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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78599 ***
+
+
+
+
+                       Arnold Prize Essay, 1894.
+
+                          THE EXPULSION OF THE
+                       JEWS FROM ENGLAND IN 1290
+
+                                   BY
+
+                             B. L. ABRAHAMS
+
+                 _Formerly Scholar of Balliol College._
+
+                                 Oxford
+
+                B. H. BLACKWELL 50 AND 51, BROAD STREET
+
+                                 London
+
+                SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, HAMILTON, KENT & CO.
+
+                               M DCCC XCV
+
+
+
+
+                                LONDON:
+                    PRINTED BY WERTHEIMER, LEA & CO.
+                       CIRCUS PLACE, LONDON WALL.
+
+
+
+
+This Essay, to which the Arnold Prize in the University of Oxford
+was awarded in 1894, has appeared in the _Jewish Quarterly Review_
+for October, 1894, and January and April, 1895. I am indebted to the
+Editors of the _Review_ for permission to republish it.
+
+I wish to express my obligations to _Bibliotheca Anglo-Judaica: a
+Bibliographical Guide to Anglo-Jewish History_, compiled by Messrs.
+JOSEPH JACOBS and LUCIEN WOLF, and to _The Jews of Angevin England_,
+by Mr. JOSEPH JACOBS. Nearly all the passages bearing on Anglo-Jewish
+history, down to 1206, are contained in the latter book, and many of
+the references in the earlier part of my essay might have been made
+to its pages. I thought it better, however, to refer direct to the
+original authorities, and have, as a rule, mentioned Mr. Jacobs’ book
+only when using passages in it which have been nowhere else printed.
+
+Some articles which I have contributed to Mr. R. H. I. PALGRAVE’S
+_Dictionary of Political Economy_, to the First Volume of the
+_Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England_, and to the
+_Jewish Chronicle_ for April 26th, 1895, contain information bearing on
+the subject of this Essay.
+
+
+
+
+            THE EXPULSION OF THE JEWS FROM ENGLAND IN 1290.
+
+
+The expulsion of the Jews from England by Edward I. is a measure
+concerning the causes of which no contemporary historian gives, or
+pretends to give, any but the most meagre information. It was passed
+by the King in his “secret council,” of the proceedings of which
+we naturally know nothing. Of the occasion that suggested it, each
+separate writer has his own account, and none has a claim to higher
+authority than the rest; and yet there is much in the circumstances
+connected with it that calls for explanation. How was it that, at a
+time when trade and the need for capital were growing, the Jews, who
+were reputed to be among the great capitalists of Europe, were expelled
+from England? How did Edward, a king who was in debt from the moment
+he began his reign till the end, bring himself to give up the revenue
+that his father and grandfather had derived from the Jews? How could
+he, as an honourable king, drive out subjects who were protected by
+a Charter that one of his predecessors had granted, and another had
+solemnly confirmed? To answer these questions we must consider what
+was the position that the Jews occupied in England, how it was forced
+on them, and how it brought them into antagonism at various times with
+the interests of the several orders of the English people, and with
+the teachings of the Catholic Church. We shall thus find the origin
+of forces strong enough when they converged to bring about the result
+which is to be accounted for.
+
+
+                I.--THE JEWS FROM THEIR ARRIVAL TO 1190.
+
+Among the foreigners who flocked to England at, or soon after, the
+Conquest were many families of French Jews. They brought with them
+money, but no skill in any occupation except that of lending it out
+at interest. They lent to the King, when the ferm of his counties, or
+his feudal dues were late in coming in;[1] to the barons, who, though
+lands and estates had been showered on them, nevertheless often found
+it hard, without doubt, to procure ready money wherewith to pay for
+luxuries, or to meet the expense of military service; and to suitors
+who had to follow the King’s Court from one great town to another, or
+to plead before the Papal Curia at Rome.[2]
+
+But though they thus came into contact with many classes, and had
+kindly relations with some, they remained far more alien to the masses
+of the people around them than even the Normans, in whose train they
+had come to England. Even the Norman baron must, a hundred years after
+the Conquest, have become something of an Englishman. He held an
+estate, of which the tenants were English; he presided over a court
+attended by English suitors. In battle he led his English retainers. He
+and the Englishman worshipped in the same church, and in it the sons
+of the two might serve as priests side by side. But the Jews remained,
+during the whole time of their sojourn in England, sharply separated
+from, at any rate, the common people around them by peculiarities of
+speech, habits and daily life, such as must have aroused dread and
+hatred in an ignorant and superstitious age. Their foreign faces alone
+would have been enough to mark them out. Moreover, they generally
+occupied, not under compulsion, but of their own choice, a separate
+quarter of each town in which they dwelt.[3] And in their isolation
+they lived a life unlike that of any other class. None of them were
+feudal landowners, none farmers, none villeins, none members of the
+guilds. They did not join in the national Watch and Ward. They alone
+were forbidden to keep the mail and hauberk which the rest of the
+nation was bound to have at hand to help in preserving the peace.[4]
+They were not enrolled in the Frank-pledge, that society that brought
+neighbours together and taught them to be interested in the doings
+of one another by making them responsible for one another’s honesty.
+They did not appear at the Court Leet or the Court Baron, at the
+Town-moot or the Shire-moot. They went to no church on Sundays, they
+took no sacrament; they showed no signs of reverence to the crucifix;
+but, instead, they went on Friday evening and Saturday morning to a
+synagogue of their own, where they read a service in a foreign tongue,
+or sang it to strange Oriental melodies. When they died they were
+buried in special cemeteries, where Jews alone were laid.[5] At home
+their very food was different from that of Christians. They would not
+eat of a meal prepared by a Christian cook in a Christian house. They
+would not use the same milk, the same wine, the same meat as their
+neighbours. For them cattle had to be killed with special rites; and,
+what was worse, it sometimes happened that, some minute detail having
+been imperfectly performed, they rejected meat as unfit for themselves,
+but considered it good enough to be offered for sale to their Christian
+neighbours.[6] The presence of Christian servants and nurses in their
+households made it impossible that any of their peculiarities should
+remain unobserved or generally unknown.[7]
+
+Thus, living as semi-aliens, growing rich as usurers, and observing
+strange customs, they occupied in the twelfth century a position that
+was fraught with danger. But, almost from their first arrival in the
+country, they had enjoyed a kind of informal Royal protection,[8]
+though, as to the nature of their relations with the King during the
+first hundred and thirty years of their residence, very little is
+known. It was probably less close than it afterwards became, for the
+liability to attack and the need for protection had not yet manifested
+themselves.
+
+But, at the end of the eleventh century, there began to spread
+throughout Europe a movement which, when it reached England, converted
+the vague popular dislike of the Jews into an active and violent
+hostility. While the Norman conquerors were still occupied in settling
+down in England, the King organising his realm, and the barons
+enjoying, dissipating, or forfeiting their newly-won estates, popes and
+priests and monks had been preaching the Crusade to the other nations
+of civilised Europe. At one of the greatest and most imposing of all
+the Church Councils that were ever held, where were present lay nobles
+and clerics of all nations, attending each as his own master, and able
+to act on the impulse of the moment, Urban II., in 1095, told the
+tale of the wrong that Christians had to suffer at the hands of the
+enemies of Christ. He told his hearers how the Eastern people, a people
+estranged from God, had laid waste the land of the Christians with fire
+and sword; had destroyed churches, or misused them for their own rites;
+had circumcised Christians, poured their blood on altars and fonts,
+scourged and impaled men, and dishonoured women.[9] Such denunciations,
+followed by the appeal to all present to help Jerusalem, which was
+“ruled by enemies, enslaved by the godless, and calling aloud to be
+freed,” excited, for the first time in Europe, a furious and fanatical
+hatred of Eastern and non-Christian races. The Jews were such a race,
+as well as the Saracens, and between the two the Crusaders scarcely
+distinguished. Before they left home and fortune to fight God’s enemies
+abroad, it was natural that they should kill or convert those whom they
+met nearer home. Through all central Europe, from France to Hungary,
+the bands that gathered together to make their way to the Holy Land
+fell on the Jews and offered them the choice between the sword and the
+font.[10]
+
+The disasters that followed the first Crusade brought with them
+an increase in the ferocity of the attacks to which the Jews of
+Continental Europe were subjected, and S. Bernard, when he preached
+the second Crusade, found that he had revived a spirit of fanaticism
+that he was powerless to quell. He had wished for the reconquest of
+the Holy Land as a result that would bring honour to the Christian
+religion; but his followers and imitators thought less of the end than
+of the bloodshed that was to be the means. A monk, “who skilfully
+imitated the austerity of religion, but had no immoderate amount of
+learning,”[11] went through the Rhineland preaching that all Jews
+who were found by the Crusaders should be killed as enemies of the
+Christian faith. It was in vain that Bernard appealed to the Christian
+nations whom his eloquence had aroused, in the hope that “the zeal of
+God which burnt in them would not fail altogether to be tempered with
+knowledge.” He himself narrowly escaped attack: and the Jews suffered
+from the second Crusade as they had suffered from the first.[12]
+
+England was so closely related to the Churches of the Continent that
+it could not fail to be affected by the great movement. But the first
+Crusade was preached when the Conquest was still recent, and the
+Normans had no leisure to leave their new country; the second, during
+the last period of anarchy in the reign of Stephen.
+
+Thus there were, during the first hundred years after the Council of
+Clermont, few English Crusaders. Yet the Crusading spirit, working
+in a superstitious mediæval population, called forth a danger that
+was destined to be as fatal to the English Jews as were the massacres
+to their brethren on the Continent. The Pope who preached the first
+Crusade had told his hearers that Eastern nations were in the habit of
+circumcising Christians and using their blood in such a way as to show
+their contempt for the Christian religion. This charge was naturally
+extended to the Jews as well. What alterations it underwent in its
+circulation it is hard to say; but in 1146, a tale was spread among
+the populace of Norwich, and encouraged by the bishop, that the Jews
+had killed a boy named William, to use his blood for the ritual of
+that most suspicious feast, their Passover. The story was supported by
+no evidence more trustworthy than that of an apostate Jew, which was
+so worthless that the Sheriff refused to allow the Jews to appear in
+the Bishop’s Court to answer the charge brought against them, and took
+them under his protection. But the popular suspicion of the Jews lent
+credibility to the story, and so terrible a feeling was aroused that
+many of the Jews of Norwich dispersed into other lands, and of those
+who remained many were killed by the people in spite of the protection
+of the Sheriff.[13] The accusation once made naturally recurred, first
+at Gloucester, in 1168, and then at Bury St. Edmund’s, in 1181. “The
+Martyrs” were regularly buried in the nearest church or religious
+house, and the miracles that they all worked would alone have been
+enough to continually renew the belief in the terrible story.[14]
+
+Under the firm reign of Henry II., anti-Jewish feeling found no further
+expression in act. The King, like his predecessors, gave and secured
+to the Jews special privileges so great as to arouse the envy of their
+neighbours. They were allowed to settle their own disputes in their own
+_Beth Din_, or Ecclesiastical Court, and in so far to enjoy a privilege
+that was granted only under strict limitations to the Christian
+Church.[15] They were placed, apparently, under the special protection
+of the royal officers of each district.[16] They lived in safety, and
+they made considerable contributions to the Royal Exchequer.
+
+The death of Henry II. and the accession of Richard I., the first
+English Crusading King, brought trouble, as was but natural, to the
+rich and royally favoured infidels of the land where the blood
+accusation had its birth. The interregnum between the death of one
+King and the proclamation of the “peace” of his successor was always
+a time of danger and lawlessness during the first two centuries after
+the Conquest, and the growth of the crusading spirit, and of the
+popular belief in the truth of the blood accusation, caused all the
+forces of disorder to work in one direction, viz., against the Jews.
+The day of Richard’s coronation was the first opportunity for a great
+exhibition of the anti-Jewish fanaticism of the populace. The nobles
+from all parts of the country brought with them to London large trains
+of servants and attendants, who were left to occupy themselves as
+best they might in the streets, while their lords were present at the
+ceremony. The Jews, who had been refused permission to enter the Abbey,
+took up a prominent position outside. Their appearance exasperated the
+crowd, and in the mediæval world a crowd was irresistible. While the
+service was proceeding, the Jews were fiercely attacked by the “wild
+serving men” of the nobles and the lower orders of citizens. One at
+least was compelled to accept baptism to save himself from death. Later
+in the same day, when the King and magnates were banqueting in the
+palace, the attack on the Jews was renewed. The strong houses of the
+Jewry were besieged and fired, and the inhabitants were massacred. But
+soon “avarice got the better of cruelty,” and in spite of the efforts
+of the King’s officers the city was given up to plunder and rapine.[17]
+
+Though the King was bitterly angry at what had happened, the first
+attempt at punishment showed him how powerless he was against the
+forces hostile to the Jews. Had the offenders been nobles or prominent
+citizens, he could, when the first irresistible disorder had subsided,
+have taken vengeance at his leisure. But what could he do against a
+collection of serving-men and poor citizens, whom no one knew, who had
+come together and had separated in one day? When he departed for the
+Crusades, he left behind him all the materials for more outbreaks of
+the same kind. In the more populous towns Crusaders were continually
+gathering together in order to set out for the Holy Land in company:
+and they, aided by the lower citizens, clerics, and poor countrymen,
+and in some cases by ruined landholders, fell on and killed the Jews
+wherever they had settlements in England, at Norwich, York, Bury St.
+Edmunds, Lynn, Lincoln, Colchester, and Stamford.[18] Again the Royal
+officers were unable to touch the offenders. When the Chancellor
+arrived with an army at York, the scene of the most horrible of all
+the massacres, he found that the murderers were Crusaders, who had
+long embarked for the Holy Land, peasants and poor townsmen who had
+retired from the neighbourhood, and some bankrupt nobles, who had
+fled to Scotland. The citizens humbly represented that they were
+not responsible for the outrage and were too weak to prevent it. No
+punishment was possible except the infliction of a few fines, and the
+Chancellor marched back with his army to London.[19]
+
+It was clear that the King must strengthen his connection with the
+Jews. He could not afford to lose them or to leave them continually
+liable to plunder. They were too rich. In 1187, when Henry II. had
+wanted to raise a great sum from all his people he had got nearly as
+much from the Jews as from his Christian subjects. From the former he
+got a fourth of their property, £60,000, from the latter a tenth, or
+£70,000.[20] It is of course improbable that, as these figures would
+at first seem to show, the Jews held a quarter of the wealth of the
+kingdom, but they were as useful to the King as if they had. He had
+a far greater power over their resources than over those of his other
+subjects; their wealth was in moveable property, and what was still
+more important, it was concentrated in few hands. It was easily found
+and easily taken away.[21]
+
+
+                  II.--THE CONSTITUTION OF THE JEWRY.
+
+Richard’s policy, or his councillors’, was simple. On the one hand, in
+order to encourage rich Jews to continue to make England their home,
+he issued a charter of protection, in which he guaranteed to certain
+Jews,[22] and perhaps to all who were wealthy, the privileges that
+they had enjoyed under his father and great-grandfather. They were to
+hold land as they had hitherto done; their heirs were to succeed to
+their money debts; they were to be allowed to go wherever they pleased
+throughout the country, and to be free of all tolls and dues. On the
+other hand he asserted and enforced his rights over them and their
+property by organising a complete supervision of all their business
+transactions. In 1194 he issued a code of regulations, in which he
+ordered that a register of all that belonged to them should be kept for
+the information of the treasury. All their deeds were to be executed
+in one of the six or seven places where there were establishments of
+Jewish and Christian clerks especially appointed to witness them; they
+were to be entered on an official list, and a half of each was to be
+deposited in a public chest under the control of royal officers.[23]
+No Jew was to plead before any court but that of the King’s officers,
+and special Justices were appointed to hear cases in which Jews were
+concerned, and to exercise a general control over their business.[24]
+
+These arrangements underwent various modifications under Richard’s
+successors. The privileges which had at first been granted to certain
+Jews by name were extended by John to the whole community[25]; and the
+royal hold over them was tightened by an edict, issued in 1219, which
+ordered the Wardens of the Cinque Ports to prevent any Jews who lived
+in England from leaving the country.[26]
+
+This elaborate constitution did not indeed afford complete security
+against a repetition of the massacres of 1189 and 1190, but its
+existence was a more solemn and official recognition than had been
+given before of the fact that the King was the sole lord and protector
+of the Jews, and that he would regard an injury done to them as an
+injury to himself. And thus it went far to secure to him his revenue
+and to them their safety. From this time forward, the Jews yielded to
+the king, not simply irregular contributions, such as the £60,000 they
+had paid to Henry II., and the sums they had paid to Longchamp towards
+the expenses of Richard’s Crusade,[27] but a steady and regular income.
+They paid tallages, heavy reliefs on succeeding to property, and a
+besant in the pound, or ten per cent., on their loan transactions; they
+were liable to escheats, confiscation of land and debts, and fines and
+amercements of all kinds.[28] Their average annual contribution to the
+Treasury, during the latter part of the twelfth century, was probably
+about a twelfth of the whole Royal revenue,[29] and of the greater part
+of what they owed the realisation was nearly certain. Other debtors
+might find in delay, or resistance, or legal formalities, a way of
+avoiding payment. But the King had the Jews in his own hands. He could
+order the sheriffs of the county to distrain on defaulters, and there
+was no one between the sheriffs and the Jews.[30] He could despoil
+them of lands and debts. He could imprison them in the royal castles.
+In the reign of John, all the Jews and Jewesses of England were thrown
+into prison by his command, and are said to have been reduced to such
+poverty that they begged from door to door, and prowled about the city
+like dogs.[31] The only way they had of removing any of their property
+from his reach was by burying it. Whereupon the King, if he suspected
+that a Jew had more treasure than was apparent, might order him to have
+a tooth drawn every day until he paid enough to purchase pardon.[32]
+
+Powerless as the Jews were against royal oppression in England, the
+position that was offered to them by Richard and John was no worse
+than that of their co-religionists in other countries of Europe. Those
+of Germany were the Emperor’s _Kammerknechte_;[33] those of France
+had been expelled in 1182, and though they were soon recalled, might
+at any time be expelled again.[34] A Jew in a feudalised country was
+liable to be the subject of quarrel between the lord on whose estate
+he dwelt and the king of the country, and he could be handed about,
+now to the one and now to the other.[35] The right to live and to be
+under jurisdiction, was everywhere still a local privilege that had to
+be enjoyed by the permission of a lord, lay or clerical, and had to
+be paid for. In England, the Jews, so long as they were protected by
+the King, were at any rate under the greatest lord in the land. The
+towns where especially they wished to settle for the purposes of their
+business, were, thanks to the policy of William the Conqueror, mostly
+on the royal domain. And the royal power acting through its local
+officers was used to the full to protect the Jews. The sheriffs of the
+counties were especially charged to secure to them personal safety and
+the enjoyment of the immunities that had been granted to them.[36]
+
+The arrangement by which Jewish money-lenders received on English
+soil the protection of the King against his own subjects was not very
+honourable to either of the parties. But the King had no compunction,
+and the Jews had no choice. It could endure so long as the royal power
+was strong enough to override the objections of barons and abbots to a
+measure in favour of their creditors, of the towns to an encroachment
+on their privileges, and of the Church to the royal support of a body
+of infidel usurers.
