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diff --git a/78474-h/78474-h.htm b/78474-h/78474-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9937c93 --- /dev/null +++ b/78474-h/78474-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,10958 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html> +<html lang="en"> +<head> + <meta charset="UTF-8"> + <title> + The Free Man’s Library | Project Gutenberg + </title> + <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover"> + <style> + +body { + margin-left: 20%; + margin-right: 20%; +} + + h1,h2,h3 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; +} + +h1 {font-weight: normal; + font-size: 200%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 0.5em; + word-spacing: 0.3em; + } + +h2 {font-weight: normal; + font-size: 130%; + margin-top: 2em; + word-spacing: 0.3em; + } + +p { + margin-top: .51em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .49em; +} + +.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} +.p4 {margin-top: 4em;} + +hr { + width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: 33.5%; + margin-right: 33.5%; + clear: both; +} + +hr.full {width: 95%; margin-left: 2.5%; margin-right: 2.5%;} + +div.chapter {page-break-before: always;} +h2.nobreak {page-break-before: avoid;} + + +table { + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; +} + +.tdl {text-align: left;} +.tdr {text-align: right;} +.tdlp {text-align: left; + padding-left: 2em;} + +.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: small; + text-align: right; + font-style: normal; + font-weight: normal; + font-variant: normal; + text-indent: 0; +} /* page numbers */ + + +.blockquot { + margin-left: 5%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + +.up {font-size: 150%;} +.xlarge {font-size: 140%;} +.large {font-size: 120%;} +.less {font-size: 90%;} +.more {font-size: 80%;} + +.c {text-align: center;} + +.sp {word-spacing: 0.3em;} + +.pad {padding-left: 12em;} + +.gtb +{ + letter-spacing: 2em; + font-size: 155%; + text-align: center; + margin-right: -2em; + font-weight: bold; +} + + +.center {text-align: center;} + +.right {text-align: right;} + +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + +.allsmcap {font-variant: small-caps; text-transform: lowercase;} + +/* Images */ + +img { + max-width: 100%; + height: auto; +} +img.w100 {width: 100%;} + + +.figcenter { + margin: auto; + text-align: center; + page-break-inside: avoid; + max-width: 100%; +} + +.figcenter1 { + padding-top: 3em; + margin: auto; + text-align: center; + page-break-inside: avoid; + max-width: 100%; +} + + +/* Footnotes */ +.footnotes {border: 1px dashed;} + +.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + +.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 75%; text-align: right;} + +.fnanchor { + vertical-align: super; + font-size: .8em; + text-decoration: + none; +} + +/* Poetry */ +.poetry-container {display: flex; justify-content: center;} +.poetry-container {text-align: center;} +.poetry {text-align: left; margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%; font-size:90%;} +.poetry .stanza {margin: 1em auto;} +.poetry .verse {text-indent: -3em; padding-left: 3em;} + +/* Transcriber's notes */ +.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; + color: black; + font-size:small; + padding:0.5em; + margin-bottom:5em; + margin-top:3em; + font-family:sans-serif, serif; + border: .3em double gray; + padding: 1em; +} +.poetry .indent0 {text-indent: -3em;} +.poetry .indent2 {text-indent: -2em;} + + </style> +</head> + +<body> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78474 ***</div> + + +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="cover"> +</div> + + +<h1> +THE FREE MAN’S LIBRARY</h1> + +<p class="c large sp">A Descriptive and Critical Bibliography</p> + +<p class="c large p2"><i>by</i></p> + +<p class="c xlarge sp"> +HENRY HAZLITT</p> + +<div class="figcenter1"> +<img src="images/fig1.jpg" alt="decoration"> +</div> + + +<p class="c sp p4 up">D. VAN NOSTRAND COMPANY, INC.</p> + +<p class="c large sp">PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY</p> + +<p class="c large sp">TORONTO <span class="pad">LONDON</span><br> +NEW YORK +</p> +<hr class="full"> + + +<div class="chapter"> +<p class="center"> +D. VAN NOSTRAND COMPANY, INC.<br> +<br> +120 Alexander St., Princeton, New Jersey<br> +257 Fourth Avenue, New York 10, New York<br> +25 Hollinger Rd., Toronto 16, Canada<br> +Macmillan & Co., Ltd., St. Martin’s St., London, W.C. 2, England<br> +<br> +<i>All correspondence should be addressed to the<br> +principal office of the company at Princeton, N. J.</i><br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +<span class="less"> +Copyright, ©, 1956 by<br> +D. VAN NOSTRAND COMPANY, <span class="smcap">Inc.</span><br> +<br> + + +Published simultaneously in Canada by<br> +<span class="smcap">D. Van Nostrand Company</span> (Canada), <span class="smcap">Ltd.</span><br> +<br> + +<i>All Rights Reserved</i><br> +<i>This book, or any parts thereof, may not be<br> +reproduced in any form without written permission<br> +from the author and the publishers.</i></span><br> +<br> + +<span class="more"> +Library of Congress Catalogue Card No.: 56-9010<br> + +<br> +PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA</span><br> +</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="full"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p class="c xlarge">CONTENTS</p> +</div> + +<table class="large"> + +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Introduction</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#c1">1</a></td></tr> + +<tr> + <td class="tdlp">Acknowledgments</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#c2">18</a></td></tr> + +<tr> + <td class="tdlp">Arrangement and Abbreviations</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#c3">19</a></td></tr> + +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Individualism in Politics and Economics</span>     </td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#c4">21</a></td></tr> + +<tr> + <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Free Man’s Library</span></td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#c5">33</a></td></tr> + +</table> + +<hr class="full"> + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p>Freedom of men under government is to have a standing +rule to live by, common to every one of that society, and made +by the legislative power vested in it; a liberty to follow my +own will in all things, when the rule prescribes not, and not +to be subject to the inconstant, uncertain, unknown, arbitrary +will of another man.</p> + +<p class="right">—<span class="smcap large">John Locke</span></p> + +<p>It is seldom that liberty of any kind is lost all at once.</p> + +<p class="right">—<span class="smcap large">David Hume</span></p> + +<p>The common people of England ... so jealous of their +liberty, but like the common people of most other countries +never rightly understanding wherein it consists....</p> + +<p class="right">—<span class="smcap large">Adam Smith</span></p> + +<p>The people never give up their liberties but under some +delusion.</p> + +<p class="right">—<span class="smcap large">Edmund Burke</span></p> + +<p>The worth of a State, in the long run, is the worth of the +individuals composing it.... A State which dwarfs its men, +in order that they may be more docile instruments in its +hands even for beneficial purposes, will find that with small +men no great thing can really be accomplished; and that the +perfection of machinery to which it has sacrificed everything +will in the end avail it nothing, for want of the vital power +which, in order that the machine might work more smoothly, +it has preferred to banish.</p> + +<p class="right">—<span class="smcap large">John Stuart Mill</span></p> +</div> +<hr class="full"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="c1">INTRODUCTION</h2> +</div> + + +<p>This book is a descriptive and critical bibliography of works +on the philosophy of individualism. I have applied the term +“individualism” in a broad sense. The bibliography includes +books which explain the processes and advantages of free +trade, free enterprise and free markets; which recognize the +evils of excessive state power; and which champion the cause +of individual freedom of worship, speech and thought.</p> + +<p>Such a compilation seemed to me to be increasingly urgent +because so few writers and speakers on public questions today +reveal any idea of the wealth, depth and breadth of the literature +of freedom. What threatens us today is not merely the +outright totalitarian philosophies of fascism and communism, +but the increasing drift of thought in the totalitarian direction. +Many people today who complacently think of themselves +as “middle-of-the-roaders” have no conception of the +extent to which they have already taken over statist, socialist, +and collectivist assumptions—assumptions which, if logically +followed out, must inevitably carry us further and further +down the totalitarian road.</p> + +<p>One of the crowning ironies of the present era, in fact, is +that it is precisely, especially in America, the people who flatteringly +refer to themselves as “liberals” who have forgotten or +repudiated the essence of the true liberal tradition. The typical +butts of their ridicule are such writers as Adam Smith, +Bastiat, Cobden (“the Manchester School”), and Herbert +Spencer. Whatever errors any of these writers may have been +guilty of individually, they were among the chief architects +of true liberalism. Yet our modern “progressives” now +refer to this whole philosophy contemptuously as “<i>laissez +faire</i>.” They present a grotesque caricature of it in order to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</span> +refute it to their own satisfaction, and then go on to advocate +more and more governmental power, more centralization of +government in Washington, fewer and fewer powers for the +States or localities, more and more power for the President, +more and more discretionary power for an appointed bureaucracy, +and less and less power for Congress, which is usually +ridiculed by our self-styled “liberals” and given to understand +that its sole function is to “support the President”—in other +words, to act as a rubber stamp. And none of this group seem +to recognize that they differ from the totalitarians only in that +the totalitarians want <i>unlimited</i> government power, <i>complete</i> +centralization, unlimited power in the President or “Leader,” +and no legislature at all except as window-dressing, or as +sycophants to proclaim the greatness of the Leader.</p> + +<p>This present-day reversal of the traditional vocabulary in +itself sets up great obstacles to the compilation of a bibliography +of freedom. But these difficulties and obstacles go +much further, of course, than those created by a reversal in +the popular meaning of the word “liberalism.” “Oh, Liberty!” +Madame Roland is said to have exclaimed as she passed +a statue to that goddess on her way to the guillotine, “what +crimes are committed in thy name!” Looking at the world +today, we are tempted to stress the intellectual crimes committed +in the name of liberty as much as the moral crimes. +Never were men more ardent in defense of “liberty” than +they are today; but never were there more diverse concepts +of what constitutes true liberty. Many of today’s writers who +are most eloquent in their arguments for liberty in fact preach +philosophies that would destroy it. It seems to be typical of +the books of our intelligentsia to praise one kind of liberty +incessantly while disparaging or ridiculing another kind. The +liberty that they so rightly praise is the liberty of thought and +expression. But the liberty that they so foolishly denounce is +economic liberty. They dismiss this contemptuously as “<i>laissez +faire</i>”—a phrase, as I have already pointed out, which they +almost always use in a merely invidious rather than in any +seriously descriptive sense. In fact, no literature is more +soaked in semantics than that concerning freedom. “Freedom”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</span> +and “liberty” are the honorific terms for the liberties +that the particular writer is defending; “<i>laissez faire</i>” or +“license” are the disparaging terms for the liberties he is +decrying.</p> + +<p>Unfortunately the authors who have fallen into this practice +include some of the finest minds of our generation. (I +think particularly of Bertrand Russell and the late Morris +Cohen.) Such writers seem to me to be at least in part reflecting +an occupational bias. Being writers and thinkers, they +are acutely aware of the importance of liberty of writing and +thinking. But they seem to attach scant value to economic +liberty because they think of it not as applying to themselves +but to businessmen. Such a judgment may be uncharitable; +but it is certainly fair to say that they misprize economic liberty +because, in spite of their brilliance in some directions, +they lack the knowledge or understanding to recognize that +when economic liberties are abridged or destroyed all other +liberties are abridged or destroyed with them. “Power over a +man’s subsistence,” as Alexander Hamilton reminded us, “is +power over his will.” And if we wish a more modern authority, +we can quote no less a one than Leon Trotsky, the +colleague of Lenin, who in 1937, in a moment of candor, +pointed out clearly that: “In a country where the sole employer +is the State, opposition means death by slow starvation: +The old principle: who does not work shall not eat, has been +replaced by a new one: who does not obey shall not eat.”</p> + +<p>Liberty is a whole, and to deny economic liberty is finally +to destroy all liberty. Socialism is irreconcilable with freedom. +This is the lesson that most of our modern philosophers and +littérateurs have yet to learn.</p> + +<p>I write all this to explain why certain books which some +readers might expect to find in this compilation will not be +found here. They may say some eloquent and even true +things about liberty; but their net influence is not on the side +of liberty. The test I have tried to apply here is whether any +book, regardless of the reservations I may personally have on +the position it takes on this issue or that, is still <i>on net balance</i> +on the side of true liberty.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</span></p> + +<p>I have long contemplated a compilation like the present +one. But I kept postponing the task because it seemed too +formidable. My hesitation was broken at last when a friend +informed me of the existence of a 95-page pamphlet published +by the Individualist Book Shop of London in 1927, which +might be the kind of bibliography I had in mind. I immediately +sent to London for this book, and quite as promptly received +a copy from Miss Marjorie Franklin, General Secretary +of The Society for Individual Freedom. Miss Franklin warned +me, however, that not only had the pamphlet been long out +of print, but that I was getting a “precious file copy.”</p> + +<p>I read this pamphlet with satisfaction and delight. If it +could not be republished simply as it stood, it was at least the +ideal nucleus to build around. It was both scholarly and +penetrating; its standards of selection were at once discriminating +and catholic; its judgments were sound, and it was +written with charm.</p> + +<p>The pamphlet was anonymous; but I learned by inquiry +that it had been prepared by Professor W. H. Hutt, the British +economist, now Dean of the Faculty of Commerce at the +University of Cape Town, South Africa. Professor Hutt informed +me in correspondence, however, that while he was +responsible for the greater part of the pamphlet he “did everything +in collaboration with” the late Francis W. Hirst, the +well-known British Liberal and former editor of <i>The London +Economist</i>, “and if there is any acknowledgment in the preface, +his name should be mentioned as well as mine.”</p> + +<p>This compilation and discussion for the Individualist Bookshop +had only one major defect: it was more than a quarter of +a century old. But this defect, it seemed to me at first, could +very easily be remedied. It would simply be necessary to drop +one or two score of its 166 entries (because they were books +now obsolete or superseded), to shorten the comments on +some of the rest, and to add a score or two of entries to cover +the important libertarian books that had been published in +the nearly thirty years since 1927.</p> + +<p>The work of elimination proved no more difficult than I +had supposed. But the work of addition took on a far different<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</span> +aspect. I was surprised to find, for example, that even some of +the classics of freedom and individualism—the relevant works, +say, of Milton, Montesquieu, Burke, de Tocqueville and +Lord Acton—had been omitted. These gaps were of course +easily filled. Much more formidable was the task of selecting +from the mass of books published since 1927.</p> + +<p class="gtb">******</p> + +<p>This raised many problems. I will expand on only one by +way of illustration. This was the problem of whether to include +or exclude the more important works that have appeared +in the last quarter-century denouncing the immorality +or warning against the internal or external perils of communism. +The Hutt pamphlet had been mainly devoted to +books expounding the positive philosophy of freedom and individualism. +Yet it had freely listed the books primarily critical +of socialism. On the same principle there was every reason +for including the books critical of communism. The two +terms were used by Karl Marx, in fact, interchangeably. The +Russian Communists still call their domain the Union of +Soviet <i>Socialist</i> Republics. Communism is not merely the logical +and inevitable end-product of socialism; it is also another +name for a socialism that is really complete. We must +subscribe, in short, to the definition of Bernard Shaw that “A +communist is nothing but a socialist with the courage of his +convictions.”</p> + +<p>Yet the decision to add the leading anti-communist books +not only swelled the dimensions of this bibliography, but presented +a problem of another kind. The authors who attack +socialism have generally based their criticism on the explicit +premises of a free, competitive, private enterprise. But probably +a good half of the books of the last quarter-century which +attack communism do so on the basis of socialist assumptions. +They attack Russian communism as a “betrayal” of true socialism. +(The works of Arthur Koestler are an outstanding +example.) They attack even Stalinism as a betrayal of “true +Leninism.” In fact, most of the best known anti-communist +books, including some that are admirable in other respects, +attack the end-product without seeming to realize that it is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</span> +socialist ideals that inevitably create this end-product. The +authors of these books attack the despotism in Russia, for +example, without recognizing that you cannot carry out the +centralized economic planning of socialism without despotism. +They attack the communist suppression of freedom of +speech and thought without recognizing that once you give +government complete power over jobs and employment—the +power to promote or demote, to hire or fire, to say, in short, +whether a man is to live or starve—you at the same time give +government complete power to control or suppress speech and +thought. They fail to recognize that in prescribing the means +they are prescribing the end. They fail to recognize that the +immorality and the intellectual and spiritual suppression that +they denounce flow inevitably out of the centralized economic +planning and governmental omnipotence that they applaud.</p> + +<p>Yet some anti-communist books of disillusioned communists +who are still socialists or planners are among the most eloquent +and powerful denunciations that have yet been written +on the end-products of communism. I have therefore decided +to include them, often accompanied by a warning against acceptance +of their premises.</p> + +<p>This decision to include anti-communist volumes, as I +have indicated, created as many problems as it solved. It substantially +increased the length of this book. I soon found that +by adding one book after another to my list I had raised the +number of entries from 166 in the original Hutt bibliography, +notwithstanding my numerous omissions from it, to a +new total of more than 550.</p> + +<p>As a result of these inclusions other decisions were forced +upon me. My original purpose had been to offer my own +judgments of all the works included, except when I was satisfied +with those given in the Hutt pamphlet. But as my ideas +expanded concerning the volumes that ought to be included +I was forced by sheer growth of number to fall back in many +cases, as the reader will see, on the judgments of others. This +decision was forced for a double reason. It was as impracticable +as it would have been supererogatory to read through +from cover to cover each of the 400 or so additional volumes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</span> +listed in order to write a half-dozen lines about it. I found, in +addition, that even where I had read a substantial part of a +book, or even where I had read it through—but years ago—my +present memory did not leave me with sufficient confidence +in my own judgment of it. In these cases I have fallen +back upon critics whose judgments seem to me to deserve confidence, +or writers who have spoken with special authority or +justness on the book in question. In some cases I have also +added such judgments in the hope of reinforcing my own.</p> + +<p>By following this eclectic procedure I have of course lost +whatever advantages might have accrued in the following +compilation from a completely uniform style and uniform +standard of judgment. But such a disadvantage, it seems to +me, is more than compensated by greater comprehensiveness +than I could otherwise have achieved. And I early decided +that the application of a uniform standard was in any case +next to impossible. The reader will find in the following compilation +books of very different “weights.” He will find the +works of Locke and Adam Smith and Mill cheek by jowl with +modern books just out last year. He will find the works of the +great pioneers and trail blazers next to popularizations written +mainly for beginners. I do not know how this kind of heterogeneous +mixture can be avoided if this book is to fulfill the +functions for which it is designed. For it is designed to guide +the reader not merely to the great classics on liberty and individualism, +but to introductory works.</p> + +<p>A further word should be said here regarding the standards +I have applied in deciding whether or not a given work +should be included in this compilation. I already see myself +being buttonholed occasionally by some angry reader who +asks: “Why on earth did you include Pumpernickel’s book +in your bibliography? Don’t you know that on page 155 he +writes this outrageous sentence—?” And then my questioner +will probably quote or misquote some pronouncement that I +do not at all feel like defending. In an effort to answer as +many as possible of such objections in advance, I should like +to say here that the inclusion of a book in this bibliography +certainly does not imply that I myself subscribe to every doctrine<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</span> +or sentence in that book or that I think every opinion it +enunciates is an essential part of the libertarian or individualist +tradition. What inclusion does imply is that in my judgment +the book, to repeat what I have said earlier, makes <i>on +net balance</i> a factual or theoretical contribution to the philosophy +of individualism, and that at least some readers may +derive from it a fuller understanding of that philosophy.</p> + +<p>The inclusion of any book in this list, in brief, implies recommendation. +Therefore, with few exceptions, I have confined +myself to making or quoting comments which emphasize +the merits of a book rather than its defects. A primer, for +example, may ably serve its modest purpose without necessarily +constituting a major contribution to the subject with +which it deals. A book may contain, in parts, collectivist or +confused thinking and still be one from which a student of +liberty could greatly profit. In my comments, therefore, I +have tried to keep reservations, misgivings and objections to a +minimum.</p> + +<p>Nor is the reader to take the amount of space devoted to the +discussion of any book as a necessary measure of my own judgment +regarding its relative merit or importance. A classic may +be so well known, and there may be so many sources from +which a reader can learn about it, that a few lines of comment +may be sufficient for the purpose of this bibliography. +Another work, less meritorious and less important, may yet +rightly, for some special reason, call for longer comment. But +I cannot do better here than to quote with approval a footnote +in the Hutt bibliography on the lengthy entries under +the name of Auberon Herbert: “It may seem incongruous to +give far more space to Auberon Herbert than to Locke or +Bentham. But the object of making this list is to put information +before the student, and, if important matter is neglected +or inaccessible, it needs more space than is required by works +known, by name at least, to ‘every schoolboy.’”</p> + +<p>With some reluctance, however, I have made it a general +rule to exclude pamphlets from my list, notwithstanding the +many admirable ones that have appeared in recent years. I +have done this not only because their inclusion would have<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</span> +swollen this bibliography far beyond useful dimensions, but +because it is usually so difficult for readers to obtain pamphlets, +particularly after they have been allowed to fall out of +print, that their inclusion might too often merely arouse a +curiosity could not be satisfied. I must add, in fact, that in +spite of my <i>general</i> rule against including pamphlets, I have +felt simply compelled to make a few exceptions because of +their outstanding importance.</p> + +<p>This points to one of the insoluble problems of the bibliographer +in dealing with practically any great subject. He finds +it next to impossible to draw sharp boundaries, to be completely +consistent, to defend confidently his every inclusion or +omission. If he tries to make his list “complete,” his task becomes +a labor of Sisyphus; and even if he were to succeed, his +list would be unmanageable and useless to most readers. If he +makes his bibliography “selective,” he is inevitably accused of +being arbitrary or capricious in his selections.</p> + +<p class="gtb">******</p> + +<p>I became increasingly conscious of this dilemma as my work +proceeded. I am aware that for a great number of readers the +more than 550 entries here may seem more bewildering than +helpful. The device of marking with an asterisk those books +“specially recommended” would, I fear, have created more +problems than it solved. Therefore, for the sake of those who +would appreciate the guidance of a shorter list, I have resorted +to a practice that has become a traditional annual event +with many American book reviewers, and drama and motion +picture critics. I have compiled a list of “the best ten.” This, +of course, adds the limitations of an arbitrary number to the +other arbitrary factors in selection. To make my task just a +little less provocative of indignation, I have in fact compiled +two lists of ten—first, the “ten best” historic classics on liberty +and individualism; and secondly, the “ten best” contemporary +works.</p> + +<p>Here is the list of “classics” in chronological order:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p> +<span class="smcap">John Milton</span>, <i>Areopagetica</i><br> +<span class="smcap">John Locke</span>, <i>Second Treatise on Government</i><br> +<span class="smcap">David Hume</span>, <i>Essays Moral, Political and Literary</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</span><br> +<span class="smcap">Adam Smith</span>, <i>The Wealth of Nations</i><br> +<span class="smcap">Edmund Burke</span>, <i>Works</i><br> +<span class="smcap">Frédéric Bastiat</span>, <i>Economic Sophisms</i><br> +<span class="smcap">Alexis de Tocqueville</span>, <i>Democracy in America</i><br> +<span class="smcap">John Stuart Mill</span>, <i>On Liberty</i><br> +<span class="smcap">Herbert Spencer</span>, <i>The Man vs. the State</i><br> +<span class="smcap">Lord Acton</span>, <i>Essays on Freedom and Power</i><br> +</p></div> + +<p>Here are the “ten best” contemporary works, in alphabetical +order:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p> +<span class="smcap">B. M. Anderson</span>, <i>Economics and the Public Welfare</i><br> +<span class="smcap">F. A. Hayek</span>, <i>The Road to Serfdom</i><br> +<span class="smcap">F. A. Hayek</span>, <i>Individualism and Economic Order</i><br> +<span class="smcap">F. A. Hayek</span> et al., <i>Capitalism and the Historians</i><br> +<span class="smcap">John Jewkes</span>, <i>Ordeal by Planning</i><br> +<span class="smcap">Ludwig von Mises</span>, <i>Socialism: an Analysis</i><br> +<span class="smcap">Ludwig von Mises</span>, <i>Human Action</i><br> +<span class="smcap">George Orwell</span>, <i>Nineteen Eighty-Four</i><br> +<span class="smcap">Lionel Robbins</span>, <i>The Great Depression</i><br> +<span class="smcap">Wilhelm Röpke</span>, <i>The Social Crisis of Our Time</i><br> +</p></div> + +<p>If the reader is tempted to smile at the presumption and +crudity of selecting a list of the “ten best” works in this field, +either classic or contemporary, he may at least be assured that +I smile with him. If he is unhappy about the particular selection +even within the arbitrary number of ten, I may add that +I am a little unhappy about it myself—though perhaps not +for his reasons.</p> + +<p>In restricting the list of classics to ten, I have been forced +to leave out Montesquieu’s <i>Spirit of the Laws</i>, the writings of +Jefferson, the speeches of Cobden, Calhoun’s <i>A Disquisition +on Government</i>, the writings of Jacob Burckhardt, and the +essays of William Graham Sumner—all of which would have +been included had my list been slightly larger, and one or two +of which, no doubt, some readers will think should have been +included in my list of ten at the expense of one or two already +there.</p> + +<p>I am sorry that in the case of Burke I have felt compelled to +list his collected works rather than any particular book or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</span> +speech. This is because his finest aphorisms and most luminous +passages on liberty are scattered throughout his work +and have not been satisfactorily extracted and collected, to my +knowledge, in any single volume. Many of us have been +brought up to believe that, although Burke may have begun +as a liberal (as exemplified in his speech on <i>Conciliation with +America</i>), he ended as a vehement reactionary (as in his <i>Reflections +on the Revolution in France</i>). Yet any open-minded +reader, even though he is opposed to Burke’s main conclusions +on the French Revolution, as William Hazlitt so strongly +was, will agree with the latter that “in arriving at one error +[Burke] discovered a hundred truths.” Therefore, Hazlitt considered +himself “a hundred times more indebted to [Burke] +than if, stumbling on that which I consider as the right side +of the question, he had committed a hundred absurdities in +striving to establish his point.” We, too, I think, must agree, +as Hazlitt did, with the judgment that in political philosophy +Burke “was the most eloquent man of his time; and his wisdom +was greater than his eloquence.”</p> + +<p>Burke in his later years was certainly a conservative; and +the prominent inclusion of his works in a bibliography of +freedom may seem to some readers, accustomed to associate +the case for freedom with the case for “liberalism,” to call for +explanation. But there is no necessary conflict between intelligent +conservatism and real liberalism. On the contrary, at +least in the peculiar climate and conditions of the present age, +they have come to mean nearly the same thing.</p> + +<p>Historically, the liberals fought against government tyranny; +against governmental abridgment of freedom of speech +and action; against governmental restrictions on agriculture, +manufacture, and trade; against constant detailed governmental +regulation, interference and harassment at a hundred +points; against (to use the phrases of the Declaration of Independence) +“a multitude of new offices” and “swarms of officers”; +against concentration of governmental power, particularly +in the person of one man; against government by whim +and favoritism. Historic liberalism called, on the other hand, +for the Rule of Law, and for equality before the law. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</span> +older conservatives opposed many or most of these liberal demands +because they believed in existing governmental interferences +and sweeping governmental powers; or because they +wished to retain their own special privileges and prerogatives; +or simply because they were temperamentally fearful of altering +the status quo, whatever it happened to be.</p> + +<p>Those who flatteringly call themselves “liberals” today, and +to whom confused opponents allow or even assign the name, +are for nearly everything that the old liberals opposed. Most +self-styled present-day “liberals,” particularly in America, are +urging the constant extension of government “planning.” +They constantly press for a greater concentration of governmental +power, whether in the central government at the +expense of the States and localities, or in the hands of a one-man +executive at the expense of any check, limitation, or even +investigation by a legislature. And they look with favor on an +ever-growing bureaucracy, and on the spread of bureaucratic +discretion at the expense of a Rule of Law. Those who oppose +this trend toward a new despotism, on the other hand, and +plead for the preservation of the ancient freedoms of the individual, +are today’s conservatives. The intelligent conservative, +in brief, is today the true defender of liberty.</p> + +<p>This conclusion should not seem too paradoxical. It was +always possible to reconcile intelligent conservatism with real +liberalism. There is no conflict between wishing to conserve +and hold the precious gains that have been achieved in the +past, which is the aim of the true conservative, and wishing to +carry those achievements even further, which is the aim of +the true liberal. Burke not only recognized that these two +aims were compatible; he summed up that compatibility in +one of his memorable aphorisms: “A disposition to preserve +and an ability to improve, taken together, would be my standard +of the statesman.”</p> + +<p>Let us go on, after this long digression, to consider the list +I have put forward of the “ten best” contemporary books on +the philosophy of individualism.</p> + +<p>My contemporary list is even more unsatisfactory to me +than my historic one, especially in what I am forced to exclude.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</span> +My reasons for including each of the twenty books in +the two lists will be found under the entry for that book in +the bibliography that follows. However, I should perhaps say +a word in explanation of the fact that there are three entries +under the name of Professor Hayek. Hayek’s <i>The Road to +Serfdom</i> is the most acute and impressive analysis of the modern +drift to totalitarianism that has been written in our time. +It deserves a place in any contemporary list no matter how +short. His essays collected under the title of <i>Individualism and +Economic Order</i> have been included in the list chiefly because +of the leading essay, <i>Individualism: True and False</i>, +which no open-minded individualist can read without having +his ideas enlarged and clarified; for true individualism certainly +does not consist in mere eccentricity, intransigence, or +contempt for voluntary social cooperation. It is the mistaken +association of these qualities with “individualism” that has +given that philosophy a dubious reputation with many who +would otherwise be won to it. Professor Hayek is not the author +of the third volume, <i>Economics and the Historians</i>; he is +simply the editor and one of the contributors. The selection +of this short book from among some excellent economic histories +is perhaps arbitrary; but it performs, better than any +other work I know of, the negative function of informing the +reader how grossly some of the most celebrated economic historians +of the last half century or more have misrepresented +the meaning of the Industrial Revolution and the growth of +capitalism.</p> + +<p>Those who think my contemporary list unbalanced can +substitute for Hayek’s <i>Individualism and Economic Order</i>, say, +Max Eastman’s <i>Reflections on the Failure of Socialism</i>, or +Walter Lippmann’s <i>The Good Society</i> (at least the first half +of that book).</p> + +<p>To offer an abbreviated list of “best” books is one thing; to +suggest a “reading course” is quite another. It is not always +advisable for the novice to begin with the masterpieces; he +must be educated to the point where he can understand and +appreciate them. But this is a subjective problem in which no +two readers are likely to be in precisely the same position; and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</span> +the ideal reading program should be individually tailored to +fit a particular reader’s requirements. A major purpose of the +present extensive bibliography, in fact, is to act as a guide to +the reader in making his own individual choices. The tyro +will learn more or faster from one set of books, the proficient +from another.</p> + +<p>Bearing in mind these reservations, however, some readers +may still find it helpful if I suggest at least one “introductory +course.” Fortunately this task is not too difficult, because the +finest books of the past and present are usually as distinguished +for lucidity as for wisdom. So even an introductory +course could easily be built exclusively from our two lists of +the “ten best.” An introductory course of five books, for example, +might be this: The reader might begin with (1) a contemporary +book, F. A. Hayek’s <i>The Road to Serfdom</i>. He +might then read in this order: (2) John Stuart Mill’s classic +essay <i>On Liberty</i>; (3) Ludwig von Mises’ <i>Socialism</i>; (4) +Hayek’s essay, <i>Individualism: True and False</i>, or Max Eastman’s +<i>Reflections on the Failure of Socialism</i>; and (5) Ludwig +von Mises’ <i>Human Action</i>.