin’s <cite>Winchester—Historic +Towns Series</cite>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 108). After 1275 it would have been illegal.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_125_125" href="#FNanchor_125_125" class="label">[125]</a> Gross, <cite>The Gild Merchant</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_126_126" href="#FNanchor_126_126" class="label">[126]</a> Gross. <cite>The Gild Merchant</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 45, 46, 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_127_127" href="#FNanchor_127_127" class="label">[127]</a> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite> (Rolls Series), 215.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_128_128" href="#FNanchor_128_128" class="label">[128]</a> Ochenkowski, <cite>Englands Wirthschaftliche Entwickelung im Ausgange +des Mittelalters</cite>, 51–4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_129_129" href="#FNanchor_129_129" class="label">[129]</a> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite> (Rolls Series) 80–81, 101–2, 121; <cite>Liber Albus</cite> (Rolls +Series), 726, 734. Riley, <cite>Memorials of London</cite>, 179.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_130_130" href="#FNanchor_130_130" class="label">[130]</a> Johnson, <cite>Customs of Hereford</cite>, 115–6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_131_131" href="#FNanchor_131_131" class="label">[131]</a> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, 418–425.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_132_132" href="#FNanchor_132_132" class="label">[132]</a> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, 78, 81, 124. Riley, <cite>Memorials of London</cite>, 179, +216.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_133_133" href="#FNanchor_133_133" class="label">[133]</a> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, 79, Ochenkowski, <i><abbr lang="la" title="opere citato">Op. Cit.</abbr></i>, 64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_134_134" href="#FNanchor_134_134" class="label">[134]</a> Stubbs, <cite>Select Charters</cite>, 470.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_135_135" href="#FNanchor_135_135" class="label">[135]</a> Jacobs, 116.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_136_136" href="#FNanchor_136_136" class="label">[136]</a> Walsingham, <cite>Historia Anglicana</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_137_137" href="#FNanchor_137_137" class="label">[137]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="5">v.</abbr> 56–8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_138_138" href="#FNanchor_138_138" class="label">[138]</a> Ochenkowski, <cite>Englands wirthschaftliche Entwickelung</cite>, 157.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_139_139" href="#FNanchor_139_139" class="label">[139]</a> Cunningham, <cite>Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Early and +Middle Ages</cite>, 175.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_140_140" href="#FNanchor_140_140" class="label">[140]</a> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="34">xxxiv.</abbr>–<abbr title="48">xlviii.</abbr>, 61–72; <cite>Liber Albus</cite>, +<abbr title="95">xcv.</abbr>, <abbr title="96">xcvi.</abbr>, 287; Macpherson, <cite>Annals of Commerce</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 388–9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_141_141" href="#FNanchor_141_141" class="label">[141]</a> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite> and <cite>Liber Albus</cite>, as referred to in preceding note: +Cunningham, <cite>Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Early and +Middle Ages</cite>, 181–6; Ochenkowski, <cite>Englands wirthschaftliche Entwickelung</cite>, +180; <cite>Calendar of State Papers (Venetian)</cite>, <abbr title="60">lx.</abbr>–<abbr title="69">lxix.</abbr>; Peruzzi, <cite>Storia +dei Banchieri e del Commercio di Firenze</cite>, 70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_142_142" href="#FNanchor_142_142" class="label">[142]</a> Cunningham, <cite>Growth</cite>, <abbr>etc.</abbr>, 185; Macpherson, <cite>Annals of Commerce</cite>, +<abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 415, 481; <cite>Calendar of State Papers (Venetian)</cite>, <abbr title="66">lxvi.</abbr>–<abbr title="67">lxvii.</abbr></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_143_143" href="#FNanchor_143_143" class="label">[143]</a> Jacobs, 66–7; <cite>Archæological Journal</cite>, <abbr title="38">xxxviii.</abbr> 179.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_144_144" href="#FNanchor_144_144" class="label">[144]</a> This was the procedure adopted by the Italians: They paid down +a sum as earnest-money, and then took a bond (Peruzzi, 70). <abbr>Cf.</abbr> Tovey, +207.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_145_145" href="#FNanchor_145_145" class="label">[145]</a> For pledges still unredeemed, land still in the hands of the Jews +and old debts still unpaid long after the Statutes of 1270–1275 had been +passed, see <abbr title="Manuscripts">MSS.</abbr> in Public Record Office (<cite>Queen’s Remembrancer’s +Miscellanea</cite>, 557, 13–23); Rymer, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 570; John of Peckham, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 937; +<cite>Calendar of Patent Rolls</cite>, 1281–1292, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 81; Prynne, <cite>Second Demurrer</cite>, +<abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 74 and 80 (=154).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_146_146" href="#FNanchor_146_146" class="label">[146]</a> Labbeus, <cite>Sacrosancta Concilia</cite>, <abbr title="11">XI.</abbr> 649–50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_147_147" href="#FNanchor_147_147" class="label">[147]</a> Vinogradoff, <cite>Villeinage in England</cite>, 179, 307.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_148_148" href="#FNanchor_148_148" class="label">[148]</a> M. Paris, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr> 245; Wilkins, <cite><abbr title="Concilia">Conc.</abbr></cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 675; <cite>De <abbr title="Antiquis">Antiq.</abbr> Legibus</cite>, 234 <abbr>sq.