+
+At the end of the twelfth century neither towns nor landholders nor
+Church were in a position to offer any effectual protest. In the
+thirteenth century the strength of the opposition of each of these
+three orders grew steadily. But in each it pursued a separate course,
+though to the same end, and each order struck its decisive blow at
+a different moment. Hence the various forms of opposition must be
+separately considered.
+
+
+                   III.--THE CONFLICT WITH THE TOWNS.
+
+The towns were the first to carry out a practical and effective
+anti-Jewish policy. It was they that suffered most keenly and
+constantly from the presence of the Jews. They had bought, at great
+expense, from King or noble or abbot, the right to be independent,
+self-governing communities, living under the jurisdiction of their own
+officers, free from the visits of the royal sheriffs, and paying a
+fixed sum in commutation of all dues to the King or the local lord;
+and yet many of them saw the King protecting in their midst a band
+of foreigners, who had the royal permission to go whithersoever they
+pleased, who could dwell among the burgesses, and were yet free not
+only from all customs and dues and contribution to the ferm,[37] but
+even from the jurisdiction of those authorities which were responsible
+for peace and good government.[38] This was exasperating enough; but
+there was more and worse. The exclusion of the sheriff and the King’s
+constables was one of the most cherished privileges of towns, but,
+wherever the Jews had once taken up their residence, it was in danger
+of being a mere pretence. At Colchester, if a Jew was unable to recover
+his debts, he could call in the King’s sheriffs to help him. In London,
+Jews were “warrantised” from the exchequer, and the constable of the
+Tower had a special jurisdiction by which he kept the pleas between
+Jews and Christians. At Nottingham, complaints against Jews, even in
+cases of petty assaults, were heard before the keeper of the Castle.
+At Oxford the constable called in question the Chancellor’s authority
+over the Jews; contending that they did not form part of the ordinary
+town-community.[39] Moreover, the debts of the Jews were continually
+falling into the King’s hands, and whenever this happened, his officers
+would no doubt penetrate into the town to make on behalf of the royal
+treasury a collection such as had never been contemplated when the
+burgesses made their agreement, which was to settle once and for all
+their payment to the King.[40]
+
+In some of the towns the feeling against the Jews was expressed in
+riots as early as the reign of John, and the beginning of that of Henry
+III. But the King in each case took stern measures of repression. John
+told the mayor and barons of London that he should require the blood
+of the Jews at their hands if any ill befell them.[41] In Gloucester
+and in Hereford, the burgesses of the town were made responsible for
+the safety of the Jews dwelling amongst them. In Worcester, York,
+Lincoln, Stamford, Bristol, Northampton, and Winchester, the sheriffs
+were charged with the duty of protecting them against injury.[42] Such
+measures only increased the ill-feeling of the burgesses. At Norwich in
+1234 the Jewry was fired and looted.[43] The Jews were maltreated and
+beaten, and were only saved from further harm by the timely help of the
+garrison of the neighbouring castle. At Oxford the scholars attacked
+the Jewry and carried off “innumerable goods.”[44]
+
+But the towns soon began to use a far more effective method than
+rioting in order to rid themselves of the Jews. Just as they had found
+it worth while to pay heavily for their municipal charters, so now
+they were willing to pay more for a measure which would secure them
+in the future against a drain on their revenues and a violation of
+their privileges. Whether a town held its charter from the King, or
+was still dependent on an intermediate lord, the motive was equally
+strong. An abbot or a baron would be glad to second the efforts made by
+the inhabitants of one of his vills to expel a portion of the populace
+which took much from the resources whence his revenue came and added
+nothing to them.[45] The abbot of Bury St. Edmund’s induced the King to
+expel the Jews from the town in 1190.[46] The burgesses of Leicester
+obtained a similar grant from Simon de Montfort in 1231, those of
+Newcastle in 1234, of Wycombe in 1235, of Southampton in 1236, of
+Berkhampsted in 1242, of Newbury in 1244, of Derby in 1263; at Norwich
+the citizens complained to the King, but without any result, of the
+harm that they suffered through the growth of the Jewish community
+settled in the city.[47] In 1245 a decree in general terms was issued
+by Henry III., prohibiting all Jews, except those to whom the King had
+granted a special personal license, from remaining in any town other
+than those in which their co-religionists had hitherto been accustomed
+to live.[48] This series of measures did not simply deprive the Jews in
+England of a right which had been solemnly granted them and which they
+had long enjoyed. It went much further. For, by circumscribing the
+area in which they could carry on their business, and so diminishing
+their opportunities of acquiring wealth, it threatened their very
+existence in a land where their wealth alone secured them protection.
+
+
+                   IV.--THE CONFLICT WITH THE BARONS.
+
+At the same time that the towns were making their attack on the Jews
+in their own way, there was growing up within the baronial order a
+new party, stronger than the towns in the elements of which it was
+composed and in its capacity for joint action, and filled, on account
+of the private circumstances of its members, with a deeper hatred of
+the Jews than the greater barons, who had hitherto represented the
+order, had ever known. For the old Baronial party which had forced
+Magna Carta on John was too rich to be seriously indebted to the Jews,
+and the anti-Jewish feeling of its members must have been blunted by
+the fact that, when they had to pay their debts, they could raise the
+money by benevolences levied on their tenants.[49] Moreover some of
+them imitated on their own estates the King’s policy of sharing in the
+profits of usury.[50] Hence they were little influenced by personal
+grievances, and it was no doubt partly from political considerations,
+and partly as a concession to the lesser and poorer members of their
+order, that they had introduced into Magna Carta certain limitations
+of the power of the Jews, or of their legatee, the King, over the
+estates of debtors, a measure which, small as it was, was repealed
+on the re-issues of the charters, when, during the minority of Henry
+III., the great Barons had to undertake the duty of Government. And yet
+even the great Barons must have felt, after twenty years’ experience
+of the personal Government of Henry III., that an alteration in the
+Royal system of managing the Jewry was necessary if their order was
+ever to succeed in the constitutional struggle in which it was engaged.
+They knew that many of those among the King’s acts which they hated
+worst would have been impossible but for the Jews. It was by money
+extorted from them that he had been enabled to prolong his expeditions
+in Brittany and Gascony, to support and enrich his foreign favourites,
+and to baffle the attempts of the Council to secure, by the refusal of
+supplies, the restoration of Government through the customary officers.
+In 1230, and again in 1239, he took from them a third of their
+property; in 1244, he levied a tallage of 60,000 marks; in 1250, 1252,
+1254, and 1255 he ordered the royal officers to take from them all that
+they could exact, after thorough inquisition and the employment of
+measures of compulsion so cruel as to make the whole body of Jews in
+England ask twice, though each time in vain, for permission to leave
+the country. Thus the whole Baronial order was for a time united, on
+the ground of constitutional grievances, in a policy which found its
+expression in the successful attempt of the National Council in 1244
+to exact from the King the right of appointing one of the two justices
+of the Jews, so as to gain a knowledge of the amount of the Jewish
+revenue, and a power of controlling its expenditure.[51]
+
+But such a measure did nothing to relieve the personal grievances
+of the lower baronage, and it was naturally from this class that
+further complaints proceeded. Its members, unlike the greater barons,
+made no profit from the encouragement of usury. On the other hand,
+they were among the greatest sufferers from the practice. Many a one
+among them must, when summoned to take part in the King’s foreign
+expeditions, have been compelled to pledge some land to the Jews in
+order to be able to meet the expenses of service; and no doubt the
+Jews derived from such transactions a large share of the profits that
+enabled them to make their enormous contributions to the exchequer.
+A landholder’s debt to a Jew would, when once contracted, have been,
+under any circumstances, difficult to pay off. But the lower baronage,
+or knight’s bachelors, were threatened, when they had fallen into debt,
+with new dangers, the knowledge of which intensified their hatred of
+the whole system of money-lending. “We ask,” they said in the petition
+of 1259, “a remedy for this evil, to wit, that the Jews sometimes give
+their bonds, and the land pledged to them, to the magnates and the
+more powerful men of the realm, who thereupon enter on the land of the
+lesser men, and although those who owe the debt be willing to pay it
+with usury, yet the said magnates put off the business, so that the
+land and tenements may in some way remain their property, ... and on
+the occasion of death, or any other chance, there is a manifest danger
+that those to whom the said tenements belonged may lose all right in
+them.”[52]
+
+The special wrongs of the lower baronage were, in the course of the
+Civil War, temporarily lost sight of. Nevertheless, the action of the
+whole baronial party throughout the war contributed greatly, though
+indirectly, to the ultimate banishment of the Jews from England.
+Just as the towns had, by their measures of exclusion, weakened
+the mercenary bond that united the Jews to the King, so now the
+barons, by their wholesale destruction of Jewish property, worked, as
+unconsciously as the towns had done, to the same end. They attacked
+and plundered the Jewry of London twice in the course of the war, and
+destroyed those of Canterbury, Northampton, Winchester, Cambridge,
+Worcester, and Lincoln. Everywhere they carried off or destroyed the
+property of their victims. In London they killed every Jew that they
+met, except those who accepted baptism, or paid large sums of money.
+They took from Cambridge all the Jewish bonds that were kept there, and
+deposited them at their head-quarters in Ely. At Lincoln they broke
+open the official chests, and “trod underfoot in the lanes, charters
+and deeds, and whatever else was injurious to the Christians.”[53] “It
+is impossible,” says a chronicler, in describing one of these attacks,
+“to estimate the loss it caused to the King’s exchequer.”
+
+
+          V.--THE BEGINNING OF EDWARD’S POLICY OF RESTRICTION.
+
+When the Civil War was over, the position of the King’s son Edward
+as, on the one hand, the sworn friend of the lower baronage, and, on
+the other hand, the leader of the Council and the most powerful man
+in England,[54] made it impossible that the Jews should continue to
+carry on their business under the royal protection as they had hitherto
+done. And Edward’s personal character and political ideals were such
+as to make him execute with vigour the policy towards the Jews that
+was forced on him by his relations with the lower baronage. He was a
+religious prince, one who could not but feel qualms of conscience at
+seeing the “enemies of Christ” carrying on the most unchristian trade
+of usury in the chief towns of England. He was a statesman, the future
+author of the Statutes of Mortmain and _Quia Emptores_, and he wished
+to see the work of the nation performed by the united action of the
+nation, and its expenses met by due contributions from all the National
+resources. But in so far as the Jews had any hold on English land they
+prevented the realisation of this ideal. Sometimes they took possession
+of land that was pledged to them, and then the amount of the feudal
+revenue and the symmetry of the feudal organisation suffered, though
+the King might gain a great deal in other ways;[55] very often they
+secured payment in money of their debts by bringing about an agreement
+for the transfer to a monastery of the estates that had been pledged
+to them as security,[56] and then the land came under the “dead hand”;
+sometimes they contented themselves with a perpetual rent-charge,[57]
+and then it would be hard, if not impossible, for the struggling debtor
+to discharge his feudal obligations.[58]
+
+The indebtedness of the Church must have shocked Edward’s sympathies
+as a Christian, just as much as the indebtedness of the lay
+landholders thwarted his schemes as a statesman. For the condition
+of ecclesiastical estates was indeed deplorable. They had begun to
+fall into debt in the twelfth century, no doubt in consequence of
+the expense that was necessary for the erection of great buildings,
+and their debts had gone on growing, partly in consequence of bad
+management, partly through the necessity of fulfilling the duties of
+hospitality by keeping open house continually, partly through the
+exactions of the Pope and the King. The Bishop of Lincoln pledged the
+plate of his cathedral, the Abbot of Peterborough the bones of the
+patron-saint of his Abbey; at Bury St. Edmunds each obedientiary had
+his own seal, which he could apply to bonds which involved the whole
+house; and loans were freely contracted which accumulated at 50 per
+cent.[59] Hence in the thirteenth century Matthew Paris wrote that
+“there was scarcely anyone in England, especially a bishop, who was
+not caught in the meshes of the usurers.”[60] “Wise men knew that
+the land was corrupted by them.”[61] The literary documents of the
+latter half of the century fully confirm these accounts. The See of
+Canterbury was weighed down with an ever-growing load of debt when
+John of Peckham first went to it.[62] The buildings of the cathedral
+were becoming dilapidated for want of money to repair them.[63]
+Those of the neighbouring Priory of Christ Church were in an equally
+bad state, and its revenue was equally encumbered.[64] The bishop
+of Norwich was so poor that in spite of the extortions regularly
+practised by his officials, he had to borrow six hundred marks from
+the Archbishop of Canterbury.[65] The Bishop of Hereford had been
+compelled to seek the intervention of Henry III., in order to obtain
+respite of his debts to the Jews.[66] The Abbey of Glastonbury was
+weighed down by “immeasurable debts,” and, in order to save it from
+further calamities, the Archbishop had to order a reorganisation of
+expenditure so thorough as to include regulations concerning the number
+of dishes with which the abbot might be served in his private room.[67]
+The Prior of Lewes asked permission to turn one of his churches from
+its right use, and to let it for five years to any one who would hire
+it, in order that he might thus get together some money to help to pay
+off what the priory owed.[68] The Church of Newnton could not afford
+clergymen.[69] Even the great Monastery of St. Swithin’s, Winchester,
+in spite of the revenue that its monks drew from the sale of wine and
+fur and spiceries, and from the tolls paid by the traders who attended
+its great annual fair, was always in debt, sometimes to the amount of
+several thousand pounds.[70] Except in the cutting down of timber and
+the granting of life annuities in return for the payment of a lump sum,
+the religious houses had no resources except the money-lenders.[71]
+They borrowed from English usurers, from Italians, from Jews, and from
+one another.[72]
+
+If the lay and ecclesiastical estates of England were to be freed from
+their burdens, heroic measures were necessary. The barons had done
+their part in the work by carrying off or destroying such bonds as they
+could find. But the financial revolution, to be effective, must be
+carried out by due process of law.
+
+When, on the restoration of tranquillity, the Council under Edward’s
+influence began its attempt to redress the grievances against which the
+barons had been fighting, the first measure in the programme of reform
+was one for the relief of the debtors of the Jews. Any interference
+with Jewish business would, of course, entail a loss to the Royal
+Exchequer, and, honest and patriotic as Edward was, his poverty was so
+great that he could not afford to sacrifice any of his resources. But
+the exhausting demands that the King had made on the Jews in the time
+of his difficulties, and the terrible destruction of their property
+that had taken place during the war, must have so far diminished the
+revenue to be derived from the Jews as to make the possible loss of it
+a far less serious consideration than it would have been twenty years
+earlier. Accordingly, at the feast of St. Hilary in 1269, a measure,
+drawn up by Walter of Merton, was passed, forbidding for the future the
+alienation of land to Jews in consequence of loan transactions. All
+existing bonds by which land might pass into the hands of Jews were
+declared cancelled; the attempt to evade the law by selling them to
+Christians was made punishable with death and forfeiture; and none to
+such effect was to be executed in future.[73]
+
+But this was only a slight measure compared with what was to follow.
+The Jews might still acquire land by purchase, and needy lords and
+churches, when forbidden to pledge their lands, were very likely,
+under the pressure of necessity, to sell them outright. Already the
+Jews were “seised” of many estates,[74] and, according to the story of
+an ancient historian,[75] they chose this moment to ask the King to
+grant them the enjoyment of the privileges that regularly accompanied
+the possession of land, viz., the guardianship of minors on their
+estates, the right to give wards in marriage, and the presentation
+to livings. Feudal law recognised the two former privileges, and the
+Church recognised the latter,[76] as incidental to the possession of
+real property. It was strange, however, that the Jews should present
+a demand for new social privileges of this kind to a council that had
+already shown its determination to deprive them of their old legal
+rights; and it was only natural that the churchmen should take the
+opportunity of denouncing their “impious insolence.” Certain of the
+councillors were at first in favour of granting the Jews’ request; but
+a Franciscan friar, who obtained admittance to the Council, pleaded
+that it would be a disgrace to Christianity, and a dishonour to God.
+The Archbishop of York, and the Bishops of Lichfield, Coventry, and
+Worcester were present, and argued that the “perfidious Jews” ought to
+be made to recognise that it was as an act of the King’s grace that
+they were allowed to remain in England, and that it was outrageous
+that they should make a demand, the granting of which would allow
+them to nominate the ministers of Christian churches, to receive the
+homage of Christians, to sit side by side with them on juries, assizes
+and recognitions, and perhaps ultimately to come into possession of
+English baronies. Edward and his equally religious cousin, the son of
+Richard, King of the Romans, were present at the council to support the
+argument of the Bishops,[77] and not only were the original requests
+refused, but the Jews were now forbidden by the act of the King and his
+Council to enjoy a freehold in “manors, lands, tenements, fiefs, rents,
+or tenures of any kind,” whether held by bond, gift, enfeoffment,
+confirmation, or any other grant, or by any other means whatever. They
+were forbidden to receive any longer the rent-charges which had been
+a common form of security for their loans. Lands of which they were
+already possessed were to be redeemed by the Christian owners, or in
+default of them, by other Christians, on repayment without interest of
+the principal of the loan in consequence of which they had come into
+the hands of the Jews. In the interest of parochial revenues, Jews were
+forbidden to acquire houses in London in addition to those which they
+already possessed.[78]
+
+
+                     VI.--THE PROHIBITION OF USURY.
+
+Very soon after the passing of the Statute of 1270, Edward left England
+to join the second Crusade of St. Louis, and did not return till
+1274, two years after he had been proclaimed king. At once he took up
+with characteristic vigour, and with the help and advice of a band of
+statesmen and lawyers, the work of administrative reform that he had
+already begun as heir-apparent. He recognised that the state of affairs
+established in 1270 could not endure, since, under it, the Jews, while
+practically prevented from lending money at interest, now that the
+law forbade them to take in pledge real property, the only possible
+security for large loans, were nevertheless still nothing but usurers,
+allowed by ancient custom and royal recognition to carry on that one
+pursuit as best they could, and prevented by the same forces from
+carrying on any other. Edward, with his usual love for “the definition
+of duties and the spheres of duty,”[79] felt that it was necessary to
+define for the Jews a new position, which should not, as did their
+present position, condemn them to hopeless struggles, nor demand from
+him acquiescence in what he believed to be a sin.
+
+For the Church had never ceased to maintain the doctrine of the
+sinfulness of usury which Ambrose and Clement, Jerome and Tertullian,
+had taught in strict conformity with the communistic ideas of primitive
+Christianity. It is true that till the eleventh century usury and
+speculative trading generally had not been active enough to call for
+repression, nor would the Church have been strong enough to enforce on
+the Christian world the observance of its doctrine. It could not follow
+up the attempt made by the Capitularies of Charles the Great to prevent
+laymen from practising usury, and it had to rest content with enforcing
+the prohibition on clerics.[80] But the growth under Hildebrand of
+the power of the Church over every-day life, and the elevation of the
+moral tone of its teaching that resulted from its struggles with the
+temporal power, enabled it to adopt with increasing effect measures
+of greater severity. Hildebrand, in 1083, decreed that usurers
+should, like perjurers, thieves, and wife-deserters, be punished with
+excommunication;[81] and the Lateran General Council of 1139, when
+exhorted by Innocent II. to shrink from no legislation as demanding
+too high and rigorous a morality, decreed that usurers were to be
+excluded from the consolations of the Church, to be infamous all their
+lives long, and to be deprived of Christian burial.[82] The religious
+feeling aroused by the Crusades still further strengthened the hold on
+the Christian world of characteristically Christian theory, while the
+prospect of the economic results that they threatened to bring about in
+Europe, awoke the Church to the advisability of putting forth all its
+power to protect the estates of Crusaders against the money-lenders.