</p> + +<p>The most formidable books on the foregoing list, in length +and difficulty, are the two volumes by von Mises. For readers +to whom this program may seem too arduous or ambitious, +therefore, I suggest this introductory list of only three books, +each short and relatively simple: (1) Hayek’s <i>The Road to +Serfdom</i>; (2) Mill’s <i>Liberty</i>; (3) von Mises’ short collection +of essays, <i>Planning for Freedom</i>.</p> + +<p>The reader should be able to steer his own course from +there on, a process in which I hope this bibliography will still +prove helpful.</p> + +<p class="gtb">******</p> + +<p>The main purpose of this bibliography, to repeat what has +already been said in substance, is to bring to the attention of +the modern reader the most important, useful or available +books in the true liberal tradition—the tradition of free trade, +free enterprise, free markets; of limited and decentralized +government; of freedom of speech, of religion, of the press, +and of assembly; of security of person and private property—the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</span> +tradition, in brief, of the freedom and dignity of the individual.</p> + +<p>Now this tradition, rich and deep and noble as it is, is being +treated by most present-day intellectuals almost as if it had +never existed. When they speak of it, they usually speak +merely of some grotesque caricature in their own minds, +which they contemptuously dismiss as “<i>laissez faire</i>” or “the +Manchester School.” Yet as Friedrich Hayek has pointed out +in <i>The Road to Serfdom</i> (p. 13), what the modern trend to +socialism means “becomes clear if we consider it not merely +against the background of the nineteenth-century, but in a +longer historical perspective. We are rapidly abandoning not +the views merely of Cobden and Bright, of Adam Smith and +Hume, or even of Locke and Milton, but one of the salient +characteristics of Western civilization as it has grown from +the foundations laid by Christianity and the Greeks and Romans. +Not merely nineteenth-and eighteenth-century liberalism, +but the basic individualism inherited by us from Erasmus +and Montaigne, from Cicero and Tacitus, Pericles and Thucydides, +is progressively relinquished.”</p> + +<p>This bibliography, I hope, will help to clarify as well as to +mobilize the case for individualism and true liberalism. It is +designed to strengthen individualists in their knowledge and +convictions, to place in their hands the intellectual weapons +that will help them to combat the totalitarian trend. It is +designed, also, to call attention to the richness of the truly +liberal tradition, to the excellent books and the many noble +minds that have helped to shape it.</p> + +<p>But this compilation would fail of part of its purpose if it +gave readers the impression that the literature of freedom and +individualism is already so rich that it does not need to be +supplemented and expanded. On the contrary, there are deplorable +gaps in this literature, particularly in recent writing. +It would take me too far out of my way to try to call attention +in detail to these gaps. The task, moreover, would be odious. +Frankly, I have occasionally included a book in the following +list because, in spite of serious shortcomings, it happens to be +the only book which covers some special subject from the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</span> +libertarian point of view. But it is my hope that this bibliography +will indirectly call attention to some existing gaps, and +thereby stimulate the writing of better books to fill them.</p> + +<p>It is partly, in fact, in the hope that it may encourage translations +that I have listed a number of books in French and +German that have not yet been made available in English.</p> + +<p>A similar hope may be expressed about pamphlets. There +are many of the first rank, some by the same author, some on +different phases of the same subject, that urgently need to be +brought together and made permanently available in book +form.</p> + +<p class="gtb">******</p> + +<p>As a final word, I must emphasize again my sad discovery +that a bibliographer’s lot is not a happy one. If he is “selective,” +his selections are likely to be called arbitrary, subjective +and capricious. If he seeks to be “comprehensive,” his troubles +multiply beyond counting. In the present case, I have +been constantly troubled by the problem of exactly where to +draw my boundary lines. This is essentially a bibliography on +the philosophy of individual freedom. A few economic classics +and a few contemporary economic analyses and textbooks are +included because they either explicitly or by logical implication +support this philosophy. But other economic volumes, +which considered purely as technical economic analysis are as +good as or perhaps in some respects even better than some of +those included, have been omitted either because most of +their discussion is only remotely relevant to a libertarian philosophy +or may even veer off to support a socialist or statist +philosophy. Yet between the easily classifiable cases there are +any number of borderline cases in which the decision to include +or exclude is very difficult and cannot fail to be in some +respects arbitrary.</p> + +<p>An essential part of the philosophy of individualism, again, +is the doctrine of the Rule of Law. This calls for the inclusion +of some works on jurisprudence. But at exactly what point +does one stop? And so for a score of other fields. The philosophy +of individualism can be reflected in works on jurisprudence, +on administrative law, on politics, on ethics, on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</span> +general economics, on agriculture, on labor relations, on interest +rates, on money and banking policy, and so on. How +much weight should one attach to the technical excellence or +importance of works of this type in their special fields as compared +with that of an individualistic philosophy which may +merely be implied in such works?</p> + +<p>I have found no satisfactory answer to questions of this sort, +no clear-cut pigeonholes that satisfy my bibliographic conscience. +In any case, the process of compiling a critical bibliography +is at best an art and can never be reduced to an +exact science. It is at the mercy of accident and subject to the +limitations of the compiler. I shall not be completely astonished +to find, for example, after this book has been printed +and bound beyond alteration, that I have omitted an entry +or two from sheer oversight. In still other cases, when some +kind lady corners me at a social gathering and asks with a +puzzled expression, “Why did you leave Professor X’s book +out of your list?”, I may have to reply, as the great Samuel +Johnson had the courage to do to a woman who asked him to +account for an error in his dictionary: “Ignorance, madame. +Pure ignorance.”</p> + +<p>Fortunately for readers and writers alike, a book not free +from shortcomings may still perform a useful and necessary +function; and it is in the belief that this volume will prove +helpful not merely to individual readers, but to the great +cause of human liberty itself, that it is put forward.</p> + +<p class="gtb">******</p> + +<p>A word should perhaps be added about the title of this bibliography. +In calling it <i>The Free Man’s Library</i> I do not, of +course, mean to imply that books on the philosophy of individualism, +or in defense of personal liberty, are the only books +that a “free man” should carry on his shelves. The free man +is free to take all human knowledge for his province. His full +library, let us hope, will contain the Bible and Shakespeare, +Homer and Plato, and other well-chosen selections from the +world’s treasuries of drama, fiction, poetry, history, art, philosophy +and science. By <i>The Free Man’s Library</i> I mean to +indicate merely the books that a man may wish to know about,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</span> +to read or have in his home specifically in his role <i>as</i> a free +man—as a man who wants to understand how he may best +restore, preserve, or increase his own freedom and the freedom +of others. In the same way we should expect a bibliography +called “The Physician’s Library” to be confined to the +books that a physician should know about or read in his special +capacity <i>as</i> a physician, and a bibliography called “The +Engineer’s Library” to be confined to the books that a man +should know in his capacity <i>as</i> an engineer. But neither the +physician nor the engineer, let us hope, will be <i>solely</i> a physician +or an engineer, but will have the range of intellectual +interests that we associate with a liberal education and a +broad, humane culture. And the “free man,” we may hope +also, whatever his special calling, will have the same wide +range of intellectual interests, the same broad, humane culture, +for these are among the finest fruits of freedom; and it +is partly because it has these fruits that freedom is so precious.</p> + + +<p class="c large" id="c2"><span class="smcap">Acknowledgments</span></p> + +<p>I have received so much help from writers and friends in +suggesting the consideration of this or that book for inclusion +in my list that I regret to be unable to give individual credit. +I have also used research help in verifying literally thousands +of details—dates of publication, page numbers, spelling of +names, etc. I am especially in debt to my wife for help in so +many directions that it would take too much space to list +them. My most obvious indebtedness is, of course, to the bibliography, +already mentioned, compiled for the Individualist +Book Shop of London. The anonymous introduction to that +list (which I have since found was written by W. H. Hutt) is +so excellent and informative that I have inserted it in full +after this introduction of my own.</p> + +<p>Next to the Hutt bibliography, I owe most to the back files +of the <i>Book Review Digest</i>, sometimes making use of its summary +of the theme or contents of a book, as well as of its quotations +from reviews. I should have made more use of the +multigraphed list of 100 titles compiled by F. A. Harper, of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</span> +the Foundation for Economic Education, if my own list had +not been virtually completed when I saw this compilation.</p> + + +<p class="c large" id="c3"><span class="smcap">Arrangement and Abbreviations</span></p> + +<p>No effort has been made in the following list to give the +price of any book or to indicate whether or not it is still in +print. Prices are often changed; and books going out of print, +or new editions of old books, would soon make the latter information +inaccurate. In nearly all cases, however, I have +given the number of pages in a book. Where more than one +edition exists, the number of pages should of course be understood +to refer merely to that of one of these editions. The +purpose of giving the number of pages is simply that the +reader may have a rough idea of the length of the book. Nothing +is more unhelpful or irritating, I have found, than a bibliography +which does not enable a reader to know whether a +listed title refers to a pamphlet of a dozen pages or a work in +four volumes.</p> + +<p>A short form of their name is used for all well-known publishers, +British as well as American. The city of publication +is not given for any American book unless the publishing +house is small, or relatively new, or not familiar to the book +trade in general. The names of foreign publishers (except +prominent English publishers) are given in full—accompanied, +of course, by the city of publication.</p> + +<p>The year of the original publication of a book is given in +nearly all cases, and sometimes the year of the latest or most +accessible edition. When a date appears immediately after the +title, or <i>preceding</i> the name of any specific publisher, it means +the date of original publication. When a date is given <i>after</i> +the name of a particular publisher, it refers to the volume +printed by that publisher. When two editions are known to +exist, both dates are usually given. Where more than two editions +exist, the word <i>etc.</i> is often inserted after the original +date in lieu of any attempt to list all editions. Wherever the +name of a publisher and a date of publication are enclosed +in a common parenthesis, it means that that particular edition<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</span> +is either the most available or is recommended among numerous +editions. Wherever a book is available in both British +and American editions, usually only the American publisher +is named, even if the book originally appeared in England.</p> + +<p>Wherever, as frequently happens, more than one title is +listed by the same author, the titles are not necessarily listed +in the chronological order of their appearance. Rather the +effort has been made to list and discuss first the work or works +by that author which are most important for the present bibliography, +or which lend themselves most conveniently to +comment on the qualities and contribution of that author. +Occasional inconsistencies will be found in citing the same +author’s name. This usually happens when the author’s name +is not printed in a consistent form on the title pages of his +various works.</p> + +<p>PI at the end of a quoted descriptive comment on a book +indicates that the comment is quoted from <i>The Philosophy +of Individualism: A Bibliography</i>, the out-of-print pamphlet +published in London in 1927 which is referred to earlier in +this introduction. In all other cases where comment is quoted, +the name of the author, periodical, or other source is spelled +out.</p> + +<p>All other abbreviations (such as <i>pp.</i> for <i>pages</i>) are those in +common use.</p> +<hr class="full"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="c4">INDIVIDUALISM IN POLITICS<br> +AND ECONOMICS<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></h2> +</div> + + +<p>The term Individualism was cited by Henry Reeve (of <i>Edinburgh +Review</i> fame) in William IV’s reign as “a novel expression.” John +Stuart Mill is (wrongly) credited with having given it currency +and popularity. Although he discusses the subject at great length +in his <i>Political Economy</i>, he seldom if ever uses the exact term—his +judicious and well-balanced mind was adverse to the manufacture +of labels. He preferred to employ such expressions as “individual +freedom,” “individual property,” “those who have been +called the <i>laissez-faire</i> school,” etc. Even in <i>Liberty</i>, published +much later, which is rightly regarded as a classic of Individualism, +he avoids the term, although he uses (perhaps not more than +once) the word “Individuality” in that sense.</p> + +<p>However, the term is an extremely convenient one to express +the views of those who would confine the functions of the State +and various public authorities to a relatively small province, i.e., +maintaining law and order, the army, the navy and other means +of national defence, the enforcement of contracts, the maintenance +of public services which cannot conveniently be entrusted +to private enterprise, and in general the provision of a fair field +for the play of individual energy. It is opposed to Collectivism, +Socialism, Communism, and the various other means of restricting +liberty, whether these be adopted by public authorities, quasi-private +corporations, private firms, hereditary autocrats, military +dictators, or the like. It should be remembered that in Mill and +many writers of the older generation the terms Socialism and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</span> +Communism are used as equivalents; and it is hardly necessary +to remind any serious student that words, especially general +terms,<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> are very slippery articles, and that many discussions are +barren and lead to complete misunderstanding, because the parties +engaged in them have no clear definition of the terms in their +minds, or, at any rate, are using the terms in a sense different +from that employed by their opponents.</p> + +<p>Modern as the term Individualism may be, the thing itself is +older. Undoubtedly traces of the theory may be found in Latin +and Greek writers; but it is needless to go back further than the +seventeenth century, for three very good reasons:</p> + +<p>1. In the Greek world the City State was supreme—the individual +citizen lived and moved as a member of the State.<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> So +Pericles is made by Thucydides to say: “If a man prospers individually +when his country is destroyed, he is none the less joined +in the general ruin, while he comes through in complete safety +if the State prospers, even though he himself suffers calamities.” +In the Roman Empire citizens had only legal rights. The State +was autocratic.</p> + +<p>2. The medieval theory of politics and economics was feudal +and paternal. To Macaulay’s schoolboy, and even to people less +well informed, this fact is so familiar that the mere statement will +suffice. It is clear that up to 1500 <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> there was little scope for a +theory of Individualism.</p> + +<p>3. The Classical Revival, though it revolutionized a large part +of modern thought, at first did nothing to change the general attitude +toward the State. This was only to be expected, seeing that +the State was supreme in Classical theory.</p> + +<p>At last, in the seventeenth century, came the rise of Individualism, +and this was due to several causes:</p> + +<p>1. The Protestant Reformation brought private judgment into +theology, and the new habit of thought soon extended to other +questions, and, above all, to the problems of individual rights and +the functions of the State.</p> + +<p>2. The wars of Religion which devastated Europe, made men +distrust the principle of authority, which had seemingly led to +those horrors. The wars, having been conducted by Governments,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</span> +helped to undermine confidence in official wisdom, i.e., in governments. +A careful reader of Pope’s poetry will notice that almost +every line is permeated with scorn, not only for the general human +capacity but for “the great” in particular; and nearly all the +leading eighteenth century writers hold similar opinions. Thus +Gray, in contemplative mood, exclaims:</p> + + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">“How low, how little are the proud,</div> + <div class="verse indent2">How indigent the great!”</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +<p>But long before Pope, the Swedish Oxenstiern (1654) had +summed up the whole matter in his renowned saying: “Behold, +my son, with how little wisdom the world is governed.”</p> + +<p>3. The action of despots, benevolent or otherwise, who introduced +innumerable and vexatious regulations to control the business +and daily life of their subjects, caused thoughtful men to +distrust government action. The restrictive policy carried out by +Colbert, under Louis XIV, with a multitude of protective regulations, +provoked a reaction to the <i>laissez faire</i> school of France; +and the French merchants’ cry “<i>let us alone</i>”<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> became the motto +of economic and political reformers. But before this, in the reign +of Charles II., there had come forward the English founder of +Individualism, the master builder in that school of empiric philosophy +which is one of the most characteristic products of England. +This man was John Locke.<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> His name and writings are not +today very familiar to the general reader, because nearly all his +principles were translated into practice by other men, famous in +their day and tolerably well known to posterity, while Locke is +little more than a name, venerated but nowadays seldom read. +And yet he is, directly and indirectly, perhaps the most influential +writer<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> who has appeared in the last two hundred years.</p> + +<p>We are here only concerned with his political philosophy. Its +direct influence in England was immense. The “Glorious Revolution” +of 1688 sprang naturally from his theory of government. +Adam Smith’s doctrine of Natural Liberty and Bentham’s general +theory of Individualism owe much to him. John Stuart Mill +acknowledged him as one of his masters in philosophy. But great<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</span> +as was his direct influence in England, it produced even more +striking effects in France and America. The Declaration of Independence +may be traced largely to the philosophy of Locke, who +(though his constitution for South Carolina was a practical failure) +may also claim to have had a share in the Constitution of the +United States. Adam Smith drew from the physiocrats who drew +from Locke. Tom Paine and the other “Friends of the People” +found in Rousseau a like intermediary.</p> + +<p>The precursors of Revolution in eighteenth century France +owed much to Locke. Voltaire and the Encyclopaedists were all +more or less his disciples. Though Rousseau is also in one sense +a founder of Socialism, his famous and unhistorical Social Contract +was taken from Locke, who borrowed it from Hobbes, converting +it from an argument for an all powerful despot to an +argument for a limited constitutional monarchy, free and tolerant. +Everyone knows the far-famed declarations of Rousseau’s <i>Social +Contract</i> and the Constitution of the United States—that all men +are born free and have a natural right to freedom and security.<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> +But few have read them in Locke’s <i>Of Civil Government</i>, where +they appeared much earlier.</p> + +<p>For Locke and his disciples, including Adam Smith, Thomas +Jefferson, and a long line of British and American statesmen, the +main object of Representative Government is the freedom and +happiness of the individual citizens who control it by their votes +and support it by their taxes. Thus Locke’s political philosophy +crossed the Channel, and became the groundwork of Quesnay, +Turgot, Bastiat, and other advocates of <i>laissez faire</i>, which was a +French synonym for Individualism. Crossing the Atlantic it became +the groundwork of American policy in internal affairs. +Locke was the first considerable publicist to lay down the momentous +doctrine that the State is secular—that it has a well-defined +province in which alone it may act, i.e., that its business +is to secure to men their civil rights, leaving all other matters to +individual volition or voluntary co-operation. Thus he says in +<i>A Letter Concerning Toleration</i>: “The commonwealth seems to +me to be a society of men constituted only for the procuring, +preserving, and advancing their own civil interests. Civil interests +I call life, liberty, health and indolency [freedom from pain] of +body; and the possession of outward things, such as money, lands,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</span> +houses, furniture, and the like. It is the duty of the civil magistrate, +by the impartial execution of equal laws, to secure unto all +the people in general, and to every one of his subjects in particular +the just possession of these things belonging to this life.”</p> + +<p>In refusing to extend toleration to Roman Catholics, Locke +followed Milton in his <i>Areopagitica</i>. In those times it was +believed that Rome, if it regained power, would overthrow constitutional +liberty. The Inquisition was still active. No one advocated +universal toleration except members of persecuted minorities. +In the reign of James II, most English Dissenters, when +offered toleration on condition that the Roman Catholics should +also be tolerated, declined the boon.</p> + +<p>Locke, it may be said, laid down the theory so frequently set +forth by Macaulay—that the duty of Government is to preserve +the lives and property of its subjects, and that their other activities +must be left in the main to moral influences and to free +competitive enterprise. Locke did his business so thoroughly that +the English theory remained unchanged for more than a century +and a half. Indeed, if tendencies admitted of exact dates, we might +say that Locke’s theory was almost unchallenged until the publication +of the Fabian Essays in 1889.</p> + +<p>In <i>Civil Government</i> Locke expounds the Individualistic view +of private property, and again lays down the quintessence of Individualism: +“The great and chief end, therefore, of men’s uniting +into commonwealths, and putting themselves under government, +is the preservation of their property.” He qualifies his theory of +a Social Contract, Compact, or Covenant, by pointing out that +“men when they enter into society give up ... liberty” of a +kind; “yet it being only with an intention in every one the better +to preserve himself, his liberty and property,” the power conferred +“can never be supposed to extend farther than the common +good, but is obliged to secure everyone’s property,” etc., etc. This +artful qualification of the <i>common good</i>, serves as a complete +defence of the “Glorious Revolution,” which gave us effective parliamentary +government.</p> + +<p>As Locke is of capital importance in our subject, those who +wish to study it thoroughly should at least read his monumental +essay. Some critics may object that we have over-valued Locke, +seeing that he was anticipated in many respects by Hobbes as well +as by Milton and other Republican writers. It is true that Hobbes, +like Locke, was in a sense Individualist. But his influence, for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</span> +various reasons, was much smaller. Besides, though Hobbes and +Locke adopted many of the same premises, they drew from them +quite different conclusions. Locke argued in favor of a free commonwealth, +while Hobbes pointed to an absolute monarchy.</p> + +<p>Locke’s victory over all opposing schools of thought was so complete +that Emancipation and Liberty became for more than a +century after his death the keynotes of English political philosophy. +Under the early Georges individual liberty was not only +the admiration of all intelligent foreigners, but it had gone quite +as far as public opinion approved. With the American revolution +democratic reformers came to the front. But all progress was +stopped by the French Revolution.</p> + +<p>One of the few able men who wrote in nominal opposition to +Locke’s point of view was Bolingbroke, whose brilliant <i>Patriot +King</i> (published in 1749) is probably more admired today than +it was at the time of his death. But Bolingbroke, though he had +a more extended view of the functions of Government than +Locke, did not write in strong opposition to his principles. His +ideal, “a patriot king at the head of a united people,” was capable +of a more or less “democratic” interpretation.</p> + +<p>The policy of Walpole, and indeed his successors, was <i>Quieta +non movere</i>, “Let sleeping dogs lie.” A politician might have said, +“We are all individualists now.” Tory Dr. Johnson and non-party +Goldsmith joined in composing the couplet:</p> + + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">“How small, of all that human hearts endure,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">That part which kings or laws can cause or cure!”</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +<p>In the same year that the <i>Patriot King</i> was published appeared +the far more important <i>L’Esprit des Lois</i> of Montesquieu, a revolutionary +book because it introduced the historical method. It +helped to confirm the prevalent mode of thought, because it held +up the British Constitution to the admiration of mankind.</p> + +<p>We may then take it for granted that among thinkers and +writers there was little effective opposition to Individualism in +the eighteenth century.</p> + +<p>In the economic sphere Hume, Tucker and Burke were all +advocates of free trade and industrial emancipation from red tape +regulations. But Adam Smith was the great architect. Individualism, +already firmly rooted in England, was made impregnable +in economics for generations by his <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, which appeared +in 1776. At second hand or otherwise this work is so well<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</span> +known that it would be waste of time to dilate upon it. Until +Adam Smith came into the field the Individualistic practice in +politics had not, as a rule, extended to trade in spite of Walpole’s +experiments in that direction. But within seventy years the triumph +of <i>laissez faire</i> in economics was complete. Pitt, the first +great modern Tory statesman, absorbed Adam Smith’s teaching +and educated his party. This was a decisive factor; till then the +one check upon Individualism had been Tory hostility to the +Whigs—the political heirs of Locke. Henceforward the Tories, +though as a body inclined to Protection and State control of trade, +could be persuaded by leaders like Huskisson or Peel (however +unwillingly) to remove restrictions from commerce and industry; +indeed, in late Victorian days their leader, Lord Salisbury, and +the bulk of his Parliamentary followers remained Free Traders. +Free Trade means the absence of a Protective Tariff. Freedom of +Trade means freedom not only from tariffs but from restrictions +and regulations of all kinds, including those imposed by Trade +Unions or combinations of employers, as well as those imposed by +Government. This robust growth of economic Individualism was +largely due to the seed sown by the <i>Wealth of Nations</i> and to the +popular arguments of Cobden and the Manchester School.</p> + +<p>It is impossible here to do more than glance at the important +developments of <i>laissez faire</i> in France and the United States. In +France the movement for economic emancipation was led by the +Physiocrats, who by their contemporaries were called “Economistes.” +Many of their members, as Quesnay and Turgot, were +great and beneficent figures in the history of France. The zeal +they displayed for industrial and commercial liberty was natural +in reflective men contemplating the feudal servitude of the French +people, who were, like Rousseau’s Man, everywhere in chains. +They rightly attributed the poverty and misery of France to the +obsolete regulations which everywhere sterilized effort and enterprise. +Writing in the <i>Encyclopédie</i>, Turgot condemns “le malheureux +principe qui a si longtemps infecté l’administration du +commerce, je veux dire la manie de tout régler, et de ne jamais +s’en rapporter aux hommes sur leur propre intérêt.” The Physiocrats +detected the fallacies of the Mercantile Theory and the Balance +of Trade. Adam Smith owed much to them; but his judicious +mind rejected their “crank” doctrine—that land is the sole source +of wealth. Unhappily for France, Turgot fell, and instead of his +wise reforms came revolutionary violence and the wars that made<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</span> +Napoleon the military despot of France. Napoleon created a new +bureaucratic state, more efficient than the old monarchy but +hardly less subversive of freedom. Nevertheless Individualism revived +in France after Waterloo and found a brilliant protagonist +in Frédéric Bastiat, whose writings are a most lively exposure of +the fallacies of Socialism, Protectionism and Militarism.</p> + +<p>When we turn to the United States, we find there in Thomas +Jefferson the master Individualist—for ability and consistency he +has few if any rivals in the practice of that political creed. Having +received the pure doctrine of Locke, he found during his residence +in France a kind of laboratory in which he watched the +French experiments in government. In the end he was able to +establish in the United States a form of political thought which +dominated it from the first decade of the nineteenth century and +still prevails.<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> This may be called a triumph in observation and +experiment, extremely rare in practical politics. The American +tariff, indeed, is contrary to Jefferson’s philosophy. But it must +be remembered that the United States constitutes the largest and +richest free trade area in the world with forty-eight states enjoying +complete liberty of exchange for all their products and a +maximum of freedom from economic restrictions.</p> + +<p>We must now turn to England and the Industrial Revolution +which will engage our attention more closely than its twin French +sister. This vast change, which lasted roughly from 1760-1846, is +now described in all text-books. England passed from home industries +to factory industries. The Individualist régime, which then +prevailed, enabled her to effect the change with comparative ease, +and a period of wonderful expansion followed. For the second +half of the nineteenth century Great Britain led the world in +manufactures, commerce and shipping. Capital accumulated. +Wages rose steadily. All classes prospered. The eighteenth century +had been the age of optimists, and Adam Smith was one of them. +He believed that Heaven would help those who helped themselves, +and his anticipation of the prosperity which would follow +commercial freedom was realized in Victorian England. One of +his doctrines was that, if the individual trader were left to himself, +the study of his own advantage would lead him to a course +of action which would also be advantageous to society. Let him +pursue his own interest, and he would be “led by an invisible +hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</span></p> + +<p>In the literature of Individualism after Locke, Bentham is perhaps +the leading figure; he was to the nineteenth century what +Locke was to the eighteenth, and he showed how an Individualistic +conception of society might be made the basis of wonderful +improvements in public administration. He was a strong advocate +of public economy, and was careful to insist that the functions of +central and local authorities should be limited to police, public +health and other services which do not lend themselves to voluntary +effort. His small <i>Manual of Political Economy</i>, published in +1798, puts the economic case in a nutshell: “With the view of +causing an increase to take place in the mass of national wealth, +or with a view to increase the means either of subsistence or enjoyment, +without some special reason, the general rule is, that +nothing ought to be done or attempted by government. The +motto, or watchword of government on these occasions, ought to +be—<i>Be quiet</i>;... The request which agriculture, manufacturers, +and commerce present to governments, is modest and reasonable +as that which Diogenes made to Alexander: ‘<i>Stand out of my +sunshine.</i>’ We have no need of favour—we require only a secure +and open path.”</p> + +<p>That Utilitarianism, Individualism, and Political Economy enjoyed +so long a reign, and even held sway at the Universities, was +largely due to the philosophy of John Stuart Mill, a very great +man, who to all his other gifts added a candour, rare in controversy, +which secures the confidence of the reader and makes him +feel that he is not reading propaganda but accompanying the author +on a journey in search of truth. Mill’s lucidity of thought +and style helped to extend his influence, and he soon took the +place of Bentham as the leading exponent of utilitarian Individualism. +His virtues and unselfish public spirit won him the title +of “the Saint of Rationalism.” Among Mill’s books <i>Political Economy</i>, +<i>Representative Government</i>, and above all, <i>On Liberty</i>, are +the most important for our subject. They influenced, and still +influence, the views of intellectuals on the critical problem of +what should be the relationship under democratic institutions +between the people and their government. Mill’s analysis of the +whole subject provides a most valuable contribution to political +and economic science. There is a fine moral elevation of tone +which lifts his arguments and conclusions far above the level of +mere party controversy or the narrow and selfish interests of +classes. The argument for free speech and complete toleration,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</span> +and for individual liberty in general, has never been developed +with such persuasive force as in Mill’s brief but masterly treatise +<i>On Liberty</i>. Among Mill’s contemporaries the most brilliant of +the writers who took part in this controversy was Macaulay. There +is no more crushing exposure in our literature of the fallacies of +State Socialism and of the theory that a government ought to be +extravagant and meddlesome than Macaulay’s essay on Southey’s +<i>Colloquies of Society</i>. It is worthy to be printed alongside Bastiat’s +unmasking of the French experiments in Communism.</p> + +<p>The most powerful political force on the side of Individualism +in the middle years of the nineteenth century was, of course, the +Manchester School under the leadership of Cobden and Bright, +supported by economists like Henry Fawcett and Thorold Rogers. +It was equally opposed to Protectionism, Militarism and Socialism. +With its support Gladstone introduced a severe economy +into all departments of State and instituted the financial control +of an efficient Treasury Department on the principles already laid +down by Sir Robert Peel.</p> + +<p>Among the apostles of Individualism after the death of Cobden +and Mill were Herbert Spencer and his disciple Auberon Herbert. +Herbert Spencer’s <i>The Man versus the State</i> is an effective pamphlet +against the Socialistic tendencies which began to permeate +both the Liberal and Conservative Parties in the ’Eighties and the +’Nineties of last century. Among the politicians who aided this +movement the most conspicuous was Joseph Chamberlain. His +Radical Programme was issued in 1885, and when he passed over +to the Conservative Party he took with him some of its items, including +free education, which was carried by Lord Salisbury’s +Government.