</abbr> +(Archbishop of York’s remarks on the corruption of the Great Council and +on the <i lang="la">fautores</i> of Jews.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_149_149" href="#FNanchor_149_149" class="label">[149]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr> 404–5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_150_150" href="#FNanchor_150_150" class="label">[150]</a> Muratori, <cite>Antiquitates Italicæ Medii Aevi</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 893.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_151_151" href="#FNanchor_151_151" class="label">[151]</a> <cite>Rotuli Parliamentorum</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 1, 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_152_152" href="#FNanchor_152_152" class="label">[152]</a> “The Debts and Houses of the Jews of Hereford,” in <cite>Transactions of +the Jewish Historical Society of England</cite>, <abbr title="volume">vol.</abbr> <abbr title="1">I.</abbr></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_153_153" href="#FNanchor_153_153" class="label">[153]</a> <cite>Royal Letters</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_154_154" href="#FNanchor_154_154" class="label">[154]</a> <cite>Leet Jurisdiction of Norwich</cite> (Selden Society), <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 10; <abbr>Cf.</abbr> <cite>Ancren +Riwle</cite> (Camden Society), 395. “Do not men account him a good friend +who layeth his pledge in <em>Jewry</em> to redeem his companion?”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_155_155" href="#FNanchor_155_155" class="label">[155]</a> Rymer, <cite>Foedera</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 503, 634; <cite>Papers of the Anglo-Jewish Historical +Exhibition</cite>, 187–190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_156_156" href="#FNanchor_156_156" class="label">[156]</a> <cite>Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 326, quoted <i lang="la">supra</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 20 (<i><abbr title="note">n.</abbr></i> 3).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_157_157" href="#FNanchor_157_157" class="label">[157]</a> <cite>Calendar of Patent Rolls</cite>, 1281–1292, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 98; <cite>Papers Anglo-Jewish <abbr title="Historical Exhibition">Hist. +Ex.</abbr></cite> 167.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_158_158" href="#FNanchor_158_158" class="label">[158]</a> See <cite>Dictionary of Political Economy</cite>, Article <span class="smcap">Jews</span>, (House for +Converted).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_159_159" href="#FNanchor_159_159" class="label">[159]</a> <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr> 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_160_160" href="#FNanchor_160_160" class="label">[160]</a> <cite>Annales Monastici</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 339.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_161_161" href="#FNanchor_161_161" class="label">[161]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr> 15, 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_162_162" href="#FNanchor_162_162" class="label">[162]</a> Ruding, <cite>Annals of the Coinage</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 179.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_163_163" href="#FNanchor_163_163" class="label">[163]</a> Ashley, <cite>Economic <abbr title="History">Hist.</abbr>, Theory</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 169.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_164_164" href="#FNanchor_164_164" class="label">[164]</a> Ashley, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 215, <abbr title="note">n.</abbr> 95; <abbr>cf.</abbr> Jacobs, 73 and 225.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_165_165" href="#FNanchor_165_165" class="label">[165]</a> <cite>Annales Monastici</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr> 278.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_166_166" href="#FNanchor_166_166" class="label">[166]</a> <cite>Annales Monastici</cite>, <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr> 278; <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, 189.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_167_167" href="#FNanchor_167_167" class="label">[167]</a> John of Peckham, <cite>Registrum Epistolarum</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_168_168" href="#FNanchor_168_168" class="label">[168]</a> <cite>Annales Monastici</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr> 295.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_169_169" href="#FNanchor_169_169" class="label">[169]</a> <cite>Historia Anglorum</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr> 76.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_170_170" href="#FNanchor_170_170" class="label">[170]</a> Tovey, 109; Madox, <cite>History of the Exchequer</cite> <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 245, z.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_171_171" href="#FNanchor_171_171" class="label">[171]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr> 608.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_172_172" href="#FNanchor_172_172" class="label">[172]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr>, 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_173_173" href="#FNanchor_173_173" class="label">[173]</a> <cite>Annales Monastici</cite>, <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr> 278.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_174_174" href="#FNanchor_174_174" class="label">[174]</a> <cite>Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292</cite>, 128, 147, 173, 176, 213, +291, 451; <cite><abbr title="Chronicles of Edward the First">Chron. Ed. I.</abbr></cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 93; <cite>Rotuli Parliamentorum</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 51a; Rymer, +<cite>Fœdera</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 570.