+Many Popes of the twelfth century ordained, and St. Bernard approved
+of the ordinance[83] that those who took up the Cross should be freed
+from all engagements to pay usury into which they might have entered.
+Innocent III. absolved Crusaders even from obligations of the kind that
+they had incurred under oath, and subsequently ordered that Jews should
+be forced, under penalty of exclusion from the society of Christians,
+to return to their crusading debtors any interest that they had already
+received from them.[84]
+
+Stronger even than the influence of the Crusades was that of the
+Mendicant Orders. The Dominicans, who preached, and the Franciscans,
+who “taught and wrought” among all classes of people throughout
+Europe, carried with them, as their most cherished lesson, the
+doctrine of poverty. It was by the teaching of this doctrine, and
+by the practice of the simple unworldly life of the primitive
+Church, that the founders of the two orders had been able to give
+new strength to the ecclesiastical institutions of the thirteenth
+century. And their teaching, if not their practice, made its way from
+the Casiuncula to the Vatican. Cardinal Ugolino, the dear friend of
+S. Francis, became Gregory IX.; Petrus de Tarentagio, of the order
+of the Dominicans, became Innocent IV.; and Girolamo di Ascoli, the
+“sun” of the Franciscans, was soon to become Nicholas IV. Moreover,
+the work of formulating and publishing to the world the official
+doctrines of the Church was in the hands of the Mendicants. A
+Dominican, Raymundus de Peñaforte, was entrusted by Gregory IX. with
+the preparation of the Decretals, which formed the chief part of the
+canon law of the Church.[85] And friars of both orders codified with
+indefatigable labour the moral law of Christianity, and set it forth
+in hand-books, or _Summæ_, which were universally accepted as guides
+for the confessional, and which all agreed in condemning usury.[86]
+Hence, the doctrine of its sinfulness was taught throughout Christian
+Europe, by priests and monks, by Dominican preachers and Franciscan
+confessors, who could enforce their lesson by the use of their power
+of granting or refusing absolution. How strong and violent a public
+opinion was thus created is best shown in the lines in which Dante, the
+contemporary of Edward I., tells with what companions he thought it fit
+that the Caursine usurers should dwell in hell.[87]
+
+There was every reason why the hatred of usury should be as strong in
+England as anywhere. The Franciscan movement had spread throughout the
+country, and had found among Englishmen many of its chief literary
+champions.[88] And the Englishman’s pious dislike of usury had been
+strengthened by many years of bitter experience. Italian usurers
+had in the previous reign gone up and down the country collecting
+money on behalf of the Pope, and lending money on their own account
+at exorbitant rates of interest.[89] From some of the magnates they
+obtained protection (for which they are said to have paid with a share
+of their profits),[90] but to the great body of the Baronage, to the
+Church, and to the trading classes their very name had become hateful.
+One of them, the brother of the Pope’s Legate, had been killed at
+Oxford.[91] In London Bishop Roger had solemnly excommunicated them
+all, and excluded them from his diocese.[92]
+
+No English king who wished to follow the teachings of Christianity
+could willingly countenance any of his subjects in carrying on a
+traffic which was thus hated by the people and condemned by all the
+doctors of Christendom. Even Henry III. was once so far moved by
+indignation and religious feeling as to expel the Caursines from his
+kingdom,[93] and had religious scruples about the retention of the
+Jews.[94] But, as has been shown, he could not do without the Jewish
+revenue. Edward was not only free from dependence on that source of
+income, but he was also a far more religious king than his father. He
+was a man to obey the behests of the Church, instead of setting them at
+naught with an easy conscience, as his father had done. In the second
+year of his reign the Church, by a decree passed at the Council of
+Lyons, demanded from the Christian world far greater efforts against
+usury than ever before.[95] Till this time, though Popes and Councils
+had declared the practice accursed, churches and monasteries had had
+usurers as tenants on their estates, or had even possessed whole
+ghettos as their property.[96] Now this was to be ended, and it was
+ordained by Gregory X. that no community, corporation, or individual
+should permit foreign usurers to hire their houses, or indeed to dwell
+at all upon their lands, but should expel them within three months.
+Edward, in obedience to this decree, ordered an inquisition to be made
+into the usury of the Florentine bankers in his kingdom with a view
+to its suppression, and allowed proceedings to be taken at the same
+time and with the same object against a citizen of London.[97] And the
+events of the last reign enabled him to proceed to what at first seems
+the far more serious task of bringing to an end the trade that the Jews
+had carried on under the patronage, and for the benefit, of the Royal
+Exchequer.
+
+For the Jews could no longer support the Crown in times of financial
+difficulty as they had been able to do in previous reigns. The
+contraction of their business that was the result of their exclusion
+from many towns, and the losses that they had suffered through the
+extortions of Henry III. and the plundering attacks of the barons,
+had very greatly diminished their revenue-paying capacities, and the
+legislation of 1270 must have affected them still more deeply. At the
+end of the twelfth century they had probably paid to the Treasury about
+£3,000 a year, or one-twelfth of the whole royal income,[98] and for
+some parts of the thirteenth century the average collection of tallage
+has been estimated at £5,000;[99] but in 1271--by which time the royal
+income had probably grown to something like the £65,000 a year which
+the Edwards are said to have enjoyed in time of peace[100]--Henry
+III., when pledging to Richard of Cornwall the revenue from the
+Jewry, estimated its annual value, apart from what was yielded by
+escheats and other special claims, at no more than 2,000 marks.[101]
+And while the resources of the Jews had fallen off, the needs of the
+Crown had increased. Not only must Edward have conducted his foreign
+enterprises at a much greater cost than did his predecessors, under
+whom the English knighthood had been accustomed to serve without
+serious opposition, but, in addition, he had to make the best of a vast
+heritage of debt that his father had left him.[102] He had to seek
+richer supporters than the Jews, and such were not wanting.
+
+The Italian banking companies were the only organisations in Europe
+that could supply him with such sums of money as he needed. From all
+the greatest cities of Italy--from Florence, Rome, Milan, Pisa, Lucca,
+Siena, and Asti--they had spread to many of the chief countries of
+Europe, to France, England, Brabant, Switzerland, and Ireland.[103]
+They were merchants, money-lenders, money-changers, and international
+bankers, and in this last occupation their supremacy over all rivals
+was secured by the great advantage which the wide extent of their
+dealings enabled them to enjoy, of being able to save, by the use
+of letters of credit on their colleagues and countrymen, the cost
+of the transport of money from country to country.[104] They were
+thus the greatest financial agents of the time. They transacted the
+business of the Pope. At the Court of Rome ambassadors had to borrow
+from them.[105] In France their position was established by a regular
+diplomatic agreement between the head of their corporation and Philip
+III.[106] In England they had in their hands the greater part of the
+trade in corn and wool;[107] and the protection and favour of English
+kings was often besought by the Popes on their behalf in special
+bulls.[108]
+
+Edward began his reign in financial dependence on the Italians. His
+father had in the earliest period of his personal government incurred
+obligations to them which he himself, as heir apparent, had to increase
+considerably at the time of his Crusade.[109] When in later years
+he needed money to pay his army, he borrowed it from them; when he
+diverted to his own use the tenth that was voted for his intended
+second Crusade, they gave security for repayment.[110] So great were
+the amounts that they advanced to him, that between 1298 and 1308 the
+Friscobaldi Bianchi alone, one of the thirty-four companies that he
+employed,[111] received in repayment nearly £100,000.[112] He was
+compelled to favour them, although he attempted to stop their usury. He
+gave them a charter of privileges.[113] He presented them with large
+sums of money. He bestowed on the head of one of their firms high
+office in Gascony. At various times he placed under their charge the
+collection of the Customs in many of the chief ports in England.[114]
+
+Edward’s close connection with a body of financiers so rich and
+powerful made the Jews unnecessary to him. If he was not to disobey the
+decree of the Council of Lyons he must either withdraw his protection
+from them or else forbid them any longer to be usurers. To withdraw his
+protection from them would be to expose them to the popular hatred,
+the danger from which had been the justification of the relations that
+had been established between Crown and Jewry after 1190, and still
+existed. He chose the second alternative. In 1275 he issued a statute,
+in which he absolutely forbade the Jews, as he had just forbidden
+Christians,[115] to practise usury in the future. He gave warning
+that usurious contracts would no longer be enforced by the king’s
+officers, and he declared the making of them to be an offence for which
+henceforth both parties were liable to punishment. To ensure that all
+those contracts already existing should come to an end as quickly as
+possible, he ordered that all movables that were in pledge on account
+of loans were to be redeemed before the coming Easter.[116]
+
+
+               VII.--EDWARD’S POLICY: THE JEWS AND TRADE.
+
+Thus the Jews, already shut out from the feudal and municipal
+organisation of the country, were forbidden by one act of legislation
+to follow the pursuit in which the kings of England had encouraged them
+for two hundred years.
+
+However, for the hardships imposed by the Christian Church there was
+an approved Christian remedy. Thomas Aquinas, the greatest authority
+on morals in Europe in the thirteenth century, had written: “If rulers
+think they harm their souls by taking money from usurers, let them
+remember that they are themselves to blame. They ought to see that the
+Jews are compelled to labour as they do in some parts of Italy.”[117]
+A Christian king, and one whom Edward revered as his old leader in
+arms and as a model of piety, had already acted in accordance with
+the teaching of Thomas Aquinas. In 1253 St. Louis sent from the Holy
+Land an order that all Jews should leave France for ever, except
+those who should become traders and workers with their hands.[118]
+And now, when Edward was forbidding the Jews of England to practise
+usury, he naturally dealt with them in the fashion recommended by the
+great teacher of his time and adopted by the saintly king. “The King
+also grants,” said the Statute of 1275, “that the Jews may practise
+merchandise, or live by their labour, and for those purposes freely
+converse with Christians. Excepting that, upon any pretence whatever,
+they shall not be levant or couchant amongst them; nor on account
+of their merchandise be in scots, lots, or talliage with the other
+inhabitants of those cities or boroughs where they remain; seeing they
+are talliable to the King as his own serfs, and not otherwise.... And
+further the King grants, that such as are unskilful in merchandise,
+and cannot labour, may take lands to farm, for any term not exceeding
+ten years, provided no homage, fealty, or any such kind of service, or
+advowson to Holy Church, be belonging to them. Provided also that this
+power to farm lands, shall continue in force for ten years from the
+making of this Act, and no longer.”[119]
+
+The 16,000[120] Jews of England were thus called upon to change at
+once their old occupation for a new one, and the task was imposed upon
+them under conditions which made it all but impossible of fulfilment.
+They were forbidden to become burgesses of towns; and the effect of
+the prohibition was to make it impossible for them, in most parts of
+England, to become traders, for it practically excluded them from the
+Gild Merchant. It is true that some towns professed that their Gild
+was open to all the inhabitants, whether burgesses or not, so long
+as they took the oath to preserve the liberties of the town and the
+king’s peace.[121] But most of the Gilds were exclusive bodies, to
+which all non-burgesses would find it hard to gain admission,[122] and
+Jewish non-burgesses, though not as a rule kept out by a disqualifying
+religious formula,[123] would on account of the unpopularity of their
+race and religion, find it trebly hard.[124] As non-Gildsmen, they
+would be at a disadvantage both in buying goods and in selling them.
+They would find it hard to buy, because, in some towns at any rate, the
+Gildsmen were accustomed to “oppress the people coming to the town with
+vendible wares, so that no man could sell his wares to anyone except to
+a member of the society.”[125] They would find it in all towns hard to
+sell, in some impossible. In some towns non-Gildsmen were forbidden to
+deal in certain articles of common use, such as wool, hides, grain,
+untanned leather, and unfulled cloth; in others, as in Southampton,
+they might not buy anything in the town to sell again there, or keep a
+wine tavern, or sell cloth by retail except on market day and fair day,
+or keep more than five quarters of corn in a granary to sell by retail.
+There were even towns where the municipal statutes altogether forbade
+non-Gildsmen to keep shops or to sell by retail.[126]
+
+It was almost as difficult for Jews to become agriculturists or
+artisans, as to become traders. They were allowed by the statute to
+farm land, but for ten years only, and they were far too ignorant
+of agriculture to be able to take advantage of the permission. They
+could not work on the land of others as villeins, because, even if a
+Christian lord had been willing to receive them, they would have been
+prevented by their religion from taking the oath of fealty.[127]
+
+Only under exceptional conditions could they work at handicrafts. A
+Jew who possessed manual dexterity might, as was sometimes done in the
+thirteenth century, have worked for himself at a cottage industry,
+and might, though the task would have been a hard one, have gained
+a connection among Christians, and induced them to trust him with
+materials.[128] But many crafts were at the time coming under the
+regulations of craft-gilds. Certainly as early as the beginning of
+the fourteenth century, there were in London fully-organised gilds of
+Lorimers, Weavers, Tapicers, Cap-makers, Saddlers, Joiners, Girdlers,
+and Cutlers.[129] In Hereford there were Gilds for nearly thirty
+trades.[130] It was probably very often the case, as it was with the
+Weavers’ Gild in London, that a craft-gild existing in any town could
+forbid the practice of the craft in the town to all who had not been
+elected to membership, or earned it by serving the apprenticeship that
+the Gild’s statute required.[131] The period required by the Lorimers’
+statute was ten years, by the Weavers’, seven, and in some cases
+certainly, and probably in all, the apprenticeship had to be served
+under a freeman of the city.[132] The apprentice who had served his
+time, was still, in some towns and industries, unable to practise his
+craft, unless he became a citizen and entered the frank pledge.[133]
+It was difficult for a Jewish boy to become an apprentice, since the
+Church threatened to excommunicate any Christian who received into
+his house, as an apprentice would naturally be received, a Jew or
+Jewess; it was impossible for a Jewish man to become a citizen, for the
+king forbade his Jewish “serfs” to be in scot and lot with the other
+inhabitants of the cities in which they lived.
+
+Excluded from the trades and handicrafts of the towns, the Jew might
+try other means of earning a livelihood. He might attempt to travel
+with wares or with produce, from one part of England to another, or
+he might be an importer or an exporter. But wholesale trade of this
+kind would be open to those alone who had command of a large capital.
+And this was not the only difficulty in the way. If the Jew went
+about the country with his goods from fair to fair, or from city to
+city, he would do so at very great risk. He would have to travel over
+the high roads, the perils of which made necessary the Statute of
+Winchester, and are recounted in the words of its preamble, _de jour
+en jour roberies, homicides, arsons, plus sovenerement sont fetes que
+avaunt ne soleyent_.[134] If he survived the dangers of the road and
+reached a fair, he would find there an assemblage made up in part of
+“daring persons,” such as those, who, in spite of the orderly traders
+and citizens, had caused the massacre at Lynn in 1190,[135] or those
+who at Boston killed the merchants and plundered their goods, until
+“the streets ran with silver and gold,”[136] or those citizens of
+Winchester who, in the reign of Henry III., carried on for a time a
+successful conspiracy to rob all itinerant merchants who passed through
+the country.[137] With his foreign face and striking badge, he would be
+the first mark for the hatred of the riotous crowd. And if he escaped
+violence and robbery, he had still to fear the officials of the lord of
+the fair, who exercised for the time unlimited and irresponsible power,
+and who, according to the regulations of some fairs, could destroy the
+goods of any trader if their quality did not please them.[138] When he
+had managed to escape from the mob and the officials, his difficulties
+were not over. He might make his bargains, but there was no court of
+justice to which he could appeal to enforce the completion of any
+transaction that required a longer time than that of the duration of
+the fair. Redress for any injustice committed at a fair, or for the
+failure to carry out an agreement made there, could be obtained only
+through application made by the municipality of the complainant to that
+of the wrong-doer.[139] The Jew had no municipality to present his
+claims. If those with whom he had transactions deceived him, or refused
+to pay him, he was helpless. There was no power to which he could
+appeal.
+
+If instead of going to a fair he tried to sell, in a town, produce
+from another country or from a different part of England, he was in
+a position of even greater difficulty. In a strange town he was as
+much an alien as in a strange country, and there was scarcely any
+limit to the vexations and sufferings that on that account he would
+have to endure. In London, for example, alien merchants were forbidden
+to remain in the city for more than forty consecutive days. While
+they were there they might not sell anything by retail, nor have any
+business dealings at all with any but citizens. There was a long list
+of articles that they were altogether forbidden to buy. They might not
+stow their goods in houses or cellars; they had to sell within forty
+days all that they had brought with them; they were allowed neither to
+sell anything after that time, nor to take anything back with them.
+They were continually annoyed by the officers of the city.[140] All
+these disadvantages the Jew would have to endure to the full while
+competing with many powerful organisations which were engaged in
+foreign trade, and had, after long struggles, secured from the king
+special charters of privilege. Such were the companies of the merchants
+of Germany, who had their steelyard in London and their settlements
+at Boston and Lynn; the Flemings, who had their Hanse in London; the
+Gascons who enjoyed a charter; the Spaniards and Portuguese; the
+Florentines, most powerful of all, and the Venetians, whose enterprise
+was, at the beginning of the fourteenth century at any rate, carried on
+under the auspices of the Republic.[141]
+
+The last opportunity for the Jews was to take part in the export
+of English produce. English wool was the most important article of
+international trade in Western Europe. It was brought from monasteries
+and landholders chiefly by the rich and powerful companies of Flemish
+and Italian merchants, and sent to Flanders and Italy to be woven and
+dyed.[142] The Jews had, apparently, long taken some slight part in
+wholesale trade,[143] but the amount of capital that it required, and
+the power of the rivals who held the field, made it impossible for many
+of them to take to it immediately as a substitute for money-lending.
+Still it was the only form of enterprise in which they would not be at
+a hopeless disadvantage; and some Jews, those probably who had a large
+capital and were able to recall it from the borrowers, followed the
+example of the Italians, and made to landholders advances of money to
+be repaid in corn and wool.[144]
+
+
+                  VIII.--THE TEMPTATIONS OF THE JEWS.
+
+But even for those Jews who were rich enough to take part in wholesale
+trade, there was still a great temptation to transgress the prohibition
+against usury. All the legal machinery that was necessary for the due
+execution and validity of agreements between Jews and Christians--the
+chest in which the deeds were deposited, and the staffs of officers
+by whom they were registered and supervised--were still maintained in
+some towns, since they were necessary alike for the recovery, by the
+ordinary process, of the old debts (many of which, in spite of the
+order for summary repayment in the Statute of 1275, still remained
+outstanding)[145] and for the registration of any new agreements that
+might be made for the delivery of corn and wool, or for the repayment
+of money lent ostensibly without interest. There was no lack of
+would-be borrowers to co-operate with the Jews in using this machinery
+in order to make agreements on which, in spite of the prohibition of
+usury, money might profitably be lent. The demand for loans was great,
+far too great to be satisfied, as the Church thought it reasonable
+to expect,[146] by money advanced without interest; and owing to the
+progress of the change from payment of rents in kind or service to
+payment in cash,[147] it was steadily growing. It had been met by the
+money of the Italian bankers, of the Jews, of English citizens, and,
+as is freely hinted by writers of the time, of great English barons,
+who secretly shared in the transactions and the profits of the Jewish
+and foreign usurers.[148] The supply had suddenly been checked by the
+simultaneous prohibition of all usury whether of Jews or of Christians.