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, a Socialist Party was being gradually formed under +such leaders as Hyndman, Morris and Keir Hardie. In 1889 there +appeared the <i>Fabian Essays</i>, which won many converts to a moderate +and progressive type of Socialism. Its most brilliant exponent +was Mr. Bernard Shaw; but it owed even more to the researchful +industry and incessant activity of Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Webb. A +little later appeared Blatchford’s <i>Merrie England</i>, which caught +the popular fancy and helped to turn many working class Radicals +into Socialists. But it was not until the Great War, with all the +terrible suffering and economic loss which accompanied and followed +it, that British industry and capital were at last confronted +with a strong Labour Party and threatened by an active group of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</span> +Communists who aimed at the expropriation of property and at +the Marxian ideal known as the “Dictatorship of the Proletariat.” +Since then Socialist propaganda has been very active among the +working classes, and a considerable section of the British Press has +been inclined to compromise with its proposals rather than to +meet them and counter them by the principles and arguments of +Individualism, opposing free competition and enterprise to monopolistic +combinations and bureaucratic red tape.</p> +<hr class="full"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="c5">THE FREE MAN’S LIBRARY</h2> +</div> + + + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p><span class="smcap">Acton, Lord.</span> <i>Essays on Freedom and Power.</i> Beacon Press. 1948. +452 pp.</p></div> + + + +<p>Lord Acton (1834-1902) is chiefly remembered today through a +single quotation: “All power tends to corrupt, and absolute power +corrupts absolutely.” But he was one of the most deeply learned men +of his time, and recognized as few have ever done the true nature +and value of liberty. It is, he declared, “not a means to a higher +political end. It is itself the highest political end.”</p> + +<p>His lifelong object was to write a great “History of Liberty,” but +he immersed himself so deeply in reading and research that he never +lived to complete it. Only two essays resulted from all this laborious +preparation: “The History of Freedom in Antiquity” and “The History +of Freedom in Christianity.” Both are included in this collection +selected by Gertrude Himmelfarb, who contributes an excellent introduction. +In the opinion of F. A. Hayek, the tradition of true individualism +is most perfectly represented in the nineteenth century +in the work of Alexis de Tocqueville in France and Lord Acton in +England.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p><span class="smcap">Acton, Lord.</span> <i>The History of Freedom and Other Essays.</i> Macmillan. +1907. 638 pp.</p></div> + + +<p>An earlier collection of Acton’s essays.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p><span class="smcap">Adams, John.</span> <i>The Political Writings of John Adams.</i> Edited by +George A. Peek, Jr. Liberal Arts Press. 1955. 223 pp.</p></div> + + +<p>John Adams’ enduring title to fame was his grasp of the principles +of republican conservatism. He “vindicated with vigor and consistency +such basic ideas of the American Constitution as the balanced and +limited powers of the government, the right of the minority to protection +against the tyranny of the majority and the inseparable connection +between liberty and property.... The heart of the second +President’s political philosophy is summed up in one brief sentence in +his <i>Defense of the American Constitution</i>. ‘Power is always abused +when unlimited and unbalanced.’”—William Henry Chamberlin, in +<i>The Freeman</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Allen, C. K.</span> <i>Law and Orders.</i> London: Stevens. 1946. 385 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An inquiry into the nature and scope of delegated legislation and +executive powers in England. “In this scholarly study Dr. Allen, who +holds to the liberal view of the state, wrestles with the problem of +how a proper balance between the legislative and executive powers in +Britain’s government can be restored and maintained.”—<i>Foreign +Affairs.</i> The book is valuable for Americans because this problem of +balance has become even more serious for us than for Britain.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Allen, C. K.</span> <i>Bureaucracy Triumphant.</i> Oxford University Press. 1931. +156 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This little collection of essays is highly instructive to both the +lawyer and legislator and while its references are solely to the situation +as it exists in England, its lesson is one that might well be heard in +the United States.”—S. H. Hofstadter, in <i>Columbia Law Review</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Anderson, Benjamin M.</span> <i>Economics and the Public Welfare.</i> Van +Nostrand. 1949. 602 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An economic and financial history of the United States from 1913 to +a little beyond the end of World War II. I take the liberty of quoting +from my own foreword to the book: “[Anderson’s] <i>The Value of +Money</i> [1917] is one of the classics of American economic writing.... +The present work is destined to take a similar rank among +American economic and financial histories. It is already the outstanding +economic and financial history for the period it covers.... Few +economic histories have ever interlaced theory and interpretation so +completely and successfully with the record of the facts.... Its sense +of drama, its unfailing lucidity, its emphasis on basic economic principles, +its recognition of the crucial roles played by outstanding individuals, +its realistic detailed description of the disastrous consequences +of flouting moral principles or of trying to prevent the forces +of the market from operating, combine to give this book a sustained +readability seldom found in serious economic writing.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Andrews, Matthew Page.</span> <i>Social Planning by Frontier Thinkers.</i> +Richard R. Smith. 1944. 94 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A satire on social planning and planners by an historical scholar. +It consists in large part of quotations from recent writings by so-called +“advanced thinkers.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Angell, Norman.</span> <i>The Great Illusion.</i> Putnam. 1911.</p> +</div> + +<p>Several years before the outbreak of World War I, Norman Angell +challenged the then almost universally accepted theory that military +and political power give a nation commercial and social advantages.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</span> +He contended that the wealth of our modern world is founded upon +credit and commercial contract which vanishes before an invading +host and leaves nothing to reward the conqueror, but involves him in +its collapse. His theme, in brief, was that nobody wins a modern war. +“It may be doubted whether, within it entire range, the peace literature +of the Anglo-Saxon world has ever produced a more fascinating +or significant study.”—A. S. Hershey, in <i>American Political Science +Review</i>, 1911.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Angell, Sir Norman.</span> <i>After All: The Autobiography of Norman +Angell.</i> Farrar, Straus and Young. 1952. 370 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Although Sir Norman is wholly unconscious of this, the picture is +of a rarely elevated and noble life. Besides the record of that life, this +book is enriched by Sir Norman’s reflections—veritable little essays in +some cases—on a wide variety of topics ... [including] The Incredible +Gullibility of Believers in Freedom under Socialism.”—Max +Eastman, in <i>The Freeman</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Angell, Norman.</span> <i>The Public Mind.</i> Dutton. 1927. 232 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A stimulating book.... Its importance to Individualists lies in +the emphasis it indirectly gives to the desirability of restricting State +action to spheres in which popular passion and prejudice, and the +ability of politicians to exploit them can have least effect.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Anshen, Ruth Nanda</span> (ed.). <i>Freedom: Its Meaning.</i> Harcourt. 1940. +686 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A symposium in which forty-one contributors have expressed their +views on what freedom means to them. The volume runs to over a +quarter of a million words. The contributions reflect little consistency +with each other in viewpoint or philosophy.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Arendt, Hannah.</span> <i>Origins of Totalitarianism.</i> Harcourt. 1951. 477 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A search by a German-born author and scholar for the deeper roots +of anti-semitism, imperialism, and totalitarianism. Virginia Kirkus +called it “a highly serious and commanding study.” One reviewer +objected to it on the ground that “too much of her interpretation is +taken from the particular experience of Germany”; and another reviewer +on the ground that: “She attempts to give scholarly support to +the increasingly widely held dictum that Soviet Communism is nothing +but Red fascism.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Aristotle.</span> <i>Politics.</i> 330 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> Many editions. 337 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In his introduction to the 1920 Oxford edition (translated by Benjamin +Jowett), H. W. C. Davis reminds us that this classic embodies<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</span> +“theories of perennial value, and refutations of fallacies which are +always re-emerging.” There is a brilliant answer to Plato’s proposals +to abolish private property and to communize wives and children.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ashton, E. B.</span> <i>The Fascist: His State and Mind.</i> Putnam. 1937. 320 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Helps one to understand the system of ideas ruling our enemies +and the differences which separate their minds from ours.”—F. A. +Hayek.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ashton, T. S.</span> <i>The Industrial Revolution.</i> Oxford University Press. +1948. 167 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>For at least a century (in part under the influence of Karl Marx) +most of the economic historians have portrayed the Industrial Revolution +as a catastrophe which caused the working class untold misery +and brought about a sort of economic and spiritual Age of Darkness. +In this remarkable little book Dr. Ashton, professor of economic history +at the University of London, with more careful scholarship presents +the Industrial Revolution as what it was—an achievement which, +through the application of science to industry and the increased use +of capital, led not only to a rapid growth of population but to a rise +in the real incomes of a considerable section of the working class. Dr. +Ashton stresses the intellectual and economic as well as the technical +aspects of the movement. (See also his contribution to <i>Capitalism and +the Historians</i>, listed under F. A. Hayek.)</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Austin, Bertram H., and Lloyd, W. F.</span> <i>The Secret of High Wages.</i> +Dodd. 1926. 124 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In 1925, at a time of great industrial depression in Britain, the +authors, two English engineers, came to the United States in an effort +to discover the secret of our unprecedented prosperity. Their inquiry +was mainly concerned with the causes of high wages in industry combined +with low cost of production. The book was originally a confidential +report, but was published following a suggestion from the +City Editor of the London <i>Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Backman, Jules.</span> <i>Wages and Prices.</i> Irvington, N. Y.: Foundation for +Economic Education. 1947. 88 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An excellent statistical reference work on the levels and relationships +of wages, prices, costs and profits in recent years. The author +points out how these facts are ignored or misread by those who are +trying to fix or change wages and prices by force. The evils of price-control, +labor monopolies and currency inflation are dealt with incidentally.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bagehot, Walter.</span> <i>Physics and Politics.</i> 1869. Several editions. (Knopf. +1948.) 230 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An original and penetrating study of the impact of science and +invention on politics, and of political institutions on knowledge. +Bagehot shows how in the early history of mankind blind obedience +to usage and custom seemed necessary to social cohesion and survival, +but after the transition from the principle of status to that of contract +was finally achieved, it was liberty that ensured the greatest social +strength and progress. “As soon as governments by discussion have +become strong enough to secure a stable existence, and as soon as they +have broken the fixed rule of old custom, and have awakened the +dormant inventiveness of men, then, for the first time, almost every +part of human nature begins to spring forward.... And this is the +true reason of all those panegyrics on liberty which are often so +measured in expression but are in essence so true to life and nature. +Liberty is the strengthening and developing power.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bagehot, Walter.</span> <i>The English Constitution.</i> 1867. Oxford University +Press. 1933. 312 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This classic work was the first to make clear the real nature of the +British constitution in its modern development. That constitution is +not based, as Montesquieu thought, on the “separation of powers,” +but, on the contrary, on “the close union, the nearly complete fusion, +of the executive and legislative powers.” In this respect Bagehot contrasted +the British and American constitutions to the disadvantage of +the latter. As the preservation of ordered liberty depends upon the +existence of a sound political system, Bagehot’s book deserves the +close study of Americans as well as Englishmen. He was a brilliant +stylist as well as a brilliant thinker.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bagehot, Walter.</span> <i>Economic Studies.</i> 1880. Stanford, Calif.: Academic +Reports. 1953. 236 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The essays in this book mainly elaborate classical English <i>laissez-faire</i> +economics. They deal with Adam Smith, Malthus, Ricardo, “the +late Mr. Mill,” and such subjects as “The Postulates of English Political +Economy” and “The Growth of Capital.” “Bagehot, Editor of <i>The +Economist</i>, was one of the finest thinkers and writers of his time. He +was always an advocate of individual and commercial freedom. His +best known books are on the <i>English Constitution</i> and <i>Lombard +Street</i>.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bailward, W. A.</span> <i>The Slippery Slope and Other Papers.</i> London: +Murray. 1920. 236 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A collection of essays and articles written over a period of twenty +years during which the author was engaged in Poor Law and charitable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</span> +administration. By ‘the slippery slope’ is meant the path of least +resistance in dealing with social problems, that is, the path of pauperism +and Socialism.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bailward, W. A., and Loch, C. S.</span> <i>Old Age Pensions.</i> 1903.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A well-argued case against old age pensions. Its interest is chiefly +historical, but it might well be read by students interested in the +history of ideas.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Baker, John R.</span> <i>Science and the Planned State.</i> Macmillan. 1945. 120 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Dr. Baker, a lecturer in zoology at Oxford University, contends that +central planning and direction of scientific research do more to inhibit +than to promote the growth of true scientific knowledge and discovery.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Barber, Thomas H.</span> <i>Where We Are At.</i> Scribner’s. 1950. 255 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author, who has been a lawyer, city official, and cowpuncher, +describes his book as “a guide for enlightened conservatives.” He urges +removal of all price-fixing, subsidies and special group privileges and +return to a free market economy.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bastable, C. F.</span> <i>The Theory of International Trade.</i> 1897, etc. Macmillan. +197 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This short book, which first appeared in 1897, long held the field as +the standard exposition of the “classical” theory of foreign trade and +policy. It is balanced, vigorous and lucid, and uncompromisingly +defends freedom of trade. Bastable’s “principal conclusion as to +conduct” is that “Governments in their dealings with foreign trade +should be guided by the much-vilified maxim of <i>laissez faire</i>. To avoid +misinterpretation, let it be remembered that the precept rests on no +theory of abstract right, or vague sentiment of cosmopolitanism, but +on the well-founded belief that national interests are thereby advanced, +and that even if we benefit others by an enlightened policy, +we are ourselves richly rewarded.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Baster, A. S. J.</span> <i>The Little Less.</i> London: Methuen. 1947. 161 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A witty and well-informed little book on “the political economy of +restrictionism.” It consists mainly of a satiric history of the “lunatic +years” in Great Britain between 1919 and 1939, when various ingenious +devices were introduced by which everybody expected to get a +little more for producing a little less. The story is told under the +separate chapter headings of Producing Less, Growing Less, Working +Less, Transporting Less, and Trading Less. There are also chapters on +The Politics of Restrictionism and The Political Economy of Freedom.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bastiat, Frédéric.</span> <i>Economic Sophisms.</i> 1843-1850. Many editions. 2 +vols. 548 pp. 564 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Bastiat, a friend of Cobden, was opposed to all descriptions of +public waste and government interference. Both by his writings and +by his action as a politician, he waged unceasing war against Bureaucracy, +Protection and Socialism. The book cited above gained a great +reputation; it is very witty and written in an attractive style. The +Petition of the Candlemakers against the sun, which interfered with +their industry, is well known. Each short study attacks some economic +error, or pleads for the removal of some restrictions. The truth to be +brought out is often enforced by dialogue or some other lively method. +Bastiat was an optimist. His view was that the various human impulses +and activities would, under free competition and an honest +and peaceful government, result in steady progress and increasing +prosperity and happiness. This was the theme of his <i>Harmonies +Économiques</i>, of which only the first volume appeared owing to his +untimely death.</p> + +<p>“His complete works with introductory biography were published +in France in 1855 shortly after his death. They include many brilliant +pamphlets and articles against the fallacies of State Socialism and +Communism, which were rampart in Paris in the last years of Bastiat’s +life.”—PI.</p> + +<p>“In <i>Sophismes Économiques</i> we have the completest and most +effective, the wisest and wittiest exposure of protectionism and its +principles, reasonings, consequences which exists in any language. +Bastiat was the opponent of socialism. In this respect also he had no +equal among the economists of France.”—<i>Encyclopedia Americana.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bastiat, Frédéric.</span> <i>The Law.</i> 1850. Irvington, N. Y.: Foundation for +Economic Education. 1950. 75 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A separate publication of a new translation (by Dean Russell) of +one of Bastiat’s most famous pamphlets. “Law,” Bastiat maintains, “is +solely the organization of the individual right of self-defense which +existed before law was formalized. Law is justice.” But the law has +been perverted, and applied to annihilating the justice it was supposed +to maintain. Protectionism, socialism and communism are all forms of +legal plunder.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Baudin, Louis.</span> <i>L’Aube d’un Nouveau Libéralisme.</i> Paris: Librairie +de Médicis. 1953. 220 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An acute, scholarly, documented, but extremely readable account +of “the dawn of a new liberalism”—a liberalism resting economically +on faith in the free market and politically on individual freedom +within a proper framework of law and morals. On pages 144 to 150<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</span> +the author presents a useful survey of the literature of “neo-liberalism” +and mentions several French-language works not included in the +present bibliography.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Baudin, Louis.</span> <i>Les Incas du Pérou.</i> Paris: Librairie de Médicis. 1947. +188 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A shorter study of the same subject that Professor Baudin covered +so thoroughly in his <i>L’Empire Socialist des Incas</i>, in 1928. When the +Spaniards overcame the Incas of Peru they found that a socialist +society had existed there in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries +more totalitarian than perhaps any other known to history. Baudin +analyzes this society and shows the consequences of that total socialization, +many of which have remained with the native Indian population +to the present day—the complete suppression of family sentiment, the +immobilization of the individual, the disappearance of initiative and +foresight, the complete petrifaction of life, the creation of a slave +mentality. The book is written with great lucidity and vigor. Professor +Baudin has a final chapter discussing the lessons of the empire of the +Incas for our own time.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Beaulieu, P. Leroy.</span> <i>Collectivism.</i> London: Murray. 1908. 343 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“An important analysis and criticism of Collectivism. That progress +has always followed the substitution of individual ownership for +collective ownership is clearly brought out. The relatively simple example +of collective ownership in land is first dealt with and industrial +collectivism is then examined. Schäffle’s <i>Quintessence of Socialism</i> is +taken as the only available source of information on the <i>practical +application</i> of Collectivism, and yet Leroy Beaulieu succeeds in +proving its inherent incapability of performing its duties mainly by +quotations from the book itself.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Beck, James Montgomery.</span> <i>Our Wonderland of Bureaucracy.</i> Macmillan. +1933. 290 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A study, by a former Solicitor General of the United States, of the +growth of bureaucracy in the federal government, and its destructive +effect upon the Constitution.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Benda, Julien.</span> <i>The Treason of the Intellectuals.</i> Morrow. 1928. 244 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This celebrated book first appeared in France under the title <i>La +Trahison des clercs</i>. “That the intellectuals of the world have sold out +to utilitarianism, leaving their proper devotion to truth and humanity, +is the theme of Julien Benda’s scorching analysis of the current +leaders of thought. By taking on political passions, the intellectuals +have played the game of the state, espoused war and conflict and lost<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</span> +that universalism which is their true reason for existence.”—<i>World +Tomorrow.</i></p> + +<p>Greatly needed today is a study with a title and theme similar to +Benda’s, which would not only cover developments in the twenty-five +years since his book appeared, and describe the intellectual and sometimes +quite literal treachery of some present-day physical scientists, +but would cover the whole drift of our litterateurs and other intellectual +leaders over the last three-quarters of a century into a sentimental +socialism—including Bernard Shaw, H. G. Wells, and the +Webbs in England, Anatole France in France, and the corresponding +figures in Germany and America. It would be important to analyze +not merely individual figures but the mob psychology of our modern +intellectuals and the ease with which they were blown about by the +fashionable winds of doctrine.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Benham, Frederic, and Boddy, F. M.</span> <i>Principles of Economics.</i> Pitman. +1947.</p> +</div> + +<p>A textbook intended for an introductory course, to provide “the +simple tools of modern economic analysis.” Considerable attention is +also given to the effects of government intervention upon a capitalistic +system.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Benn, Sir Ernest.</span> <i>Confessions of a Capitalist.</i> London: Hutchinson. +1925. 287 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A telling defense of individual initiative.”—<i>London Financial +News.</i> “A book which is unique in economic literature. Sir Ernest’s +pen is as vivid as his mind is fearless and independent.... He tells +us the most intimate details of his business.... The whole is accompanied +by a running line of argument on the fundamental problems +of economics, which is set out so skillfully as to be as entertaining +and arresting as the autobiographical details.”—Lionel Robbins.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Benn, Sir Ernest.</span> <i>The Return to Laisser Faire.</i> London: Ernest Benn. +1928. 221 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An argument against the extension of governmental activity and +interference in England and a plea for a return to individualism. +Public aid to housing and the growing burden of bureaucracy are special +targets. Even reviewers hostile to the author’s thesis paid tribute +to “the entertaining style, the caustic wit, the arresting illustration.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Benn, Sir Ernest.</span> <i>The State the Enemy.</i> London: Ernest Benn. 1953. +175 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author reviews the British experiment in state intervention and +socialism all the way from Lloyd George, who inherited a budget of +£100 million, to Attlee, who left it at £4,000 million, and sums up the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</span> +record of failure: “Nationalization has not brought the expected smile +to the face of the worker, full employment has not encouraged production, +the management of money has not improved its quality; in +fact, all the anticipations of the original Fabian Essays, the bases of +modern Socialism, have proved disappointing, if not entirely fallacious.” +The style is lively, witty and aphoristic.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bentham, Jeremy.</span> <i>Works.</i> Edited by John Bowring. 1838-1843. Edinburgh: +Tait. 11 vols.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A considerable amount of Bentham is still worthy of study. He may +be considered as the philosophic founder of modern British democracy. +He held that the State exists to promote the individual happiness +of the citizens who compose it and that ministers are the servants of +the electors. For our purposes, the more important works are: (1) <i>A +Fragment on Government</i> (1776), (2) <i>Defense of Usury</i> (1787), (3) <i>An +Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation</i> (1789). As a +Utilitarian, an Individualist, and a reformer of laws and institutions, +he deserves more attention than he now receives. Bentham is, like +Locke, influential, but known chiefly through the work of his pupils +and disciples.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bentham, Jeremy.</span> <i>Defense of Usury.</i> 1787. Many editions. 232 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Jeremy Bentham, whose reputation has hitherto been that of a +moralist, a founder of Utilitarianism, a logician, a great political and +legal philosopher and reformer, was also, it is now being discovered, +an outstanding economist. Until very recent years, by far the greater +part of Bentham’s economic work was completely unknown—locked +up in chaotic and illegible manuscripts. The Royal Economic Society +commissioned Dr. W. Stark to make a closer scrutiny of this material, +which in 1952 was published in three volumes under the title <i>Jeremy +Bentham’s Economic Writings</i> (London: Allen and Unwin).</p> + +<p>The <i>Defense of Usury</i>, however, which is included in these volumes, +was published in 1787 and acquired immediate celebrity. Bentham was +a great admirer of Adam Smith, whom he called “the father of political +economy” and “a writer of consummate genius.” But he was not +an uncritical admirer, and in the <i>Defense of Usury</i>, which he published +eleven years after the appearance of <i>The Wealth of Nations</i>, +he ventured to take the master to task for his inconsistency in approving +so-called anti-usury laws while opposing government price-fixing +in practically every other field.</p> + +<p>“The liberty of bargaining in money matters,” wrote Bentham, is +“a species of liberty which has never yet found an advocate.” Yet “fixing +the rate of interest, being a coercive measure, and an exception +to the general rule in favor of the enforcement of contracts, it lies +upon the advocates of the measure to produce reasons for it.” Examining<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</span> +the reasons that had been offered, Bentham rejected them as +invalid, and proceeded to explain the positive “mischiefs” done by +the anti-usury laws. He concluded that there is “no more reason for +fixing the price of the use of money than the price of goods.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bentley, Elizabeth.</span> <i>Out of Bondage.</i> Devin-Adair. 1951. 311 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In this autobiographical account Miss Bentley, an American college +girl, describes how she entered the Communist party, took part in its +secret underground for ten years, and later collaborated with the +Federal Bureau of Investigation after she left the party. Although her +story on its appearance was ridiculed by some reviewers as “school-girlish” +and “phoney,” many of her most startling charges have been +confirmed by later investigation.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Berger-Perrin, René.</span> <i>Vitalité Libérale.</i> Paris: Éditions SÉDIF. 1953. +93 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>M. Berger-Perrin is Secretary General of <i>L’Association de l’Enterprise +à Capital Personnel</i>. “After a quarter of a century of the predominance +of authoritarian and collectivist ideas,” he writes, “liberal +thought today is reappearing with increased force and profundity.” To +prove this he has put together a little anthology of excerpts from more +than fifty writers—French, English, American, German, Norwegian, +Swiss, Dutch, Mexican, etc. These include not only economists, but +sociologists, historians, journalists, and businessmen.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Berlin, Isaiah.</span> <i>Historical Inevitability.</i> Oxford University Press. 1954. +79 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The main purpose of this lecture is to consider a tendency which +has, in the West, been growing since the eighteenth century, to regard +human history as the product of impersonal “forces” obeying “inexorable” +laws; with the implied consequence that individual human +beings are seldom responsible for bringing about situations for which +they are commonly praised or blamed, since the real culprit is “the +historical process” itself—which individuals can do little to influence. +“A magnificent assertion of the reality of human freedom, of the role +of free choice in history.”—London <i>Economist</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Blum, Walter, and Kalven, Harry, Jr.</span> <i>The Uneasy Case for Progressive +Taxation.</i> University of Chicago Press. 1953. 107 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Progressive-tax theory has been due for an overhauling, and the +authors do a highly competent job.... The work is distinguished +by penetrating analysis, comprehensive coverage of sources, and excellent +documentation.... Rates high honors in the field.”—<i>Annals +of the American Academy of Political and Social Science.</i></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Böhm-Bawerk, Eugen von.</span> <i>Karl Marx and the Close of His System.</i> +1896, etc. London: Unwin. 221 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Until the appearance of <i>Socialism</i> by Ludwig von Mises (q.v.), this +was by far the best criticism of the economics of Karl Marx. For the +points that it covers—chiefly the fallacies of the Marxian labor theory +of value—it is still superb, unanswerable, and irreplaceable.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Böhm-Bawerk, Eugen von.</span> <i>The Positive Theory of Capital.</i> 1888. +(Macmillan. 1891.) 428 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>One of the most brilliant and original contributions—if not the +most brilliant and original—ever made to the theory of capital and +interest. Böhm-Bawerk, declares the <i>Encyclopedia of the Social +Sciences</i>, “was at a very early age one of the first to accept the teaching +of Karl Menger, giving all his powers to the development and the +defense of the subjective theory of value: it is to him that both the +success and the formulation of the theory are largely due.” According +to Frank W. Taussig, <i>The Positive Theory of Capital</i> “is a landmark +in the development of thought. As an intellectual performance, there +are few books on economics in any language that can be ranked with +it. One may not agree with all that is said, but the book bears the unmistakable +impression of a great mind.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bowley, A. L.</span> <i>The Division of the Product of Industry. The Change +in the Distribution of the National Income, 1880-1913.</i> Oxford: +Clarendon Press. 1919. 1920. 60 pp. 27 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The Socialist case obtains support primarily through the existence +of a widespread idea that wealth is so unfairly distributed that a +large and permanent improvement in the material condition of the +working classes could be obtained merely by means of a redistribution.... +These two works attempt to determine, by a careful examination +of all the existing relevant data, what the true position is. +The following quotations, although not fairly indicating the nature +of Professor Bowley’s conclusions, show the immense importance of +these essays to those who believe that social amelioration is to be +sought along the lines of redistribution.</p> + +<p>“Discussing the problem of an advance in the scale of wages, he +says: ‘In the majority [of industries] no such increase as would make +possible the standards of living now urgently desired, and promised +in the election addresses of all the political parties, could have been +obtained without wrecking the industry.’</p> + +<p>“As regards the change in distribution over the thirty-three year +period analyzed, he says: ‘The constancy of so many of the proportions +and rates of movement found in the investigation seems to point to a +fixed system of causation and has an appearance of inevitableness.’—<i>The +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</span>Change in the Distribution of the National Income, 1880-1913.</i>”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bowley, A. L., and Stamp, Sir Josiah.</span> <i>The National Income.</i> Oxford: +Clarendon Press. 1924. 1927. 59 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The general conclusion of this book is that comparing the years +1911 and 1924, the real Social Income of [Britain] was very nearly the +same at the two dates, and that although real income per head had +fallen a little, distribution had altered slightly in favor of the manual +worker. After allowing for taxation, there was definitely less real income +available in the hands of the rich for saving or expenditure, and +whilst luxurious expenditure by the rich had diminished, a good deal +of income was available for cheaper amusements. The standard of +living of the employed working classes had clearly risen.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bowley, A. L.</span> <i>Wages and Income in the United Kingdom Since 1860.</i> +Macmillan. 1938. 151 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Professor Bowley is to be congratulated on publishing this short +résumé of a lifetime’s research into wages and incomes.... A comprehensive +and systematic guide.”—London <i>Economist</i>. “The best +reference on wage and employment indices is to the outstanding work +of A. L. Bowley.”—Joseph A. Schumpeter.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bradford, Gov. William.</span> <i>Of Plymouth Plantation.</i> 1622. (Knopf. +1952.) 448 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>When the Pilgrim Fathers landed on the shores of Massachusetts +they established a communist system of land holding and cultivation, +and were soon brought to a state of famine. The governor of the +colony, in his contemporary account, describes how they finally decided +that they “should set corne every man for his owne perticuler +... and so assigned to every family a parcell of land.” The result was +an immediate transformation in their habits of industry; and at the +next harvest, “instead of famine, now God gave them plentie ... so +as any generall wante or famine hath not been amongest them since +to this day.