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_175_175" href="#FNanchor_175_175" class="label">[175]</a> <cite>Papers Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition</cite>, 42–3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_176_176" href="#FNanchor_176_176" class="label">[176]</a> Tovey, 211–13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_177_177" href="#FNanchor_177_177" class="label">[177]</a> <cite>Chronicles of Edward <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr> and Edward <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr></cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 88; +<cite>Chronicon Petroburgense</cite> (Camden Society), 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_178_178" href="#FNanchor_178_178" class="label">[178]</a> “Whereas in the time of our ancestors, kings of England, +loans at interest were wont and were allowed to be made by Jews +of our kingdom, and much of such profits fell into the hands of +those our ancestors, as the issues of our Jewry; and we, led on +by the love of God, and wishing to follow more devoutly in the +path of the Holy Church, did forbid unto all the Jews of our +kingdom who had viciously lived from such loans, that none of them +henceforth in any manner be guilty of resorting to loans at interest, +but that they seek their living and sustain themselves by other legitimate +work and merchandise, especially since by the favour of Holy Church +they are suffered to sell and live among Christians. Nevertheless, +afterwards, in a blind and evil spirit, turning to evil, under colour of +merchandise and good contracts and covenants, what we established +by rational thought, premeditating mischief anew, they do it +with Christians by means of bonds and divers instruments, which +remain with the Jews, and in which, on a given debt or contract, +they put double, treble, or quadruple more than they lend to the +Christians [this reads like an exaggeration], penally abusing the name +of usury....” (<cite>Papers Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition</cite>, 225–6).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_179_179" href="#FNanchor_179_179" class="label">[179]</a> For Coining, see Ruding, <cite>Annals of the Coinage</cite> <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 197; <cite>Calendar of +Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292</cite>, 97; <cite>Abbreviatio Rotulorum Originalium</cite> +(Record Commission), 49; Peckham, <cite>Registrum Epistolarum</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 146. For +Usury, <cite>Forty-fourth Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records</cite>, +<abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 8 and 9; <cite>Archæologia</cite>, <abbr title="28">XXVIII.</abbr>, 227–9; Peckham, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 542; and for a +later period, <cite>Rotuli Parliamentorum</cite>, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 332<i>a</i>, (<abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>) 350<i>b</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_180_180" href="#FNanchor_180_180" class="label">[180]</a> <cite>Papers of Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition</cite>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 192 (note 54) and +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 222.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_181_181" href="#FNanchor_181_181" class="label">[181]</a> <cite>Papers of Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition</cite>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 224–9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_182_182" href="#FNanchor_182_182" class="label">[182]</a> See the Decrees of the Third Lateran Council of 1179, Mansi, <cite>Concilia</cite>, +<abbr title="22">XXII.</abbr>, 231.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_183_183" href="#FNanchor_183_183" class="label">[183]</a> <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Anselm, <cite>Epistolæ</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 117 (Migne, <cite>Patrologiæ Cursus Completus</cite>, +<abbr title="Volume">Vol.</abbr> 159, columns 153–155); Gilbert of Westminster, <cite>Disputatio Judaici +cum Christiano</cite> (<i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i> 1005–1036).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_184_184" href="#FNanchor_184_184" class="label">[184]</a> <cite>Chronicles of Stephen, Henry <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr>, and Richard <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr></cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, +310 (among the victims of the massacre at Lynn in 1190 was <i lang="la">quidam +Judæus, insignis medicus, qui et artis et modestiæ suæ gratia Christianis +quoque familiaris et honorabilis fuerat</i>); <cite>Gervase of Canterbury</cite> (Rolls +Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 405. (The Jews help the monks of Canterbury in their struggle +with the Archbishop in 1188); <cite>Rotuli Litterarum Clausarum</cite> (Record +Commission), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 20<i>b</i>. (<i lang="la">Rex, <abbr title="etc.">&c.</abbr>, domino Lincolniensi Episcopo, <abbr title="etc.">&c.</abbr>; +mandamus vobis quod non permittatis injuste catalle Judæorum receptari +in ecclesiis in diocesi vestra</i>, February <abbr>28th</abbr>, 1205); <cite>Chronica Jocelini de +Brakelonde</cite> (Camden Society), <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 33. (<span class="allsmcap"><abbr class="nowrap spell">A.D.</abbr></span> 1190, <i lang="la">Abbas jussit solempniter +excommunicari illos qui de cetero receptarent Judeos vel in hospicio +reciperent in villa Santi Ædmundi</i>); Jacobs, <cite>The Jews of Angevin +England</cite>, 269. (“<i>English Jews drink with Gentiles.</i>”)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_185_185" href="#FNanchor_185_185" class="label">[185]</a> Moeller, <cite>History of the Christian Church, Middle Ages</cite> (<abbr title="English Translation">Eng. Tr.</abbr>). +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 279.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_186_186" href="#FNanchor_186_186" class="label">[186]</a> Mansi, <cite>Concilia</cite>, <abbr title="22">XXII.</abbr> 231.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_187_187" href="#FNanchor_187_187" class="label">[187]</a> Letters of Innocent (Migne, <cite>Patrologiæ Cursus Completus</cite>, <abbr title="Volumes">Vols.</abbr> 214–217); +<abbr>Lib.