+Now a Jew who wished, by collusion with a borrower, to evade the law
+against usury, had only to study the methods that had been followed
+by the Caursines, and those that were still followed by the Italians
+and acquiesced in by the heads of the religious houses with whom
+they had dealings. The Caursines, for example, sometimes avoided the
+appearance of usury by lending 100 marks and receiving in return a
+bond, acknowledging a loan of £100.[149] Sometimes they lent money for
+a definite period, on an agreement that they were to get a “gift,”
+in return for their kindness in making the loan, and “compensation”
+in case it were not repaid in time.[150] Sometimes by a still more
+elaborate device, the Italians combined their two professions of
+money-lenders and merchants, by inducing a monastery which had borrowed
+money, to acknowledge the receipt, not only of the sum actually
+received, but also of the price of certain sacks of wool which it bound
+itself in due time to supply.[151] The Jews, no doubt, followed the
+example of the Caursines and of the Italians. In official registers,
+which are still extant, there are mentioned bonds which secured to
+Jewish creditors a large payment in money together with a small payment
+in kind, and which doubtless represent collusive transactions, in
+which the offence of usury was to be avoided by the substitution of a
+recompense in kind for interest in money. Other bonds for repayment of
+money alone are mentioned in the same registers as having been executed
+after 1275, and every one of the kind that was executed between that
+date and the date of the amendment of the Statute against usury may
+be safely considered to represent a transaction which was an offence,
+either veiled or open, against the prohibition.[152]
+
+The temptation to transgress the Statute of 1275 could appeal only to
+Jews with capital, but on the poorer Jews other temptations acted with
+even more strength and even worse results.
+
+The only reputable careers known to have been open to the
+poorer Jews were to become servants in the houses of their rich
+co-religionists,[153] or else to imitate in a humble way their
+financial transactions, either by keeping pawnshops,[154] or by
+carrying on, in towns where there was no recognised Jewry, business
+of the same kind as that of the rich money-lenders in the larger
+Jewish settlements. To follow these pursuits was now impossible, in
+consequence, not only of the prohibition of usury, but also of the
+strictness with which Edward enforced the old legislation against the
+residence of Jews in towns where there did not exist a chest for the
+deposit of Jewish debts, and a staff of clerks to witness and register
+them.[155] There was thus nothing to which the poorer Jews could turn.
+Crowded as unwelcome intruders into a small and decreasing number of
+towns,[156] without legal standing or industrial skill, hated by the
+people and declared accursed by the Church, they were bidden to support
+themselves under conditions which made the task impossible unless they
+could take by storm the citadel of municipal privilege which bade
+defiance to the “greatest of the Plantagenets” throughout his reign.
+
+Under such conditions degeneration was inevitable. Some of the Jews are
+said to have taken to highway robbery and burglary;[157] some went into
+the House of Converts, where they got 1½d. a day and free lodging.[158]
+But to the dishonest there was open a far more profitable form of
+dishonesty than either of those already mentioned, viz., clipping the
+coin.
+
+The offence had long been prevalent. In 1248 such mischief had been
+done that, according to Matthew Paris “no foreigner, let alone an
+Englishman, could look on an English coin with dry eyes and unbroken
+heart.”[159] It was in vain that Henry III. issued a new coinage, so
+stamped that the device and the lettering extended to the edge of the
+piece,[160] and caused it to be proclaimed in every town, village,
+market-place, and fair that none but the new pieces with their shapes
+unaltered should be given or taken in exchange.[161] The opportunity
+for dishonesty was too tempting. The coins that actually circulated in
+the country were of many different issues,[162] they were not milled
+at the edges,[163] they were so liable to damage and mutilation of
+all kinds that their deficiency of weight had to be recognised and
+allowed for.[164] Hence anyone who had many coins passing through
+his hands could secure an easy profit by clipping off a piece from
+each one before he passed it again into circulation. In the early
+part of the reign of Edward I., such was the deficiency in the weight
+of genuine coins (an annalist of the period estimates it at 50 per
+cent.),[165] and such the amount of false coin in circulation, that
+the price of commodities rose to an alarming height, foreign merchants
+were driven away, trade became completely disorganised, shopkeepers
+refused the money tendered to them, and the necessities of life were
+withdrawn from the markets.[166] The King had to promise to issue a
+new coinage, but the announcement of his intention only increased the
+general disturbance. The Archbishop of Canterbury complained that
+in consequence of the disturbance of circulation, he could not find
+anyone, except the professional usurers, from whom he could borrow
+money on which to live during the interval before the revenues of his
+see began to come in.[167] When the King at this period of his reign
+went to a priory to ask for money, the first and most cogent of the
+excuses that he heard was that “the House was impoverished by the
+change in the coinage of the realm.”[168] Public opinion ascribed to
+the Jews the greatest share in the injuries to the coinage. “They are
+notoriously forgers and clippers of the coin,” says Matthew Paris.[169]
+And that the suspicion was not absolutely without justification is
+shown by the fact, that early in Henry III.’s reign, the community
+made a payment to the King in order to secure as a concession the
+expulsion from England of such of its members as might be convicted
+of the crime.[170] When inquiries were ordered into the causes of
+the debasement, in 1248, it was generally considered that the guilt
+would be found to rest with the Jews.[171] The official verdict
+included them with the Caursines and the Flemish wool-merchants in its
+condemnation.[172]
+
+It was not unnatural that Edward, when the evil reappeared in his
+reign, should share the general suspicion against the Jews, seeing
+that they had only recently begun to give up dealing in money, while
+many of the poorer among them must have become, since 1275, desperate
+enough to be ready to take to any tempting form of dishonesty. The
+King’s indignation at the suffering that had been caused by the injury
+done to the old coinage, and at the expense that was involved in the
+preparation of the new issue which had become necessary, prompted him
+to act on his suspicions, and to take a measure of terrible severity in
+order to make sure of the apprehension of the most probable culprits.
+When, in 1278, he was making preparations for an inquiry into the
+whole subject of the coinage, he caused all the Jews of England to
+be imprisoned in one night, their property to be seized, and their
+houses to be searched. At the same time the goldsmiths, and many others
+against whom information was given by the Jews, were treated in the
+same way.[173]
+
+The prisoners were tried before a bench of judges and royal officers.
+There can be no doubt that many innocent men were accused, even if
+they were not condemned. At a time when all the Jews in England were
+imprisoned, there was a great temptation for Christians to bring
+false accusations against those among them whom they disliked on
+personal or religious grounds, especially as there was a good chance
+of extorting hush-money from the accused, or, in case of condemnation,
+of concealing from the escheators some of their property.[174] The
+Jews and the King recognised the danger. One Manser of London, for
+example, was wise enough to sue that an investigation might be held
+into the ownership of tools for clipping that were found on the roof
+of his house.[175] The King, anxious that punishment should fall only
+on the guilty, issued a general writ, in which the various motives for
+false accusation were recited, and it was ordered that any Jew against
+whom no charge had been brought by a certain date might secure himself
+altogether by paying a fine.[176] Nevertheless, a large number both of
+Jews and Christians were found guilty. Of the Christians only three
+were condemned to death, though many others were heavily fined. For
+the Jews, however, there was no mercy. Two hundred and ninety-three of
+them were hanged and drawn in London, and all their property escheated
+to the King. A few more had been condemned, but saved their lives by
+conversion to Christianity.[177]
+
+The activity with which Jews took part, or were supposed to take part,
+in the debasement of the coinage, and in the prohibited practice of
+usury,[178] must have aroused in the mind of the King some misgivings
+on the subject of his new policy. Nevertheless, he did not as yet
+despair of its ultimate success. The crimes of the Jews were no
+greater than those of the Christians around them, though they called
+forth heavier punishment. Christians clipped and coined; Christians
+still lent money on usury.[179] And a certain amount of crime among
+Jews could not but be looked for as a natural result of the terrible
+difficulties in the way of the social revolution that had been demanded
+of them. Edward saw that he had been trying to do too much at once. The
+Jews could not change their occupation as suddenly as he had wished.
+The country could not do without money-lenders. By making the lending
+of money at interest a penal offence, and thus encouraging debtors and
+creditors to keep their transactions secret, Edward had weakened the
+supervision that had been exercised by the Treasury, since 1194, over
+the business and property of the Jews, and thus he had increased the
+chance of fraud in the collection of tallages, and in the apportionment
+of the share of each estate that had long been claimed by the Crown
+as the succession due on Jewish property.[180] But he had not stamped
+out usury, though the Statute of 1275 had forbidden it. He had not even
+secured the redemption of all pledges of Christians from the hands of
+the Jews, though the Statute of 1275 had demanded it. And, therefore,
+in order that he might not keep on the Statute Book a law of which the
+effective administration was impossible, he mitigated the severity of
+the provisions of 1275, and issued, probably a few years later, a new
+Statute, in which he prescribed certain conditions under which usury
+was to be permitted. He allowed loans to be made under contract for the
+payment of interest at the rate of half a mark in the pound yearly,
+but for three years only; and, in order to reduce the temptation to
+conclude secret transactions, restored legal recognition to all debts
+of the value of £20 or upwards that were made under the prescribed
+conditions, and were registered before the chirographer and clerk,
+and threatened heavy penalties against all who should lend up to that
+amount without registration.[181]
+
+Edward was wise in thus substituting for his earlier, harassing
+measure, one that allowed for gradual change, and that attempted to
+control the evil of which the immediate suppression was impossible. But
+the few years’ experience that he had already had ought to have made
+him go farther still. It ought to have shown him that it was hopeless
+to expect the Jews to give up usury so long as the greater part of them
+were practically excluded from all other pursuits, and that, if ever he
+was to bring to a successful issue the policy that he had inaugurated,
+he would have to find some means of enabling them to work side by side
+with Christians, and to compete with them on equal conditions.
+
+Such a task would have been full of difficulties, the greatest of
+which resulted from the active hostility with which the rulers and
+teachers of the Christian Church in the thirteenth century, unlike
+their predecessors, regarded the Jews. The growth and nature of this
+hostility must now be considered.
+
+
+   IX.--THE JEWS IN RELATION TO THE CHURCH OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+The Popes of the earlier part of the Middle Ages had found enough
+employment for their energies in the effort to maintain their own
+position in Christendom; and they had neither the wish nor the power to
+seek a conflict with a race that remained wholly outside the Church.
+In the twelfth century there was no other general Church Law directed
+against the Jews than that which forbade them to live in the same
+houses with Christians, and to have Christian servants.[182] In England
+especially, Churchmen of the twelfth century showed towards the Jews
+a tolerant spirit, and made no effort to augment their unpopularity
+or to diminish their privileges. The examples of Anselm, and of his
+contemporary, Gilbert of Westminster, show that in the attempts made at
+that time by men of high position in the Church to convert the Jews, no
+method was employed except that of reasonable persuasion.[183] Churches
+and monasteries took charge, at times of danger, of the money, and
+even of the families, of Jews. Such friendly intercourse as existed
+between Jews and Christians was allowed to go on without any attempt at
+ecclesiastical interference.[184]
+
+The accession of Innocent the Third to the pontificate brought about a
+rapid change in the attitude of the Church towards the Jews. Innocent
+was the first to advance, on behalf of the Papacy, the claim that the
+Lord gave Peter not only the whole Church, but the whole world to
+rule,[185] and he endeavoured with a merciless enthusiasm, from which
+all unbelievers and heretics in Christian countries had to suffer, to
+make good his claim, and to establish in Europe one united Catholic
+Church. He took his stand on the doctrine, which his predecessors had
+held[186] in a modified form, and without ever acting on it, that the
+Jews were condemned to perpetual slavery on account of the wickedness
+of their ancestors in crucifying Christ; and he thought that they ought
+to be made to feel, and their neighbours likewise, that it was only
+out of Christian pity that their presence was endured in Christian
+countries.
+
+The position of the Jews at the time of Innocent’s accession to the
+pontificate was very far from being such as his theory required. They
+had magnificent synagogues, they employed Christian servants, they
+married, or were said to marry, Christian wives; they refused, in what
+some Christians regarded as a spirit of outrageous insolence, to eat
+the same meat and to drink the same wine as the Gentiles, and they made
+no secret of their disbelief in the sacred history of Christianity.
+Moreover, they were suspected of exercising a considerable influence on
+the growth of the heresies which it was the chief work of Innocent’s
+life to combat. The Vaudois, the Cathari, and the Albigenses, all
+kept up Jewish observances, and were said to have learnt from the
+Jews their heretical dogmas; the Albigenses, indeed, were accused of
+maintaining that the law of the Jews was better than the law of the
+Christians. And, nevertheless, Christian kings supported the Jews
+in every way. They countenanced their usury, they refused (so, at
+least, Innocent said) to allow evidence against them on any charge
+to be given by Christian witnesses, and they even employed them in
+high offices of State. In view of these facts, Innocent thought that
+a great effort of repression should be made, and he wrote to the King
+of France, the Duke of Burgundy, and other monarchs, asking for their
+assistance in the work of reducing the Jews to that condition of
+slavery which was their due. He decreed in his general Church Council
+that Jews should be excluded in future from public offices, and that
+they should wear a badge to distinguish them from Christians; and
+he renewed the old regulation of the Church, which required them to
+dismiss Christian servants from their houses. In order to ensure that
+the last provision should be observed, he decided that any Christians
+having any intercourse with Jews that transgressed it should be subject
+to excommunication. For the enforcement of his other anti-Jewish
+measures he relied on the help of the temporal power in all Christian
+countries.[187]
+
+The declaration of war made by Innocent III. was a terrible calamity
+for the Jews; but though it affected at once the whole of Christian
+Europe, still its evil results might have passed away in time. Popes
+were but men and politicians; and just as Innocent had, by the
+publication of his wishes and decrees concerning the Jews, set himself
+in opposition to his predecessors, so might his successors, in their
+turn, moved by different feelings or taking a different view of the
+interests and duties of the Church, set themselves in opposition to
+him, and go back to the old lenient opinions and practice. But within
+a few years of the death of Innocent, the work of attacking the Jews
+ceased to be in the hands of any one man, and passed over to a body of
+men habitually influenced not by personal or political considerations,
+but only by what they conceived to be the interest of religion,
+and filled with a hatred of the Jews more fierce and fanatical and
+steadfast than that of the Popes could ever have been.
+
+The Dominican order was formally constituted in 1223, and from the
+earliest years of its existence devoted itself to the task of rooting
+out unbelief from the Christian world. The work that its members
+at first professed to regard as peculiarly their own was that of
+preaching, but on the Jews their preaching had no effect. With an
+ingenuity and determination worthy of the order that in a later
+century was to provide the Inquisition with its chief ministers, the
+Dominicans devised and carried out another plan of action. Assisted by
+converted Jews who had joined them, they undertook the study of Hebrew,
+and their master, Raymundus de Peñaforte, induced the King of Spain
+to build and endow seminaries for the purpose.[188] Armed with this
+new knowledge, they were able to attack first, what they represented
+as the foolish and pernicious contents of such Jewish books as the
+Talmud, and secondly, the stubbornness of the Jews who refused to
+accept the doctrines of Christianity, the truth of which the Dominicans
+professed to be able to demonstrate from the Old Testament. Two
+incidents which must at the time have been famous throughout Europe
+illustrate their method of warfare. In 1239 Nicolas Donin, a converted
+Jew who had become a Dominican friar, laid before Gregory IX. a series
+of statements concerning the Talmud. Helped, no doubt, by all the
+influence of his order, he induced the Pope to issue bulls to the Kings
+of France, England, and Spain, and the bishops in those countries,
+ordering that all copies of the Talmud should be seized, and that
+public inquiry should be held concerning the charges brought against
+the book. In England and Spain nothing seems to have been done, but in
+Paris the Pope’s instructions were carried out, and, at the instigation
+of the leading Dominicans, St. Louis ordered that all copies of the
+Talmud that could be found in France should be confiscated, and that
+four Rabbis should, on behalf of the Jews, hold a public debate with
+Donin, in order to meet, if they could, the charges that he was
+prepared to maintain. In the course of the debate, which was held in
+the precincts of the Court and in the presence of members of the Royal
+family and great dignitaries of the Church, Donin asserted that the
+Talmud encouraged the Jews to despise, deceive, rob, and even murder
+Christians, that it contained blasphemous falsehoods concerning Christ,
+superstitions and puerilities of all kinds, and passages disrespectful
+to God and inconsistent with morality. The Rabbis answered as best
+they could, but the court of Inquisitors decided that the charges
+had been substantiated, and ordered that all the confiscated copies
+of the Talmud should be burnt. After a delay of about two years the
+_Auto-da-fe_ took place, and fourteen cartloads of the Talmud were
+sacrificed.[189] The other famous incident of the kind took place in
+Spain. Pablo Christiano, a converted Jew, who, like Donin, had joined
+the Dominicans, challenged the Jews of Aragon to a discussion on the
+differences between Judaism and Christianity, and induced James I.
+to compel them to take up the challenge. The famous Nachmanides came
+forward as the representative of his co-religionists. Pablo undertook
+to show that the Old Testament, and other books recognised by the Jews,
+taught that the Messiah had come, that he was “very God and very man,”
+that he suffered and died for the salvation of mankind, and that with
+his advent the ceremonial law ceased to be of any effect. Nachmanides
+denied that any of these propositions could be substantiated from the
+Jewish sacred books. For four days the disputation was carried on in
+the presence of the king and many great personages of Church and State.
+Of course the verdict was that the Christian disputant had beaten the
+Jew.[190]
+
+The method of conducting these two controversies showed that the
+Dominicans were determined to use every possible weapon against the
+Jews. The Talmud, a huge, heterogeneous and unedited compilation,
+contains passages which are trivial and foolish, and others, written
+by men who had memories of persecution fresh in their minds, which
+express bitter hatred towards the “Gentiles,” that is, the Romans who
+had taken Jerusalem, and had destroyed the nationality of the Jewish
+race. It was easy for an opponent to pick out such passages, to assert
+that what was said against the “Gentiles” expressed, not the feelings
+of the victims of persecution against the Romans of the second century,
+but the feelings of all Jews towards all non-Jews, at every time and
+at every place, and to convince an uncritical audience that those who
+held in honour the book that contained such passages were enemies of
+religion, against whose influence it behoved all Christian powers to
+guard the faithful. Similarly, by compelling the Jews to take part
+in a discussion concerning the prophecies of the Old Testament, the
+Dominicans imposed on them the choice between the two alternatives
+of betraying their religion by acquiescing in what they believed to
+be a false interpretation of their scripture, or else of proclaiming
+publicly their disbelief in doctrines which were at the very foundation
+of Christianity. The effect on the ruling classes in Europe of the
+two discussions just mentioned must have been very great. And the
+Dominicans were continually carrying on the same work, though, of
+course, seldom before audiences so distinguished. Pablo, for example,
+travelled about Spain and Provence, compelling the Jews, by virtue of
+a royal edict that had been issued in his favour, to hold disputes
+with him on matters of religion.[191] Many other members of the order
+devoted their lives to the same pursuit,[192] and thus did their
+best to fill the rulers of the Church with a dread of the terrible
+consequences that the existence of Judaism threatened to the Christian
+religion.