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Brandt, Karl.</span> <i>Reconstruction of World Agriculture.</i> Norton. 1945. +416 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An exiled German scholar, now professor of agricultural economics +at the Food Research Institute of Stanford University, surveys the +history of world agriculture and food supply from the beginning of +the first European war to the present, and offers suggestions and +programs for libertarian agricultural policies in the postwar world. +“This book, by one of the world’s foremost agricultural economists,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</span> +should be required reading for all post-war planners.”—E. deS. +Brunner, in the <i>Political Science Quarterly</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Brant, Irving.</span> <i>Life of James Madison.</i> Bobbs-Merrill. 1941. 1950. 4 +vols.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A very comprehensive biography; thoroughly reliable as well as +readable.”—Felix Morley. “The third volume of Brant’s <i>Madison</i> is a +magnificent study of one of our greatest statesmen at the climax of +his career ... and a startlingly original account of that much-discussed +document, the Constitution of the United States.”—Douglass +Adair, in the <i>New York Herald Tribune</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bresciani-Turroni, Constantino.</span> <i>The Economics of Inflation.</i> 1931. +London: Unwin. 1937. 464 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Inflation not only wipes out the purchasing power of savings but +always constitutes a threat to economic liberty. This is the most comprehensive +and authoritative account of the great German inflation +from 1914 to 1923. As Lionel Robbins writes in his foreword: “It was +the most colossal thing of its kind in history: and, next probably to +the Great War itself, it must bear responsibility for many of the +political and economic difficulties of our generation. It destroyed the +wealth of the more solid elements in German society: and it left behind +a moral and economic disequilibrium, apt breeding ground for +the disasters which have followed. Hitler is the foster-child of the +inflation.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bright, John.</span> <i>Speeches on Questions of Public Policy.</i> Macmillan. +1878.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Eloquent expositions of public policy on many subjects. The +principles are Individualistic, favoring peace, free trade and public +economy on the lines of his friend Richard Cobden.”—PI.</p> + + +<p><span class="smcap">Bromfield, Louis.</span> <i>The Farm.</i> Harper. 1933. 346 pp.</p> + +<p>A novel, probably in part autobiographical, dealing with the fortunes +of four generations of a family living on a farm in northern +Ohio. It begins in 1815 and ends a century later. “Surpasses many +sociological treatises in insight.”—Wilhelm Röpke.</p> + + +<p><span class="smcap">Bromfield, Louis.</span> <i>Pleasant Valley.</i> Harper. 1945. 302 pp.</p> + +<p>Partly autobiographical reminiscence, and partly an exposition of +the author’s theories of farming and farm life. He relates how, after +many years spent abroad, he returned to his native Ohio and there +built up a new home and a new way of life founded on the old ways +of the pioneer American farmer. Mr. Bromfield puts great stress on +the virtue of self-reliance in a climate of economic liberty.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bromfield, Louis.</span> <i>A New Pattern for a Tired World.</i> Harper. 1953. +314 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Vigorously written by an obviously sincere and devoted American, +who is neither isolationist nor suspected on any other score, but who +profoundly believes that the key to our future existence and our +future happiness lies in improving our economic status and the economic +status of our neighbors by achieving the ultimate in free trade.”—C. +W. Weinberger, in <i>San Francisco Chronicle</i>.</p> + + +<p><span class="smcap">Brookings, R. S.</span> <i>Industrial Ownership.</i> Macmillan. 1925. 107 pp.</p> + +<p>“The Economic Emancipation of Labor” is suggested by the author +as an alternative title for this book. It deals principally with the remarkable +tendency toward diffusion in the ownership of property +taking place in the United States, a movement that Professor Carver +regarded as “an economic revolution.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Brookings Institution.</span> <i>Economics and Public Policy.</i> Washington, +D. C. 1955. 157 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>These are the Brookings Lectures for 1954 as delivered by four +American economists, Arthur Smithies, Joseph J. Spengler, Frank H. +Knight and Jacob Viner, and by two British economists, John Jewkes +and Lionel Robbins. Two of the lectures bear especially on the subject +of the present bibliography. Professor Knight’s lecture on “Economic +Objectives in a Changing World” is instructive, but rather for +the questions it raises than for those it answers. Professor Robbins’ +lecture on “Freedom and Order” is lucid and illuminating.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Brutzkus, Boris.</span> <i>Economic Planning in Soviet Russia.</i> London: +Routledge. 1935. 234 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An acute discussion, by an exiled Russian economist, of the difficulties +and problems of central economic planning. It is especially +valuable because the author combines theoretical insight with a wide +factual knowledge of Russian conditions. He explains, for example, +why the great Dnieprostroy dam and hydroelectric plant, the prewar +pride of Soviet Russia, was not justified economically.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bryce, James.</span> <i>The American Commonwealth.</i> Macmillan. 1888, etc. +2 vols. 743 pp. 963 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A classic work on the American political and social system, written +half a century after de Tocqueville’s <i>Democracy in America</i> and +surpassed only by that work insofar as their fields overlap. Viscount +Bryce declared that his purpose, unlike de Tocqueville’s, was less to +discuss the merits of “democracy” than “to paint the institutions and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</span> +people of America as they are.” In this he succeeded far beyond any +native observer of the time. His interpretations are made from the +standpoint of the liberal tradition.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Brynes, Asher.</span> <i>Government Against the People.</i> Dodd, Mead. 1946. +265 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A scholarly and well written study of the growth and development +of the police systems in Russia, Great Britain and the United States as +illustrative of a basic factor making for war or peace in the modern +world.”—F. R. Dulles. The author contends that where people are +free, the police force is decentralized, limited in scope, and nonpolitical.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Buber, Margarete.</span> <i>Under Two Dictators.</i> Dodd, Mead. 1951. 331 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In 1925 the author and her husband, Heinz Neumann, deposed +leader of the German Communist party, went to Moscow to translate +for the Comintern. In 1937 her husband was arrested and she never +saw him again. She herself was arrested the next year. Her book is the +account of her sufferings in the Soviet slave camp of Karaganda, and +in the Nazi concentration camp at Ravensbruck, where she spent five +years. In 1945 she was liberated by the American Army. “This book +can destroy the last outposts of the Soviet apologists in the West. It +should be read by all the fellow-travelers, the Stalinoids, the double-standard +‘liberals’ and the phoney ‘progressives’ who have acted as +Stalin’s stooges when humanity needed every decent man and woman +to defend itself against the onslaughts of those who thirst for concentrated +power.”—Peter Blake, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Buckley, William F., Jr.</span> <i>God and Man at Yale.</i> Regnery. 1951. 240 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A recent Yale graduate examines and criticizes the teaching of +religion and economics at his university. As John Chamberlain sums +up in his Introduction, Mr. Buckley concludes that the values inculcated +at Yale “are agnostic as to religion, ‘interventionist’ and Keynesian +as to economics, and collectivist as applied to the relation of +the individual to society and government.” Of the five chapters in +the book, the most important for the purposes of this bibliography is +the second, “Individualism at Yale,” in which the author takes telling +quotations from the leading textbooks used in Yale undergraduate +economics courses to prove his case that the teaching is dominantly +collectivist. What broadens the significance of this chapter is the +probability that a like case could be made out against the economics +teaching in many other leading American universities today.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Budenz, Louis F.</span> <i>The Techniques of Communism.</i> Regnery. 1954. +342 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The present book,” declares the author in his Introduction, “is an +analytical and critical study of Communism. It deals with Communist +ideology, strategy, and ‘movement’ as presented by the Marxist-Leninist +classics themselves and by current Communist documents and +directives.... It analyzes Communist activities as the Communist is +instructed to carry them out.”</p> + +<p>Various chapters deal with the communist philosophy and apparatus; +communist phraseology (“Aesopian language,” involved “scientific” +argumentation, double-talk, definitions turned on their heads, +and the Big Lie technique); the strategy and tactics of communism; +the training of communists; the role of the communist press; and +various other methods of affecting public opinion and infiltrating +unions, the schools, minority groups, and government agencies. There +is a final chapter on “How to Fight Communism.” The book is +vigorous, clear and carefully documented. Every Congressman, high +government official, and newspaper editor ought to master the lessons +it contains.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Budenz, Louis F.</span> <i>This Is My Story.</i> Whittlesey. 1947. 379 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The former managing editor of <i>The Daily Worker</i>, the American +organ of the Communist party, describes how he joined the party in +1935, served in various editorial capacities, became for six of his ten +years with the party a member of the Communist National Committee, +broke and was converted to Catholicism in 1945.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Budenz, Louis F.</span> <i>Men Without Faces.</i> Harper. 1950. 305 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Here the former high-ranking communist, who returned to the +Roman Catholic Church in 1945, discusses the operations of the Communist +party in the United States, describes in detail the methods it +employed, and accuses it of forming a fifth column directly under the +control of Soviet Russia. In a chapter on “The Capture of the Innocents” +he explains how “some of our best minds are moved around by +the Communists like pawns.” “The master key to the Soviet conquest +of the United States,” he concludes, “might well be our own complacency.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Budenz, Louis F.</span> <i>The Cry Is Peace.</i> Regnery. 1952. 242 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An exposure of the Soviet “crusade for peace” and a criticism of +American “appeasement” policies. “This is by all odds one of the best +available books on the important subject of the Communist conspiracy +against the United States.”—W. H. Chamberlin.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Buer, Mabel C.</span> <i>Health, Wealth and Population: 1760-1815.</i> London: +Routledge. 1926. 290 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A critical contribution to the study of economic history. Its importance +is wider than the ... title would suggest, and it is a book +with which all students of social history should be acquainted. Miss +Buer holds that the Industrial Revolution has become the ‘villain of +the drama of economic history’ through the habit of ‘writing history +backwards’; she shows that the positive assertion at the end of the +period by Francis Place that the habits and conditions of the working +classes showed a great improvement on their condition half a century +previously, was amply justified.... The period was one of enterprise +and experiment in social betterment in many spheres, and one in +which philanthropy and benevolence ‘were never more assiduously +preached’ and practiced. This attitude is contrasted with the extreme +callousness on the part of the governing classes in the previous century.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Burckhardt, Jakob.</span> <i>Force and Freedom: Reflections on History.</i> +Pantheon Books. 1943.</p> +</div> + +<p>Jakob Burckhardt (1818-1897), a Swiss historian and humanist, was +one of the great individualist philosophers of the nineteenth century. +His profound and searching mind foresaw the coming of collectivism. +“People today,” he wrote in 1875, “feel lost and they shudder if they +are not together in their thousands.” He predicted the coming of the +Mussolinis, Hitlers and Stalins: “My mental picture,” he wrote in a +letter in 1889, “of those terrible <i>simplificateurs</i> who will one day +descend upon our old Europe is not an agreeable one. In my imagination +I can visualize these ruffians in the flesh.” The present book is +the first English translation of a collection of short pieces. It contains +a valuable introduction by James Hastings Nichols. “It is a book +which ranks among the classics of historico-political writing, comparable +to Edmund Burke, de Tocqueville and Fustel de Coulanges.”—Karl +Lowith, in the <i>Journal of Philosophy</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Burgess, John W.</span> <i>The Reconciliation of Government with Liberty.</i> +Scribner’s. 1915. 394 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A scholarly study of modern constitutional government in Europe +and America. The author, who was dean of the faculty of political +science at Columbia University, saw in the tendency to increase the +authority and functions of those holding public office a very real +menace to liberty. “We are further away today from the solution of +the great problem of the reconciliation of government and liberty,” he +wrote in 1915, “than we were twenty years ago.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Burgess, John W.</span> <i>Recent Changes in American Constitutional +Theory.</i> Columbia University Press. 1923.</p> +</div> + +<p>Dr. Burgess takes the position that any movement contrary to +limiting the powers of government and defining and guaranteeing individual +liberty is in the wrong direction. The book traces the development +of constitutional law between 1898 and 1918.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Burke, Edmund.</span> <i>Works.</i> Oxford University Press. 6 vols.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The man who to me seems to be one of the greatest representatives +of true individualism.”—F. A. Hayek. “To do Burke justice, it would +be necessary to quote all his works; the only specimen of Burke is, +<i>all that he wrote</i>.”—William Hazlitt. For individualists, however, the +most important and most representative of his works are: <i>Thoughts +on the Present Discontents</i> (1770); address <i>To the Electors of Bristol</i> +(1774); the speech on <i>Conciliation with America</i> (1775); and <i>Reflections +on the French Revolution</i> (1790). Even William Hazlitt, who +was vehemently opposed to Burke’s stand on the French Revolution, +said: “In arriving at one error, Burke discovered a hundred truths.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Burnham, James.</span> <i>The Coming Defeat of Communism.</i> John Day. +1950. 278 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author believes that communism can and will be defeated, and +without large-scale war—if the western nations, and particularly the +United States, follow some such plan of action as he presents. Even +reviewers who refused to accept this plan acknowledged the skill and +brilliance of Burnham’s writing.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Burnham, James.</span> <i>The Web of Subversion.</i> John Day. 1954. 248 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A study based on examination of the records of Congressional investigations +since 1948 of communist underground networks in the +U. S. Government. “It would be less than just to call Mr. Burnham’s +new book a good digest of an enormous amount of material, deftly +arranged, and neatly presented. It is indeed that, to begin with—but +it is also a penetrating analysis which reveals the pattern of the fatal +web spread for us by traitors and their associates.”—Joseph McSorley, +in the <i>Catholic World</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bye, Raymond T.</span> <i>Principles of Economics.</i> Crofts. 1941. 632 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A well-known college textbook that presents the free enterprise +point of view.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cairnes, J. E.</span> <i>The Character and Logical Method of Political Economy.</i> +Macmillan. 1857. 229 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>John Elliott Cairnes (1823-1875) in his day held an authority in +economics second only to that of John Stuart Mill, and is usually regarded<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</span> +as the last of the English classicists. The book here listed +represents the part of his work that is still most alive; it deserves far +more study than it gets. Another leading work was <i>The Slave Power</i> +(1862), in which Cairnes expounded the inherent disadvantages of +slave labor and helped to turn British opinion in favor of the North +in the American Civil War. He accepted <i>laisser faire</i> in government +economic policy “not as based on a scientific doctrine ... but as the +surest and most practical rule of conduct.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Calhoun, John C.</span> <i>A Disquisition on Government.</i> 1851. (Included in +<i>Calhoun: Basic Documents</i>. State College, Pa.: Bald Eagle Press. +1952. 329 pp.)</p> +</div> + +<p>Calhoun (1782-1850) openly defended slavery as a positive good, +and frankly repudiated the doctrine of human equality as expressed +in the Declaration of Independence. This fact has thrown into undeserved +neglect his brilliant defense of States’ rights and the rights +of minorities. “Calhoun was concerned with one of the permanent +problems of government; and whatever one may think of the practical +results of his logic, it should be recognized that the theoretical analysis +which he presented in his <i>Disquisition on Government</i> was a contribution +to political theory of permanent importance. The protection +of minority rights had been one of the main objectives of the American +Constitution.... The powers of the Federal government must +be limited, and a minority section must be allowed to block action +detrimental to its interests.”—Henry Bamford Parkes, in <i>The United +States of America: A History</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cannan, Edwin.</span> <i>Wealth.</i> 1914, etc. Staples Press. 292 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“One of the best expositions of the elements of economics ever published. +It is much more than a textbook; it is the result of deliberate +and original thought by a master economist able to see his subject in +perspective and distinguish the most essential and relevant considerations.... +It might well be made a sort of Individualist’s bible, +more especially because it does <i>not</i> advocate Individualism or any +other system of social organization.... It is nevertheless true that +nearly all Collectivist proposals obtain support through the existence +of misconceptions which an understanding of this book would dispel.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cannan, Edwin.</span> <i>History of the Theories of Production and Distribution.</i> +London: King. 1924. 422 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A critical account of the writings of the classical economists. The +study of an acute history of economic theory such as this will prove +useful to those who wish to acquire the ability to detect the many +fallacies that lurk in discussions of economic problems by politicians<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</span> +and popular writers. Apart from this, the book is useful as a work of +reference and the summing up in the last chapter should be read by +all. The last sentence of the book is worth quoting as representing +Prof. Cannan’s views in 1903, when the second edition was published. +‘[The economist] is certain to disagree frequently with both Socialist +and Individualist fanatics, who support and oppose changes, not on +their merits, but according to the opinion they have formed, often +on wholly insufficient grounds, as to their being movements towards +or away from their ideal.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cannan, Edwin.</span> <i>Money.</i> 1918, etc. Staples Press. 136 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This little work was projected as a supplementary chapter to the +same author’s <i>Wealth</i>. It is a model of lucidity and economic reasoning, +and particularly good in explaining the connection between +monetary policy and rising and falling prices. Although I would dissent +from one or two of its conclusions, it seems to me to be still the +best book on money of its length. It has gone through more than eight +editions.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cannan, Edwin.</span> <i>An Economist’s Protest.</i> London: King. 1927. 438 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A collection of papers written over fourteen years. “Nothing that +has been published in recent years will do so much to clarify doctrine +and promote a grasp of essentials in Economics; while amateurs of +literature, who are commonly repelled by an economic title, will find +in the collection much that will hold its own among the classics of +controversial literature.”—London <i>Times Literary Supplement</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cannan, Edwin.</span> <i>A Review of Economic Theory.</i> London: King. 1929. +448 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A lively but authoritative history of economic theory. It begins with +the ideas of ancient and medieval philosophers and discusses the doctrines +of the classical economists and others up to the time of the +book’s publication.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cannan, Edwin.</span> <i>The Economic Outlook.</i> London: Unwin. 1912. 312 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>F. A. Hayek writes of the essays in this book, as well as those in +<i>An Economist’s Protest</i> (1927), that they “deserve, even now, renewed +and wider attention, and translation into other languages. Their simplicity, +clarity and sound common sense make them models for the +treatment of economic problems, and even some that were written +before 1914 are still astonishingly topical.” Among the pupils of Edwin +Cannan who have since exerted considerable influence are Sir +Theodore Gregory, Lionel Robbins, F. C. Benham, W. H. Hutt and +F. W. Paish.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cannan, Edwin.</span> <i>Coal Nationalisation.</i> London: King. 1919. 36 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This is a précis of evidence given before the Sankey Commission. +Only parts were read aloud by the Chairman, who obviously failed to +grasp its importance and relevance. Professor Cannan concluded that +nationalization would not benefit the taxpayer, the consumers of coal +or the miners themselves. As he indicated, the Commission and the +Government had ‘apparently decided “that something must be done” +before finding out whether they knew of any remedy better than the +disease.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Carlson, Oliver.</span> <i>Handbook on Propaganda.</i> Los Angeles: Foundation +for Social Research. 1953. 110 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The purpose of this handbook is “To make available to alert citizens +in all walks of life ... some basic facts about propaganda—what +it is—how it functions—and how to combat it.” There is a discussion +of the vehicles of propaganda, and separate chapters on nationalist +and internationalist, racist, government, collectivist and +communist propaganda.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Carr-Saunders, Sir Alexander M.</span> <i>The Population Problem.</i> Oxford: +Clarendon Press. 1922. 516 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This is thought by some to be the most important book dealing +with the problem of numbers of mankind that has appeared since the +days of Malthus.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Carver, T. N.</span> <i>The Present Economic Revolution in the United States.</i> +Little, Brown. 1926. 270 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Professor Carver foresees the beginning of a new economic revolution +in the world, which appears to be developing first in the United +States of America, as the Industrial Revolution came first in England +at the close of the eighteenth century. R. Boeckel and R. S. Brookings +had already called attention to this movement, but this is the +work of the Professor of Political Economy at Harvard.... ‘It is just +as possible [he writes] to attain equality under Capitalism as under +any other system,’ and in consequence, ‘The apostles of discontent are +being robbed of their thunder....’ This study of an Individualist +society is one of the most suggestive writings on Individualism that +exists.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Carver, T. N.</span> <i>Essays in Social Justice.</i> Harvard University Press. 1915. +429 pp.</p> + +<p>——. <i>Principles of National Economy.</i> Ginn. 1921. 773 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Other works which expound Professor Carver’s vigorous individualistic +free enterprise philosophy.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cassel, Gustav.</span> <i>From Protectionism Through Planned Economy to +Dictatorship.</i> London: Cobden-Sanderson. 1934. 26 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This lecture, by an eminent Swedish economist who died in 1945, +is included in this list (in violation of my general rule against including +pamphlets) because it points out, with a persuasiveness, power +and compactness surpassed by no other writer, how “planned economy,” +long enough continued, must lead to despotism. “The leadership +of the State in economic affairs which advocates of Planned Economy +want to establish is, as we have seen, necessarily connected with +a bewildering mass of governmental interferences of a steadily cumulative +nature. The arbitrariness, the mistakes and the inevitable contradictions +of such policy will, as daily experience shows, only +strengthen the demand for a more rational coordination of the different +measures and, therefore, for unified leadership. For this reason +Planned Economy will always tend to develop into Dictatorship.” +Cassel explains this process step by step. “If we allow economic freedom +and self-reliance to be destroyed,” he goes on to point out, “the +powers standing for Liberty will have lost so much in strength that +they will not be able to offer any effective resistance against a progressive +extension of such destruction to constitutional and public life +generally.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Catlin, George.</span> <i>The Story of the Political Philosophers.</i> Whittlesey. +1939. 802 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Reviewing this book in <i>The New York Times</i> (Jan. 7, 1940) I +wrote: “In dealing with successive political philosophers it presents +their biographies and their theories in judicious proportions. It is +written with wit and humor and contains some arresting characterizations. +It is learned, crowded, discursive, allusive, but it is not always +clear.” Felix Morley calls it: “An encyclopedic study, gracefully +written and useful to all who are interested in political theory.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cecil, Lord Hugh.</span> <i>Liberty and Authority.</i> London: Edward Arnold. +1910. 70 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A brief and thoughtful plea for ordered liberty; the ideal is a +society held together not by coercion, but ‘by the spontaneous cohesion +of virtuous wills.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Chamberlin, William Henry.</span> <i>America’s Second Crusade.</i> Regnery. +1950. 372 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author describes this work as an attempt “to examine without +prejudice or favor the question why the peace was lost while the war +was won.” It is a brilliant and well-documented history of the blunders +and misconceptions that were responsible for Teheran, Yalta and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</span> +Potsdam, and led to a “peace” that mainly realized the aims of Russian +communism and totalitarianism at the expense of the aims, or of +what should have been the aims, of a democratic and freedom-loving +America.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Chamberlin, William Henry.</span> <i>Collectivism: A False Utopia.</i> Macmillan. +1937. 265 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Mr. Chamberlin comes vigorously to the defense of democratic +institutions, with all their faults. He regards fascism and communism +as similar examples of a collectivist state, and argues that progress is +possible in the long run only on the basis of political liberty and +wisely controlled individual enterprise.”—<i>Springfield Republican.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Chamberlin, William Henry.</span> <i>The Russian Revolution.</i> Macmillan. +1935. 2 vols. 511 pp. 556 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“What Mr. Chamberlin, Moscow correspondent of <i>The Christian +Science Monitor</i> from 1922 to 1934, has done with admirable clarity +and scrupulous objectivity is not so much to offer sensational new +judgments as to knit and co-ordinate a positively staggering amount +of information based on source material, much of which had not previously +been examined by scholars in this field, and to marshal the +confused events of 1917-1921 in orderly fashion, giving chapter and +verse for every important statement of fact or opinion.”—<i>Books.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Chambers, Whittaker.</span> <i>Witness.</i> Random House. 1952. 808 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is Whittaker Chambers’ own account of his life, of the Hiss-Chambers +trial, and of his connection with the Communist party and +his repudiation of it. It is powerfully and eloquently written. Chambers +joined the Communist party primarily for emotional and quasi-religious +reasons and left it because of his religious conversion. This +points to the one serious shortcoming of the book, which is its failure +to understand or to explain adequately the <i>economic</i> case against +communism and in favor of freedom.</p> + +<p>“The name of the author, the theme of his work, the nature of our +times all conspire to make this volume one of the most significant +autobiographies of the twentieth century.”—Sidney Hook, in <i>The +New York Times</i>.</p> + +<p>“This is a great book; one of the greatest written by a contemporary +American.... Whittaker Chambers has composed an ‘<i>apologia pro +vita sua</i>’ ... [and] also one of the best and most readable accounts of +life both in the ‘open’ Communist Party and in its auxiliary underground +organizations.... The Communist Party, in America as in +every non-Communist country, is a criminal conspiracy, with its members +pledged to stop at nothing, espionage or sabotage, murder or +treason, which will advance the interests of the foreign power, the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</span> +Soviet Union, to which Communists everywhere are blindly subservient.”—W. +H. Chamberlin, in <i>Human Events</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Chance, Sir William.</span> <i>The Better Administration of the Poor Law.</i> +London: Sonnenschein. 1895. 260 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Sir William Chance has written several books on Poor Law administration, +all from an emphatically Individualist standpoint. In the +above he wrote: ‘The principles which underlie the grant of Poor +Relief which it—the Poor Law Relief Report of 1834—lays down are +good for all time. Had the Poor Law been administered since 1834 +strictly on those principles ... pauperism would probably have been +reduced to a negligible quantity.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Chodorov, Frank.</span> <i>One Is a Crowd.</i> Devin-Adair. 1952. 176 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Reflections of an individualist.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Clapham, J. H.</span> <i>An Economic History of Modern Britain.</i> Cambridge +University Press. 1926. 623 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“An understanding of the <i>laissez-faire</i> and early industrial period is +much needed. In this learned work Dr. Clapham, a leading authority, +exposes ‘the legend that everything was getting steadily worse for the +working man down to some unspecified date between the drafting of +the People’s Charter and the Great Exhibition.’ This legend seems to +have been largely responsible for a tendency to a kind of unconscious +Socialist bias in economic and social thinking, and it has, with a few +exceptions, been spread by economic history textbooks. Knowles’ <i>Industrial +and Commercial Revolutions in the Nineteenth Century</i> is +the most notable exception. Dr. Clapham’s contribution represents the +culmination of a reaction which has come in recent years as a result +of modern historical research. (See also: <span class="smcap">George.</span> <i>London Life in the +18th Century.</i> <span class="smcap">Buer.</span> <i>Health, Wealth and Population (1760-1815).</i> +<span class="smcap">Talbot Griffiths.</span> <i>Population Problems in the Age of Malthus.</i> +<span class="smcap">Vaughan Wilkins.</span> <i>Sidelights on Industrial Evolution.</i>)”—PI.</p> + +<p>(See also in this bibliography <span class="smcap">T. S. Ashton</span>, <span class="smcap">F. A. Hayek</span>, etc.)</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Clark, Colin.</span> <i>Welfare and Taxation.</i> Oxford: Catholic Social Guild. +1955. 80 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Dr. Clark, the eminent Australian statistician and economist, now +Director of the Institute of Research in Agricultural Economics at +Oxford, argues in this little book that the tax rate in Britain is reducing +incentives, productivity, and national income, and points out that +even those with lower incomes are really paying for their own “free” +social services. He concludes that we should “give the State, not the +maximum, but the minimum of powers and duties.... Concentration +of political power is always dangerous.... We should realize<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</span> +that, if we go on building up the power of the State ... giving it +more and more control over every detail of our lives ... we create +a State which will not merely tax us to excess but eventually enslave +us completely.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Clark, Fred G.</span> <i>Magnificent Delusion.</i> Whittlesey. 1940. 152 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An analysis of present economic and social ills in America, based on +the thesis that we are in danger of losing our democracy through +over-insistence on humanitarianism, the idea that the government +owes all of us a living. “Mr. Clark has made an effective case.”—Nicholas +Roosevelt.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Clark, F. G., and Rimanoczy, R. S.</span> <i>How We Live.</i> Van Nostrand. +1944. 39 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A short, clear, and vigorous primer on how the capitalist system +works. The authors emphasize the importance of capital accumulation—the +constant need for more and better tools to increase man’s +ability to utilize natural resources and so to increase his material +welfare. The same authors have written other primers: <i>Money, How +to Be Popular Though Conservative</i>, and <i>How to Think About Economics.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Clark, John Bates.</span> <i>The Distribution of Wealth.</i> Macmillan. 1899. +445 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A work of epoch-making importance: a theory of wages, interest +and profits which seeks to show that “free competition tends to give to +labor what labor creates, to capitalists what capital creates, and to +entrepreneurs what the coordinating function creates.” It is thus indirectly +an answer to the socialist contention that under competitive +capitalism labor is “exploited” and “workmen are regularly robbed +of what they produce.” “It is not too much to say,” wrote the economist +Henry R. Seager in 1900, “that the publication of Professor +Clark’s <i>Distribution</i> marks an epoch in the history of economic +thought in the United States. Its inspiration, its illustrations, even its +independence of the opinions of others, are American; but its originality, +the brilliancy of its reasoning and its completeness deserve and +will surely obtain for it a place in world literature.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cobden, Richard.</span> <i>Speeches on Questions of Public Policy.</i> London: +Unwin. 1908. 2 vols.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Cobden [1804-1865] was of all English statesmen the most powerful +and persuasive exponent of the Individualistic view of Government. +See his <i>Life</i> by John Morley.”