</abbr> <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 186; <abbr>Lib.</abbr> <abbr title="8">VIII.</abbr>, 50, 121; <abbr>Lib.</abbr> <abbr title="10">X.</abbr>, 61, 190; <cite>Corpus Juris +Canonici</cite> (Leipzig, 1839), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 747–8; Graetz, <cite>Geschichte der Juden</cite>, <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, +7, 8; Depping, <cite>Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age</cite>, 183; Hahn, <cite>Geschichte der +Ketzer</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 6, 7; Hurter, <cite>Geschichte Papst Innocenz des Dritten</cite>, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 234; +Güdemann, <cite>Geschichte des Erziehungswesens, <abbr class="spell">u.s.w.</abbr></cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 37; Rule, <cite>History +of the Inquisition</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 10, 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_188_188" href="#FNanchor_188_188" class="label">[188]</a> Graetz, <cite>Geschichte der Juden</cite>, <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_189_189" href="#FNanchor_189_189" class="label">[189]</a> <cite>Revue des Etudes Juives</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 247, 293; <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> 248; <abbr title="3">III.</abbr> 39; Noel Valois, +<cite>Guillaume d’Auvergne</cite>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 118, 137.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_190_190" href="#FNanchor_190_190" class="label">[190]</a> <cite>Histoire Littéraire de la France</cite>, <abbr title="27">XXVII.</abbr>, 562–3; Graetz, <cite>Geschichte</cite>, +<abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 131, 135.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_191_191" href="#FNanchor_191_191" class="label">[191]</a> Graetz, <cite>Geschichte der Juden</cite>, <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 135; J. Jacobs, <cite>Inquiry into the +Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain</cite>, <abbr title="18">xviii.</abbr>, 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_192_192" href="#FNanchor_192_192" class="label">[192]</a> <cite>Scriptores Ordinis Prædicatorum</cite> (Quétif and Echard), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 246, 396, +398, 594.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_193_193" href="#FNanchor_193_193" class="label">[193]</a> Thomas Aquinas, <cite>Summa Theologiæ</cite>, Secunda Secundæ, <span lang="la">Quæstio</span> <abbr title="10">X.</abbr></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_194_194" href="#FNanchor_194_194" class="label">[194]</a> Baronius, <cite>Annales Ecclesiastici</cite> (<abbr title="edition">ed.</abbr> Theiner), <abbr title="13">XIII.</abbr>, 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_195_195" href="#FNanchor_195_195" class="label">[195]</a> <cite>Revue des Etudes Juives</cite>, <abbr title="6">VI.</abbr> 81; <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr> 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_196_196" href="#FNanchor_196_196" class="label">[196]</a> Mansi, <cite>Concilia</cite>, <abbr title="23">XXIII.</abbr>, 1174–6; Martène, <cite>Thesaurus</cite>, <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr>, 769.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_197_197" href="#FNanchor_197_197" class="label">[197]</a> Depping, 198; Hahn, <cite>Geschichte der Ketzer</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 13; Rule, <cite>History of +the Inquisition</cite>, 27, 80, 81, 91, 332, 335–6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_198_198" href="#FNanchor_198_198" class="label">[198]</a> <i lang="la">Supra</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 53.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_199_199" href="#FNanchor_199_199" class="label">[199]</a> <i lang="la">Supra</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 12, 13, 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_200_200" href="#FNanchor_200_200" class="label">[200]</a> Wilkins, <cite>Magnæ Britanniæ Concilia</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 591; Tovey, <cite>Anglia Judaica</cite>, +83; Rye, <cite>History of Norfolk</cite>, 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_201_201" href="#FNanchor_201_201" class="label">[201]</a> Wilkins, <cite>Magnæ Britanniæ Concilia</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 657, 693, 719; <cite>Letters of +Bishop Grosseteste</cite> (Rolls Series), 318.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_202_202" href="#FNanchor_202_202" class="label">[202]</a> Matthew Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 262.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_203_203" href="#FNanchor_203_203" class="label">[203]</a> Tovey, <cite>Anglia Judaica</cite>, 148.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_204_204" href="#FNanchor_204_204" class="label">[204]</a> Rymer, <cite>Fœdera</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 743.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_205_205" href="#FNanchor_205_205" class="label">[205]</a> Tout, <cite>Edward <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr></cite>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 69, 149.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_206_206" href="#FNanchor_206_206" class="label">[206]</a> John of Peckham, <cite>Registrum Epistolarum</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 239; +<abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 407; <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 937; Wilkins, <cite>Magnæ Britanniæ Concilia</cite>, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 88–9; +Prynne, <cite>Second Demurrer</cite>, 121–2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_207_207" href="#FNanchor_207_207" class="label">[207]</a> <cite>Household Roll of Bishop Swinfield</cite> (Camden Society), <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> <abbr title="100">c.</abbr>, <abbr title="101">ci.</abbr></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_208_208" href="#FNanchor_208_208" class="label">[208]</a> Graetz, <cite>Geschichte der Juden</cite>, <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, note 11. <cite>Florence of Worcester</cite> +(English Historical Society), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 214.