+
+And, unfortunately for the Jews, their religion began to be feared
+at the same time as cruel and powerful fanatics like Innocent and
+the Dominicans were doing their best to cause it to be hated. There
+is good reason to believe, though detailed evidence is not abundant,
+that towards the end of the Middle Ages Judaism exercised over the
+superstitions of other faiths the same fascination as in the first
+century of the Roman Empire. Thomas Aquinas believed that unrestricted
+intercourse between Jews and Christians was likely to result in the
+conversion of Christians to Judaism, and for that reason he thought it
+right, in spite of the general liberality of his opinions concerning
+the Jews, that intercourse with them should be allowed to such
+Christians alone as were strong in the faith, and were more likely to
+convert them than to be converted by them.[193] “It happens sometimes,”
+wrote a Pope of the thirteenth century, “that Christians, when they
+are visited by the Lord with sickness and tribulation, go astray, and
+have recourse to the vain help of the Jewish rite. They hold in the
+synagogues of the Jews torches and lighted candles, and make offerings
+there. Likewise they keep vigils (especially on the Sabbath), in the
+hope that the sick may be restored to health, that those at sea may
+reach harbour, that those in childbirth may be safely delivered, and
+that the barren may become fruitful and rejoice in offspring. For the
+accomplishment of these and other wishes, they implore the help of the
+said rite, and in idolatrous fashion show open signs of devotion and
+reverence to a scroll, not without much harm to the orthodox faith,
+contumely to our Creator, and opprobrium and shame to the Universal
+Church.”[194]
+
+The anti-Jewish feeling that grew up from the causes that have just
+been described called into existence new institutions and measures
+designed for the purpose of humbling the Jews and checking the growth
+of Judaism. In compliance with the cruel request of Innocent, most
+of the monarchs of Europe compelled their Jewish subjects to wear
+a badge.[195] Local church councils, which hitherto had contented
+themselves with the attempt to enforce the old prohibition against
+the employment by Jews of Christian servants and nurses, now went
+further, and forbade Christians to allow the presence of Jews in their
+houses and taverns, to feast or dance with them, to be present at the
+celebration of their marriages, their new moons, and their festivals,
+and to employ their services as doctors.[196] The Popes of the latter
+part of the thirteenth century appointed Dominicans in various
+countries of Europe to perform the duty of preaching to the Jews, and
+of holding inquisitions into their heresies, in the hope that with the
+help of the secular power they might stamp them out.[197]
+
+In England the relation of the Jews to the Christians underwent
+somewhat the same changes as in Continental Europe. Before the
+thirteenth century the Jews in England had, as has been said above,
+been free from molestation by the Church,[198] and their chief danger
+had been from the brutality and greed of the disorderly populace, of
+desperate outcasts, and of marauding Crusaders.[199] The first great
+attack made on them by any constituted power came from Stephen Langton,
+who, not content with passing at his Provincial Synod a decree which,
+in accordance with the regulations of Innocent, enforced the use of the
+badge and prohibited the erection of new synagogues, went so far as
+to issue orders that no one in his diocese should presume, under pain
+of excommunication, to have any intercourse with Jews, or should sell
+them any of the necessaries of life. The Bishops of Lincoln and Norwich
+issued the same orders in their dioceses.[200] Many other bishops in
+the reign of Henry III. did their best, partly by legislation in their
+diocesan synods and partly by the use of their personal and spiritual
+influence, to check intercourse between Jews and Christians.[201] Of
+course the king’s guardians, in the interest of the royal income, a
+considerable part of which was derived from the Jewry, interfered to
+prevent the measures of Langton and his colleagues from being carried
+into effect. And Henry, when he took into his own hands the work of
+government, while, on the one hand, he showed his sympathy with the
+fears of the Church by building a house for the reception of Jewish
+converts,[202] and by lending the sanction of the civil power to the
+decree that ordered the use of the badge,[203] nevertheless followed
+the example that his guardians had set, and protected the Jews against
+the aggression of the Church.
+
+There were many reasons which might have caused Edward to sympathise
+more strongly than his father had done, with the anti-Jewish feelings
+of the Church. He was a pious man and a pious king, filled with a sense
+of his kingly duty towards “the living God who takes to himself the
+souls of Princes.”[204] He was a Crusader, though the great crusading
+age was over, a founder of monasteries, a pilgrim to holy places; and
+through his confessors he was in close connection with, and under
+the influence of, the Dominican order.[205] Some of his bishops were
+determined enemies of the Jews. John of Peckham, for example, the
+Archbishop of Canterbury, insisted at one time on the demolition of
+all the small private synagogues in London, at which the Jews were in
+the habit of worshipping after the confiscation of their great public
+synagogues at the end of the reign of Henry III.; at another time he
+demanded from the king the help of the temporal power against Jews
+who having once been converted to Christianity, wished to go back to
+their old faith; on another occasion he took the bold step of writing
+to the Queen concerning her business transactions with the Jews,
+solemnly warning her that unless she gave them up she could never
+be absolved from her sins, “nay, not though an angel should assert
+the contrary.”[206] At Hereford, Bishop Swinfield was so determined
+to prevent intercourse with Jews that, when he heard that certain
+Christians intended to be present at a marriage feast to be given by
+some rich Jews of the city, he issued a proclamation threatening with
+excommunication any who should carry out their intention, and, when his
+proclamation was disregarded, he carried out his threat.[207]
+
+Certain events that happened, or were said to have happened, in England
+in Edward’s lifetime, some, indeed, under his own observation, may
+well have seemed to him to justify the attitude of the Church. In
+1275 a Dominican friar was converted to Judaism.[208] In 1268, while
+Edward was in Oxford, the Chancellor, masters and scholars of the
+University, and the Parochial Clergy, were going in procession to visit
+the shrine of St. Friedswide when, according to a story that gained
+general credence, a Jew of the city snatched from the bearer a cross
+that was being carried at their head and trod it under foot.[209] At
+Norwich, early in Edward’s reign, a Jew was burnt for blasphemy.[210]
+At Nottingham, in 1278, a Jewess was charged with abusing in scandalous
+terms all the Christian bystanders in the market-place.[211]
+
+Edward’s conduct could not but be influenced by the general tone of
+opinion in the Church, by the strong anti-Jewish feeling of some of his
+bishops, and by the follies, real or supposed, of the Jews themselves.
+In continuation of his father’s policy he made, throughout his reign,
+such contributions as, with his scanty means, he could afford, to the
+support of the House of Converts.[212] He renewed the edict concerning
+the wearing of the badge, and extended it to Jewesses, whereas it had
+formerly applied only to Jews.[213] In order that the Dominicans might
+be able to carry on in England the same efforts at conversion as they
+were already pursuing in France, Spain and Germany, he issued to all
+the sheriffs and bailiffs in England writs bidding them do their best
+to induce all the Jews in the counties and towns under their charge to
+assemble and hear the word of God preached by the friars.[214] To meet
+the danger to religion that might arise from the blasphemous utterances
+of Jews, he ordered that proclamation should be made throughout England
+that any Jew found guilty (after an enquiry conducted by Christians)
+of having spoken disrespectfully of Christ, the Virgin Mary, or the
+Catholic faith, should be liable to the loss of life or limbs.[215]
+
+Thus far, and no farther, was Edward prepared to go with measures for
+the suppression of Judaism as a religion. He believed that the Jews,
+so long as they remain Jews, lived in ignorance and sin, and he did
+what he could to help the friars in the effort to convert them. He
+believed that some among them were likely to make blasphemous attacks
+on Christianity, and he did what he could to keep them in check. But he
+believed that it was possible for them to live in peace and quietness,
+carrying on trades and handicrafts, among Christian neighbours in
+Christian towns. And it was to enable them to do so that he adopted
+the policy of 1275, and bade the Jews renounce usury, giving them at
+the same time permission “to practise trade, to live by their labour,
+and, for those purposes, freely to converse with Christians.” But,
+as we have seen, there were imposed on the Jews who attempted to
+avail themselves of this permission, legal disadvantages which wholly
+unfitted them for industrial competition with non-Jews, and compelled
+them to continue the practice of usury. That Edward recognised this
+fact is shown by the issue of the revised Statute of Usurers some years
+after 1275; but that measure was inconclusive and inconsistent with the
+rest of his policy. Sooner or later the conclusion would have forced
+itself on him that until the Jews were, by the acquisition of the right
+to become burgesses and gildsmen, enabled to enter into industrial
+competition on equal terms with Christians, all his efforts to make
+them traders instead of usurers would be wasted. He would then have had
+before him two alternatives. He might, on the one hand, have declined
+to sacrifice his seignorial rights over the Jews, whom he had described
+in the Statute of 1275 as “talliable to the king as his own serfs, and
+not otherwise,” and in that case he would have had to recognise that
+his whole Jewish policy was an impossible one. Or he might, on the
+other hand, have revoked the provision in the statute which forbade the
+Jews to be in “scots, lots, or talliage with the other inhabitants of
+those cities or burgesses where they remained.” Such a measure would
+have been a step in the only direction which could possibly lead to the
+success of his policy. But it would not by itself have been enough to
+secure success; for, when the legal difficulties of the Jews had been
+removed, there would still have remained the social difficulties which
+proceeded from the dislike in which they were held by the Church and
+the people; and, unless these difficulties also could be removed, so
+that the Jews might be in a position of social equality, as well as
+legal equality, with Christians, and associate with them in friendly
+intercourse, the king’s policy would be as far from success as ever.
+Which alternative Edward would have decided to adopt is, of course,
+a question we have no means of answering; but the decision was taken
+out of his hands by the interference, for the first and last time in
+English history, of the head of the Catholic Church in the relations
+between the Jews and the king.
+
+At the end of 1286, Honorius IV. addressed to the Archbishops of
+Canterbury[216] and York[217] and their suffragans the following bull:--
+
+“We have heard that in England the accursed and perfidious Jews have
+done unspeakable things and horrible acts, to the shame of our Creator
+and the detriment of the Catholic faith. They are said to have a
+wicked and deceitful book, which they commonly call Thalmud, containing
+manifold abominations, falsehoods, heresies, and abuses. This damnable
+work they continually study, and with its nefarious contents their
+base thoughts are always engaged. Moreover, they set their children
+from their tender years to study its lethal teaching, and they do not
+scruple to tell them that they ought to believe in it more than in the
+Law of Moses, so that the said children may flee from the path of God
+and go astray in the devious ways of the unbelievers. Moreover, they
+not only attempt to entice the minds of the faithful to their pestilent
+sect, but also, with many gifts, they seduce to apostasy those who,
+led by wholesome counsel, have abjured the error of infidelity and
+betaken themselves to the Christian faith; so that some, being led away
+by the treachery of the Jews, live with them according to their rite
+and law, even in the parishes in which they received new life from the
+sacred font of baptism; and hence arise injury to our Saviour, scandal
+to the faithful, and dishonour to the Christian faith. Some also who
+have been baptised they send to other places, in order that there
+they may live unknown and return to their disbelief. They invite and
+urgently persuade Christians to attend their synagogues on the Sabbath
+and on other of their solemn occasions, to hear and take part in their
+services, and to show reverence to the parchment-scroll or book in
+which their law is written, in consequence of which many Christians
+Judaise with the Jews.
+
+“Moreover, they have in their households Christians whom they compel to
+busy themselves on Sundays and feast-days with servile tasks from which
+they should refrain. And so they cast opprobrium on the majesty of God.
+They have in their houses Christian women to bring up their children.
+Christian men and women dwell among them; and so it often happens,
+when occasion offers and the time is favourable to shameful actions,
+that Christian men have unblessed intercourse with Jewish women and
+Christian women with Jewish men.
+
+“Yet Christians and Jews go on meeting in each others’ houses. They
+spend their leisure in banqueting and feasting together, and hence the
+opportunity for mischief becomes easy. On certain days they publicly
+abuse Christians, or rather curse them, and do other wicked acts which
+offend God and cause the loss of souls.
+
+“And although some of you have been often asked to devise a fitting
+remedy for these things, yet you have failed to comply. Whereat we are
+forced to wonder the more, since the duty of your pastoral office binds
+you to show yourselves more ready and determined than other men to
+avenge the wrongs of our Saviour, and to oppose the nefarious attempts
+of the foes of the Christian faith.
+
+“An evil so dangerous must not be made light of, lest, being neglected,
+it may grow great. You are bound to rise up with ready courage against
+such audacity in order that it may be completely suppressed and
+confounded and that the dignity and glory of the Catholic Faith may
+increase. Therefore by this apostolic writing we give orders that, as
+the duty of your office demands, you shall use inhibitions, spiritual
+and temporal penalties, and other methods, which shall seem good to
+you, and which in your preaching and at other fitting times you shall
+set forth, to the end, that this disease may be checked by proper
+remedies. So may you have your reward from the mercy of the Eternal
+King. We shall extol in our prayers your wisdom and diligence. Let us
+know fully by your letters what you do in this matter.”
+
+
+              X.--THE EFFECTS OF THE CLERICAL OPPOSITION.
+
+Edward was too religious to disregard the wishes of the Pope, expressed
+thus formally and solemnly and with the utmost strength of language.
+And he had special reasons for paying heed to the words of Honorius
+IV., on whose money-lenders he was dependent for loans, and whose
+predecessor had, by the exercise of his spiritual powers, secured for
+him a tenth part of the goods of the clergy of England.[218] From the
+moment of the issue of the bull, the policy inaugurated by the statute
+of 1275 was doomed. For of the two alternatives that Edward would have
+had before him in any further Jewish legislation that he might have
+undertaken--the alternatives of the abandonment of the policy of 1275,
+or the extension of it by further measures for the assimilation of the
+status of Jews to that of Christians--the Church now demanded that he
+should at once adopt the former. It demanded that the Jews of England
+should live isolated from the Christians; and this they could do only
+so long as they kept to pursuits, such as usury, for the practice of
+which they required no connection with the organisation of a gild or a
+town.
+
+For a time Edward could take no decisive measures, since when the
+bull reached England, he had left for Gascony.[219] In that province
+nothing had apparently as yet been done to satisfy the demand made by
+the Council of Lyons, in 1274, that alien usurers should no longer be
+tolerated in the land of Christians. It was hopeless to try to enforce
+in a distant dependency the policy that had been beset in England with
+so many difficulties, and had now incurred the direct opposition of the
+Church. The only alternative was expulsion, a measure that on French
+soil suggested itself the more naturally, since two French kings had
+practically adopted it already. Before he returned home, Edward issued
+an order that all Jews should leave Gascony.[220]
+
+The application of the same measure in England was a more serious
+matter, since the English Jews were doubtless a much larger community
+than those of Gascony. But, determined not to tolerate them as usurers,
+and convinced of the hopelessness of his efforts to change them into
+traders, Edward had no alternative but to treat them as he had treated
+their coreligionists in Gascony.
+
+No doubt he was influenced in his resolution by the members of his
+family and court. His wife and mother and various of his officers had
+been in the habit of receiving liberal grants from the property and
+forfeitures of the Jews.[221] They must have known that this resource
+was decreasing steadily, and was not worth husbanding, and they must
+have welcomed a measure which would bring into the King’s hands a
+fairly large amount of spoil capable of immediate distribution. And,
+probably, some of the ecclesiastical members of the court felt, as
+his mother certainly did,[222] a religious hatred of the Jews and a
+religious joy at the prospect of their disappearance.
+
+
+                          XI.--THE EXPULSION.
+
+Of the course of events for the first few months after Edward’s return
+to England, very meagre accounts have come down to us. His searching
+inquiry into the conduct of the judges during his absence[223] must
+have taken up most of his time and energy. As soon as he had meted out
+punishment to those whom he had found guilty of corruption, he turned
+to the Jewish question. On the 18th of July, 1290, writs were issued to
+the sheriffs of counties, informing them that a decree had been passed
+that all Jews should leave England before the feast of All Saints of
+that year.[224] Any who remained in the country after the prescribed
+day were declared liable to the penalty of death.[225]
+
+Every effort was made by the King to secure the peace and safety
+of the Jews during the short period for which they were allowed to
+remain, and in the course of their journey from their homes to the
+coast, and from the coast to their ultimate destination. The sheriffs
+were ordered to have public proclamation made that “no one within the
+appointed period should injure, harm, damage, or grieve them,” and
+were to ensure, for such as chose to pay for it, a safe journey to
+London. The wardens of the Cinque Ports, within the district of whose
+jurisdiction many of the Jews would necessarily embark, received orders
+in the same spirit as those that had been addressed to the sheriffs of
+the counties. They were to see that the exiles were provided, after
+payment, with a safe and speedy passage across the sea, and that the
+poor among them were enabled to travel at cheap rates and were treated
+with consideration.[226] These general orders were reinforced by the
+issue of special writs of safe-conduct for individual Jews.[227] The
+exiles were allowed to carry with them all of their own property that
+was in their possession at the time of the issue of the decree of
+expulsion, together with such pledges deposited with them by Christians
+as were not redeemed before a fixed date. A few Jews who were high in
+the favour of royal personages, such as Aaron, son of Vives, who was a
+“chattel” of the King’s brother Edmund,[228] and Cok, son of Hagin, who
+belonged to the Queen,[229] were allowed before their departure to sell
+their houses and fees to any Christian who would buy them.
+
+On St. Denis’s Day all the Jews of London started on their journey
+to the sea-coast.[230] The treatment that they met with was not so
+merciful as the king had wished. Many of the richer among them
+embarked with all their property at London. At the mouth of the Thames,
+the master cast anchor during the ebb-tide, so that his vessel grounded
+on the sands, and invited his passengers to walk on the shore till
+it was again afloat. He led them to a great distance, so that they
+did not get back to the river-side till the tide was again full. Then
+he ran into the water, climbed into the ship by means of a rope, and
+bade them, if they needed help, call on their Prophet Moses. They
+followed him into the water, and most of them were drowned. The sailors
+appropriated all that the Jews had left on board. But subsequently the
+master and his accomplices were indicted, convicted of murder, and
+hanged.[231]
+
+One body of the exiles set sail for France. During their voyage fierce
+storms swept the sea. Many were drowned. Many were cast destitute on
+the coast that they were seeking, and were allowed by the King to
+live for a time in Amiens.[232] This act of mercy, however, called
+forth the censure of the Pope, and the _Parlement de la Chandeleur_,
+which met in the same year, decreed that all the Jews from England and
+Gascony who had taken refuge in the French king’s dominions should
+leave the country by the middle of the next Lent.[233] Another body,
+numbering 1,335, and consisting, to a great extent, of the poor,
+went to Flanders.[234] The only known fact that we have to guide our
+conjectures as to the ultimate place of settlement of any of those who
+left England is that, in a list of the inhabitants of the Paris Jewry,
+made four years after the Expulsion, there appear certain names with
+the additions of _l’Englische_ or _l’Englais_.[235] It may well be that
+many Jews from England, speaking the French language, were able, in
+spite of the Act of the _Parlement de la Chandeleur_, to become merged
+in the general body of the Jews of France, who were many times as
+numerous as those of England had been.[236] Many, too, may have thrown
+in their lot with their 850,000 coreligionists of Spain.[237]
+
+The property that the Jews left behind them in England consisted of
+such dwelling-houses, and other houses, as remained to them in spite of
+the strict conditions imposed by the Statute of 1275, of the synagogues
+and cemeteries of their local congregations, and of bonds partly for
+the repayment of money, and partly for the delivery of wool and corn
+for which the price had been paid in advance. All fell into the hands
+of the King,[238] except, possibly, the houses in some of those towns,
+such as Hereford, Winchester, and Ipswich, of which the citizens had
+by the purchase of manorial rights become entitled to all fines and
+forfeitures.[239] The annual value of the houses, as shown in the
+returns made by the sheriffs, was, after allowance had been made for
+the right of the Capital Lords, about £130. The value of the debts, as
+shown in the register made by the officers of the Exchequer, was about
+£9,100, but the amount for realisation was diminished by the King’s
+resolve to take from the debtors, not the full amount for which they
+were liable, and which, under the amended statute of the Jewry,[240]
+could include three years’ interest, but only the bare principal that
+had been originally advanced. Even this was not fully collected;
+payment was, by the King’s permission, delayed, and confirmations,
+made in 1315 and 1327, of the renunciation of interest, show how long
+some of the debts remained outstanding. Edward III. finally gave up the
+claim to all further payment.[241]
+
+It was ordered that the houses should be sold and the proceeds devoted
+to pious uses.[242] But it appears that they were nearly all given away
+to the King’s friends.[243]
+
+
+                 XII.--THE NECESSITY FOR THE EXPULSION.