—PI.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cole, Franklin P.</span> <i>They Preached Liberty.</i> Revell. 1941.</p> +</div> + +<p>Significant excerpts from the sermons of New England ministers +during the late Colonial period.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Collingwood, R. G.</span> <i>The Idea of History.</i> Oxford University Press. +1946. 339 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“With the death of R. G. Collingwood in 1943 British philosophy +lost one of its most distinguished minds. His most original work grew +out of his reflections on the special characteristics of historical thinking.”—<i>Manchester +Guardian.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Communist International.</span> <i>Blueprint for World Conquest.</i> Washington: +Human Events. 1946. 263 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is designed to serve as a warning to anti-communists of the +plans and tactics that they must learn to combat. It contains the theses +and statutes of the Communist International, as adopted at the second +world congress at Moscow in 1920; the program of the Communist +International as adopted by the sixth world congress at Moscow on +Sept. 1, 1928, and the constitution and rules of the Communist International. +There is an introduction by William Henry Chamberlin.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Constant, Benjamin.</span> <i>De l’Esprit de Conquête.</i> 1813. Paris: Librairie +de Médicis. 1947. 68 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Benjamin Constant (1767-1830) was the author of a celebrated autobiographical +novel, <i>Adolphe</i>. He was the lover of the famous +Madame de Staël and later acquired an infatuation for Madame Récamier. +The literary and amorous side of his career has unfortunately +overshadowed his prophetic contributions in support of liberalism and +freedom of the press, especially his <i>De l’esprit de conquête et de l’usurpation</i>, +directed against Napoleon. In 1829 he wrote: “For forty years +I have defended the same principle: liberty in everything, in religion, +in philosophy, in literature, in industry, in politics; and by liberty I +mean the triumph of individuality, as much over the authority that +seeks to govern by despotism as over the masses who claim the right +to enslave the minority to the majority.” An English translation of +<i>Conquest and Usurpation</i> was published by Reynal & Hitchcock in +1941.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Constitution of the United States.</span> 1787.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The American Constitution,” wrote Gladstone, “is the most wonderful +work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose +of man.” The first ten amendments, which constitute the Bill of +Rights, are a charter of human liberties which has served as a model +to mankind. (See <span class="smcap">Hamilton</span>, <span class="smcap">Madison</span>, <span class="smcap">Farrand</span>, <span class="smcap">Norton</span>.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</span></p> + + +<p><span class="smcap">Cooley, Charles Horton.</span> <i>Life and the Student.</i> Knopf. 1927. 273 pp.</p> + +<p>A volume of aphoristic wisdom on human nature, society, and letters +which deserves to be far more widely known than it is. It recalls +the notebooks of Emerson and Thoreau, and will stand comparison +with them. It is not a systematic defense or exposition of the philosophy +of individualism, but every page breathes the spirit of that +philosophy. Some individual paragraphs alone would justify including +the book in the present bibliography. For example: “There are +three irrefutable reasons why views that seem dangerous, unpatriotic +or otherwise abominable should be freely expressed. 1: Discussion is +the only way to modify or control them. 2: It is the only way to mobilize +conservative views in order to combat them intelligently. 3: +They may be right.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cornuelle, Herbert C.</span> <i>Mr. Anonymous.</i> Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton +Printers. 1951. 212 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A biography of William Volker, who rose from a penniless German +immigrant in 1871 to a millionaire businessman in 1906. What was +most remarkable about him, however, was not his rise from “rags to +riches” but his determination to live according to the Golden Rule. +“A man with money,” he declared, “is to be pitied if he cannot give +it away.” So firm was his attitude against any sort of public recognition +of his many selfless charities that it was not until after his death +in 1947 that “Mr. Anonymous” could be identified as William Volker. +Mr. Cornuelle’s story is written with simple directness and has the +readability and charm of an Horatio Alger novel. Indeed, the real +hero of this story resembles in many respects—in diligence, industriousness, +ambition, austere living, kindness, goodness, and belief in +the American system of opportunity—one of Alger’s fictional heroes.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cortney, Philip.</span> <i>The Economic Munich.</i> Philosophical Library. 1949. +262 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Philip Cortney is a prominent businessman (president of Coty, Inc., +and of Coty International) who has been a life-long student of economics. +This book falls into three main parts. The first is an analysis +and a rejection of the International Trade Organization Charter +(signed by the United States at Havana) on the ground that its ratification +would restrict international trade and undermine the individual +competitive system. The second part is an illuminating analysis +of the causes of the 1929 depression. The final part is an incisive +refutation of Keynesian fallacies. The author is not only an eloquent +defender of economic liberty but reveals a rare skill in dissecting the +specific policies and ideas that constitute the greatest threat to it.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Counts, George S., and Lodge, Mrs. N. P.</span> <i>Country of the Blind: The +Soviet System of Mind Control.</i> Houghton Mifflin. 1949. 378 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A study of the way in which the Central Committee of the All-Union +Communist Party controls Russian cultural and intellectual +life by rigid surveillance and direction of literature, drama, music, science, +and education. Its long quotations from the actual texts of +Committee resolutions and directives make it heavy going at times, +but supply the authentic source material.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cowling, Donald J., and Davidson, Carter.</span> <i>Colleges for Freedom.</i> +Harper. 1947. 180 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A study of the purposes, practices and needs, and an evaluation of +the place of the private liberal-arts college in American life, and a +program for its independent survival.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cox, Harold.</span> <i>The Capital Levy: Its Real Purpose.</i> Westminster: +National Unionist Association. 1923. 71 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The Capital Levy has never been definitely renounced by the +Labor Party as an item of its program. If a favorable opportunity +arises in the future it may yet again become a live political issue. Mr. +Harold Cox’s book is largely a criticism of what is perhaps the most +formidable defense of the levy, namely, that by Dr. Hugh Dalton. +There is also a very useful chapter summarizing the experiences of +six foreign countries. The author’s conclusion is that ‘All six countries +tell the same story. In each case the levy was tried as a means of +escaping from a financial debt which threatened the nation with bankruptcy. +In no case have the results achieved justified the departure +from sound methods of finance.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cox, Harold.</span> <i>Economic Liberty.</i> Longmans, Green. 1920. 263 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A series of lucid essays by a thoroughgoing Individualist. The keynote +is found in the preface. The essays, it is claimed, are all inspired +by one purpose—the desire to defend economic liberty against the +attacks made upon it by men and women who think they can secure +progress by various schemes for curtailing freedom. ‘Liberty,’ it is +admitted, ‘can be abused, but it is the business of the community to +prevent this abuse, not to destroy the liberty.’ And ‘It does not follow +that the best form of restraint is the employment of the power of the +State.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Creel, George.</span> <i>Russia’s Race for Asia.</i> Bobbs-Merrill. 1949. 264 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A warning—which proved to be completely in vain—that if the +United States, by sins of omission or commission, allowed the Chinese<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</span> +communists to gain a victory over the National government of Chiang +Kai-shek, it would put Russia in a position of mastery over half the +world’s population.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Croce, Benedetto.</span> <i>Historical Materialism and the Economics of Karl +Marx.</i> Macmillan. 1914. 188 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A collection of essays on the philosophical aspects of Marxism. Marx +borrowed a great deal from Hegel, and yet reacted from him. The +distinguished Italian philosopher here tries to separate the true from +the false in Marx’s particular form of Hegelianism and anti-Hegelianism.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Croce, Benedetto.</span> <i>Politics and Morals.</i> Philosophical Library. 1945. +204 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A collection of essays by a distinguished Italian philosopher. Included +are: <i>Liberalism as a Concept of Life</i>, <i>Free Enterprise and +Liberalism</i>, and <i>The Bourgeoisie: An Ill-defined Historical Concept</i>. +The last, a critique of a German book <i>The Bourgeois Mind in France</i>, +is particularly instructive.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Crossman, Richard</span> (ed.). <i>The God that Failed.</i> Harper. 1949. 273 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a collection of essays by former communists or communist +sympathizers explaining the history of their disillusionment. The +contributors include former “initiates”—Arthur Koestler, Ignazio +Silone, Richard Wright—and former “worshippers from afar”—André +Gide (presented by E. Starkie), Louis Fischer, and Stephen Spender. +Some of the contributions are more interesting psychologically than +for any light they throw on economic or political philosophy. Several +of the disillusioned communists have remained socialists.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Crowther, Samuel.</span> <i>Time to Inquire.</i> John Day. 1942. 353 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This seeks to answer the question: “How can we restore the freedom, +opportunity, and dignity of the average man?”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cunningham, W.</span> <i>The Growth of English Industry and Commerce.</i> +Vol. 1: <i>Early and Middle Ages</i>. Fifth edition. 1922. Vol. 2: <i>Modern +Times.</i> Sixth edition. 1922: Part 1, <i>Mercantile System</i>; Part 2, +<i>Laissez-faire. The Industrial Revolution.</i> 1922. (A reprint of sections +from the <i>Mercantile System and Laissez-faire</i>.) Cambridge +University Press. 3 vols. 1,679 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Standard works on economic history. Archdeacon Cunningham +was one of the founders of economic history as a regular branch of +study in the Universities. The most important of his other works are: +<i>Progress of Capitalism in England</i> (second impression, 1925); and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</span> +<i>Western Civilization in Its Economic Aspects.</i> (1924. Fourth impression. +2 vols.)”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Curtiss, William Marshall.</span> <i>The Tariff Idea.</i> Irvington, N. Y.: Foundation +for Economic Education. 1953. 80 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Dr. Curtiss carefully analyzes the principal arguments for protective +tariffs and disposes of them. He also points out that the protective +tariff philosophy is the source of a host of other political and economic +errors.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dallin, David J.</span> <i>The Real Soviet Russia.</i> Yale University Press. 1944. +1947. 325 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An acknowledged authority, who was himself a member of the +Moscow soviet from 1918 to 1921, analyzes the communist tyranny. +The first edition appeared in 1944, when Russia was still America’s +“ally” in the war against Germany. Dallin tries to show the workings +of the huge apparatus of government, of the secret police, of the Army, +and of the party within the party of peasants and workers. He emphasizes +the contempt of the Russian leaders for human life and +suffering.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dallin, David J.</span> <i>Soviet Espionage.</i> Yale University Press. 1955. 558 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Undoubtedly the major work on Soviet spy activities.”—Igor +Gouzenko, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dallin, David J., and Nicolaevsky, Boris I.</span> <i>Forced Labor in Soviet +Russia.</i> Yale University Press. 1947. 331 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A conscientiously documented and appalling report on slave labor +in the corrective camps that the Soviet secret police runs for the +government.”—<i>New Yorker.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dark Side of the Moon.</span> Anonymous. With a preface by T. S. Eliot. +Scribner’s. 1947. 299 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An account, written anonymously, of what Soviet Russia did to the +Polish people when, as a result of the 1939 pact with Germany, the +NKVD entered Poland, arrested thousands, and deported them to +labor camps in Siberia. “One of the most affecting and important +books published in many years.... Revelation of how the Soviet +pattern of life is imposed upon a conquered people.”—Harry Schwartz, +in the <i>Political Science Quarterly</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Davenport, H. J.</span> <i>The Economics of Enterprise.</i> Macmillan. 1913. 544 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“One may glean from this book only a moderate reflection of one +of the greatest classroom teachers Cornell University ever had—one of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</span> +those rare persons, able to use the Socratic method masterfully. Before +concentrating on Economics, H. J. Davenport had first become accomplished +in English, mathematics, law and logic—a rich background +from which he taught.</p> + +<p>“A jealous guardian of economic discipline founded in logic, his +work strongly upheld the precepts of individualism. To him any such +concept as the ‘social organism’ was anathema. And from that base he +went on to develop the concept of the processes of the market at their +best, in terms of human freedom. He defined the science of economics +as ‘little more than a study of price and of its causes and its corollaries.’ +Price was, to him, central to all economics. And that meant price +freedom for <i>individuals</i>. Without freedom of pricing, therefore, economics +was not operative. He therefore disclaimed all theoretical +sympathies with the Socialists, whom he considered to be, in fact, the +ultraconservatives.”—F. A. Harper.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">De Jaegher, Raymond J., and Kuhn, Irene C.</span> <i>The Enemy Within.</i> +Doubleday. 1952. 314 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An eyewitness account, by a Catholic priest, of the communist conquest +of China, covering the period of their methodic climb to power +in North China in the long years of war against Japan. “It makes a +grisly story and will come as a surprise to those who have the notion +that Reds of the Chinese species are less cruel than their cousins to +the west; if anything, according to Father de Jaegher, they are worse. +The book winds up with a discussion of the ill-fated Marshall mission +to China, a chapter that is certainly as depressing as any in the book.”—<i>New +Yorker.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dewar, Hugo.</span> <i>Assassins at Large.</i> Beacon. 1952. 203 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This book sounds, in parts, like a collection of detective and +mystery stories. Actually it is a well-documented, though far from +complete, report on political murder and kidnapping cases perpetrated +by Soviet secret agents all over the world that have become known +during the last fifteen years.”—Vladimir Petrov, in <i>Annals of the +American Academy of Political and Social Science</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dicey, A. V.</span> <i>The Law of the Constitution.</i> Oxford. 1885.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A classic study of English constitutional law. The eighth (1915) +edition (Macmillan), with its comprehensive and luminous introduction, +should be utilized. The chapter on ‘Parliamentary Sovereignty +and Federalism’ is especially important for American readers.”—Felix +Morley. “We are all servants of the laws,” wrote Cicero, “in order that +we may be free.” Dicey called attention to the modern threat to freedom +in the incursions that were being made into The Rule of Law.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dicey, A. V.</span> <i>Law and Public Opinion in England.</i> 1914. Macmillan. +1948. 506 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A work of fundamental importance. It traces the transition from +the old Toryism or ‘legislative quiescence’ to Benthamism or Individualism, +which was characteristic of the middle of the Nineteenth +Century, and the subsequent gradual reaction to Collectivism, from +about 1870 onwards.”—PI. It also discusses such questions as judicial +legislation and the right of association.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dodd, Bella V.</span> <i>School of Darkness.</i> P. J. Kenedy & Sons. 1955. 262 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The repentant ex-communist teacher, Bella V. Dodd, calls communism +a “school of darkness.” “This volume of experiences and confession +has more value than most books written by former Communists, +because it gives the clearest picture yet of how communism was +able to recruit intelligent, educated persons during the twenties and +thirties.”—Irene Corbally Kuhn, in <i>The Freeman</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dos Passos, John.</span> <i>The Grand Design.</i> Houghton Mifflin. 1949. 440 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The final volume of a trilogy, the first two volumes of which were +<i>Adventures of a Young Man</i> (1939) and <i>Number One</i> (1943). This +novel tells the story of the New Deal years in American life. Some of +the characters are evidently based on well-known figures. “<i>The Grand +Design</i> is ... respectful of the inner core of New-Deal idealism, +contemptuous of the politics, confusion, jealousy, corruption, and +inefficiency which accompanied it.”—Orville Prescott in the <i>Yale Review</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">East, Edward M.</span> <i>Mankind at the Crossroads.</i> Scribner’s. 1923. 360 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An authoritative study of the population problem.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Eastman, Max.</span> <i>Reflections on the Failure of Socialism.</i> Devin-Adair. +1955. 128 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A lucid and brilliant analysis of the fallacies of Marxian and Fabian +socialism. Mr. Eastman argues that socialism has failed over the last +century in every nation and in every form in which it has been tried. +He explains why political liberty depends upon a democratic competitive +market and the price system. His arguments are all the more +persuasive because of his personal history. He began as an extreme +left-wing Socialist. As editor of the <i>Masses</i> and later of the <i>Liberator</i>, +he “fought for the Bolsheviks on the battlefield of American opinion +with all the influence my voice and magazine possessed.” This book +explains the reasons for his gradual disillusionment. The most powerful +chapter is “The Religion of Immoralism,” a devastating exposure +of the peculiarly mystical but systematic rejection of morality which +“is the one wholly original contribution of Karl Marx to man’s heritage +of ideas.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Eastman, Max.</span> <i>Marxism: Is It Science?</i> Norton. 1940. 394 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Mr. Eastman, once a Marxist, here argues that scientific socialism, +so-called, is not science but religion. “Max Eastman’s book is, as +readers of his earlier philosophical writings would expect, a work of +art.”—A. N. Holcombe, in <i>Books</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ebon, Martin.</span> <i>World Communism Today.</i> Whittlesey. 1948. 536 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A useful reference work which attempts to give a survey of communism +in every country in which it has been an important political +factor.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Economic Principles Commission of the National Association of +Manufacturers.</span> <i>The American Individual Enterprise System.</i> McGraw-Hill. +1946. 2 vols. 1119 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>These two volumes were prepared by a committee of fifteen authors, +about evenly divided between professional economists and business +executives. They were asked to submit to the National Association of +Manufacturers “a thorough analysis of the philosophy, operations and +achievements of the American economic system.” There are chapters +on the individual enterprise system, employment relations, agriculture, +savings and capital formation, money and credit, profit and loss, the +role of prices and price determination, competition and monopoly, +government regulation, public finance, business fluctuations, etc. +Among the authors were W. W. Cumberland, Willford I. King, Harley +L. Lutz, Ludwig von Mises, Murray Shields, Bradford B. Smith, Rufus +S. Tucker and Ray B. Westerfield.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Edmunds, Sterling.</span> <i>The Struggle for Freedom.</i> Milwaukee: Bruce +Publishing Co. 1946. 309 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The history of Anglo-American liberty from the charter of Henry I +to the present day. “The author was for many years a lecturer on +constitutional law at St. Louis University. Professor Edmunds is convinced +that the American people have been losing control over their +lives and liberties. The Federal Government, in his opinion, with its +increasing use of boards and administrative law, constitutes a threat to +freedom.... Administrative boards rather than courts of law now +direct the lives of the American people.... The background material +which he presents in the field of constitutional law is perhaps +unsurpassed by that found in any other book.”—<i>The Commonweal.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Einaudi, Luigi.</span> <i>Greatness and Decline of Planned Economy in the +Hellenistic World.</i> Bern, Switzerland: A. Franke. 1950. 48 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Luigi Einaudi, the former President of Italy, is a distinguished +liberal economist. Out of a dozen books written by him, this is the +only one, to my knowledge, that has been made available in English.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ekirch, Arthur E., Jr.</span> <i>The Decline of American Liberalism.</i> Longmans, +Green. 1955. 401 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author, Professor of History at the American University in +Washington, argues that the main trend since the American Revolution +has been to augment concentration of economic and state power +and thus whittle away individual freedom.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Elliott, W. Y., and McDonald, Neil A.</span> <i>The Western Political Heritage.</i> +Prentice-Hall. 1949. 1027 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“An excellent work of reference.”—<i>Human Events.</i> “This book +ought to find its way into the library of anyone who has any curiosity +about the origins and development of the struggle between tyranny +and freedom.”—<i>San Francisco Chronicle.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Emerson, Ralph Waldo.</span> Essays on <i>Wealth</i> and <i>Politics</i>. Many editions.</p> +</div> + +<p>Emerson was not only a strong individualist in the broadest sense +of the word, but a strong advocate of the free enterprise system +(although it was not known under that name in his time) and a strong +advocate of limited government. These two essays are outstanding illustrations, +as the following excerpt from <i>Politics</i> will show:</p> + +<p>“This is the history of governments—one man does something which +is to bind another. A man who cannot be acquainted with me, taxes +me; looking from afar at me ordains that a part of my labor shall go +to this or that whimsical end—not as I, but as he happens to fancy. +Behold the consequence. Of all debts men are least willing to pay the +taxes. What a satire is this on government! Everywhere we think they +get their money’s worth, except for these. Hence the less government +we have the better—the fewer laws, and the less confided power.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Erhard, Ludwig.</span> <i>Germany’s Comeback in the World Market.</i> Macmillan. +1955. 276 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An exposition by the German Economics Minister of Germany’s postwar +economic policies. Dr. Erhard describes how the stabilization of +the currency and the removal of price controls beginning in June of +1948 brought the “miracle” of German recovery. “It was the initiation +of the market economy that awakened entrepreneurial impulses. The +worker became ready to work, the trader to sell, and the economy in +general to produce. In this way alone the conditions making possible +a genuine foreign trade were provided.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ernst, Morris L., and Loth, D. G.</span> <i>Report on the American Communist.</i> +Holt. 1952. 240 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The stated purpose of this book is to provide a better understanding +of Communism in America and to prevent the growth of party<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</span> +membership. The authors interviewed nearly three hundred former +Communists, asking why they joined and why they left the party.”—<i>Library +Journal.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Eucken, Rudolph.</span> <i>Socialism: An Analysis.</i> Scribner’s. 1922. 188 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A philosophical analysis of Socialism by an eminent German philosopher. +This book is in two parts. The first consists of an extraordinarily +fair statement and explanation of Socialist ideals, and the +second part of an examination and rejection of those ideals. The +whole spirit as well as the methods of Socialism are here opposed.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Eucken, Walter.</span> <i>This Unsuccessful Age.</i> London: Hodge. 1951. 96 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author, a German thinker of stature, integrity and courage, +summarizes the experiences of the first fifty years of the age of economic +experiments. He points out the lessons that can be learned, in +particular, from the lengthy experiments in planning, government +direction, and price-fixing in Germany. He concludes that we can now +know at least how <i>not</i> to attempt a solution of the problem of economic +power, how <i>not</i> to try to achieve social security, and how <i>not</i> +to “plan.” He particularly stresses that a policy of full employment +leads directly, through inflation, to a centrally planned and therefore +totalitarian society. There is an introduction by John Jewkes of the +University of Oxford.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Eucken, Walter.</span> <i>The Foundations of Economics.</i> London: Hodge. +1950. 358 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The late Walter Eucken was, among German economists, the foremost +opponent of the Historical School. He contributed greatly to +the revival in Germany of interest in economic theory. The first +German edition of this book appeared in 1940; the present English +translation is based on the sixth German edition. The central theme is +the dual aspect of economic problems, which has led to a dual approach +to them—one historical, the other theoretical. The author +attempts to clarify the respective roles of these two methods. The +excesses of Nazism and of the early stringent controls in Germany after +World War II led Eucken to emphasize more and more the advantages +and urgency of a free market system.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fairchild, F. R., and Shelly, T. J.</span> <i>Understanding Our Free Economy.</i> +Van Nostrand. 1952. 589 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Perhaps the best introduction to economics ever written for high +school students, and certainly the best in existence now. Even many +adults will find it an ideal elementary introduction to the subject. It<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</span> +is outspoken and unapologetic in its defense of free markets and free +private enterprise as against government planning and socialism.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fairchild, Fred R., Buck, W. S., and Slesinger, R. E.</span> <i>Principles of +Economics.</i> Macmillan. 1954. 780 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A standard introductory college textbook. The 1954 edition has +been “so thoroughly rewritten and revised that, in the opinion of the +authors, it is virtually a new book.... It seeks understanding of the +working of the modern free economy, while acquainting the student +also with other economic systems and certain recent trends toward +collectivism.” Especially noteworthy are two chapters on “Government +in Industry.” These deal with such matters as price and wage controls, +the Tennessee Valley Authority, and agricultural subsidies.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Faraday, W. B.</span> <i>Democracy and Capital.</i> London: Murray. 1921. 314 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A popular and exhaustive exposure of Socialism. It is argued that +Socialist movements are definitely retrogressive, as the trend of social +progress has been, in a juristic sense, away from status and towards +freedom of contract, and that ‘Our liberty has grown with the idea of +the inviolability of property and the increased individuality of the +man as opposed to the State.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Farrand, Max</span> (ed.). <i>The Records of the Federal Convention.</i> Yale +University Press. 1937. 4 vols.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This is the definitive record of the Constitutional Convention, supplementing +Madison’s reports and correcting them wherever later +evidence warrants; indispensable for thorough study of American +governmental origins.”—Felix Morley.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fawcett, Henry.</span> <i>Manual of Political Economy.</i> Macmillan. 1883. 631 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A textbook on the lines of Mill, but more severely individualistic.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Federalist, The.</span> (See <span class="smcap">Hamilton.</span>)</p> +</div> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Federici, Federico.</span> <i>Der Deutsche Liberalismus.</i> Zurich: Artemis-Verlag. +1946.</p> +</div> + +<p>A study of German liberalism.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ferguson, Adam.</span> <i>An Essay on the History of Civil Society.</i> 1767.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The spontaneous collaboration of free men often creates things +which are greater than their individual minds can ever fully comprehend. +This is the great theme of Josiah Tucker and Adam Smith,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</span> +of Adam Ferguson and Edmund Burke, the great discovery of classical +political economy which has become the basis of our understanding +not only of economic life but of most truly social phenomena.”—F. +A. Hayek.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ferguson, John M.</span> <i>Landmarks of Economic Thought.</i> Longmans, +Green. 1938. 295 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A useful, readable and agreeable short history of economic thought, +stressing the contributions of the leading thinkers. Reviewing it in +<i>The New York Times</i> of Oct. 30, 1938, I wrote: “Professor Ferguson +apparently intended his volume to serve both for the general reader +and as a textbook.... It has the virtues of ... straightforwardness, +balance, impartiality.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ferrero, Guglielmo.</span> <i>The Principles of Power.</i> Putnam. 1942. 333 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is the last book of a trilogy by the eminent Italian historian +of Rome. It contrasts “illegitimate” government, or government by +fear (as represented by Bonapartism and Fascism), with “legitimate” +government, or government in good faith (as represented by democracy +and hereditary monarchy). Ferrero’s thesis is that the “illegitimate” +government must seek to keep itself in power by military +adventures, neurotic activity, and coercion. Wilhelm Röpke calls this +book “a true legacy to us.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fetter, Frank A.</span> <i>Economics.</i> Vol. I: <i>Economic Principles</i>. 523 pp. +Vol. II: <i>Modern Economic Problems</i>. 498 pp. Century. 1915. Revised +ed., 1922.</p> +</div> + +<p>Of Frank Fetter, Joseph Schumpeter writes: “Professor Frank A. +Fetter rose to a leading position in the first decade of this century. He +was primarily, though not exclusively, a theorist.... At that time +all serious theoretical endeavor had to start from the bases laid by +Jevons, Menger, and Walras ... [but] Fetter erected a building that +was his own, both as a whole and in many points of detail, such as +the theory of ‘psychic income.’ The vivifying influence upon the +American profession’s interest in theory of his critical exploits cannot +be evaluated too highly.” Vol. II makes practical application of the +theories treated in Vol. I to such matters as money, banking, international +trade, labor organizations, agricultural economics, trusts, +taxation, insurance, immigration, and similar topics.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fisher, Allan G. B.</span> <i>Economic Progress and Social Security.</i> Macmillan. +1945. 362 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Allan G. B. Fisher, well known New Zealand economist and professor +at the Royal Institute of International Affairs in London, has<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</span> +set himself the difficult task of exploring the double impact of economic +change and of the quest for security upon economic policy, +national as well as international.... He shows that stability can be +achieved amidst change and security without loss of freedom, but the +stability as well as the security he offers are relative rather than absolute. +He discards the security of slavery as well as the stability of immobility.”—<i>Weekly +Book Review.</i> “A polished and mature effort in +the art of political economy.”—John Jewkes, in the <i>Manchester +Guardian</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fisher, Allan G. B.</span> <i>The Clash of Progress and Security.</i> Macmillan. +1936. 234 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Professor Fisher’s thesis is briefly this: Material progress means +change, involving inconvenience and suffering for certain classes even +though it may benefit others. Resistance is generated among those +who suffer from change, so that the adjustments necessary, if progress +is to develop smoothly, are not made rapidly enough. In short, there +is a clash between progress and security.”—<i>Pacific Affairs.</i> “An admirable +and stimulating book, full of clear and concrete reasoning +from start to finish.”—London <i>Economist</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fite, Warner.</span> <i>Individualism.</i> Longmans, Green. 1924. 301 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Four lectures which discuss the conception of the individual, the +individual as a conscious agent, individuality and social unity, and +individual rights and the social problem.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fleming, Harold.</span> <i>Ten Thousand Commandments.</i> Prentice-Hall. +1951. (Paper-covered edition: Irvington, N. Y.: Foundation for +Economic Education. 1952.) 206 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The story of the antitrust laws, their history, their administration, +their complexities and contradictions, and the amazing court decisions +handed down about them. Mr. Fleming does not directly question +either past or present need for antitrust legislation, but he shows by +the record that within the framework of these laws there has operated +an administrative instrument of arbitrary power and hostility threatening +the very life of competitive enterprise in America. “The essential +purpose of all the variegated attacks has been to hamper the more +successful business for the benefit of the less successful business.... +What is left is merely a rule that the bigger companies almost invariably +are wrong on some count or other and the little companies +almost invariably right. The result is that nobody knows what is legal +and what isn’t. The law is what the government lawyers say it is. And +they are essentially interested not in <i>what</i> is done, but in <i>who does it</i>.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Flint, Robert.