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_209_209" href="#FNanchor_209_209" class="label">[209]</a> Tovey, <cite>Anglia Judaica</cite>, 168.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_210_210" href="#FNanchor_210_210" class="label">[210]</a> <cite>Forty-ninth Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records</cite>, +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 187.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_211_211" href="#FNanchor_211_211" class="label">[211]</a> <cite>Forty-seventh Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records</cite>, +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 306.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_212_212" href="#FNanchor_212_212" class="label">[212]</a> <cite>Dictionary of Political Economy</cite>, Article, “Jews (House for Converted).”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_213_213" href="#FNanchor_213_213" class="label">[213]</a> Tovey, <cite>Anglia Judaica</cite>, 208.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_214_214" href="#FNanchor_214_214" class="label">[214]</a> <cite>Forty-ninth Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records</cite>, +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 95; Rymer, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 576; Madox, <cite>Exchequer</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 259.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_215_215" href="#FNanchor_215_215" class="label">[215]</a> Tovey, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 208.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_216_216" href="#FNanchor_216_216" class="label">[216]</a> Baronius, <cite>Annales Ecclesiastici</cite> (<abbr title="edition">ed.</abbr> Theiner), <abbr title="13">XIII.</abbr>, 10, 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_217_217" href="#FNanchor_217_217" class="label">[217]</a> <cite>Revue des Etudes Juives</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 298.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_218_218" href="#FNanchor_218_218" class="label">[218]</a> Rymer, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 560–1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_219_219" href="#FNanchor_219_219" class="label">[219]</a> Edward left England in May, 1286. <cite>Florence of Worcester</cite> (English +Historical Society), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 236.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_220_220" href="#FNanchor_220_220" class="label">[220]</a> <cite>Willelmi Rishanger Chronica et Annales</cite> (Rolls Series), 116; <cite>Flores +Historiarum</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 70–71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_221_221" href="#FNanchor_221_221" class="label">[221]</a> <cite>Forty-second Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records</cite>, +593; <cite>Forty-fourth Report</cite>, 109, 295; <cite>Forty-fifth Report</cite>, 72, 163; +<cite>Forty-ninth Report</cite>, 81; <cite>Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292</cite>, +62, 193; <cite>Archæologia</cite>, <abbr title="6">VI.</abbr>, 339; Madox, <cite>History of the Exchequer</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> +225 <i>w</i>; 230 <i>b</i>; 231 <i>l</i>; John of Peckham, <cite>Registrum Epistolarum</cite>, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr> +619; <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 937; Rogers, <cite>Oxford City Documents</cite> (Oxford Historical +Society), 208, 219; Tovey, <cite>Anglia Judaica</cite>, 200.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_222_222" href="#FNanchor_222_222" class="label">[222]</a> Graetz, <cite>Geschichte der Juden</cite> (Second Edition), <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, note 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_223_223" href="#FNanchor_223_223" class="label">[223]</a> <cite>Chronicles of Edward <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr> and Edward <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr></cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 97; <cite>The +Chronicle of Pierre de Langtoft</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 185–6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_224_224" href="#FNanchor_224_224" class="label">[224]</a> Tovey, <cite>Anglia Judaica</cite>, 240.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_225_225" href="#FNanchor_225_225" class="label">[225]</a> <cite>Bartholomæi de Cotton, Historia Anglicana</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 178.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_226_226" href="#FNanchor_226_226" class="label">[226]</a> Tovey, <cite>Anglia Judaica</cite>, 240–2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_227_227" href="#FNanchor_227_227" class="label">[227]</a> <i><abbr>Ib.</abbr></i> 241; <cite>Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292</cite>, 378, 381, 382.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_228_228" href="#FNanchor_228_228" class="label">[228]</a> <cite>Calendar of Patent Rolls</cite>, 379.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_229_229" href="#FNanchor_229_229" class="label">[229]</a> <i><abbr>Ib.</abbr></i> 384.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_230_230" href="#FNanchor_230_230" class="label">[230]</a> <i><abbr>Ib.</abbr></i> 232.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_231_231" href="#FNanchor_231_231" class="label">[231]</a> Walter of Hemingburgh, <cite>Chronicon</cite> (English Historical Society), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, +21, 22; Bartholomæus Cotton, <cite>Historia Anglicana</cite> (Rolls Series), 178; +<cite>Annales Monastici</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 362, <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr>, 327.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_232_232" href="#FNanchor_232_232" class="label">[232]</a> <cite>Opus Chronicorum</cite> in <cite>Chronicles of <abbr title="Saint">S.</abbr> Albans, J. de Trokelowe, <abbr>etc.