+
+The Expulsion was not the act of a cruel king. The forbearance which
+marks the orders to the officers who were charged with the execution
+of the decree had been shown by Edward many a time before, when he
+protected Jews against claims too rigorously enforced, and ordered that
+his own rights should be waived where insistence on them would have
+deprived his debtors of their means of subsistence.[244]
+
+Nor was it prompted by greed. It is true that immediately after it,
+and according to the account of many chroniclers, as an expression of
+gratitude for it, the Parliament voted a tenth and a fifteenth.[245]
+But this cannot have been a bribe offered beforehand, for the writs
+announcing the decree were issued on the fourth day after that for
+which the Parliament was summoned.[246] It is impossible to suppose
+that in so short an interval the question was brought up, the policy
+chosen, the price fixed, and the decree issued. It is equally
+impossible that Edward’s conduct should have been affected by the
+prospect of the confiscation of the small amount of property that the
+Jews left behind them.
+
+The Expulsion was a piece of independent royal action, made necessary
+by the impossibility of carrying out the only alternative policy
+that an honourable Christian king could adopt. And the impossibility
+was not of Edward’s making. It was the result of many causes, and
+the knowledge of it had been brought home to him by many proofs. The
+guesses of our contemporary, and all but contemporary, authorities
+who take on themselves to explain his action, show how many were the
+obstacles before which he had to confess himself vanquished. In one
+chronicle the Expulsion is represented as a concession to the prayer
+of the Pope;[247] in another, as the result of the efforts of Queen
+Eleanor;[248] in a third, as a measure of summary punishment against
+the blasphemy of the Jews, taken to give satisfaction to the English
+clergy;[249] in a fourth as an answer to the complaints made by
+the magnates of the continued prevalence of usury;[250] in a fifth
+as an act of conformity to public opinion;[251] in a sixth, as a
+reform suggested by the King’s independent general enquiry into the
+administration of the kingdom during his absence, and his discovery,
+through the complaints of the Council, of the “deceits” of the
+Jews.[252]
+
+Each of these statements gives us some information as to the nature
+and extent of the failure of Edward’s policy. None gives the true
+cause, for none sets before us the true position of the Jews and their
+relations with their neighbours. It is true that it was the bull of
+Honorius that finally compelled Edward to give up his attempt to
+assimilate the position of the Jews to that of Christian traders. It
+is true, no doubt, that his mother had from the first dissuaded him
+from generous treatment, and, perhaps, had induced him to lessen the
+chance of the success of his policy by asserting his right over them
+as over his serfs.[253] But the bull of the Pope and the personal
+influence of the Queen-mother were alike unnecessary. If Edward had
+waived all his rights, if the Church had in his reign relented towards
+the Jews instead of increasing its bitterness towards them, both acts
+of generosity would have come too late. The same causes that had
+made the Jews accept the position of royal usurers at the end of the
+eleventh century, and of royal chattels at the end of the twelfth,
+made it impossible for them to give up either position at the end of
+the thirteenth. From the moment of their arrival in England they had
+been hated by the common people. They never had an opportunity of
+acquiring interests in common with their neighbours, or of entering
+their social or industrial institutions. Isolation brought with it
+danger. For the sake of safety they had to accept royal protection;
+and their protectors long held them in a close grip, until one at last
+refused to tolerate them under the same conditions as had satisfied his
+predecessors. But to have given them their freedom would only have
+been to expose them to the old dislike and the old danger. If Edward
+had allowed them to become citizens, and had set at naught the bull of
+Honorius, he would have seen the English towns refusing to support his
+policy and denying to the Jews the right to join the gild merchant,
+to learn trades and to practise them, and to enjoy the protection of
+municipal laws and customs.
+
+For towards all new-comers, of whatever race or religion, the
+English burgesses of the Middle Ages showed a spirit of unyielding
+exclusiveness.[254] But the feeling against the Jews was far greater
+than that against any other class. Every reference to them in English
+literature, before the Expulsion and long after it, shows its strength
+and bitterness. “Hell is without light where they sing lamentations,”
+says one poet of them.[255] Another who, writing a few years after the
+Expulsion, mentions the massacre at the coronation of Richard I., finds
+in it nothing to wonder at, and nothing to regret. To him it is only
+natural that “The king took it for great shame, That from such unclean
+things as them any meat to him came.”[256] The chroniclers of the time
+refer to them again and again, and always in the same tone of dislike.
+“The Jews,” says Matthew Paris, in his account of one of the most cruel
+of Henry III.’s acts of extortion, “had nearly all their money taken
+from them, and yet they were not pitied, because it is proved, and is
+manifest, that they are continually convicted of forging charters,
+seals and coins.”[257] “They are a sign for the nation like Cain the
+accursed,” he says elsewhere.[258] The eulogist of Edward I., when he
+recounts the great deeds of his hero, tells with pride and without
+a word of pity how “the perfidious and unbelieving horde of Jews is
+driven forth from England in one day into exile.”[259] And just as no
+punishment that they can suffer is regarded as too heavy for their
+sins, so no story of their misdoings, whether it be of the murder of
+Christian children, of insults to the Christian religion, or of fraud
+on Christian debtors, is too improbable or too brutal or too trivial to
+be repeated.[260]
+
+The popular hatred showed itself in deed as well as in word. The
+massacres of 1190 were imitated on a small scale at intervals during
+the sojourn of the Jews in England. Braziers and hosiers, bakers and
+shoemakers, tailors and copperers, priests and Oxford scholars were all
+ready to take part in the looting of a Jewry.[261]
+
+Nor was there any influence exercised by the higher classes to make
+the populace less intolerant. A great lady declared that it was a
+disgrace for one of her rank to sit in a carriage in which a Jewess
+had sat.[262] A great noble thought it a good jest, when a Jew on his
+estate fell into a pit on a Friday, to order that he should not be
+helped out either on the Jewish Sabbath or on the Christian, in order
+that the absurdity of the Mosaic legislation might be demonstrated--at
+the cost, as it resulted, of the Jew’s life.[263]
+
+Bishops supported with eagerness the charge of child-murder repeatedly
+brought against the Jews,[264] though Popes and Councils had declared
+it to be groundless[265]; and the judge who showed the greatest
+eagerness for the punishment of the Jewish prisoners who were accused
+on the monstrous charge of having murdered Hugh of Lincoln, was a man
+who was held in especial honour by his contemporaries as a scholar and
+“a circumspect and discreet man.”[266]
+
+Thus the Christians were not likely to endure the Jews as neighbours
+and fellow-workers, and the Jews, even if they had been permitted,
+would have been as little willing to live the life and follow the
+ordinary pursuits of citizens. It was not that they loved usury as
+a calling. On the contrary, they entered willingly into all those
+professions that gave them the opportunity of being their own
+masters and living according to their own fashion. Many of them were
+physicians, and among the most esteemed in Europe.[267] In Italy,
+where the municipal and gild organisations were easier to enter,
+and less narrow and exacting in their constitution, than those of
+England,[268] they worked at trades.[269] In Sicily, under Frederic
+II., some Jews were employed as administrators, and many more were
+agriculturists.[270] In Rome, one was treasurer of the household of
+Pope Alexander III., and in Southern France another filled the same
+office under Count Raymond, of Toulouse.[271] In Austria, they were
+the financial ministers of the Archduke,[272] and in Spain, one was
+chamberlain to Alphonso the Wise, and many others were in the service
+of the same king.[273] In England, some Jews were attached to the Court
+of Henry III., and treated with special favour; others were useful and
+valued adherents of Richard, King of the Romans,[274] and, after the
+prohibition of usury, others, as we have seen, became corn-merchants,
+and wool-merchants.
+
+But the whole character of the Jews, their religious beliefs, and
+their national hopes, were such as to make repellent to them those
+close relations with Christians and Englishmen which would have
+been necessary if they had entered into the feudal or municipal
+organisations of the Middle Ages. Though there was no religious
+obstacle to prevent them from entering a Gild, still they could not,
+without violating their religion, eat at a Gild feast, or take part in
+its religious ceremonies. Their teachers, like those of the Church,
+warned them against social intercourse with the Christians, “lest it
+might lead to inter-marriage.”[275] They did not speak the English
+language.[276] They remained willingly outside the national and
+municipal life.
+
+Their isolation caused them no sorrow. Rather must it have been dear
+to them as a sign that they were faithful members of the one race to
+which in truth they belonged, the race of Israel. The interests that
+filled their mind were those that were common to them, not with the
+inhabitants of the country in which they lived, but with their brethren
+in faith and race scattered throughout the world. The rapidity and
+copiousness with which the stream of Jewish literature poured forth in
+the Middle Ages, showed how unfailing was the strength of the Jewish
+life which was its source. In Southern Europe the Jews waged among
+themselves fierce controversies over problems such as were suggested by
+the support that some of their Rabbis gave, or appeared to give, to the
+Aristotelian doctrines of the eternity of matter and the uncreativeness
+of God.[277] Among the English Jews, and in the communities of Northern
+France with whom the English Jews were in continual communication,
+literature, though less controversial and engaged with less deep
+questions, sufficed, nevertheless, even better to provide continual
+and engrossing interest for the orthodox. There were read and written,
+down to the last years before the Expulsion, commentaries and
+super-commentaries on the Bible and the Talmud, lexicons and grammars,
+treatises on ritual and ceremonial. The Rabbis discussed what blessings
+it was right to use on all the occasions of life, on rising in the
+morning, or on retiring to rest at night, on eating, on washing, on
+being married, on hearing thunder.[278] The English Jews were strict
+observers of the ceremonial law,[279] they made use in daily life of
+the minutiæ of Rabbinical scholarship, they drew up their contracts
+“after the usage of the sages,”[280] and thus, like all the Jews of
+mediæval Europe, they were continually reminded, in the pursuit of
+their ordinary interests and occupations, that they were a peculiar
+people. How proud they were of the position is shown by the poetical
+literature which, as preserved in the Jewish prayer book, is the most
+precious legacy that mediæval Judaism has left us. It was common to
+Jews in all lands; it commemorated all the sorrows of their nation, and
+gave expression to all their hopes. It made them feel that, scattered
+as they were, they yet had a destiny of their own, and it banished from
+their minds, as a counsel of baseness, the thought of making themselves
+one with the “Gentiles” around them. It reminded them that exile and
+persecution, and ultimate triumph were the appointed lot of Israel, and
+that the same teachers who had prophesied that the Chosen People should
+suffer, had also prophesied that in the fulness of time they should be
+redeemed. They knew that in the hour of danger and persecution there
+had never been wanting martyrs to testify in death to the unity of God
+and to the Glory of his Name. And they could not doubt that the Lord
+of Mercy and Justice would mete out due recompense to the oppressors
+and the oppressed.[281]
+
+Thus the memory of their past, and the commonplace occurrences of their
+daily life, continually strengthened the bonds that bound Jews together
+after twelve centuries of dispersion. In the thirteenth century of
+the Christian era, as in the first, they still regarded the Holy Land
+as their true home. Three hundred Rabbis from France and England went
+thither in 1211.[282] There Jehudi Halevi ended his days.[283] There
+Nachmanides taught that it was the duty of every Jew to live, and, true
+to his own lesson, he set out on his pilgrimage in the seventieth year
+of his age. And in his own and the next generation many Jews from Spain
+and Germany followed his example.[284] A Jewish traveller of the Middle
+Ages says of certain of the communities of his coreligionists that he
+visited: “They are full of hopes, and they say to one another, ‘Be of
+good cheer, brethren, for the salvation of the Lord will be quick as
+the glancing of an eye:’ and were it not that we have hitherto doubted,
+and thought that the end of our Captivity has not yet arrived, we
+should have been gathered together long ago. But now this will not be
+till the time of song arrives, and the sound of the turtle-dove gives
+warning. Then will the message arrive, and we shall ever say ‘The Name
+of the Lord be exalted.’”[285]
+
+Nowhere in Europe could such men have been content to live the life of
+those around them, to bind themselves with the ties of citizenship, to
+find their highest hopes on earth in the destiny of the town, or the
+country, in which they dwelt. They were but sojourners. They lived in
+expectation of the time when the Lord should return the Captivity of
+Zion, and they should look back on their exile as reawakened dreamers.
+
+Without the privilege of isolation they could not live; and if in
+England the communities of the Gentiles had been open to them, they
+would never have entered them.
+
+                   *       *       *       *       *
+
+The Expulsion of the English Jews was an event of small importance
+alike in English and in Jewish history. In England the effect that
+it produced was barely perceptible. The loss of their capital was
+too slight to produce any economic change.[286] The only class that
+benefited from their departure was the Florentine merchants, whose
+trade grew from this time even greater than before.[287] Political
+results of importance have sometimes been attributed to the Expulsion.
+The victory of the towns over the King has been said to have been
+hastened by the loss of the financial support of the Jews.[288]
+But it cannot have come any the sooner for the disappearance of a
+community from whom the King had long ceased to get any real help
+in his enterprises abroad, or in his struggles at home. The trading
+classes still complained after the Expulsion, as they had done before
+it, of the prevalence of the “horrible practice of usury, which has
+undone many, and brought many to poverty,”[289] and the “horrible
+practice” prevailed none the less; and perhaps the poorer agricultural
+classes of England, the newly enfeoffed rent-payers, found, as did the
+corresponding class in France,[290] that the expulsion of the Jews
+only compelled them to go to more cruel money-lenders than before.
+The coin was clipped as regularly after the Expulsion as before it,
+and the Christian goldsmiths were as rigorously treated as the Jewish
+money-lenders had been.[291] The Church, which had helped to drive out
+the Jews, soon found itself in conflict with Christian heresy, compared
+with which Jewish unbelief was harmless.
+
+The Jews, on their side, were driven from a land which thirty-five
+years earlier they had begged in vain to be allowed to leave.[292]
+They went forth to join the far greater bodies of their countrymen in
+other lands, and with them to fulfil the career of sorrow that they
+had begun. The loss of their inhospitable home in England was but one
+episode in their tragic history. From France they were again to be
+expelled, despoiled and destitute.[293] In Germany the blood-accusation
+met them as in England.[294] In Spain popular massacres and clerical
+persecution were already preparing the ground for the Inquisition.[295]
+The time was still far off when Jew and Christian could live side
+by side and neither suffer because he would not worship after his
+neighbour’s fashion. That time could not come until society was more
+heterogeneous, and the circles of interest of ordinary men wider, than
+they could be in the thirteenth century, until the citizen ceased to
+live his life, bodily and spiritual, within the walls of his native
+town, under the shadow of the Church.
+
+
+
+
+                               FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] J. Jacobs, _Jews of Angevin England_, 43–4; 64–5.
+
+[2] Cf. the account of the litigation of Richard of Anesty in
+Palgrave’s _Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth_, Vol. II.
+(Proofs and Illustrations), pp. xxiv.–xxvii.
+
+[3] See Jewries of Oxford and Winchester, in the plans in Norgate’s
+_England under Angevin Kings_, I., pp. 31, 40; and Jewry of London,
+described in _Papers of Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition_, pp. 20–52.
+
+[4] _Chronica Rogeri de Hoveden_ (Rolls Series) II., 261; _Gesta
+Henrici II. et Ricardi I._ (Rolls Series), I. 279.
+
+[5] _Gesta Henrici II. et Ricardi I._ (R. S.), I. 182; _Chronica Rogeri
+de Hoveden_ (R. S.), II. 137.
+
+[6] Depping, _Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age_, 170; Jacobs’ _The Jews of
+Angevin England_, 54, 178; _Statutes of the Realm_ (Edition of 1810),
+I. 202 (Judicium Pillorie) and 203 (Statutum de Pistoribus). See also
+_Leet Jurisdiction in Norwich_ (Selden Society, 1891), p. 28, where, in
+a list of amercements inflicted at the Leet of Nedham and Manecroft,
+the following entry occurs:--“De Johanne le Pastemakere quia vendidit
+Carnes quas Judei vocant trefa, 2s.”
+
+[7] Mansi, _Sacrorum Conciliorum Collectio_, Venice, 1775, XX. 399;
+Wilkins, _Concilia Magnae Britanniae_, I. 591, 675, 719; _Gesta Henrici
+II. et Ricardi I._ (R. S.), I. 230. _Chronica Rogeri de Hoveden_
+(R. S.), II. 180.
+
+[8] Cf. the words of John’s Charter: “Libertates et consuetudines sicut
+eas habuerunt tempore Henrici avi patris nostri.”--_Rotuli Chartarum_,
+p. 93.
+
+[9] _Recueil des Historiens des Croisades--Historiens Occidentaux_
+(Paris, 1866), III. 321, 727. Cf. especially (p. 727), Altaria suis
+foeditatibus inquinata subvertunt, Christianos circumcidunt, cruoremque
+circumcisionis aut super altaria fundunt aut in vasis baptisterii
+immergunt (Roberti Monachi, _Historia Iherosolimitana_).
+
+[10] Neubauer and Stern, _Hebräische Berichte über
+die Judenverfolgungen während der Kreuzzüge_; Hefele,
+_Conciliengeschichte_, V., 224, 270; Graetz, _Geschichte der Juden_
+(second edition) VI., 89–107.
+
+[11] C. U. Hahn, _Geschichte der Ketzer im Mittelalter_, III. 17.
+
+[12] Graetz, _Geschichte der Juden_ (second edition), VI., 155–170. Cf.
+Hefele, V., 498, _n._ 2.
+
+[13] Jacobs, _Op. Cit._, 20, 257.
+
+[14] _Historia et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriae_
+(R. S.), I., 21; _Chronica Jocelini de Brakelonda_ (Camden Society),
+12, 113–14; _Annales Monastici_ (R. S.), I., 343, II., 347; Matt.
+Paris, _Chronica Majora_ (R. S.), IV., 377, V., 518; Jacobs’ _Jews of
+Angevin England_, 19; and cf. _Chronicles of Reigns of Stephen, Henry
+II., Richard I._ (Rolls Series), I., 311.
+
+[15] _Materials for History of Thomas Becket_ (Rolls Series), IV. 148;
+Jacobs, _Jews of Angevin England_, 43, 155.
+
+[16] Cf. the protection given to Jews of Norwich by the Sheriff
+(Jacobs, 257).