</span> <i>Socialism.</i> Lippincott. 1895. 1908. 512 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Examining socialism in 1895, Professor Flint concluded that it +“might prove the reverse of a blessing to working men although those +who are pressing it on them may mean them well.” Reviewing the +first edition, the London <i>Athenaeum</i> declared: “It is impossible for +anyone to have tried harder to be fair than Professor Flint.” F. J. C. +Hearnshaw declared it to be: “On the whole the ablest and most +destructive criticism of socialism ever written. The two editions (first, +1895; second, 1908) differ considerably; both should be read and re-read.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Flynn, John T.</span> <i>The Road Ahead: America’s Creeping Revolution.</i> +Devin-Adair. 1949. 160 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>John T. Flynn is one of America’s most powerful pamphleteers. The +central thesis of this book is that economic planning, social insurance, +deficit financing, and the nationalization of credit lead step by step +toward mass enslavement and the totalitarian state. This tendency, he +believes, has been shown empirically by the British experience; it +follows that the preservation of American freedoms and institutions is +inseparable from the preservation of a free capitalism. The Americans +for Democratic Action, he holds, are the present equivalent of the +British Fabians. They sincerely consider themselves to be anti-communist; +but their efforts to achieve the socialized state through a process +of gradualism must lead, if successful, to dictatorship and the police +state.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Flynn, John T.</span> <i>As We Go Marching.</i> Doubleday. 1944. 272 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Mr. Flynn’s thesis is that despite the many differences in the +character, customs, laws, traditions, and resources of the people of +Italy, Germany, and the United States, this country has been drifting +on the same currents and experimenting with the same political and +economic measures which resulted in the establishment of Fascism +abroad. Two-thirds of his book is a scholarly, sober, valuable examination +of the rise of Fascism in Italy and Germany, one-third is an attempt +to support his thesis by trying to prove that it not only can +happen here but already has happened.”—<i>New Yorker.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Flynn, John T.</span> <i>The Epic of Freedom.</i> Philadelphia: Fireside Press. +1947. 127 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The story of the growth of freedom told simply and briefly for +young people of high-school age.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Flynn, John T.</span> <i>The Decline of the American Republic.</i> Devin-Adair. +1955. 224 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The American Republic, as the Founding Fathers conceived it, has +been declining with special rapidity, according to the author, since<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</span> +1930. A large part of this decline he attributes to the sapping of the +Constitution by a modern semantics that has distorted the plain +meaning of crucial clauses—so that the federal power to regulate +commerce between the states may be interpreted to mean the federal +power to regulate the pay and hours of an elevator operator who never +leaves New York City. “A very necessary book.”—John Chamberlain, +in <i>The Freeman</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Foerster, F. W.</span> <i>Europe and the German Question.</i> Sheed. 1940. 474 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An analysis of German history by a Prussian exiled from his native +land long before World War I because of his unorthodox views. In +his introductory chapter the author declares: “This book is above all +intended to acquaint Germans living outside the Third Reich with +Germany’s authentic tradition and with its European mission. But it +also looks forward to a not too remote day when the Germans of the +Third Reich ... may learn from it the chain of sin and doom in +German history since Bismarck.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Foundation for Economic Education.</span> <i>Essays on Liberty.</i> Irvington, +N. Y. Vol. I: 1952. 307 pp. Vol. II: 1954. 442 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Essays on various aspects of liberty. The subjects include government, +taxes, inflation, money, monopoly, price controls, subsidies, +security, competition, etc. Among the authors are: Maxwell Anderson, +Sir Ernest Benn, Arthur Bestor, Spruille Braden, Asa V. Call, Frank +Chodorov, Russell J. Clinchy, W. M. Curtiss, Richard L. Evans, Ben +Fairless, F. A. Harper, Henry Hazlitt, Bertrand de Jouvenel, Ed +Lipscomb, Clarence Manion, Ludwig von Mises, Ben Moreell, W. C. +Mullendore, Mario Pei, Sam Pettengill, Leonard E. Read, Dean +Russell, Thomas J. Shelly, William Graham Sumner.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fowler, Thomas.</span> <i>Locke.</i> Macmillan. 1880. 205 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A concise biographical sketch. The author calls Locke, ‘Perhaps +the greatest, but certainly the most characteristic of English philosophers.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Friedman, Wolfgang.</span> <i>Law and Social Change.</i> London: Stevens & +Sons. 1951. 322 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A legal study from a libertarian point of view.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gandil, Chr</span> (ed.). <i>Moderne Liberalisme.</i> Copenhagen: Rosenkilde og +Bagger. 1948. 132 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In this Danish book, Mr. Gandil has attempted to reply to the +question: “What is liberalism?” (in the sense of individual liberty, as +the word is still understood on the European continent). “He himself +has written an introduction. Thereupon follows a chapter written by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</span> +Dr. Thorkil Kristensen, a former Danish Secretary of the Treasury. +Then follows in reprint form two lectures which were broadcast by +Professor Wilhelm Keilhau over the Norwegian radio immediately +following the outbreak of the war. In the final chapters a number of +young Danish political economists have taken extracts from neo-liberalist +literature.... Mr. Gandil’s introduction rates as one of the +best chapters of the book.”—Trygve J. B. Hoff, in <i>Farmand</i> (Oslo).</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Garrett, Garet.</span> <i>The People’s Pottage.</i> Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton +Printers. 1953. 174 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Garet Garrett, because of the accuracy of his knowledge, the quality +of his thinking, and the rare distinction of his style, was one of the +outstanding pamphleteers of our time. <i>The People’s Pottage</i> is made +up of three pamphlets bearing on the same theme. <i>The Revolution +Was</i>, which appeared in 1944, propounded the thesis that under the +New Deal the social revolution, depriving the individual of essential +liberties and shifting power to the State, had already taken place. <i>Ex +America</i>, which appeared in 1951, continued this thesis, and explained +in particular how inflation is used to continue a statist regime in +power, and how it affects the attitude of the people. <i>Rise of Empire</i>, +which appeared in the following year, contends that the moral and +constitutional restraints on political power which distinguish a republic +from an empire have been all but obliterated. Despite this pessimistic +theme, the author concludes: “The people know that they can +have their Republic back if they want it enough to fight for it and to +pay the price. The only point is that no leader has yet appeared with +the courage to make them choose.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Garrett, Garet.</span> <i>The Wild Wheel.</i> Pantheon Books. 1952. 220 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A fascinating but episodic account of the career of Henry Ford. The +thesis of the book is that what Ford accomplished in the early decades +of the twentieth century under a regime of <i>laissez faire</i> could not be +duplicated today because of government interventionism.</p> + +<p>“If in this country, for both good and evil, free private enterprise +had its logical manifestations in a prodigious manner, so Henry Ford +was its extreme and last pure event.... It is easier to imagine other +Fords than it is to believe that another would be able to do in this +regulated world what Henry Ford did in his free world. He would not +be permitted to plow back his profits in that reckless manner as capital.... +You may like it better this way.... [But] if <i>laissez-faire</i> +had not begotten the richest world that ever existed there would have +been much less for the welfare state to distribute.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Garrett, Garet.</span> <i>The American Story.</i> Regnery. 1955. 401 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This was Garet Garrett’s last book. It is a brilliant historical essay<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</span> +on America which lays special emphasis on the country’s achievements +in invention and productivity, but views the course of the last twenty-five +years pessimistically, and despairs of the future of personal liberty +and growth in the United States if recent political tendencies continue.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gébler, Ernest.</span> <i>The Plymouth Adventure.</i> Doubleday. 1950. 377 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A fictional account of the voyage of the Mayflower from England +to Cape Cod and of the first winter spent by the Pilgrims in New +England. The story is reconstructed from letters, journals and histories. +This account of the first Americans who risked their lives for +freedom of opinion will inspire all those who still believe in that ideal.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">George, Henry.</span> <i>Protection or Free Trade.</i> 1886. Robert Schalkenbach +Foundation. 1946. 335 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The great majority of economists today regard the central tenet of +Henry George—a single tax on land—as untenable. Yet what he +<i>thought</i> he was doing is revealed in a sentence in his preface to the +fourth edition of his famous <i>Progress and Poverty</i> (1879). It was “to +unite the truth perceived by the school of Smith and Ricardo to the +truth perceived by the schools of Proudhon and Lasalle; to show that +<i>laissez-faire</i> (in its full meaning) opens the way to a realization of the +noble dreams of socialism.” His book <i>Protection or Free Trade</i>, which +appeared seven years later, presents the case for free trade with great +eloquence and power: “He who follows the principle of free trade to +its logical conclusion can strike at the very root of protection; can +answer every question and meet every objection.... He will see in +free trade not a mere fiscal reform, but a movement which has for its +aim and end nothing less than the abolition of poverty, and of the +vice and crime and degradation that flow from it, by the restoration +to the disinherited of their natural rights and the establishment of +society upon the basis of justice. He will catch the inspiration of a +cause great enough to live for and to die for, and be moved by an +enthusiasm that he can evoke in others.”</p> + +<p>It is only fair to add that the present-day followers of Henry George, +still numerous, are (apart from the implications of their single-tax-on-land +theory) among the most zealous champions of a free capitalism.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gide, Charles, and Rist, Charles.</span> <i>A History of Economic Doctrines +from the Time of the Physiocrats to the Present Day.</i> Heath. 1948. +800 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A standard history by two French economists which first appeared in +English in 1915 and has been brought down to date by successive editions +and enlargements. Written with great lucidity in the original +French, it has also been fortunate in its English translators. A full and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</span> +very valuable history. Its excellent critical comments on various +theories are written from a liberal point of view.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Giffen, Sir Robert.</span> <i>Economic Inquiries and Studies.</i> London: George +Bell. 1904. 461 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A large number of economic essays by a well-known authority. +Some of them, such as <i>Protection for Manufacturers in New Countries</i> +and <i>The Dream of a British Zollverein</i>, bear closely upon our subject. +His point of view is strongly Individualistic.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gitlow, Benjamin.</span> <i>I Confess.</i> Dutton. 1940. 611 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A disillusioned ex-leader of the Communist party in the United +States gives a detailed account of its works, its personalities and its +relations with Moscow. There is an introduction by Max Eastman. +“A personal and political history of the utmost relevance for an understanding +of the American Communist party.... A fascinating story +for any one, and should be a positive boon for the annual crop of +innocents who are drawn into Communist peripheral organizations +under false pretenses.”—Sidney Hook.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gitlow, Benjamin.</span> <i>The Whole of Their Lives.</i> Scribner’s. 1948. 387 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A former prominent Communist (head of the American Communist +Party in 1929), the author describes world Communism with +especial emphasis on American Communism. Showing how it first +started in this country among various rival factions, he then demonstrates +its penetration of earlier liberal and Socialist groups and +its emergence as a well-disciplined party. With considerable attention +to personalities, he describes the American Communists, reveals their +connection with Moscow, and flatly states that American Communism +is directly controlled by Russia. Furthermore, he contends that it +respects no American principles or traditions in its zeal to make our +country a Soviet vassal.”—<i>Library Journal.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gliksman, Jerzy.</span> <i>Tell the West.</i> Gresham Press. 1948. 358 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Another eyewitness report on slave labor in the Soviet Union, this +time by a Polish lawyer and Socialist who was arrested, for reasons he +never fully understood, by the N.K.V.D. shortly after the invasion +of Poland and shipped off to a concentration camp to be ‘remolded’ +into a useful citizen by ‘productive work and suitable educational +approach.’ The remolding, Mr. Gliksman says, consisted of nothing +more than systematic starvation, ill treatment, and a losing battle to +fill hopelessly high daily work quotas; it killed many of his fellows +and would have killed him if amnesty had not been granted Poles +willing to fight the Germans.”—<i>New Yorker.</i></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Godwin, William.</span> <i>An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice.</i> 1793. +Numerous editions. (Knopf. 1926.) 2 vols. 554 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Godwin’s book, coming at a time of revolution, created much +revolutionary fervor. It was considered so dangerous that the authorities +thought of prosecuting the author, but Pitt pointed out that ‘a +three-guinea book could never do much harm among those who had +not three shillings to spare.’ Godwin says: ‘Since government even in +its best state is an evil, the object principally to be aimed at is that +we should have as little of it as the general peace of human society +will permit.’ Like many ‘anarchists,’ he believes in human perfectibility; +the disappearance of government would be no evil, he thought, +because the natural goodness of man, enhanced by progress, would +serve to keep him in the right way. This theory of human perfectibility +led him to demand the abolition of private property and the dissolution +of all governments. To us, Godwin is now chiefly interesting for +having inspired Shelley with his poetic dreams of innocent man, who +has never been perverted and made miserable by the falsehood and +tyranny of priests and kings, and who, if given freedom, will be once +more happy and innocent.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gonzalez, Valentin R.</span> <i>El Campesino.</i> Putnam. 218 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“‘El Campesino’ was a famous Communist Spanish general in +Spain’s Civil war. After the war he fled to Russia where he was at first +lauded as a hero, later fell into disfavor with the authorities, and +spent more than ten years in labor camps in Siberia before he made +his escape.”—<i>Book Review Digest.</i> “Campesino symbolized the highest +reach of communism’s romantic appeal. He suffered the worst horrors +of its awful reality. The contrasts make his book an ugly and convincing +testament.”—Michael Straight, in the <i>New Republic</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gordon, Manya.</span> <i>Workers Before and After Lenin.</i> Dutton. 1941. 524 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A detailed study of conditions among the laboring classes in Russia +from the 1890’s to the present, with statistics wherever they can be +obtained. The author, born in Russia and educated in the United +States, points out the fact that many Russian statistics are unreliable, +and cites discrepancies. Among the subjects covered are insurance, +wages, housing, dress, factory conditions, social security, education and +the condition of the peasants. “Manya Gordon has performed a +genuine service to the cause of historical truth by puncturing almost +beyond the possibility of revival the legend that, whatever may be its +defects, the Soviet regime represents a vast forward step, especially for +the masses.”—W. H. Chamberlin, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gough, G. W.</span> <i>The Economic Consequences of Socialism.</i> London: +Allan. 1926. 178 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A keen criticism of current Socialist proposals and particularly of +the writings of Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Webb and Mr. Tawney. Mr. +Gough merits the compliment of being compared with Mr. Hartley +Withers in the power of dealing with economic complexities in a +light and readable style. It is one of the best criticisms of Socialist +theories that has appeared in recent years.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gouzenko, Igor.</span> <i>The Iron Curtain.</i> Dutton. 1948. 279 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Autobiography of the young Russian code clerk, attached to the +Canadian Soviet Embassy, who revealed to Canadian authorities the +existence of a plot to turn over atomic bomb secrets to Russian spies. +“The entire narrative is notable for its simplicity, humility, and +candor. ‘We have been impressed,’ said the Royal Commission appointed +in Canada to investigate this matter, ‘with the sincerity of the +man, and with the manner in which he gave his evidence.’”—Asher +Brynes, in <i>The Saturday Review of Literature</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Graham, F. D.</span> <i>Social Goals and Economic Institutions.</i> Princeton +University Press. 1942. 273 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An attempt to describe the ethical, political, and economic policies +and institutions that would best embody liberal values.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gray, Alexander.</span> <i>The Socialist Tradition: Moses to Lenin.</i> Longmans, +Green. 1946. 523 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A scholarly, witty and unsympathetic survey, by the professor of +political economy at the University of Edinburgh, of socialist thinking. +“Professor Gray has made a unique contribution, even to the already +voluminous literature about socialism and socialists. The book does +not, as the author himself hastens to make clear in the prologue, ‘aim +at being a history of socialist thought.’ Still less is it a history of the +socialist movement. Rather, it is a series of studies of the ideas of certain +individuals who stand high in the socialist tradition.... Students +of socialist thought will be interested by the fresh viewpoint +and the unquestionable depth of scholarship which Professor Gray +brings to his consideration of even the familiar landmarks. His +erudition is almost incredible, and he writes with grace and charm +enlivened by frequent splashes of wit.”—Hilden Gibson, in the <i>American +Political Science Review</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Griffin, Clare E.</span> <i>Enterprise in a Free Society.</i> Chicago: Richard D. +Irwin. 1949. 573 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This book is a timely and useful addition to the literature of +American capitalism. Within its 573 closely printed pages of text, containing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</span> +more than 250,000 words, Professor Griffin has given a systematic +and scholarly treatment of enterprise in American society—its +functions, motivations, consequences and the environmental conditions +that facilitate it.”—N. H. Jacoby, in the <i>American Economic +Review</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gros, J. M.</span> <i>Le Mouvement Littéraire Socialiste.</i> Paris. 1904.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This well-written book, almost exclusively confining itself to +France, deals with the aid which poets and other authors have given +to Socialism since 1830.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gurian, Waldemar.</span> <i>Bolshevism.</i> University of Notre Dame Press. +1952. 189 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An introduction to Soviet communism. “Some excellent source +material—verified citations from the writings of Lenin and Stalin—supplements +and completes this highly valuable and instructive work, +which is at once scholarly and unpretentious.”—W. H. Chamberlin.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Guyot, Yves.</span> <i>Economic Prejudices.</i> London: Sonnenschein. 1910. 166 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“To a superficial reader this book might leave an impression of M. +Yves Guyot as a rather extreme doctrinaire free trader, but on its +appearance it received a great deal of praise from the British Conservative +Press.... The most valuable part of the book is its analysis of +current Socialist and Labor fallacies. It is written in the form of a +dialogue.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Guyot, Yves.</span> <i>La Démocratie Individualiste.</i> Paris: Giard & Brière. +1907.</p> +</div> + +<p>“As a champion of liberty M. Yves Guyot is a worthy disciple and +successor of Bastiat, although he is a little less optimistic than his +master. <i>La Démocratie Individualiste</i> contains an excellent short account +of the evolution of Individualism, and a brief statement and +explanation of the doctrine.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Guyot, Yves.</span> <i>Principles of Social Economy.</i> Scribner’s. 1892. 305 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A live and original introduction to the study of the subject. It is +particularly valuable for its chapters on ‘State Intervention in Economics’ +and ‘The Province of the State.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Haberler, Gottfried von.</span> <i>The Theory of International Trade.</i> London: +Hodge. 1936. 408 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This is a systematic treatise written primarily for the specialist.... +The author makes the most devastating attack on the whole<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</span> +paraphernalia of tariffs, quotas, and exchange restrictions that has +come from the pen of any living writer.”—<i>Manchester Guardian.</i> +“The most important and comprehensive study of the subject since +Taussig’s <i>International Trade</i>.”—<i>New Statesman and Nation.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hacker, Louis M.</span> <i>The Triumph of American Capitalism.</i> Simon & +Schuster. 1940. (Columbia University Press. 1947.) 460 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A study of the development of forces in American history to the end +of the nineteenth century. “Mr. Hacker has written a remarkable +book. It is not a systematic history of the economic development of +the American people ... [but] an interpretive study, much of it +brilliant and all of it suggestive.... At various points ... the +author is tempted into generalizations which will make all but the +hardened economic determinist blench ... but these passages ... do +not greatly impair the essential merit of his volume.”—Allan +Nevins.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hahn, L. Albert.</span> <i>The Economics of Illusion.</i> New York: Squier Publishing +Co. 1949. 273 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In my introduction to this book I wrote: “Dr. Hahn enjoys an +enormous advantage as an analyst of Keynesian fallacies. As he has +reminded us himself: ‘All that is wrong and exaggerated in Keynes I +said much earlier and more clearly.’... There is no more important +task for the economic theorist today than to disentangle the network +of confusion and error that now goes under the name of the Keynesian +Revolution. Until this work has been thoroughly done, clarity and +real progress in economics will not be possible. There is no more +sophisticated, penetrating and thorough guide in this task than Albert +Hahn.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hahn, L. Albert.</span> <i>Wirtschaftswissenschaft des gesunden Menschenverstandes.</i> +Frankfurt-am-Main: Verlag Fritz Knapp. 1954. 280 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author describes a “model” of the economic process based on +neo-classical as opposed to Keynesian thinking. It is written as an introduction +to economics for students as well as a “minimum economics” +for educated businessmen. A French translation has appeared +under the title <i>Notions Pratiques d’Économie Politique</i>. (Paris: Librairie +de Médicis. 1954.) An American edition is in preparation.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Halévy, Élie.</span> <i>L’Ère des Tyrannies.</i> Paris: Gallimard. 1938. 249 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A discussion of “the era of despotisms.” English versions of two of +the most important essays in this volume will be found in <i>Economica</i>, +February, 1941, and in <i>International Affairs</i>, 1934.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hamilton, Alexander; Madison, James; and Jay, John.</span> <i>The Federalist.</i> +1787. Many editions. (Random House. 1941.) 618 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A collection of eighty-five articles in defense of the American Constitution. +All but eight appeared originally in the New York press, +between October 1787 and May 1788.</p> + +<p>“It remains a classic commentary, not merely on American constitutional +law, but on the principles of government generally. Guizot +said of it that ‘in its application of elementary principles of government +to practical administration’ it was the greatest work he knew, +and Chancellor Kent declared it—quite justly—to be ‘equally admirable +in the depth of its wisdom, the comprehensiveness of its +views, the sagacity of its reflections, and the fearlessness, patriotism, +candor, simplicity and elegance with which its truths are uttered and +recommended,’”—<i>Encyclopaedia Britannica.</i></p> + +<p>More than half of the articles were written by Hamilton. Madison’s +contributions “advocated a system of government in which democracy +should be reconciled with the security of private rights. He saw that +the central problem of democracy is not the maintenance of equality +but the preservation of liberty.”—William Carpenter in the <i>Encyclopaedia +of the Social Sciences</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Haney, Lewis H.</span> <i>History of Economic Thought.</i> Macmillan. 1911, etc. +1949. 957 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A critical account of the origin and development of the economic +theories of leading thinkers in the leading nations. “Professor Haney, +in addressing himself to the truly colossal task of writing of the totality +of economic thought, has provided for the student by far the most +comprehensive text for the study of this subject now available in the +English language. By and large, the subject matter is well chosen and +well arranged.”—J. M. Ferguson, on third edition, in <i>American Economic +Review</i>, 1936.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Haney, Lewis H.</span> <i>How You Really Earn Your Living.</i> Prentice-Hall. +1952. 282 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is intended to be “Every Man’s Guide to American Economics.” +It is an admirable introductory volume written with great +clearness and simplicity. In addition to chapters on such central problems +as market value, money, production and distribution, there is a +chapter on public vs. private enterprise, and two chapters on “Seven +Ways to Lose Freedom or Save It.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Haney, Lewis H.</span> <i>Economics in a Nutshell.</i> Macmillan. 1933. 213 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Most of these short discussions appeared originally in the author’s +column in the <i>New York Evening Journal</i>. They contain a condensed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</span> +statement of the principles of economics as taught to Professor Haney’s +classes in New York University.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Harper, F. A.</span> <i>Crisis of the Free Market.</i> New York: National Industrial +Conference Board. 1945. 83 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This study, while aimed particularly at the policy of control during +reconversion from a war to a peace basis, provides a simple exposition +of some of the fundamental facts and principles that form the +framework of a voluntary society and a free economy.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Harper, F. A.</span> <i>Liberty: A Path to Its Recovery.</i> Irvington, N. Y.: +Foundation for Economic Education. 1949. 159 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An analysis of the nature of individual liberty, a measurement of +how much remains, and a program to regain what has been lost. The +author explains how liberty in every other area rests on its preservation +in the economic sphere.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Harris, S. Hutchinson.</span> <i>Auberon Herbert: Crusader for Liberty.</i> London: +Williams & Norgate. 1943. 382 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The biography of an individualist whose works are discussed in the +present bibliography.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Haskell, Henry J.</span> <i>The New Deal in Old Rome.</i> Knopf. 1939. 269 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In his preface the author, editor of the <i>Kansas City Star</i>, says: “To +prevent any misconception let me say that this book is neither a criticism +nor a defense of the New Deal. It is an attempt to provide an +objective survey of instances of government intervention in the ancient +world. Many of these were so like experiments tried in the +United States in recent years that they may fairly be classed as New +Deal measures. I have tried to show what these experiments were, why +they were tried, and how they worked. Making allowance for the differences +between ancient and modern society, I have ventured to call +attention to certain warning signals from the past.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hayek, Friedrich A.</span> <i>The Road to Serfdom.</i> University of Chicago +Press. 1944. 250 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Reviewing this book in <i>The New York Times</i> of Sept. 23, 1944, I +wrote: “In <i>The Road to Serfdom</i> Friedrich A. Hayek has written one +of the most important books of our generation. It restates for our time +the issue between liberty and authority with the power and rigor of +reasoning that John Stuart Mill stated the issue for his own generation +in his great essay, ‘On Liberty.’ It throws a brilliant light along the +direction in which the world has been heading, first slowly, but now +at an accelerative rate, for the last half-century. It is an arresting call<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</span> +to all well-intentioned planners and socialists, to all those who are +sincere democrats and liberals at heart, to stop, look, and listen.”</p> + +<p>“Although,” Hayek writes, “we had been warned by some of the +greatest political thinkers of the nineteenth century, by de Tocqueville +and Lord Acton, that socialism means slavery, we have steadily +moved in the direction of socialism.... We are rapidly abandoning +not the views merely of Cobden and Bright, of Adam Smith and +Hume, or even of Locke and Milton, but one of the salient characteristics +of Western civilization as it has grown from the foundations +laid by Christianity and the Greeks and Romans. Not merely nineteenth- and +eighteenth-century liberalism, but the basic individualism +inherited by us from Erasmus and Montaigne, from Cicero and Tacitus, +Pericles and Thucydides, is progressively relinquished.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hayek, Friedrich A.</span> <i>Individualism and Economic Order.</i> University +of Chicago Press. 1948. 271 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A collection of a dozen essays, some on various aspects of the philosophy +of individualism, and others on technical economic subjects. +For the purposes of this bibliography by far the most important essay +is the first: “Individualism: True and False,” which every individualist +who desires to avoid or combat confusion should study. Other +excellent essays deal with The Use of Knowledge in Society, The +Meaning of Competition, “Free” Enterprise and Competitive Order, +and Socialist Calculation. All of these essays bring great learning and +intelligence to bear upon economic and social issues of central importance +to our era. Every open-minded reader of this book will find +his own understanding of these questions enriched, clarified and deepened.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hayek, Friedrich A.</span> <i>The Counter-Revolution of Science.</i> Glencoe, +Ill.: Free Press. 1952. 255 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This book is divided into two parts. The first is an acute and abstract +study of the essential differences in method required in the study +of the physical sciences on the one hand and the social sciences on +the other. An uncritical and slavish imitation in the social studies of +the methods, concepts and language of physics or engineering is condemned +by Professor Hayek as “scientism.” He goes on to show how +“scientism” produces as its logical corollaries collectivism, Marxism +and other forms of economic planning through centralized coercion.</p> + +<p>The second part of the book is historical. It gives an amusing as +well as enlightening account of the common origin of “scientism,” +positivism and socialism in the environment of the great engineering +school of Paris, the <i>École polytechnique</i>. It traces the intellectual histories +of Henri de Saint-Simon, Auguste Comte, and others, and shows<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</span> +how their ideas gave birth to “the religion of the engineers,” merged +with German Hegelianism, led to Karl Marx (who borrowed heavily +from the Saint-Simonians as well as from Hegel), and is still seen in +the engine-room outlook and pseudo-science which today threaten to +reverse the historical trend toward greater freedom.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hayek, F. A.</span> <i>John Stuart Mill and Harriet Taylor.</i> University of +Chicago Press. 1951. 320 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In his <i>Autobiography</i>, John Stuart Mill gave a highly extravagant +account of the moral and intellectual qualities of Mrs. Harriet Taylor, +who finally became his wife, and of her influence on his writings. +Until quite recently, little has been known of the facts behind this +tribute. But much of the correspondence between Mill and Mrs. +Taylor came into the hands of various libraries in 1922 and 1927, and +Professor Hayek (in 1951) gathered and published this material in +the present book. It indicates that Mrs. Taylor did exercise considerable +influence over the less technical aspects of Mill’s thought. +Whether this influence was on net balance for good or ill, the individual +reader can decide for himself. But the evidence is clear that it +was Harriet Taylor who was largely responsible for Mill’s retraction +of most of his opposition to socialism as expressed in the first edition +of his <i>Political Economy</i>, and for his far more sympathetic attitude +in the third edition. It was Michael St. John Packe’s ability to draw +heavily on the material in the present book that enabled him to add +so much to our knowledge of Mill in his admirable <i>Life of John Stuart +Mill</i> (q.v.) published in 1954.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hayek, F. A.</span> <i>The Political Ideal of the Rule of Law.</i> Cairo: National +Bank of Egypt. 1955. 79 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Professor Hayek, although internationally best known as an economist, +was by original training a lawyer. This book reprints lectures he +delivered at the invitation of the National Bank of Egypt. They begin +with an historical survey of the evolution of freedom and the Rule +of Law in Britain, France, Germany, and America. They emphasize +such safeguards of individual liberty as the generality, equality, and +certainty of the law. The final lecture discusses the decline of the Rule +of Law, particularly in England and the United States.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hayek, F. A.