</abbr>, +Annales</cite> (Rolls Series), 57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_233_233" href="#FNanchor_233_233" class="label">[233]</a> Laurière, <cite>Ordonnances des Rois de la France</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 317.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_234_234" href="#FNanchor_234_234" class="label">[234]</a> <cite>Fortieth Report of Deputy-Keeper of Public Records</cite>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 474.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_235_235" href="#FNanchor_235_235" class="label">[235]</a> <cite>Revue des Etudes Juives</cite>, <abbr title="Volume">Vol.</abbr> <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 66, 67, 69.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_236_236" href="#FNanchor_236_236" class="label">[236]</a> Graetz, <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 267.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_237_237" href="#FNanchor_237_237" class="label">[237]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, 155.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_238_238" href="#FNanchor_238_238" class="label">[238]</a> Langtoft, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 189; Hemingburgh, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 21; Madox, <cite><abbr title="Exchequer">Exch.</abbr></cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 261.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_239_239" href="#FNanchor_239_239" class="label">[239]</a> Johnson, <cite>Customs of Hereford</cite>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 100; Madox, <cite>Firma Burgi</cite>, 12, +19, 23. I am not at all confident of the accuracy of <abbr>Mr.</abbr> Johnson’s statement, +on which the latter half of this sentence is founded. Certainly some +of the houses of the Jews of Hereford, Winchester, and Ipswich, were +granted away by the king (<cite>Lansdowne <abbr title="Manuscripts">MSS.</abbr></cite>, British Museum, <abbr title="Volume">Vol.</abbr> 826, +part 5, Transcript 4), <cite>Rotuli Originalium</cite> (Record Commission), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 73<i>b</i>–76<i>a</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_240_240" href="#FNanchor_240_240" class="label">[240]</a> <cite>Papers Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition</cite>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 230.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_241_241" href="#FNanchor_241_241" class="label">[241]</a> <cite>Rotuli Parliamentorum</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 346<i>b</i>; <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 8<i>a</i>, 402<i>a</i>; <cite>Statutes of Realm, 1 +<abbr title="Edward the Third">Ed. III.</abbr></cite>, <abbr title="Statute">Stat.</abbr> 2, <abbr title="section">§</abbr> 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_242_242" href="#FNanchor_242_242" class="label">[242]</a> Tovey, 235; Prynne, <cite>Second Demurrer</cite>, 127; <cite>Papers, Anglo-Jewish +Historical Exhibition</cite>, 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_243_243" href="#FNanchor_243_243" class="label">[243]</a> A list, not quite complete, of the houses belonging to the expelled +Jews is contained in the Manuscript known as <cite><abbr title="Queen’s Remembrancer">Q. R.</abbr> Miscellanea</cite>: “Jews,” +<abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> 557, 9 and 11 (Public Record Office). A list of persons who received +from the King grants of Jews’ houses, to hold at a nominal rental, is +printed in <cite>Rotulorum Originalium Abbreviatio</cite> (Record Commission) +<abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 73<sup>a</sup>-76<sup>b</sup>, and the deeds of gift are copied in full in <cite>Lansdowne <abbr title="Manuscripts">MSS.</abbr></cite> +(British Museum) <abbr title="Volume">Vol.</abbr> 826, Part 5, Transcript 4. Nearly all the houses +mentioned in <cite><abbr title="Queen’s Remembrancer">Q. R.</abbr> Miscellanea</cite> are granted away by deeds included in the +<cite>Rotuli Originalium</cite> and the Lansdowne Transcript.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_244_244" href="#FNanchor_244_244" class="label">[244]</a> Madox, <cite><abbr title="Exchequer">Exch.</abbr></cite> <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 2, 248<i>h</i>, 258<i>i</i>, <abbr>etc.</abbr>; Tovey, 207; Prynne, <cite><abbr>2nd</abbr> Demurrer</cite>, +59, 76; Rymer, <cite>Fœdera</cite>, 523, 598.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_245_245" href="#FNanchor_245_245" class="label">[245]</a> <cite>Chronica Monasterii de Melsa</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 251–2. <cite>Annales Monastici</cite>, +<abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 362; W. de Hemingburgh, <cite>Chronicon</cite> (English Historical +Society) <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_246_246" href="#FNanchor_246_246" class="label">[246]</a> Parliament was summoned for July <abbr>15th</abbr>; see Parliamentary Paper 69, +of 1878 (<abbr title="House of Commons">H. of C.</abbr>) “Parliaments of England.” The writs ordering the +Expulsion were issued on July the <abbr>18th</abbr>; see Tovey, 240.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_247_247" href="#FNanchor_247_247" class="label">[247]</a> French Chronicler of London, in Riley’s <cite>Chronicles of Old London</cite>, +242.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_248_248" href="#FNanchor_248_248" class="label">[248]</a> <cite>Annales Monastici</cite>, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 409.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_249_249" href="#FNanchor_249_249" class="label">[249]</a> <i><abbr>Ib.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 361.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_250_250" href="#FNanchor_250_250" class="label">[250]</a> W. de Hemingburgh, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_251_251" href="#FNanchor_251_251" class="label">[251]</a> <cite>Chronicles of Edward <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr> and Edward <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr></cite> (Rolls Series) <abbr title="Volume">Vol.</abbr> <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 99 +(“<span lang="la">Omnes Judæi ... <em>concedente</em> Rege Edwardo ... exulantur</span>”).