+
+[17] _Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II., and Richard I._
+(Rolls Series), I. 294–9.
+
+[18] Radulfi de Diceto, _Opera Historica_ (R.S.), II. 75–6. Jacobs,
+_Jews of Angevin England_, 176; _Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen,
+Henry II., and Richard I._ (Rolls Series), I. 309–10, 312–322.
+
+[19] _Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II., and Richard I._
+(R.S.) I. 323–4.
+
+[20] Jacobs, _Jews of Angevin England_, pp. 91–6; Gervase of Canterbury
+(R.S.) I. 422.
+
+[21] Enormous wealth was possessed by Abraham fil Rabbi, Jurnet of
+Norwich and Aaron of Lincoln. Jacobs, _Op. Cit._, 44, 64, 84, 90, 91.
+
+[22] Rymer, _Fœdera_ I. 51.
+
+[23] _Chronica Rogeri de Hoveden_ (R.S.), III. 266–7.
+
+[24] _Chronicon Johannis Brompton_ in Twysden’s _Historiæ Anglicanæ
+Scriptores_ X., col. 1258.
+
+[25] _Rotuli Chartarum_ (Record Commission), p. 93.
+
+[26] Tovey, _Anglia Judaica_, 81.
+
+[27] _Gesta Henrici II. et Ricard. I._ (R.S.), II. 218; M. Paris,
+_Chronica Majora_ (R.S.) II. 381, and Jacobs, 162–4.
+
+[28] Jacobs, 222, 228–30, 239–40.
+
+[29] _Ibid._, 328.
+
+[30] Jacobs, 222.
+
+[31] M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_ (R.S.) II. 528; _Annales Monastici_
+(R.S.) I. 29, II. 264, III. 32, 451; _Chronicles of Lanercost_
+(Maitland Club), p. 7.
+
+[32] M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_ II., 528.
+
+[33] Depping, _Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age_, 185.
+
+[34] Bouquet, _Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France_,
+xvii. 9.
+
+[35] Depping, _Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age_, 59, 60, 185, 194. Cf.
+_Rotuli Chartarum_, I. 75 (_Carta Willielmi Marescalli, de quodam
+Judaeo apud Cambay_).
+
+[36] Tovey, _Anglia Judaica_, 78–9.
+
+[37] Stamford was an exception in this respect, Madox, _Firma Burgi_ p.
+182.
+
+[38] Et Judæi non intrabunt in placitum nisi coram nobis aut coram
+illis, qui turres nostras custodierint in quorum ballivis Judæi
+manserint, _Rot. Chart._, 93.
+
+[39] Cutts, _Colchester_, 123; Tovey, _Anglia J._, 50; _Forty-Seventh
+Report of Deputy-Keeper of Public Records_, 306; Lyte, _History of
+the University of Oxford_, 59; _Papers of Anglo-Jewish Historical
+Exhibition_, 35–6; _De Antiquis Legibus Liber_ (Camden Soc.), p.
+16, (A.D. 1249, Nam rex concessit quod Judei qui antea warantizati
+fuerunt per breve de scaccario, de cetero placitassent coram civibus
+de tenementis suis in Londoniis). _Chronica Jocelini de Brakelonda_
+(Camden Soc.), p. 2, (Venit Judeus portans literas domini regis de
+debito sacristæ).
+
+[40] Cp. _Chronica Monasterii de Melsa_ (R.S.), I., 177. Interea
+mortuus est Aaron Judæus Lincolniæ, de quo jam dictum est, et compulsi
+sumus, regis edicto totum quod illi debuimus pro Willielmo Fossard
+infra breve tempus domino regi persolvere.
+
+[41] Rymer, _Fœdera_, I., 89.
+
+[42] _Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292_, p. 15; Tovey,
+_Anglia Judaica_, 77, 78, 79.
+
+[43] Tovey, 101; _Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany_, I., 326.
+
+[44] _Annales Monastici_ (Rolls Series), iv. 91.
+
+[45] Especially irritating must have been the fact that the one
+restriction on the business of Jews, as money-lenders, was the order
+that forbade them to take in pledge the land of tenants on the royal
+demesne. W. Prynne, _The Second Part of a Short Demurrer to the Jews’
+long discontinued remitter_, etc., London, 1656, p. 35; _Norfolk
+Antiquarian Miscellany_, I. 328.
+
+[46] _Chronica Jocelini de Brakelonda_ (Camden Society), p. 33.
+
+[47] Thompson, _Leicester_, 72; Madox, _Hist. of Exchequer_, I. 260,
+notes O and P; J. E. Blunt, _Establishment and Residence of Jews in
+England_, 45; Papers Anglo-J. H. Ex. 190; Prynne, _The Second Part of
+a Short Demurrer_, etc., p. 37; _Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany_, I.
+326, (De Judeis dicebant quod major multitudo manet in civitate sua
+quam solebat, et quod Judei qui aliis locis dissainati (_sic_) fuerunt
+venerunt ibidem manere ad dampnum civitatis).
+
+[48] Prynne, _The Second Part of a Short Demurrer_, etc., p. 75; Madox,
+_History of the Exchequer_, I. 249: Et quod nullus Judaeus receptetur
+in aliqua villa sine speciali licentia Regis, nisi in villis illis in
+quibus Judaei manere consueverunt.
+
+[49] Jacobs, _Jews of Angevin England_, 269–271.
+
+[50] M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_, V. 245. Cf. the article in the
+Constitutions enacted by Walter de Cantilupe, Bishop of Worcester, at
+his diocesan synod in 1240: Quia vero parum refert, an quis per se vel
+per alium incidat in crimen usurarum, prohibemus ne quis Christianus
+Judæo pecuniam committat, ut eam Judæus simulate suo nomine proprio
+mutuet ad usuram. Wilkins, _Magnæ Britanniæ Concilia_, I. 675, 676.
+Stubbs, _Select Charters_, 385–6.
+
+[51] For the nature and duration of the earlier struggle between the
+king and the barons, see Stubbs, _Constitutional History of England_
+(Library Edition), II., 40, 44, 63, 67, 69–77. For the king’s acts of
+extortion from the Jews, see Matthew Paris, _Chronica Majora_, III.,
+194, 543; IV., 88; V., 114, 274, 441, 487; Madox, _History of the
+Exchequer_, I., 224–5, 229; Prynne, _Second Part of a Short Demurrer_,
+40, 48, 66, 70, 75, 57. For the appointment by the Council of one
+Justice of the Jews, M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_, iv. 367.
+
+[52] Stubbs, _Select Charters_, 385–6.
+
+[53] _Annales Monastici_, II. 101, 363, 371, III. 230, IV. 141,
+142, 145, 449, 450; _Liber de Antiquis Legibus_ (Camden Society),
+62; _Chronicle of Pierre de Langtoft_ (R. S.), II., 151; _Chronicle
+of William de Rishanger_ (Camden Society), 24, 25, 126; _Florentii
+Wigorniensis Chronicon ex Chronicis_ (English Historical Society), II.
+192.
+
+[54] Tout, _Edward I._, 13, 39.
+
+[55] Palgrave, _Rotuli Curiæ Regis_ (Record Commission), II., 62
+(Judaei habeant seisinam); _Gesta abbatum Monasterii S. Albani_
+(R. S.), I., 401; _Placitorum Abbreviatio_ (Record Commission), p. 58;
+Jacobs, pp. 90, 234.
+
+[56] _Chronicles of the Abbey of Melsa_ (Rolls Series), I., 173, 174,
+306, 367, 374, 377; II., 55, 109, 116; _Archæological Journal_, vol.
+38, pp. 189, 190, 191, 192.
+
+[57] Blunt, _Establishment and Residence of the Jews in England_, 136;
+Prynne, _Second Part of a Short Demurrer_, p. 105.
+
+[58] A very long list of landowners indebted to the Jews could be
+extracted from Madox, _History of Exchequer_, Vol. I., p. 227, _sq._
+Cf. Prynne, _Second Part_, etc., pp. 96, 98, 106; _Calendar of Patent
+Rolls from 1281 to 1292_, p. 25.
+
+[59] _Gesta Henrici II._ (R. S.), I., 106; _Giraldi Cambrensis Opera_
+(R. S.), VII., 36; _Cronica Jocelini de Brakelonda_ (Camden Soc.), p. 2.
+
+[60] III., 328.
+
+[61] V. 189.
+
+[62] _Letters of John of Peckham_ (Rolls Series), I., 20, 156.
+
+[63] _Ibid._, I., 203.
+
+[64] _Ibid._, I., 341.
+
+[65] _Ibid._, I., 177, 187.
+
+[66] Roberts, _Excerpta e Rot. Finium_ (Record Commission), II., 68.
+
+[67] _Letters of John of Peckham_, I., 261.
+
+[68] _Ibid._, I., 380.
+
+[69] _Ibid._, I., 194.
+
+[70] _Obedientiary Rolls of S. Swithin’s, Winchester_ (Hampshire Record
+Society), 1892, pp. 10, 18.
+
+[71] _Letters of John of Peckham_, I., 244; Kitchin, _Winchester_, 55;
+_Obedientiary Rolls of S. Swithin’s_, pp. 22, 25.
+
+[72] Cf. _Letters of John of Peckham_, I., 542.
+
+[73] Tovey, _Anglia Judaica_, 175–7.
+
+[74] _Gesta Abbatum Monasterii S. Albani_ (Rolls Series), I. 401;
+_Placitorum Abbreviatio_ (Record Commission), p. 58, col. 2.
+
+[75] _De Antiquis Legibus Liber_ (Camden Society), 234 _sq._
+
+[76] Hefele, _Conciliengeschichte_, V., 1028.
+
+[77] _Annales Monastici_ (R.S.), IV., 221.
+
+[78] Blunt, _Establishment and Residence_, etc., 134–9.
+
+[79] Stubbs, _Constitutional History_, II., 116.
+
+[80] Ashley, _Economic History and Theory_, I., 126–32, 148–50.
+
+[81] Hefele, _Conciliengeschichte_, V., 175.
+
+[82] _Ibid._, 438–441.
+
+[83] Jacobs, _The Jews of Angevin England_, 23.
+
+[84] _Corpus Juris Canonici_ (Leipzig, 1839), II., 786.
+
+[85] Raumer, _Geschichte der Hohenstaufen und ihrer Zeit_, III., 581.
+
+[86] Endemann. _Studien in der Romanisch-Kanonistischen Wirthschafts-
+und Rechtslehre_, I., 16–18. Stintzing, _Geschichte der Populären
+Literatur des Römisch-Canonischen Rechts_.
+
+[87]
+
+    E pero lo minor giron suggella,
+    Del segno suo e Sodoma e Caorsa.
+                               _Inferno_, XI. 49, 50.
+
+[88] _Monumenta Franciscana_ (Rolls Series), XLV., L., 10, 38–9, 61.
+
+[89] Macpherson, _Annals of Commerce_, I., 399–400.
+
+[90] M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_, V., 245.
+
+[91] _Ibid._, III., 48.
+
+[92] _Ibid._, III., 332–3.
+
+[93] _Ibid._, IV., 8.
+
+[94] M. Paris, _Historia Anglorum_, III., 104.
+
+[95] Ashley, _Economic History and Theory_, I. 150; Labbeus,
+_Sacrosancta Concilia_, xi. 991, 2.
+
+[96] Depping, _Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age_, 202, 207; Muratori,
+_Antiquitates Italicæ Medii Aevi_, I. 899, 900; _Ninth Report of the
+Historical Manuscripts Commission_, p. 14 (No. 264).
+
+[97] _Forty-fourth Report of Deputy-Keeper of Public Records_, pp. 8,
+9, 72; _The Question whether a Jew_, etc., by a Gentleman of Lincoln’s
+Inn (London, 1753), Appendix, § 18.
+
+[98] Jacobs, 328.
+
+[99] _Papers Anglo-Jewish Hist. Exhibition_, 195.
+
+[100] Stubbs’ _Constitutional History_, II. 601.
+
+[101] Rymer, _Foedera_, I. 489. Cf. _Jewish Chronicle_ for April 26,
+1895, p. 19, col. 2.
+
+[102] _Chronicles Ed. I. and II._ (ed. Stubbs), Vol. I., p. C. Cf.
+_Forty-second Report of Deputy-Keeper of Public Records_, p. 479 (At
+the beginning of his reign Edward says, in his writs to the sheriffs,
+“Pecuniæ plurimum indigemus”). _Forty-third Report_, 419.
+
+[103] Muratori, _Antiquitates Italicæ Medii Aevi_ (Dissertatio XVI);
+Depping, _Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age_, 213–6; Rymer, _Foedera_, I.,
+644.
+
+[104] Macpherson, _Annals of Commerce_, I. 405, 6; and see Peruzzi,
+_Storia del Commercio e dei Banchieri di Firenze_, 170.
+
+[105] Peruzzi, 169; _Archaeologia_, xxviii. 218, 219.
+
+[106] Muratori, _Antiquitates Italicæ Medii Aevi_, I. 889.
+
+[107] _Archaeologia_, xxviii. 221; Cunningham, _Growth of English
+Industry and Commerce, Early and Middle Ages_, Appendix D; Peruzzi,
+_Storia del Commercio_, 70.
+
+[108] Rymer, _Foedera_, I. 660, 823, 905.
+
+[109] _Archaeologia_, xxviii. 261–272.
+
+[110] Rymer, _Foedera_, I. 644, 788.
+
+[111] Peruzzi, 174.
+
+[112] _Archaeologia_, xxviii. 244–5.
+
+[113] _Ibid._, 231, Note 1.
+
+[114] Peruzzi, 172–5.
+
+[115] _The Question whether a Jew_, etc. Appendix, § 18. Prynne, _A
+Short Demurrer_, 58.
+
+[116] Blunt, _Establishment and Residence_, etc., 139–144.
+
+[117] Thomas Aquinas, _Opusculum_, XXI. (_Ad Ducissam Brabantiae_ in
+Vol. XIX. of the Venice edition, 1775–88.)
+
+[118] M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_, V. 361, 2.
+
+[119] Blunt, _Establishment and Residence_, etc., 141.
+
+[120] This is the number of those who left the country in 1290. _Flores
+Historiarum_ (Rolls Series), iii. 70. Probably the number of those in
+the country in 1275 was about the same.
+
+[121] Gross, _The Gild Merchant_, I. 38.
+
+[122] _Ibid._, I., 39–40.
+
+[123] _Ibid._, II., 68, 138, 214, 243, 257.
+
+[124] One Jew alone is known to have become a member of a Gild
+during the residence of the Jews in England before 1290. He became a
+citizen at the same time. His election took place in 1268 (Kitchin’s
+_Winchester--Historic Towns Series_, p. 108). After 1275 it would have
+been illegal.
+
+[125] Gross, _The Gild Merchant_, I. 41.
+
+[126] Gross. _The Gild Merchant_, I. 45, 46, 47.
+
+[127] _Liber Custumarum_ (Rolls Series), 215.
+
+[128] Ochenkowski, _Englands Wirthschaftliche Entwickelung im Ausgange
+des Mittelalters_, 51–4.
+
+[129] _Liber Custumarum_ (Rolls Series) 80–81, 101–2, 121; _Liber
+Albus_ (Rolls Series), 726, 734. Riley, _Memorials of London_, 179.
+
+[130] Johnson, _Customs of Hereford_, 115–6.
+
+[131] _Liber Custumarum_, 418–425.
+
+[132] _Liber Custumarum_, 78, 81, 124. Riley, _Memorials of London_,
+179, 216.
+
+[133] _Liber Custumarum_, 79, Ochenkowski, _Op. Cit._, 64.
+
+[134] Stubbs, _Select Charters_, 470.
+
+[135] Jacobs, 116.
+
+[136] Walsingham, _Historia Anglicana_ (Rolls Series), I. 30.
+
+[137] M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_, v. 56–8.
+
+[138] Ochenkowski, _Englands wirthschaftliche Entwickelung_, 157.
+
+[139] Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Early and
+Middle Ages_, 175.
+
+[140] _Liber Custumarum_ (Rolls Series), xxxiv.–xlviii., 61–72; _Liber
+Albus_, xcv., xcvi., 287; Macpherson, _Annals of Commerce_, I. 388–9.
+
+[141] _Liber Custumarum_ and _Liber Albus_, as referred to in preceding
+note: Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Early
+and Middle Ages_, 181–6; Ochenkowski, _Englands wirthschaftliche
+Entwickelung_, 180; _Calendar of State Papers (Venetian)_, lx.–lxix.;
+Peruzzi, _Storia dei Banchieri e del Commercio di Firenze_, 70.
+
+[142] Cunningham, _Growth_, etc., 185; Macpherson, _Annals of
+Commerce_, pp. 415, 481; _Calendar of State Papers (Venetian)_,
+lxvi.–lxvii.
+
+[143] Jacobs, 66–7; _Archæological Journal_, xxxviii. 179.
+
+[144] This was the procedure adopted by the Italians: They paid down a
+sum as earnest-money, and then took a bond (Peruzzi, 70). Cf. Tovey,
+207.
+
+[145] For pledges still unredeemed, land still in the hands of the Jews
+and old debts still unpaid long after the Statutes of 1270–1275 had
+been passed, see MSS. in Public Record Office (_Queen’s Remembrancer’s
+Miscellanea_, 557, 13–23); Rymer, I. 570; John of Peckham, I. 937;
+_Calendar of Patent Rolls_, 1281–1292, p. 81; Prynne, _Second
+Demurrer_, pp. 74 and 80 (=154).
+
+[146] Labbeus, _Sacrosancta Concilia_, XI. 649–50.
+
+[147] Vinogradoff, _Villeinage in England_, 179, 307.
+
+[148] M. Paris, V. 245; Wilkins, _Conc._, I. 675; _De Antiq. Legibus_,
+234 sq. (Archbishop of York’s remarks on the corruption of the Great
+Council and on the _fautores_ of Jews.)
+
+[149] M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_, V. 404–5.
+
+[150] Muratori, _Antiquitates Italicæ Medii Aevi_, I., 893.
+
+[151] _Rotuli Parliamentorum_, I. 1, 2.
+
+[152] “The Debts and Houses of the Jews of Hereford,” in _Transactions
+of the Jewish Historical Society of England_, vol. I.
+
+[153] _Royal Letters_ (Rolls Series), II. 24.
+
+[154] _Leet Jurisdiction of Norwich_ (Selden Society), p. 10; Cf.
+_Ancren Riwle_ (Camden Society), 395. “Do not men account him a good
+friend who layeth his pledge in _Jewry_ to redeem his companion?”
+
+[155] Rymer, _Foedera_, I. 503, 634; _Papers of the Anglo-Jewish
+Historical Exhibition_, 187–190.
+
+[156] _Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany_, I. 326, quoted _supra_, p. 20
+(_n._ 3).
+
+[157] _Calendar of Patent Rolls_, 1281–1292, p. 98; _Papers
+Anglo-Jewish Hist. Ex._ 167.
+
+[158] See _Dictionary of Political Economy_, Article JEWS, (House for
+Converted).
+
+[159] _Chronica Majora_, V. 15.
+
+[160] _Annales Monastici_ (Rolls Series), II. 339.
+
+[161] M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_, V. 15, 16.
+
+[162] Ruding, _Annals of the Coinage_, I. 179.
+
+[163] Ashley, _Economic Hist., Theory_, I. 169.
+
+[164] Ashley, I., 215, n. 95; cf. Jacobs, 73 and 225.