</span> (ed.). <i>Capitalism and the Historians.</i> University of Chicago +Press. 1954. 194 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A provocative set of essays, several of which are brilliant, which +argue that capitalism, even in the days of the Manchester slums and +the child worker, was an immediate positive social good. The authors +hold—from actual case studies of the English worker, his work, and +his times—that the prevalent belief in the immediate evil of the Industrial<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</span> +Revolution is a myth, perpetuated by a few historians and +intellectuals. The contributors are F. A. Hayek, T. S. Ashton, Louis +Hacker, W. H. Hutt, and Bertrand de Jouvenel.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hayek, Friedrich A.</span> (ed.). <i>Collectivist Economic Planning.</i> London: +Routledge. 1935. 293 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a collection of critical studies on the possibilities of socialism +by N. G. Pierson, Ludwig von Mises, George Halm, and Enrico +Barone. A central subject is the possibility of economic calculation +under socialism. Professor Hayek contributes an admirable introduction +on the “Nature and History of the Problem” and a final chapter +on the “Present State of the Debate.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hazlitt, Henry.</span> <i>Economics in One Lesson.</i> Harper. 1946. (Paperbound 1952.) +edition: Irvington, N. Y.: Foundation for Economic Education. +222 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Mr. Hazlitt writes strictly in terms of economics, urging upon his +readers to look not merely at the immediate but also at the larger +effects of an act or a policy.... [He] resents the travesty that many +of his fellow economists have made of their profession. And so he +has gone back patiently to first principles, proving once more that +public works must be paid for by taxes, that taxes discourage production, +that the invention of labor-saving machinery releases men to do +other productive things, that soldiers and bureaucrats live off the rest +of us, that tariffs make us collectively poorer, that exports must be +paid for by imports, that ‘parity’ prices in agriculture do not solve +the ‘farm problem,’ that you cannot produce for use except by producing +for the profit that will enable you to buy other things for use, +that government price-fixing increases the scarcity it is supposed to +alleviate, that inflation is a form of taxation that exempts no one, +that a still poverty-stricken world needs more ‘saving’ and not more +‘spending,’ that unions defeat themselves when they press for an uneconomic +wage, and that the way to be sane is to look for the hidden +long-term effects of a proposition on the whole social fabric as well +as its effect here and now on Joe Doakes.”—John Chamberlain, in +<i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hazlitt, Henry.</span> <i>The Great Idea.</i> Appleton-Century-Crofts. 1951. 374 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is written as a novel, set in the future, in a completely communized +world, from which every trace of the former capitalist civilization +has been removed; but in trying to solve their problems the +people of this world rediscover democracy and the free enterprise +system. I used this story-and-dialogue form because it seemed to me +not only the most effective way to dramatize the contrast between<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</span> +communism and socialism on the one hand and capitalism or a free +market economy on the other, but the most effective way to explain +some of the fundamental and even abstruse problems involved in the +choice.</p> + +<p>The theme of the book might also be stated in the form: If capitalism +did not exist, it would be necessary to invent it—and its discovery +would be rightly regarded as one of the great triumphs of the human +mind.</p> + +<p>The title of the British edition of the book is <i>Time Will Run Back</i> +(London: Ernest Benn).</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hazlitt, Henry.</span> <i>Will Dollars Save the World?</i> Irvington, N. Y.: +Foundation for Economic Education. 1947. 95 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A critical examination of the Marshall Plan, made when it was first +proposed. It analyzes the fallacies behind most of the American inter-governmental +“foreign-aid” programs, the controlist, statist or socialist +assumptions implicit in them, and their consequent tendency to encourage +and prolong controls, statism and socialism in the nations +receiving aid. A 48-page pamphlet, also by the present author and +under the imprint of the same publisher, makes a similar analysis of +the <i>Illusions of Point Four</i> (1950).</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hearnshaw, F. J. C.</span> <i>A Survey of Socialism: Analytical, Historical, and +Critical.</i> Macmillan. 1929. 473 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“An unusually able student of the literature of liberty speaks of +Hearnshaw’s <i>A Survey of Socialism</i> as the only thing of its kind in +existence. And were there many competitors, one would expect this +to be acclaimed the best. Written by an outstanding British historian +in a period when Britain had many and the United States had few, +this is a reference book on socialism which anyone fortunate enough +to possess a copy will want at his elbow. It treats persons, ideas, and +programs from the earliest ancient times. Its depth and thoroughness +reflect the forty years study of socialism which preceded its being +written. Starting as a socialist sympathizer, his study radically altered +his view to one of its most learned historical critics. He makes socialism +a tragic drama on a literary stage where important personages +from Moses onward take their places in the unfolding events and +concepts.”—F. A. Harper.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hearnshaw, F. J. C.</span> <i>Democracy and Labor.</i> Macmillan. 1924. 274 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A vigorous attack on Socialism chiefly on the grounds that it is +undemocratic. Democracy is held, rather optimistically, perhaps, to be +the most effective means of securing freedom. The author, who is an +eminent historian, is an Individualist of the Conservative school defending +existing society on the grounds that it is based on Individualism.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</span> +“It is becoming evident that the supreme issue of the day is +the issue of Socialism versus Individualism: of Authority versus Freedom +... of the maintenance of the Existing Order versus Utopian +and Revolutionary Reconstruction.” The book is a sequel to and in +some respects a revision and abridgment of <i>Democracy at the Cross-Ways</i>, +published in 1918. It is often witty and epigrammatic.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Heckscher, E.</span> <i>Mercantilism.</i> Macmillan. 1935. 2 vols. 472 pp. 419 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An effort has recently been made (e.g., by the late Lord Keynes and +some of his disciples) to resuscitate mercantilism and to pretend that +the mercantilists were more nearly right than Adam Smith and their +other liberal critics. Anyone who is inclined to take this argument +seriously, or to believe in modern State “planning” (which is little +more than a revival of mercantilism) would do well to read this book +by a Swedish economic historian. Here is a passage concerning French +mercantilism during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (p. +173): “It is estimated that the economic measures taken in this connection +cost the lives of some 16,000 people, partly through executions +and partly through armed affrays, without reckoning the unknown +but certainly much larger number of people who were sent to the +galleys or punished in other ways. On one occasion in Valence, 77 were +sent to the galleys, one was set free and none were pardoned. But even +this vigorous action did not help to attain the desired end. Printed +calicoes spread more and more widely among all classes of the population, +in France as everywhere else.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Heilperin, Michael A.</span> <i>The Trade of Nations.</i> Knopf. 1947. 1952. +302 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Intended as a book for the intelligent layman interested in the +workings of the world economy, as well as a guide and reference for +the professional economist. “In contemporary economic literature this +book fills a niche that has been empty far too long. Michael Heilperin +presents a spirited and intelligent defense of economic internationalism +and its twin, free enterprise in international trade and investment, +and a refutation of both the traditional and the new collectivist protectionism.”—<i>Fortune.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Henderson, H. D.</span> <i>Supply and Demand.</i> Harcourt, Brace. 1922. 181 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The best short exposition of the standpoint of the modern ‘Cambridge +School’ of economists. It is a very clearly written text-book, and +the first chapter, ‘The Economic World,’ gets right to the heart of +what may be called the <i>Laissez-faire</i>-Socialist controversy. The existence +of an anti-Individualist bias may be suspected in his allusion to +attempts by some persons to glorify the existing system of society +whilst ‘plastering over’ such things as wastefulness in production,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</span> +sweating, unemployment and slums. A reference to Bastiat suggests +that Mr. Henderson has in mind those people who believe that the +evils referred to are largely caused or aggravated by irrational government +interferences with forces that he himself regards as fundamental.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Herbert, Auberon.</span> <i>A Politician in Trouble About His Soul.</i> Chapman +& Hall. 1884.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This publicist, who (as will be acknowledged by all who had the +good fortune to meet him) was one of the most charming personalities +of his day, deserves considerably more attention than he has received. +Accepting Herbert Spencer’s strict Individualist creed, Herbert gave +up his political career and devoted himself to its propagation in a +form so thorough that to his contemporaries he appeared as a modern +Don Quixote tilting at windmills. He long provided funds for a little +journal called <i>Free Life</i>, whose main tenet was voluntary taxation. +Auberon Herbert’s proposals were derided as ‘Anarchy plus a Policeman,’ +and they were too extreme for practical politics at a time when +Socialism had not become formidable or very mischievous. It may be, +however, that the spirit of Auberon Herbert will revive and inspire a +new generation in England.</p> + +<p>“<i>A Politician</i> is a charmingly written dialogue in which a Member +of Parliament announces to his friends his intention of giving up his +political career and entering upon a crusade for ‘the perfect creed of +liberty which he found in the writings of Herbert Spencer.’ Doubtless, +the zeal of the new convert went far beyond that of his master; +Herbert admits this with his accustomed candor and urbanity. ‘Would +Mr. Spencer, do you think, agree to all these applications of his principle?’ +asked Argus. ‘I fear that Mr. Spencer would dissent. You must +not regard him as responsible for any corollaries which I have +drawn.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Herbert, Auberon.</span> <i>The Voluntarist Creed.</i> Oxford University Press. +1908. 107 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The swan-song of Auberon Herbert—the latter half was finished a +few days before his death. The first, ‘Mr. Spencer and the Great Machine,’ +was delivered in the Sheldonian Theatre at Oxford. The second, +‘The Great Machine,’ was addressed principally to the ‘workers.’ +He entreated his audience: ‘Don’t believe in suppressing by force any +form of evil—always excepting direct attacks upon person and property.’ +He declared that ‘these new bonds and restrictions in which the +nations of today have allowed themselves to be entangled’ merely prepare +‘docile and obedient State-material, ready-made for taxation, +ready-made for conscription—ready-made for the ambitious aims and +ends of the rulers.’ He tells the wage-earners: ‘Property is the great<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</span> +and good inducement that will call out your efforts and energies for +the remaking of the present form of society.’ No man has suffered more +than Auberon Herbert from his contempt of the Time Spirit, and, +undoubtedly, there was in his own day only a small audience for his +creed. But the battle is not over, and he showed a way to success. The +‘selfish’ system of Bentham may repel sentimentalists and altruists. +Auberon Herbert aimed at giving Individualism a noble spiritual +significance. His writings are worthy of careful study, though he underestimated +the value and possibilities of the modern State as a means +of organizing public-spirited activity. In the eighteenth century the +State was regarded, with considerable justification, as hostile to liberty. +This was Herbert’s view, and since his death the extension of +State functions has made another revival of Individualism imperative +in order to save Democracy from itself.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Herling, Albert K.</span> <i>The Soviet Slave Empire.</i> Funk. 1951. 230 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An exposé of slave labor in the U.S.S.R. and its satellite countries. +The report contains reprinted photostats of documents from the files +of the Russian secret police. The author is a Unitarian minister who +temporarily left his parish to devote himself to investigating this new +slavery. He became director of research for the commission of inquiry +into forced labor, which was set up in December 1948.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hermans, Ferdinand.</span> <i>Democracy or Anarchy?</i> University of Chicago +Press. 1940. (University of Notre Dame. 1951). 447 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This study presents the arguments against proportional representation +and in favor of majority rule. “What the conservatives have +lacked up to now has been a well-documented scholarly analysis of +the failure of proportional representation where it has been tried, and +of the appalling contribution which this gadget has made to the +growth of communism, fascism and other undemocratic phenomena. +Professor Hermans, who has long since been regarded as a leading +authority in this field, has now filled the gap by an excellent volume +entitled <i>Democracy or Anarchy?</i>”—Robert Moses, in the <i>Political Science +Quarterly</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hewart of Bury, Lord.</span> <i>The New Despotism.</i> London: Ernest Benn. +1929. 311 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>By the “new despotism” the author, who at the time of the appearance +of this book in 1929 was Lord Chief Justice of England, +means the danger which threatens the institutions of self-government +through the steady encroachment of the executive upon the powers of +the legislative and judiciary. His book is a strong argument against +bureaucracy—the practice by which Parliament delegates wide powers +of legislation to government departments and commissions. “Lord<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</span> +Hewart’s new book is a political event of first-rate importance.”—<i>Saturday +Review.</i> “Lord Hewart proves his case. He gives chapter and +verse for all his accusations.”—<i>Spectator.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hewes, Thomas.</span> <i>Decentralization for Liberty.</i> Dutton. 1947. 238 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Mr. Hewes’ legal background, his obviously extensive studies of the +literature on liberty, much experience in public service, and keen insight +have enabled him to see clearly the great problem that Western +Civilization must solve if it is to survive. In terms understandable to +the layman he has described the principal features of this problem. +That accomplishment alone is a meritorious public service.”—American +Institute for Economic Research.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hirst, Francis W.</span> <i>Early Life and Letters of John Morley.</i> Macmillan. +1927. 2 vols. 327 pp. 285 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Morley’s “political doctrine,” writes Hirst, “unites the traditions of +the philosophical Radicals and of the Manchester School. Disciple of +Mill, biographer of Cobden, friend of John Bright, favorite and most +trusted colleague of Gladstone in his two last administrations, he held +in later years a unique position as the philosophic guide of English +Liberals.” As Morley was the disciple of Mill, Hirst was the disciple +of Morley; and Hirst has been himself described as “the most distinguished +Cobdenite spokesman and political philosopher of his generation.” +He died in 1953, in his eightieth year. He was editor of the +London <i>Economist</i> from 1907 to 1916, honorable fellow of Wadham +College, Oxford, and governor of the London School of Economics.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hirst, Francis W.</span> <i>Adam Smith.</i> Macmillan. 1904. 240 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A standard biography.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hirst, Francis W.</span> <i>Life and Letters of Thomas Jefferson.</i> Macmillan. +1926. 588 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A full biography of a great individualist statesman.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hoff, Trygve J. B.</span> <i>Economic Calculation in the Socialist Society.</i> +1938. London: Hodge. 1949. 264 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This book by a distinguished Norwegian economist and editor originally +appeared in Norway in 1938 and was not translated into English +until 1949. In it Dr. Hoff examines the crucial question whether economic +calculation is or is not possible in a completely socialist society. +He concludes, with Drs. Mises and Hayek, that it is not. “Very balanced +and fair.... It is a pleasure to read such a scholarly, clear and +patient exposition.”—H. D. Dickenson, in <i>The Economic Journal</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hoff, Trygve J. B.</span> <i>Fred og Fremtid. Liberokratiets vei.</i> Oslo: H. +Aschehoug. 1945. 500 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a book by an eminent Norwegian economist, editor of the +magazine <i>Farmand</i>, published in Oslo. The book was written during +World War II, the last chapter in a German concentration camp. It +is a homage to Western culture and stresses the necessity of opposition +to collectivist and Asiatic ideals, to the extent that the latter are fundamentally +aggressive.</p> + +<p>The book is also a plea for a new liberalism to which Mr. Hoff gives +the name “liberocracy.” In his own words: “Liberocracy is the name +of an economic and political system representing the best in liberalism, +in democracy and the aristocratic form of rule. It does not pretend +to be something new; it is a new name for a new combination +of old but revised ideas. Liberocracy means the rule of the free by +the free. Its central idea is freedom—freedom for the individual, freedom +of press, freedom for science and art, freedom to choose and exchange +goods and services within and outside national borders.”</p> + +<p>The Norwegian title may be translated as <i>Peace and Future: The +Way of Liberocracy</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hoffer, Eric.</span> <i>The True Believer.</i> Harper. 1951. 176 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This carries the subtitle, “Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements.” +It is a scholarly, witty, epigrammatic, sometimes flippant but +usually penetrating analysis of fanaticism, particularly in the political +realm.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Holyoake, G. J.</span> <i>Self-Help a Hundred Years Ago.</i> London: Swan, Sonnenschein. +1888. 214 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Deals with the various elementary forms of self-help, in which the +poor with the assistance of the well-to-do engaged during the darkest +days of the Industrial Revolution. The spirit of the plucky, self-reliant +man in adversity is still valuable, perhaps more necessary than +ever. In our time we are too much inclined to scoff at thriftful industry. +Yet may we not expect a finer character from one who rises +by these means from poverty than from one who applies for the dole +as soon as he sees the approach of trouble?”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hook, Sidney.</span> <i>Heresy, Yes, Conspiracy, No.</i> Day. 1953. 283 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A treatise on the nature of liberal thinking and its place in American +life, particularly in academic circles. The author is opposed to +communism because it is secret and conspiratorial, but holds that the +outspoken leftist critic should not be silenced. “A balanced and incisive +contribution.”—E. N. Case, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hoover, Herbert.</span> <i>American Individualism.</i> Doubleday. 1922. 72 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A short but vigorous and important book, arguing for American individualism, +“our most precious possession,” and against governmental +encroachment on personal freedom, initiative and enterprise.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hoover, Herbert.</span> <i>Challenge to Liberty.</i> Scribner’s. 1934. 212 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The challenge to liberty is, briefly, regimentation. This, as Mr. +Hoover points out, is close kin to Fascism, Communism, Nazism and +Socialism in that it implies that the individual is the pawn of the +state.”—<i>Books.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hoover, Herbert.</span> <i>Memoirs: The Great Depression.</i> Macmillan. 1951. +503 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The third volume of ex-President Hoover’s memoirs covers the years +1929 to 1941. In it he reviews the great depression era and gives his +defense of his administration in Washington. “Mr. Hoover has turned +his pen to a great penetrating analysis of the causes of the great depression, +that economic catastrophe that nearly overwhelmed the Western +world in 1929 and the years immediately after. Unthinking or +malicious people have often dubbed this ‘Hoover’s depression,’ one of +the basest slanders of this century. The mountain of facts presented +in this book should do much to sound the death knell of this calumny.”—W. +H. Baker, in the <i>San Francisco Chronicle</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hopkinson, Austin.</span> <i>The Hope of the Workers.</i> London: Martin Hopkinson. +1923. 104 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The point of view of one who has himself been successful as an +employer and is well known as an Individualist. In form a criticism of +the Socialist attitude and an exposure of Socialist fallacies, the book +is addressed as much to employers as to the work people of the country. +Mr. Hopkinson believes that the survival of Socialist fallacies has +been largely due to the fact that those who support the Individualist +system have failed to show clearly that ‘they do so, not for their own +selfish ends, but because it is the one system under which prosperity +and liberty can be secured to the people.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hughes, Frank.</span> <i>Prejudice and the Press.</i> Devin-Adair. 1950. 654 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A restatement of the principle of freedom of the press with specific +reference to the Hutchins-Luce commission. “<i>Prejudice and the Press</i> +cannot be shrugged off. It presents a considerable body of authentic +material, with citations and some documentation, which goes to the +heart of the issues discussed in <i>A Free and Responsible Press</i> and +which upsets many of the too facile generalizations of the group responsible +for that ‘report.’”—F. L. Mott, in the <i>New York Herald +Tribune</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hume, David.</span> <i>Essays Moral, Political and Literary.</i> 1741-2. Numerous +editions. 616 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Although Adam Smith referred to David Hume in his <i>Wealth of +Nations</i> as “by far the most illustrious philosopher and historian of +the present age,” even professional economists seldom seem to recognize +the great intellectual debt that Smith owed to his older friend +Hume, not merely in general philosophy but in the special realm of +economics. These essays, published more than thirty years before <i>The +Wealth of Nations</i>, embody many important ideas which Adam Smith +later expanded and pushed further. The most important economic +essays are Of Commerce, Of the Balance of Trade, Of the Jealousy of +Trade, Of Money, Of Interest, Of Taxes, and Of Public Credit. In +addition there are political essays, Of the Liberty of the Press, Of the +Independence of Parliament, and Of Civil Liberty, that stand among +the earlier developments of the modern philosophy of individualism. +Hume was hardly less distinguished for the excellence of his literary +style than for the originality and acuteness of his ideas.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hunold, Albert</span> (ed.). <i>Die Konvertibilität der europäischen Währungen.</i> +Zurich: Eugen Rentsch. 1954. 336 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An anthology on the measures that can be taken to bring about a +return to freedom of currency convertibility. The contributors include +G. Haberler, P. Jacobson, W. Röpke, G. Carli, F. Collin, +H. Germain-Martin, H. Homberger, J. E. Meade, F. W. Meyer, S. Posthuma, +and F. A. Lutz.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hunt, R. N. Carew.</span> <i>Marxism: Past and Present.</i> Macmillan. 1955.</p> +</div> + +<p>“It is a worthwhile endeavor to put the claims of Marxism through +the wringer of factual analysis. This is what a British scholar, Mr. +R. N. Carew Hunt, has now done with conspicuous success.... One +Marxian dogma after another is fairly stated, examined and dismissed +with the reasoned verdict: disproved or unprovable. From this searching +examination a very deflated Marx emerges, stripped of all pretension +to be recognized as a seer of the shape of things to come, or +even as a reasonably accurate guesser.”—William Henry Chamberlin.</p> + +<p>The author pronounces this final judgment on utopianism in general +and Marxism in particular: “It is easy enough to attack any economic +system, as it is certain to contain features which are open to +criticism, and to make large promises of replacing it by a new order +of ideal harmony. But in an imperfect world no such order is attainable. +‘It is a disease of the soul,’ says a Grecian sage, ‘to be in love +with impossible things.’”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hunt, R. N. Carew.</span> <i>The Theory and Practice of Communism.</i> Macmillan. +1951. 231 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The book falls into three sections. The first deals with the basis of +Communist theory as laid down by Marx and Engels, which is still +the official creed of the movement. The second covers the development +of the European labor movement in the Nineteenth Century, +with special reference to Marxist influence upon it and to the cross-currents +of opinion which arose by way of reaction to his doctrines.... +The third brings us to the period when the revolutionary movement +begins to be shaped by Russia, which has since directed it, and +deals with the attempts by Lenin and Stalin to apply Marxist principles +to the changed conditions of the present century.”—From the +Foreword. “With a single demurrer, I recommend <i>The Theory and +Practice of Communism</i> as a book that every man of politics, and +every one prone to get into political arguments, ought to carry in his +pocket.”—Max Eastman, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hunter, Edward.</span> <i>Brain-Washing in Red China.</i> Vanguard Press. 1951. +311 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The calculated destruction of men’s minds. “One of the largest and +most important jobs confronting the initial band of Chinese Communists +was to subject their citizens to ‘brainwashing’ in order to rid them +of ‘imperialist poison’ and to qualify them for their position in the +‘new democracy.’... The author interviewed at length returnees +from the mainland to Hongkong, and his story is a horribly incredible +one of exploitation of human nature, destruction of individualism, +and intellectual conquest.”—<i>Library Journal.</i> “Mr. Hunter points up +the basic issue of the struggle between Communism and democracy—that +is, that Communism means the end of individual freedom. He +says that we must find means of checking the psychological offensive +of the Communist world if we ourselves are to be safe from brain +washing and brain changing.”—A. T. Steele, in the <i>New York Herald +Tribune</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hutt, W. H.</span> <i>The Theory of Collective Bargaining.</i> 1930. Glencoe, Ill.: +Free Press. 1954. 150 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a short but lucid and penetrating “history, analysis and +criticism of the principal theories which have sought to explain the +effects of trade unions and employers’ associations upon the distribution +of the product of industry.” As Ludwig von Mises writes in his +preface to the 1954 edition: “Professor Hutt’s brilliant essay is not +merely a contribution to the history of economic thought. It is rather +a critical analysis of the arguments advanced by economists from +Adam Smith down and by the spokesmen of the unions in favor of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</span> +the thesis that unionism can raise wage rates above the market level +without harm to anybody else than the ‘exploiters.’ As such it is of +utmost use not only to every student of economics but to everybody +who wants to form a well-founded opinion about one of the most +vital as well as most controversial political issues of our age.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hutt, W. H.</span> <i>Plan for Reconstruction.</i> Oxford University Press. 1943. +328 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Appearing during World War II, this presented Professor Hutt’s +project for victory in war and peace. “It is a careful and sound analysis +of all forms of restrictionism, and it is a skilful discussion of some +of the most important economic evils of our era.”—B. F. Hoselitz, in +the <i>American Journal of Sociology</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Huxley, Aldous.</span> <i>Brave New World.</i> Doubleday. 1932. 311 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A chilling satirical novel on the “brave new world” of the future, +when human liberty, dignity and individuality will have been systematically +destroyed by “scientific conditioning.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Huxley, Aldous.</span> <i>Ends and Means.</i> Harper. 1937. 386 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This book, which combines lucidity and insight with mysticism and +confusion, has a mixed value for the individualist. Reviewing it in +<i>The New York Times</i> of Dec. 12, 1937, I wrote: “<i>Ends and Means</i> +rests on the premise ... that the end cannot justify the means, for +the simple reason that the means employed inevitably determine the +nature of the ends produced. Hence Huxley is opposed to all efforts +to achieve a better world through the method of violence.... He is +against the ‘capitalistic system,’ or at least he thinks he is.... Yet he +fails to realize how much more opposed he is to the real alternative +to capitalism.... ‘State Socialism,’ he recognizes explicitly at one +point, ‘tends to produce a single centralized, totalitarian dictatorship, +wielding absolute authority over all its subjects through a hierarchy of +bureaucratic agents.’ The political road to a better society, he tells +us, on the other hand, is ‘the road of decentralization and responsible +self-government.’ But this comes pretty close to being a definition of +private enterprise in the economic field.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hyde, Douglas.</span> <i>I Believed.</i> Putnam. 1950. 312 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Autobiographical account of how the author became a communist, +worked hard for many years in the British Communist Party, and +then left the party and became a convert to Catholicism. “This book +is one of the most interesting and revealing of the score or so of confessions +by ex-Communists.”—Freda Utley, in the <i>Chicago Sunday +Tribune</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jefferson, Thomas.</span> <i>The Declaration of Independence.</i> 1776. 1 p.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is the most famous short statement in existence of the principles +of political liberty (with the possible exception of Magna +Charta [1215], if the two can be compared). Certainly, nothing bearing +on those principles is more often quoted than the second paragraph +of the Declaration, beginning: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, +that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by +their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are +Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” Although Jefferson drew +up the Declaration, it was slightly amended by Adams and Franklin.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jefferson, Thomas.</span> <i>The Life and Selected Writings of.</i> Many editions. +(Modern Library. 1944. 756 pp.)</p> +</div> + +<p>Every student of human liberty should know something of the +philosophy and writings of Jefferson (in addition to the Declaration +of Independence, here listed separately). There are several collections +and many selections. The volume listed above gives the <i>Notes on +Virginia</i> and the <i>Autobiography</i> virtually complete, and allots the +greatest amount of space to the letters. Jefferson was a staunch champion +of limited government and the diffusion and decentralization of +powers. He favored (p. 323) “a wise and frugal government, which +shall restrain men from injuring one another, which shall leave them +otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, +and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has +earned. This is the sum of good government.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jevons, W. Stanley.</span> <i>The Theory of Political Economy.</i> 1871. Numerous +editions.</p> +</div> + +<p>A work of epoch-making importance. John Maynard Keynes writes +of it: “Jevons’s <i>Theory</i> is the first treatise to present in a finished form +the theory of value based on subjective valuations, the marginal principle +and the now familiar technique of the algebra and diagrams of +the subject. The first modern book on economics, it has proved singularly +attractive to all bright minds newly attacking the subject;—simple, +lucid, unfaltering, chiselled in stone where Marshall knits in +wool.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jevons, W. Stanley.</span> <i>The State in Relation to Labor.</i> 1882. Macmillan. +174 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In this book Jevons takes a cautious, intermediate position regarding +state intervention: “The all-important point,” he explains in the +preface, “is to explain if possible why, in general, we uphold the rule +of <i>laisser-faire</i>, and yet in large classes of cases invoke the interference +of local or central authorities.... The outcome of the inquiry is +that we can lay down no hard-and-fast rules, but must treat every<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</span> +case in detail upon its merits.” But in his <i>Primer on Political Economy</i>, +published in 1878, he wrote, for example: “There is no reason +whatever to think that trades unions have had any permanent effect +in raising wages in the majority of trades.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jevons, W. Stanley.</span> <i>The Coal Question.</i> 1865. Macmillan. 383 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This bears the subtitle: “An enquiry concerning the progress of the +nation, and the probable exhaustion of our coal mines.” It is significant +as foreseeing far in advance a physical condition which, when +it developed, was attributed to the wastefulness of private competition +and led to Britain’s futile nationalization of the coal mines.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jewkes, John.</span> <i>Ordeal by Planning.</i> Macmillan. 1948. 248 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The most forthright and powerful attack on government economic +planning that has appeared in England since Hayek’s <i>Road to Serfdom</i>. +While it lacks some of the philosophic penetration and depth +of Hayek’s book, it is more explicit and concrete. Its style is lively, +sparkling, and witty. Professor Jewkes was a wartime member of the +British bureaucracy and has seen central economic planning from the +inside. “The planned economy,” he concludes, “must finally destroy +the very instruments of free speech.... This is no accident.... It +is due to the logical incompatibility of a planned economy and freedom +for the individual.... There is no end to this process of seeking +to cure the evils of planning by more planning except a totalitarian +economy of the Russian type.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Joseph, H. W. B.</span> <i>The Labor Theory of Value in Karl Marx.</i> Oxford +University Press. 1923. 176 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Professor Joseph holds that the theory which finds an objective +measure of value for things in the labor embodied in them is fundamentally +false. The author is well known as a logician. The late +L. Susan Stebbing called his <i>Introduction to Logic</i> “by far the best +systematic exposition of the traditional logic.” James Bonar wrote of +the present book in <i>The Economic Journal</i>: “It is not censure but +commendation that in showing [that Marx’s theory is false] Mr. Joseph +follows the lines of many predecessors, especially Böhm-Bawerk, that +model of conscientious thoroughness.... The book is sane and helpful. +Its discussions give good training in Applied Logic.