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_252_252" href="#FNanchor_252_252" class="label">[252]</a> <cite>The Chronicle of Pierre Langtoft</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 187–89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_253_253" href="#FNanchor_253_253" class="label">[253]</a> <span lang="la">Cum ... concesserimus Karissimæ matri nostrae Aleanorae Reginae +Angliae quod nullus Judaeus habitet vel moretur in quibuscunque villis +quas ipsa mater nostra habet in dotem....</span> <cite>Papers of the Anglo-Jewish +Historical Exhibition</cite>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 187–8. <cite>Forty-fourth Report of the Deputy +Keeper of the Public Records</cite>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 6. Graetz, <cite>Geschichte der Juden</cite> (Second +edition), <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, note 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_254_254" href="#FNanchor_254_254" class="label">[254]</a> Compare the treatment of the Flemings, who settled as weavers in +different towns of England soon after the Conquest, but had to retreat +to one district in Wales, where they lived under special royal protection. +Cunningham, <cite>The Growth of English Industry and Commerce</cite>, 176; and +see Gross, <cite>Gild Merchant</cite>, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 155–6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_255_255" href="#FNanchor_255_255" class="label">[255]</a> Jacobs, 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_256_256" href="#FNanchor_256_256" class="label">[256]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, 107.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_257_257" href="#FNanchor_257_257" class="label">[257]</a> <cite>Historia Anglorum</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 76.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_258_258" href="#FNanchor_258_258" class="label">[258]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 103.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_259_259" href="#FNanchor_259_259" class="label">[259]</a> <cite>Chronicles of Edward <abbr title="the First">I.</abbr> and Edward <abbr title="the Second">II.</abbr></cite> (Rolls Series), <cite>Commendatio +Lamentabilis</cite>, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_260_260" href="#FNanchor_260_260" class="label">[260]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr>, 114; <cite>Annales Monastici</cite>, <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr>, 503; +<cite>Gesta Abbatum Monasterii, <abbr title="Saint">S.</abbr> Albani</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 471.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_261_261" href="#FNanchor_261_261" class="label">[261]</a> <cite>Annales Monastici</cite>, <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr>, 91; <cite>Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 331; +<cite>Forty-fourth Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records</cite>, 188; +<cite>De Antiquis Legibus</cite>, Camden <abbr title="Society">Soc.</abbr>, 50; Tovey, 156; Prynne, <cite>Second +Demurrer</cite>, 118.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_262_262" href="#FNanchor_262_262" class="label">[262]</a> Jacobs, 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_263_263" href="#FNanchor_263_263" class="label">[263]</a> W. Rishanger, <cite>Chronica et Annales</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_264_264" href="#FNanchor_264_264" class="label">[264]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr> 30, 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_265_265" href="#FNanchor_265_265" class="label">[265]</a> Hahn, <cite>Geschichte der Ketzer</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 35, <abbr title="note">n.</abbr> 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_266_266" href="#FNanchor_266_266" class="label">[266]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr> 517; <cite>Annales Monastici</cite>, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> 345.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_267_267" href="#FNanchor_267_267" class="label">[267]</a> <cite>Revue des Etudes Juives</cite>, <abbr title="18">XVIII.</abbr>, 258; <cite>East Anglian</cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr> 10; Jacobs, +88–9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_268_268" href="#FNanchor_268_268" class="label">[268]</a> Perrens, <cite>Histoire de Florence</cite>, <abbr title="3">III.</abbr>, 220–1, 226. Gregorovius, <cite><abbr>Gesch.</abbr> der +Stadt <abbr>Rom.</abbr></cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr>, 308.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_269_269" href="#FNanchor_269_269" class="label">[269]</a> Thomas Aquinas, <cite>Opusculum</cite>, <abbr title="21">XXI.</abbr></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_270_270" href="#FNanchor_270_270" class="label">[270]</a> Güdemann, <cite><abbr>Gesch.</abbr> des Erziehungswesens</cite>, <abbr>etc.</abbr>, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 287.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_271_271" href="#FNanchor_271_271" class="label">[271]</a> Güdemann, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 71; <cite><abbr title="Histoire Littéraire">Hist. Litt.</abbr> de la France</cite>, <abbr title="27">XXVII.</abbr>, 520.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_272_272" href="#FNanchor_272_272" class="label">[272]</a> Graetz, <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 97.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_273_273" href="#FNanchor_273_273" class="label">[273]</a> <i><abbr>Ib.</abbr></i>, 125–7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_274_274" href="#FNanchor_274_274" class="label">[274]</a> <cite>Royal Letters</cite> (Rolls Series), <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 46; Madox, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 257 <i>g</i>; Rymer, <cite>Fœdera</cite>, +<abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 356.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_275_275" href="#FNanchor_275_275" class="label">[275]</a> Jacobs, 269.