+
+[165] _Annales Monastici_ (Rolls Series), IV. 278.
+
+[166] _Annales Monastici_, IV. 278; _Liber Custumarum_, 189.
+
+[167] John of Peckham, _Registrum Epistolarum_ (Rolls Series), I. 22.
+
+[168] _Annales Monastici_, III. 295.
+
+[169] _Historia Anglorum_, III. 76.
+
+[170] Tovey, 109; Madox, _History of the Exchequer_ I. 245, z.
+
+[171] M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_, IV. 608.
+
+[172] _Ibid._, V., 16.
+
+[173] _Annales Monastici_, IV. 278.
+
+[174] _Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292_, 128, 147, 173, 176,
+213, 291, 451; _Chron. Ed. I._, I. 93; _Rotuli Parliamentorum_, I. 51a;
+Rymer, _Fœdera_, I., 570.
+
+[175] _Papers Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition_, 42–3.
+
+[176] Tovey, 211–13.
+
+[177] _Chronicles of Edward I. and Edward II._ (Rolls Series), I., 88;
+_Chronicon Petroburgense_ (Camden Society), 29.
+
+[178] “Whereas in the time of our ancestors, kings of England, loans at
+interest were wont and were allowed to be made by Jews of our kingdom,
+and much of such profits fell into the hands of those our ancestors,
+as the issues of our Jewry; and we, led on by the love of God, and
+wishing to follow more devoutly in the path of the Holy Church, did
+forbid unto all the Jews of our kingdom who had viciously lived from
+such loans, that none of them henceforth in any manner be guilty of
+resorting to loans at interest, but that they seek their living and
+sustain themselves by other legitimate work and merchandise, especially
+since by the favour of Holy Church they are suffered to sell and live
+among Christians. Nevertheless, afterwards, in a blind and evil spirit,
+turning to evil, under colour of merchandise and good contracts and
+covenants, what we established by rational thought, premeditating
+mischief anew, they do it with Christians by means of bonds and divers
+instruments, which remain with the Jews, and in which, on a given debt
+or contract, they put double, treble, or quadruple more than they lend
+to the Christians [this reads like an exaggeration], penally abusing
+the name of usury....” (_Papers Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition_,
+225–6).
+
+[179] For Coining, see Ruding, _Annals of the Coinage_ I. 197;
+_Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292_, 97; _Abbreviatio
+Rotulorum Originalium_ (Record Commission), 49; Peckham, _Registrum
+Epistolarum_, I. 146. For Usury, _Forty-fourth Report of the
+Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records_, pp. 8 and 9; _Archæologia_,
+XXVIII., 227–9; Peckham, II., 542; and for a later period, _Rotuli
+Parliamentorum_, II. 332_a_, (VII.) 350_b_.
+
+[180] _Papers of Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition_, p. 192 (note 54)
+and p. 222.
+
+[181] _Papers of Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition_, pp. 224–9.
+
+[182] See the Decrees of the Third Lateran Council of 1179, Mansi,
+_Concilia_, XXII., 231.
+
+[183] St. Anselm, _Epistolæ_, III., 117 (Migne, _Patrologiæ Cursus
+Completus_, Vol. 159, columns 153–155); Gilbert of Westminster,
+_Disputatio Judaici cum Christiano_ (_Ibid._ 1005–1036).
+
+[184] _Chronicles of Stephen, Henry II., and Richard I._ (Rolls
+Series), I., 310 (among the victims of the massacre at Lynn in 1190
+was _quidam Judæus, insignis medicus, qui et artis et modestiæ suæ
+gratia Christianis quoque familiaris et honorabilis fuerat_); _Gervase
+of Canterbury_ (Rolls Series), I., 405. (The Jews help the monks of
+Canterbury in their struggle with the Archbishop in 1188); _Rotuli
+Litterarum Clausarum_ (Record Commission), I., 20_b_. (_Rex, &c.,
+domino Lincolniensi Episcopo, &c.; mandamus vobis quod non permittatis
+injuste catalle Judæorum receptari in ecclesiis in diocesi vestra_,
+February 28th, 1205); _Chronica Jocelini de Brakelonde_ (Camden
+Society), p. 33. (A.D. 1190, _Abbas jussit solempniter excommunicari
+illos qui de cetero receptarent Judeos vel in hospicio reciperent in
+villa Santi Ædmundi_); Jacobs, _The Jews of Angevin England_, 269.
+(“_English Jews drink with Gentiles._”)
+
+[185] Moeller, _History of the Christian Church, Middle Ages_ (Eng.
+Tr.). p. 279.
+
+[186] Mansi, _Concilia_, XXII. 231.
+
+[187] Letters of Innocent (Migne, _Patrologiæ Cursus Completus_,
+Vols. 214–217); Lib. VII., 186; Lib. VIII., 50, 121; Lib. X., 61,
+190; _Corpus Juris Canonici_ (Leipzig, 1839), II., 747–8; Graetz,
+_Geschichte der Juden_, VII., 7, 8; Depping, _Les Juifs dans le
+Moyen Age_, 183; Hahn, _Geschichte der Ketzer_, III., 6, 7; Hurter,
+_Geschichte Papst Innocenz des Dritten_, II., 234; Güdemann,
+_Geschichte des Erziehungswesens, u.s.w._, I., 37; Rule, _History of
+the Inquisition_, I. 10, 17.
+
+[188] Graetz, _Geschichte der Juden_, VII., 27.
+
+[189] _Revue des Etudes Juives_, I. 247, 293; II. 248; III. 39; Noel
+Valois, _Guillaume d’Auvergne_, pp. 118, 137.
+
+[190] _Histoire Littéraire de la France_, XXVII., 562–3; Graetz,
+_Geschichte_, VII., 131, 135.
+
+[191] Graetz, _Geschichte der Juden_, VII., 135; J. Jacobs, _Inquiry
+into the Sources of the History of the Jews in Spain_, xviii., 18.
+
+[192] _Scriptores Ordinis Prædicatorum_ (Quétif and Echard), I., 246,
+396, 398, 594.
+
+[193] Thomas Aquinas, _Summa Theologiæ_, Secunda Secundæ, Quæstio X.
+
+[194] Baronius, _Annales Ecclesiastici_ (ed. Theiner), XIII., 87.
+
+[195] _Revue des Etudes Juives_, VI. 81; VII. 94.
+
+[196] Mansi, _Concilia_, XXIII., 1174–6; Martène, _Thesaurus_, IV., 769.
+
+[197] Depping, 198; Hahn, _Geschichte der Ketzer_, III., 13; Rule,
+_History of the Inquisition_, 27, 80, 81, 91, 332, 335–6.
+
+[198] _Supra_, p. 53.
+
+[199] _Supra_, pp. 12, 13, 19.
+
+[200] Wilkins, _Magnæ Britanniæ Concilia_, I., 591; Tovey, _Anglia
+Judaica_, 83; Rye, _History of Norfolk_, 87.
+
+[201] Wilkins, _Magnæ Britanniæ Concilia_, I., 657, 693, 719; _Letters
+of Bishop Grosseteste_ (Rolls Series), 318.
+
+[202] Matthew Paris, _Chronica Majora_, III., 262.
+
+[203] Tovey, _Anglia Judaica_, 148.
+
+[204] Rymer, _Fœdera_, I., 743.
+
+[205] Tout, _Edward I._, pp. 69, 149.
+
+[206] John of Peckham, _Registrum Epistolarum_ (Rolls Series), I., 239;
+II., 407; III., 937; Wilkins, _Magnæ Britanniæ Concilia_, II., 88–9;
+Prynne, _Second Demurrer_, 121–2.
+
+[207] _Household Roll of Bishop Swinfield_ (Camden Society), pp. c., ci.
+
+[208] Graetz, _Geschichte der Juden_, VII., note 11. _Florence of
+Worcester_ (English Historical Society), II., 214.
+
+[209] Tovey, _Anglia Judaica_, 168.
+
+[210] _Forty-ninth Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records_,
+p. 187.
+
+[211] _Forty-seventh Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public
+Records_, p. 306.
+
+[212] _Dictionary of Political Economy_, Article, “Jews (House for
+Converted).”
+
+[213] Tovey, _Anglia Judaica_, 208.
+
+[214] _Forty-ninth Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records_,
+p. 95; Rymer, I., 576; Madox, _Exchequer_, I., 259.
+
+[215] Tovey, p. 208.
+
+[216] Baronius, _Annales Ecclesiastici_ (ed. Theiner), XIII., 10, 11.
+
+[217] _Revue des Etudes Juives_, I., 298.
+
+[218] Rymer, I., 560–1.
+
+[219] Edward left England in May, 1286. _Florence of Worcester_
+(English Historical Society), II., 236.
+
+[220] _Willelmi Rishanger Chronica et Annales_ (Rolls Series), 116;
+_Flores Historiarum_ (Rolls Series), III., 70–71.
+
+[221] _Forty-second Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records_,
+593; _Forty-fourth Report_, 109, 295; _Forty-fifth Report_, 72, 163;
+_Forty-ninth Report_, 81; _Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292_,
+62, 193; _Archæologia_, VI., 339; Madox, _History of the Exchequer_, I.
+225 _w_; 230 _b_; 231 _l_; John of Peckham, _Registrum Epistolarum_,
+II. 619; III., 937; Rogers, _Oxford City Documents_ (Oxford Historical
+Society), 208, 219; Tovey, _Anglia Judaica_, 200.
+
+[222] Graetz, _Geschichte der Juden_ (Second Edition), VII., note 11.
+
+[223] _Chronicles of Edward I. and Edward II._ (Rolls Series), I., 97;
+_The Chronicle of Pierre de Langtoft_ (Rolls Series), II., 185–6.
+
+[224] Tovey, _Anglia Judaica_, 240.
+
+[225] _Bartholomæi de Cotton, Historia Anglicana_ (Rolls Series), p.
+178.
+
+[226] Tovey, _Anglia Judaica_, 240–2.
+
+[227] _Ib._ 241; _Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292_, 378,
+381, 382.
+
+[228] _Calendar of Patent Rolls_, 379.
+
+[229] _Ib._ 384.
+
+[230] _Ib._ 232.
+
+[231] Walter of Hemingburgh, _Chronicon_ (English Historical Society),
+I., 21, 22; Bartholomæus Cotton, _Historia Anglicana_ (Rolls Series),
+178; _Annales Monastici_, III., 362, IV., 327.
+
+[232] _Opus Chronicorum_ in _Chronicles of S. Albans, J. de Trokelowe,
+etc., Annales_ (Rolls Series), 57.
+
+[233] Laurière, _Ordonnances des Rois de la France_, I., 317.
+
+[234] _Fortieth Report of Deputy-Keeper of Public Records_, p. 474.
+
+[235] _Revue des Etudes Juives_, Vol. I., pp. 66, 67, 69.
+
+[236] Graetz, VII., 267.
+
+[237] _Ibid._, 155.
+
+[238] Langtoft, II., 189; Hemingburgh, II., 21; Madox, _Exch._, I., 261.
+
+[239] Johnson, _Customs of Hereford_, p. 100; Madox, _Firma Burgi_,
+12, 19, 23. I am not at all confident of the accuracy of Mr. Johnson’s
+statement, on which the latter half of this sentence is founded.
+Certainly some of the houses of the Jews of Hereford, Winchester, and
+Ipswich, were granted away by the king (_Lansdowne MSS._, British
+Museum, Vol. 826, part 5, Transcript 4), _Rotuli Originalium_ (Record
+Commission), I., 73_b_–76_a_.
+
+[240] _Papers Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition_, p. 230.
+
+[241] _Rotuli Parliamentorum_, I., 346_b_; II., 8_a_, 402_a_; _Statutes
+of Realm, 1 Ed. III._, Stat. 2, § 3.
+
+[242] Tovey, 235; Prynne, _Second Demurrer_, 127; _Papers, Anglo-Jewish
+Historical Exhibition_, 21.
+
+[243] A list, not quite complete, of the houses belonging to the
+expelled Jews is contained in the Manuscript known as _Q. R.
+Miscellanea_: “Jews,” No. 557, 9 and 11 (Public Record Office). A list
+of persons who received from the King grants of Jews’ houses, to hold
+at a nominal rental, is printed in _Rotulorum Originalium Abbreviatio_
+(Record Commission) pp. 73a-76b, and the deeds of gift are copied in
+full in _Lansdowne MSS._ (British Museum) Vol. 826, Part 5, Transcript
+4. Nearly all the houses mentioned in _Q. R. Miscellanea_ are granted
+away by deeds included in the _Rotuli Originalium_ and the Lansdowne
+Transcript.
+
+[244] Madox, _Exch._ I. 2, 248_h_, 258_i_, etc.; Tovey, 207; Prynne,
+_2nd Demurrer_, 59, 76; Rymer, _Fœdera_, 523, 598.
+
+[245] _Chronica Monasterii de Melsa_ (Rolls Series), II., 251–2.
+_Annales Monastici_, III., 362; W. de Hemingburgh, _Chronicon_ (English
+Historical Society) II., 22.
+
+[246] Parliament was summoned for July 15th; see Parliamentary Paper
+69, of 1878 (H. of C.) “Parliaments of England.” The writs ordering the
+Expulsion were issued on July the 18th; see Tovey, 240.
+
+[247] French Chronicler of London, in Riley’s _Chronicles of Old
+London_, 242.
+
+[248] _Annales Monastici_, II., 409.
+
+[249] _Ib._, III., 361.
+
+[250] W. de Hemingburgh, II., 20.
+
+[251] _Chronicles of Edward I. and Edward II._ (Rolls Series) Vol. I.
+99 (“Omnes Judæi ... _concedente_ Rege Edwardo ... exulantur”).
+
+[252] _The Chronicle of Pierre Langtoft_ (Rolls Series), II., 187–89.
+
+[253] Cum ... concesserimus Karissimæ matri nostrae Aleanorae Reginae
+Angliae quod nullus Judaeus habitet vel moretur in quibuscunque villis
+quas ipsa mater nostra habet in dotem.... _Papers of the Anglo-Jewish
+Historical Exhibition_, pp. 187–8. _Forty-fourth Report of the Deputy
+Keeper of the Public Records_, p. 6. Graetz, _Geschichte der Juden_
+(Second edition), VII., note 11.
+
+[254] Compare the treatment of the Flemings, who settled as weavers
+in different towns of England soon after the Conquest, but had to
+retreat to one district in Wales, where they lived under special royal
+protection. Cunningham, _The Growth of English Industry and Commerce_,
+176; and see Gross, _Gild Merchant_, II., 155–6.
+
+[255] Jacobs, 14.
+
+[256] _Ibid._, 107.
+
+[257] _Historia Anglorum_, III., 76.
+
+[258] _Ibid._, III., 103.
+
+[259] _Chronicles of Edward I. and Edward II._ (Rolls Series),
+_Commendatio Lamentabilis_, II., 14.
+
+[260] M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_, V., 114; _Annales Monastici_, IV.,
+503; _Gesta Abbatum Monasterii, S. Albani_ (Rolls Series), I., 471.
+
+[261] _Annales Monastici_, IV., 91; _Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany_,
+I., 331; _Forty-fourth Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public
+Records_, 188; _De Antiquis Legibus_, Camden Soc., 50; Tovey, 156;
+Prynne, _Second Demurrer_, 118.
+
+[262] Jacobs, 26.
+
+[263] W. Rishanger, _Chronica et Annales_ (Rolls Series), p. 4.
+
+[264] M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_, IV. 30, 31.
+
+[265] Hahn, _Geschichte der Ketzer_, III., 35, n. 2.
+
+[266] M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_, V. 517; _Annales Monastici_, I. 345.
+
+[267] _Revue des Etudes Juives_, XVIII., 258; _East Anglian_, V. 10;
+Jacobs, 88–9.
+
+[268] Perrens, _Histoire de Florence_, III., 220–1, 226. Gregorovius,
+_Gesch. der Stadt Rom._, V., 308.
+
+[269] Thomas Aquinas, _Opusculum_, XXI.
+
+[270] Güdemann, _Gesch. des Erziehungswesens_, etc., II., 287.
+
+[271] Güdemann, II., 71; _Hist. Litt. de la France_, XXVII., 520.
+
+[272] Graetz, VII., 97.
+
+[273] _Ib._, 125–7.
+
+[274] _Royal Letters_ (Rolls Series), II., 46; Madox, I., 257 _g_;
+Rymer, _Fœdera_, I., 356.
+
+[275] Jacobs, 269.
+
+[276] JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW, IV., 12, 551; _Hist. Litt. de la
+France_, 27, 485, 650, _sq._
+
+[277] _Hist. Litt. de France_, XXVII., 27, 650, _sq._
+
+[278] _Hist. Litt._, 435, 441, 462, 484, 487, 507, _sq._; JEWISH
+QUARTERLY REVIEW, IV., 25.
+
+[279] Jacobs, 286.
+
+[280] _Archæological Journal_, XXVIII., 180.
+
+[281] Cf. L. Zunz, _Die Synagogale Poesie des Mittelalters_, Berlin,
+1856.
+
+[282] Graetz, VII., 6.
+
+[283] _Ibid._, VI.
+
+[284] VII., 138; VII., 307–8; VII., 188–9.
+
+[285] Benjamin of Tudela, trans. Asher, I., 163.
+
+[286] See the Tables in Thorold Rogers’ _History of Agriculture and
+Prices_ Vols. I. and II.
+
+[287] Peruzzi, _Storia del Commercio e dei Banchieri de Firenze_, 175.
+
+[288] Papers, _Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition_, p. 211.
+
+[289] _Rotuli Parliamentorum_, II., 332–350.
+
+[290] Graetz, VII., 101.
+
+[291] J. de Trokelowe, etc., _Chronica et Annales_ (Rolls Series), 58;
+Ruding, _Annals of the Coinage_ (Third Edition), I., 198–202.
+
+[292] M. Paris, _Chronica Majora_, V., 441, 487.
+
+[293] Graetz, VII., 264–7; Depping, 228–9.
+
+[294] Graetz, VII., 181–8, 252.
+
+[295] _Ibid._, 163–4, 318–20, 363.
+
+
+
+
+                           Transcriber’s Note
+
+
+Some inconsistencies in spelling, hyphenation, and punctuation have
+been retained. Obvious punctuation misprints were silently corrected.
+
+This file uses _underscores_ to indicate italic text. Small capitals
+changed to all capitals.
+
+Changed “Révue” in “Révue des Etudes Juives” to “Revue” (footnotes 189,
+217, 267).
+
+p. 27: changed “Newneton” to “Newnton” (The Church of Newnton could not
+afford clergymen)
+
+p. 36 n. 4: (footnote 106 in this file) changed “Italicae” to “Italicæ”
+(Muratori, Antiquitates Italicæ Medii Aevi, I. 889.)
+
+p. 47: changed “no” to “not” (where there did not exist a chest)
+
+p. 55 n. 1: (footnote 187 in this file) changed “der” to “des”
+(Geschichte Papst Innocenz des Dritten)
+
+p. 72: changed “Statue” to “Statute” (conditions imposed by the Statute
+of 1275)
+
+p. 76: added comma in “The king took it for great shame, That” to align
+with reference material from attached footnote. It comes from verse.
+Verified with source material located on archive.org.
+
+p. 77: changed “Bradiers” to “Braziers” (Braziers and hosiers, bakers
+and shoemakers)
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78599 ***