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_276_276" href="#FNanchor_276_276" class="label">[276]</a> <span class="smcap">Jewish Quarterly Review</span>, <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr>, 12, 551; <cite><abbr title="Histoire Littéraire">Hist. Litt.</abbr> de la France</cite>, +27, 485, 650, <i><abbr>sq.</abbr></i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_277_277" href="#FNanchor_277_277" class="label">[277]</a> <cite><abbr title="Histoire Littéraire">Hist. Litt.</abbr> de France</cite>, <abbr title="27">XXVII.</abbr>, 27, 650, <i><abbr>sq.</abbr></i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_278_278" href="#FNanchor_278_278" class="label">[278]</a> <cite><abbr title="Histoire Littéraire">Hist. Litt.</abbr></cite>, 435, 441, 462, 484, 487, 507, <i><abbr>sq.</abbr></i>; <span class="smcap">Jewish Quarterly +Review</span>, <abbr title="4">IV.</abbr>, 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_279_279" href="#FNanchor_279_279" class="label">[279]</a> Jacobs, 286.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_280_280" href="#FNanchor_280_280" class="label">[280]</a> <cite>Archæological Journal</cite>, <abbr title="28">XXVIII.</abbr>, 180.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_281_281" href="#FNanchor_281_281" class="label">[281]</a> <abbr>Cf.</abbr> L. Zunz, <cite>Die Synagogale Poesie des Mittelalters</cite>, Berlin, 1856.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_282_282" href="#FNanchor_282_282" class="label">[282]</a> Graetz, <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_283_283" href="#FNanchor_283_283" class="label">[283]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, <abbr title="6">VI.</abbr></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_284_284" href="#FNanchor_284_284" class="label">[284]</a> <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 138; <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 307–8; <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 188–9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_285_285" href="#FNanchor_285_285" class="label">[285]</a> Benjamin of Tudela, <abbr title="translated by">trans.</abbr> Asher, <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 163.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_286_286" href="#FNanchor_286_286" class="label">[286]</a> See the Tables in Thorold Rogers’ <cite>History of Agriculture and Prices</cite> +<abbr title="Volumes">Vols.</abbr> <abbr title="1">I.</abbr> and <abbr title="2">II.</abbr></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_287_287" href="#FNanchor_287_287" class="label">[287]</a> Peruzzi, <cite>Storia del Commercio e dei Banchieri de Firenze</cite>, 175.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_288_288" href="#FNanchor_288_288" class="label">[288]</a> Papers, <cite>Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition</cite>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 211.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_289_289" href="#FNanchor_289_289" class="label">[289]</a> <cite>Rotuli Parliamentorum</cite>, <abbr title="2">II.</abbr>, 332–350.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_290_290" href="#FNanchor_290_290" class="label">[290]</a> Graetz, <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 101.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_291_291" href="#FNanchor_291_291" class="label">[291]</a> J. de Trokelowe, <abbr>etc.</abbr>, <cite>Chronica et Annales</cite> (Rolls Series), 58; Ruding, +<cite>Annals of the Coinage</cite> (Third Edition), <abbr title="1">I.</abbr>, 198–202.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_292_292" href="#FNanchor_292_292" class="label">[292]</a> M. Paris, <cite>Chronica Majora</cite>, <abbr title="5">V.</abbr>, 441, 487.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_293_293" href="#FNanchor_293_293" class="label">[293]</a> Graetz, <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 264–7; Depping, 228–9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_294_294" href="#FNanchor_294_294" class="label">[294]</a> Graetz, <abbr title="7">VII.</abbr>, 181–8, 252.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_295_295" href="#FNanchor_295_295" class="label">[295]</a> <i><abbr>Ibid.</abbr></i>, 163–4, 318–20, 363.</p></div> +</div> + +<div class="transnote"> +<h2 class="nobreak">Transcriber’s Note</h2> + +<p> +Some inconsistencies in spelling, hyphenation, and punctuation have been +retained. Obvious punctuation misprints were silently corrected. +</p> + +<ul> + +<li> +Changed “Révue” in “Révue des Etudes Juives” to “Revue” (footnotes +<a href="#Footnote_189_189">189</a>, +<a href="#Footnote_217_217">217</a>, +<a href="#Footnote_267_267">267</a>). +</li> + +<li> +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 27: changed “Newneton” to “Newnton” (<a href="#TN5">The Church of Newnton could not afford +clergymen</a>) +</li> + +<li> +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 36 <abbr title="note">n.</abbr> 4: +(footnote <a href="#Footnote_106_106">106</a> in this file) changed “Italicae” to “Italicæ” +(Muratori, Antiquitates Italicæ Medii Aevi, I. 889.) +</li> + +<li> +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 47: changed “no” to “not” +(<a href="#TN1">where there did not exist a chest</a>) +</li> + +<li> +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 55 <abbr title="note">n.</abbr> 1: +(footnote <a href="#Footnote_187_187">187</a> in this file) +changed “der” to “des” (Geschichte Papst Innocenz des Dritten) +</li> + +<li> +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 72: changed “Statue” to “Statute” +(<a href="#TN2">conditions imposed by the Statute of 1275</a>) +</li> + +<li> +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 76: added comma in “<a href="#TN4">The king took it for great shame, That</a>” to align with reference material from attached footnote. It comes from verse. Verified with source material located on archive.org. +</li> + +<li> +<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 77: changed “Bradiers” to “Braziers” +(<a href="#TN3">Braziers and hosiers, bakers and shoemakers</a>) +</li> + +</ul> +</div> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78599 ***</div> +</body> +</html> diff --git a/78599-h/images/cover.png b/78599-h/images/cover.png Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..4de3de9 --- /dev/null +++ b/78599-h/images/cover.png |