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jouvenel, Bertrand de.</span> <i>The Ethics of Redistribution.</i> Cambridge +University Press. 1951. 91 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Deliberately putting aside the argument that current government +efforts to redistribute incomes reduce or destroy incentives, Baron de +Jouvenel seeks to deal with the subject on purely ethical grounds. +Would total equalization of incomes, he asks, even if it did not reduce<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</span> +production, be good or desirable? Or does justice demand individual +rewards proportionate to the value of individual services? In an acute +and original discussion, de Jouvenel shows not only how disappointing +(in Great Britain, for example) the results of a further redistribution +of incomes would be, but how redistribution has turned out to mean +in effect “far less a redistribution of free income from the richer to +the poorer, as we imagined, than a redistribution of power from the +individual to the State.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jouvenel, Bertrand de.</span> <i>On Power.</i> Viking Press. 1949. 421 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“M. de Jouvenel, a French journalist and historian, who finished +this book in exile during the war, maintains that all power is corrupt, +no matter what political philosophy it is dedicated to. Even revolutions, +which break up special privilege in the name of the common +good, are the products of a desire for power, he believes, and the +iniquities of power cannot be prevented by putting philosophers, scientists, +and ‘men of good will’ in high office, for as soon as they are +on top, they become politicians.... The book is not a tract, but a +fully considered line of thinking, and has caused a great deal of comment +in Europe. An important book, brilliantly written.”—<i>New +Yorker.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kalme, Albert.</span> <i>Total Terror.</i> Appleton-Century-Crofts. 1951. 310 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An account of the fate of the three Baltic countries—Estonia, Latvia +and Lithuania—under the Nazis and the Russian communist regime.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kantorowicz, Hermann U.</span> <i>The Spirit of British Policy, and the Myth +of the Encirclement of Germany.</i> Oxford University Press. 1931. 541 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The primary purpose of this scholarly and thorough book by an +eminent German jurist is to disprove the notion of the “encirclement” +of Germany through the operations of British diplomacy as a cause of +World War I.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kaplan, A. D. H.</span> <i>Big Enterprise in the Competitive System.</i> Brookings +Institution. 1953. 269 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A careful statistical study which throws a brilliant light on the +question of bigness, monopoly, “oligopoly” and competition in American +industry. Dr. Kaplan shows, for example, that of the 100 largest +industrial firms in the United States in 1909 only 36 stayed in the list +of the 100 largest for 1948. “The top is a slippery place,” and no safeguard +against the hazards of competition. Dr. Kaplan points out that +the attitude of the American public toward “big business” is oddly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</span> +inconsistent. Individually, as investors, employees, and consumers, the +people support and promote the growth of big business enterprises. +But collectively they regard “big business” with distrust.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kasenkina, Oksana.</span> <i>Leap to Freedom.</i> Lippincott. 1949. 295 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Autobiography of the Russian teacher, Oksana Kasenkina. “Her +story of the first faint glimmering of the idea of breaking away from +the soul-crushing tyranny which surrounded her, of the slow growth +of her hope and determination, of her first abortive attempt to pull +free and of her final desperate plunge from a window of the Soviet +Consulate into the courtyard below, and into the welcoming arms of +America, make up the best part of the book. Even though you know +that she did escape, the suspense at the end is terrific.”—Oriana Atkinson, +in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Keeton, G. W.</span> <i>The Passing of Parliament.</i> London: Ernest Benn. +1952. 208 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>G. W. Keeton is dean of the Faculty of Laws at University College, +London. During the past seventy years, he points out, the British Parliament, +although still nominally supreme, has conferred on government +departments and agencies increasingly wide powers of lawmaking. +The jurisdiction of the courts and the legislative powers of +the House of Lords have been seriously curtailed. Party discipline has +intensified, so that a government may rely upon a firm majority in +the House of Commons to give legal force to almost any measure it +proposes. The Rule of Law has been gravely undermined. It is Professor +Keeton’s thesis that, in consequence of these developments, the +sovereignty of Parliament is in danger of becoming a fiction, and that +all the necessary machinery for Cabinet dictatorship already exists. +This scholarly and cogent book is a worthy successor to <i>The New +Despotism</i> written by Lord Hewart (q.v.) more than twenty years ago.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Keezer, Dexter Merriam</span>, and associates. <i>Making Capitalism Work.</i> +McGraw-Hill. 1950. 316 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A program for preserving freedom and stabilizing prosperity. The +volume is the joint product of several members of the economics department +of the McGraw-Hill Publishing Company. Its own declaration +of purpose is: “This book is written from a definite point of view +and with a clear-cut purpose. The point of view is that capitalism is +the best way to economic life for the United States of America. The +purpose is to explain that point of view and present a series of steps +which, in the view of the authors, must be taken to give capitalism +the promise of a prosperous future in the United States.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Keller, the Rev. Edward A.</span> <i>Christianity and American Capitalism.</i> +Chicago: Heritage Foundation. 1954. 92 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Father Keller examines socialism, capitalism, big government and +big labor, and restates the case for the American economic system.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kelsen, Hans.</span> <i>The Political Theory of Bolshevism.</i> University of California +Press. 1948. 60 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A critical analysis of the political theory of bolshevism. “The purpose +of this study is to show the paradoxical contradiction which +exists within bolshevism between anarchism in theory and totalitarianism +in practice, and to defend the true idea of democracy.”—From the +Introduction.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kelsen, Hans.</span> <i>The Communist Theory of Law.</i> Frederick A. Praeger. +1955. 203 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Hans Kelsen is one of the world’s leading authorities on legal theory +and international law.... He begins with an analysis of the +Marx-Engels theory of state and law that is positively brilliant.... +Kelsen’s analysis of the logical contradictions in historical materialism +and its application to state and law has, so far as I know, no equal.”—Bertram +D. Wolfe, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kemmerer, E. W.</span> <i>The A B C of Inflation.</i> Whittlesey House. 1942. +174 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An excellent little book on the causes and consequences of monetary +inflation, although the threat of inflation to liberty was not as +clear when this book was written as it has since become.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kiekhofer, William H.</span> <i>Economic Principles, Problems and Policies.</i> +Appleton-Century-Crofts. 1951.</p> +</div> + +<p>A standard college textbook.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">King, Willford I.</span> <i>The Keys to Prosperity.</i> Constitution and Free Enterprise +Foundation. 1948. 242 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Dr. King believes that most of the keys that unlock the gates to +prosperity were found by Adam Smith in <i>The Wealth of Nations</i>. +Additional “keys” have been discovered since that time. Yet “a great +tangle of misconceptions and fallacies” has buried many of them “so +deeply that it has required a trained eye to detect them.” Dr. King +attempts here to disentangle the fallacies from the economic truths in +order that the reader may find the “keys to prosperity.” He writes with +lucidity and statistical authority.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kintner, William R.</span> <i>The Front Is Everywhere.</i> University of Oklahoma +Press. 1950. 274 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The author, now at Fort Leavenworth, started research for this +book while doing graduate work at Georgetown University. He believes +that an overruling military purpose shapes every aspect of Communist +organization. Kintner endeavors to prove his point by examining +the history of the Marxist movement from origins to era of +Lenin and Stalin. The volume contains some significant observations, +based on wide acquaintance with Communist literature.”—<i>Library +Journal.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kirk, Russell.</span> <i>The Conservative Mind.</i> Regnery. 1953. 458 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In my Introduction to this bibliography I call attention to the +compatibility of an intelligent conservatism with a vigorous defense +of freedom. Russell Kirk recognizes this. “Political liberalism before +the middle of the nineteenth century,” he writes, “was conservatism +of a sort: it intended to conserve liberty.” The present book analyzes +the conservative spirit and philosophy as exemplified in a series of +writers from Edmund Burke to George Santayana. “The author of +<i>The Conservative Mind</i> is as relentless as his enemies, Karl Marx and +Harold Laski, considerably more temperate and scholarly, and in +passages of this very readable book, brilliant and even eloquent.... +Against the Hegel-Marx-Laski axis he analyzes and describes the affirmative +tradition of Burke, de Tocqueville and Irving Babbitt.”—G. +K. Chalmers, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Knight, Frank H.</span> <i>Risk, Uncertainty and Profit.</i> Houghton Mifflin. +1921. 381 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In his preface, Professor Knight declares: “The particular technical +contribution to the theory of free enterprise which this essay purports +to make is a fuller and more careful examination of the role of the +<i>entrepreneur</i> or enterpriser, the recognized ‘central figure’ of the system, +and of the forces which fix the remuneration of his special function.”</p> + +<p>“The outstanding fact about Professor Knight’s book is that the +author has made a contribution to the theory of profit that no student +of the subject can afford to neglect.”—G. P. Watkins, in the <i>Quarterly +Journal of Economics</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Knight, Frank H.</span> <i>The Ethics of Competition, and Other Essays.</i> +Harper. 1935. 363 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A collection of eleven important essays by Professor Knight, brought +together by a group of his former students. It includes a bibliography +of his writings from 1915 to 1935. “Professor Knight ... manages in +the course of this volume to throw original and arresting light on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</span> +almost every corner of the contemporary economic problem. One page +after another in his book is filled not merely with great wisdom and +subtlety, but with constant aphoristic sentences that strike the reader +at once with their pertinence and truth.... It is ... because Professor +Knight is an economic theorist of the first rank and a believer +in personal and political liberty, that his criticism of the existing economic +system is so extremely valuable. He also has the great merit of +seeing the philosophical background clearly, and not falling back, like +some economists, on philosophical solecisms while professing to eschew +philosophy altogether.”—London <i>Times Literary Supplement</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Knight, Frank H.</span> <i>Freedom and Reform.</i> Harper. 1947. 409 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Essays in economic and social philosophy. “Knight’s personal influence, +through his teaching, exceeds even the influence of his writings. +It is hardly an exaggeration to state that nearly all the younger +American economists who really understand and advocate a competitive +economic system, have at one time been Knight’s students.”—F. A. +Hayek.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Knowles, Lilian C. A.</span> <i>Industrial and Commercial Revolutions in +Great Britain during the Nineteenth Century.</i> Dutton. 1921. 420 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The best general economic history of England in the nineteenth +and early twentieth centuries. On the question of the interpretation +of State intervention during this period, its attitude may be described +as ‘neutral.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Koestler, Arthur.</span> <i>Darkness at Noon.</i> Macmillan. 1941. 267 pp. (Also +Modern Library. 1946.)</p> +</div> + +<p>A powerful novel based on the famous Moscow trials. It centers +about a former People’s Commissar who has followed certain practices +for a cause that seemed of supreme importance, and now finds +himself victim of his own methods. In portraying the psychology of a +loyal communist, the novel illuminates not only Russia but the conflict +between the individual and the State.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Koestler, Arthur.</span> <i>The Yogi and the Commissar.</i> Macmillan. 1945. +247 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A collection of sixteen essays. These essays contain the shrewd and +sometimes brilliant insights of a former communist—and the confusions +of one who still remains a socialist.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Korner, Emil.</span> <i>The Law of Freedom as the Remedy for War and Poverty.</i> +London: Williams & Norgate. 1951. 2 vols. 562 pp. 663 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This work, translated from the original German, contains much +that seems to me confused and crotchety, but also much that is illuminating.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</span> +“Korner offers stimulating viewpoints to those who adhere +to L. Mises’, F. A. Hayek’s and L. Robbins’ doctrines of economic +freedom or to H. C. Simons’ <i>Positive Program of Laissez-faire</i> and +reject Marxism as well as Keynesian economics.”—Theo Surányi-Unger, +in <i>The American Economic Review</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kravchenko, Victor.</span> <i>I Chose Freedom.</i> Scribner’s. 1946. 496 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“About two months before D-Day on the beaches of Normandy, a +frightened member of the Soviet Purchasing Commission deserted his +post in Washington and placed himself under the protection of the +people of the United States. He was Victor Kravchenko, long a member +of the Communist party, an engineer, a factory director and for a +time an official in the Council of Peoples Commissars of the Russian +Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, by far the largest of the republics +constituting the U.S.S.R. Kravchenko was not frightened of shell-fire +but of the long arm of Soviet law dealing with a renegade. He escaped, +however, and in <i>I Chose Freedom</i> he and his translator have +described his life in the Soviet Union, his views of the Soviet régime +and the events that prompted him to desert.”—<i>Weekly Book Review.</i> +“It is, I believe, the most remarkable and most revelatory report to +have come out of the Soviet Union from any source whatsoever.”—Dorothy +Thompson, in the <i>Saturday Review of Literature</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kravchenko, Victor.</span> <i>I Chose Justice.</i> Scribner’s. 1950. 458 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A sequel to <i>I Chose Freedom</i>. The author describes his successful +libel suit against <i>Les Lettres Françaises</i>, a Parisian Communist magazine +which had called his book a fake.”—<i>The New York Times.</i> “The +world is indebted to the author for material which should settle once +for all every honest doubt as to the Kremlin’s determination to destroy +human liberties.”—<i>Catholic World.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kropotkin, Prince.</span> <i>Mutual Aid.</i> London: Heinemann. 1904. 348 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The Anarchists are Individualists of a somewhat perverse kind. So +extreme an Individualist as Auberon Herbert was very careful to disclaim +any connection with Anarchy. Kropotkin—who was considerably +influenced by the farm-loving Fourier—advocated the extreme Individualism +which threw off all restraint, and arrived, through Anarchy, +at Communism. But the goal is ‘free Communism untrammelled by +the State.’ In economics a good time is coming.... In social life and +politics there is to be the enjoyment for all of the same liberty. All +contracts—above all, marriage—are void unless ‘voluntarily and frequently +renewed.’ With almost incredible optimism, the Anarchists +held that sovereign Reason coupled with the inherited instinct of +solidarity impelling men towards mutual aid (this seems to have been +Kropotkin’s own and comparatively commonsense contribution) would<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</span> +be sufficient to control human passions. Government would be quite +unnecessary. There is a myth that the philosopher Empedocles, to +prove some philosophical principle, threw himself into Etna and +perished. Much the same fate befell poor Kropotkin. Believing that +his principles had triumphed in Russia, he hurried to his native land +in the expectation of seeing the world’s great age begin anew. He +soon discovered that, as the Jacobins were said to have no need of +chemists, so the Leninites had no use for philosophers, and he died in +poverty that almost amounted to starvation.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Krutch, Joseph Wood.</span> <i>The Measure of Man.</i> Bobbs-Merrill. 1954. +261 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a well-written and closely reasoned book. It is a significant +and hopeful sign that Joseph Wood Krutch, whose background has +been mainly that of a literary and dramatic critic, and who has no +special knowledge of economics and politics, should have arrived by +an independent route at much the same conclusions as those of F. A. +Hayek in <i>The Counter-Revolution of Science</i> (q.v.). Although the two +writers show no knowledge of each other’s work, Krutch, like Hayek, +has become profoundly critical of the mechanistic, “conditioning” and +“engineering” point of view toward man and society: he answers the +arguments of the mechanists not on emotional or mystical, but on +scientific and rational, grounds. Historically he shows how nineteenth +century thought, under the influence of Darwin, Marx, Freud, and +their followers, left us the heritage of materialism, mechanism and +determinism that has played into the hands of the totalitarians. Krutch +contends that man is capable of making independent choices and +value judgments and of freely choosing what he will do.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kühnelt-Leddihn, Erik Maria von.</span> <i>Liberty or Equality.</i> Caldwell, +Idaho: Caxton Printers. 1952. 395 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The book is an exploration of certain interconnected hypotheses, +of varying generality, about contemporary politics. The first set of +propositions to be examined is: That the impulse of ‘democracy’ +(popular government) is the pursuit of equality, and that this leads +unavoidably (and has in fact led) to collectivism and on to oppressive +totalitarianism; and that ‘liberalism’ is the pursuit of liberty and is +an incompatible mate for ‘democracy.’... The second proposition: +That ‘monarchy’ is a more serviceable manner of government than +‘democracy’ and likely to be more ‘liberal.’... The third: That the +political temper of Catholic nations is more ‘liberal’ than that of +Protestant nations.”—<i>Spectator.</i> “The book is uneven—sometimes +naive, sometimes poorly thought out, and sometimes exasperatingly +repetitious. But its genuine insights make it worth reading, despite +its weaknesses.”—W. P. Clancy, in <i>Commonweal</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lacour-Gayet, Jacques</span>, and <span class="smcap">Lacour-Gayet, Robert</span>. <i>De Platon à la +Terreur.</i> Paris: Éditions SPID. 1948. 268 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a short history of the philosophy and practice of State +economic planning and price controls “from Plato to the Terror.” It +contains chapters on Plato and the planned economy, the price-fixing +edicts of the Roman Emperor Diocletian, reflections on the “just +price” of medieval theory, the search for economic liberty in France +from 1789 to 1791, the enormous inflation of the French currency, +and its culmination in the dreadful Law of the Maximum (price +control), which made the situation far worse and abolished liberty.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lacour-Gayet, Jacques</span> (ed.). <i>Vingt Ans de Capitalisme D’État.</i> +Paris: Éditions SPID. 1951. 302 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A critical examination by nine writers of “twenty years of State +capitalism” in France. The authors show the deleterious consequences +of the nationalization of various industries in the period from 1930 +to 1950. The contributors are: André Armengaud, Louis Baudin, +Jacques Chastenet, Pierre Fromont, Emile Mireaux, Marcel Pellenc, +André Thiers, Daniel Villey and Jacques Lacour-Gayet.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lacour-Gayet, Jacques</span> (ed.). <i>Monnaie d’Hier et de Demain.</i> Paris: +Éditions SPID. 1952. 226 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Essays by five distinguished French economists on the vicissitudes of +French money in recent years and on the necessity for returning to an +international gold standard. Charles Rist writes on the experience of +1926 and the franc of today. Jacques Rueff writes on the reasons for +returning to a gold standard. Alfred Pose writes on monetary stability +and gold money. And Edmond Giscard d’Estaing writes on commerce +and the need for an international money.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lacy, Mary G.</span> <i>Food Control During Forty Centuries.</i> <i>Scientific +Monthly</i>, June, 1923. 14 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Mary G. Lacy was librarian of the Bureau of Agricultural Economics +of the U.S. Department of Agriculture. This paper on the +results of government efforts to control food prices through the centuries +was reissued in pamphlet form by Swift & Co. in 1933. Although +compact, it is remarkably comprehensive and carefully documented, +and deserves to be far better known. Mary Lacy also compiled in 1926 +(with Annie M. Hannay and Emily L. Day), <i>Price-fixing by Governments, +424</i> <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> <i>to 1926</i> <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lane, Arthur Bliss.</span> <i>I Saw Poland Betrayed.</i> Bobbs-Merrill. 1948. 344 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author was appointed United States ambassador to Poland in +July 1944 and took up his duties while the Potsdam conference was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</span> +still in session, July 1945. He retired in 1947, after nearly two years of +frustration, to “tell the story as I had seen it.” “For the sake of the +American share in the history of the post-war years, one is sorry that +the analysis of Soviet plans, the pattern for ideological conquest, were +not presented to the public during the last days of the war. But since +Lane was a career diplomat, that was impossible. He has done his +best. It is very good.”—Drew Middleton, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lane, Rose Wilder.</span> <i>The Discovery of Freedom.</i> John Day. 1943. 262 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A discussion of man’s struggle against authority. Mrs. Lane argues +(1) that progress depends on a minimum of governmental control; and +(2) that the only true control is individual and that individual control +is in accord with religious faith. The book is eloquent and stimulating +and covers a wide range of subjects.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lane, Rose Wilder.</span> <i>Give Me Liberty.</i> Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton +Printers. 1945. 56 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An expansion of an article that originally appeared in <i>The Saturday +Evening Post</i>. Mrs. Lane vividly describes her friendliness with communists +in New York, her encounters with socialist bureaucracies in +Europe, and her observations and discussions with simple villagers and +primitive communists in Russia during the early years of the Soviet +regime. She tells how she came to understand the rarity and the +supremely precious values of personal freedom.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Le Bon, Gustave.</span> <i>The Psychology of Socialism.</i> London: Unwin. +1909. 489 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This brilliant work by a convinced opponent of Socialism is based +on the view that the best way to fight it and expose it is to make a +scientific examination of it.... ‘Hitherto psychologists has disdained +to study it.’... The book abounds in epigrammatic apothegms.... +‘All that has gone to make the greatness of civilization [he insists]: +sciences, arts, philosophies, religions, military power, etc., has been +the work of individuals, not of aggregates.... The peoples among +whom Individualism is most highly developed are by this fact alone +at the head of civilization, and today dominate the world.’... The +theories of Socialism and its history are subjected to a penetrating +analysis. Le Bon seems to fear that it will be victorious, and thus, he +thinks, bring about the destruction of modern civilization.... Le +Bon’s other works are <i>The World in Revolt</i>, 1921; and <i>The Crowd</i>, +16th impression, 1926.”—PI.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lecky, W. E. H.</span> <i>Democracy and Liberty.</i> Longmans, Green. 1896. 2 +vols. 1169 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Of all English publicists Lecky was the most fit to take the place +vacated by John Stuart Mill. He differed from Mill in most of his +political and philosophical views, but he has the same candor and +delight in learning. This discursive treatise is not one of his best +works, but it has many wise comments on modern democracy, and +the chapters on Socialism and Labor Questions should be studied. +There is no systematic attack upon Socialism, but Lecky’s intellectual +attitude is Individualistic. He observes that ‘Socialism is essentially +opposed to Free Trade and international commerce.’ As democracy is +hasty and impatient, it may make changes in a collectivist direction. +‘But proposed changes which conflict with the fundamental laws and +elements of human nature can never, in the long run, succeed. The +sense of right and wrong, which is the basis of the respect for property +and for the obligation of contract; the feeling of family affection, on +which the continuity of society depends, and out of which the system +of heredity grows; the essential difference of men in aptitudes, capacities, +and character, are things that never can be changed, and all +schemes and policies that ignore them are doomed to ultimate failure.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Levine, Isaac Don.</span> <i>Stalin.</i> Cosmopolitan Book. 1931. 421 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The first clear and complete account of the life of Stalin to appear +in English, published when the Russian dictator was still an enigmatic +figure to the Western world. The author’s thesis is that “if it was Lenin +who conceived the Communist party as a military order ... it is to +Stalin that is due the lion’s share of the credit or onus of forging this +order into an army of steel.” The book gives a portrait of Stalin that +is “vivid, graphic, intelligent and convincing.... Moreover, it +portrays Bolshevism infinitely better than most of the books on Russia +do.”—Alexander Nazaroff, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lhoste-Lachaume, Pierre.</span> <i>Réhabilitation du Libéralisme.</i> 1950. Paris: +Éditions SÉDIF. 320 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The liberalism that this French economist wants to see restored is +the traditional kind which demanded that the state should not encroach +on “liberty of thought, of speech and of the press, private +ownership of the means of production and a free market.” Felix +Morley writes: “The epic struggle of today, as M. Lhoste-Lachaume +sees it, is between true liberalism and communism. The parliamentary +socialists, among whom he includes many Americans who would resent +the description, will in the long run be taken over by communism.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</span> +When people get the habit of living on subsidies, and expecting ‘social +security’ from government, they tacitly become the fellow-travelers of +the communists.” The book is the first of a contemplated trilogy, and +has not yet been translated into English.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lhoste-Lachaume, Pierre.</span> <i>The Keystone of Liberty.</i> Paris: Éditions +SÉDIF. 1954. 79 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The French title of this book is <i>La Clef de Voute de la Liberté</i>. It +presents the English text on each left-hand page, and the French on +each right-hand page, of an article that appeared originally in the +British quarterly, <i>The Owl</i>, in September 1953. The book discusses the +liberal era of the nineteenth century, the gradual giving up of traditional +liberal principles, and the necessity of a “liberal renovation” +which would recognize the beneficial effects of the free market and +avoid “the blind alley of democratic socialism.” The author believes +that the world’s present choice is between either a “spiritualist liberalism” +or a totalitarian materialism. There is an eight-page appendix +presenting an extensive bibliography of recent books in French, +German, Italian, Dutch, and English which support a free society and +a free economy.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Library of Congress Legislative Reference Service.</span> <i>Communism in +Action.</i> U. S. Government Printing Office. 1946. 141 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A documented study and analysis of communism in operation in the +Soviet Union. House Document No. 754. There is a foreword by +Congressman Everett M. Dirksen.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lindblom, Charles E.</span> <i>Unions and Capitalism.</i> Yale University Press. +1949. 267 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a strange book, written by an associate professor of economics +at Yale University, a declared “liberal” (in the recent American sense, +as opposed to “conservative”), yet which states the menace of present-day +big unionism with far more power and clarity than most conservative +economists have dared to state it. Professor Lindblom’s thesis, in +his own words, “is that unionism and the private enterprise economy +are incompatible.... Unionism is destroying the competitive price +system.... The strike ... paralyzes production, and it is dramatic. +But the real labor problem is its aftermath.... For if wage disputes +call a halt to production temporarily, their settlement may disorganize +it permanently. Unionism will destroy the price system by what it wins +rather than by the struggle to win it. It sabotages the competitive +order, not because the economy cannot weather the disturbance of +work stoppages but because it cannot produce high output and employment +at union wage rates.” His grim conclusion is, in sum, that +“union monopoly destroys the price system because it produces ...<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</span> waste, +unemployment, inflation, or all combined ... to a degree +which the economy cannot survive.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Link, Henry C.</span> <i>The Rediscovery of Morals.</i> Dutton. 1947. 223 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A discussion of what is wrong with the world of today and its +people, and what can be done about it. Problems of race and class +conflict are given special attention. The author takes our educational +system to task for its lack of emphasis on morals, and advocates a +return to Christian morality.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lipper, Elinor.</span> <i>Eleven Years in Soviet Prison Camps.</i> Regnery. 1951. +310 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A gently nurtured Dutch girl studying medicine in Berlin in 1931 +was deeply touched by the miseries of the German unemployed, and +at Hitler’s ascendancy transferred her loyalties to the Soviet Union. +From 1937-1948 she was a political prisoner held without trial for the +bulk of her hideous, subhuman imprisonment at Kolyma in Siberia.”—<i>Library +Journal.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lippmann, Walter.</span> <i>The Good Society.</i> Little, Brown. 1937. 402 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Reviewing this book in <i>The New York Times</i> of Sept. 26, 1937, I +wrote: “No more powerful and thorough indictment” of the fallacies +of collectivism and of a managed economy “has been written in +America.” The latter part of the book is marred by an inconsistent +support of an apparently Keynesian type of “monetary management.” +But the first half is as penetrating as it is eloquent. Mr. Lippmann contends +that it is governmental coercion that is creating the very chaos +it purports to conquer. He insists that a managed economy must mean +a censored and managed opinion. He concludes that the consequences +of collectivism must be regimentation, censorship, militarism, war, +despotism, impoverishment, and barbarism, and that the only hope of +mankind lies in the restoration of liberal doctrine.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Locke, John.</span> <i>Two Treatises of Civil Government.</i> 1690. Many editions. +(Everyman’s Library. 1924.) 242 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The historical importance of these two works in the history of individualism +is enormous. (For a discussion, see the introductory essay to +this list, “Individualism in Politics and Economics.”)</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Locke, John.</span> <i>An Essay Concerning Human Understanding.</i> 1690. +Many editions.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This work, which is a landmark in the history of philosophy, does +not bear directly upon Individualism; but some of the earlier chapters +at least should be carefully studied, in order that the reader may grasp +Locke’s general principles, which guided politics in England and the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</span> +United States for some 200 years. It bases all knowledge and practice +on experience.... As Sir James Mackintosh said: ‘Few books have +contributed more to rectify prejudice—to diffuse a just mode of thinking—to +excite a fearless spirit of inquiry—and yet to contain it within +the boundaries which nature has prescribed to the human understanding.’ +This ‘fearless spirit of inquiry’ was subversive of the faith in +established laws and governments and was a necessary equipment for +those who, in the latter part of the eighteenth century, began their +attack upon obsolete institutions. It was thus a preliminary to Individualism, +to voluntary instead of compulsory co-operation—to use +the phraseology of Herbert Spencer.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Locke, John.</span> <i>Considerations on the Lowering of Interest.</i> 1691. +Several editions. 138 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Here Locke anticipated many of the arguments of the better-known +work <i>On Usury</i> by Bentham, i.e., his position was <i>laissez-faire</i>.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lutz, Harley L.</span> <i>Guideposts to a Free Economy.</i> McGraw-Hill. 1945. +206 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A series of essays on federal fiscal policy, taxation, and public expenditures +that give a rounded understanding of our journey along +two divergent roads of fiscal policy—one leading to a controlled economy +and the other to the strengthening of the enterprise system and +individual freedom in a free economy. “Professor Lutz has written +such a book as will give true liberals no end of satisfaction and cause +the national planners acute anguish.”—G. R. E., in the <i>Christian +Science Monitor</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lutz, Harley L.</span> <i>A Platform for the American Way.</i> Appleton-Century-Crofts. +1952. 114 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author, who was Professor of Public Finance at Princeton for +nearly twenty years, is distinguished for his clarity and logic and his +vigorous defense of the free enterprise system. His thesis in this book +is that “we are both drifting and being steered into some form of the +national socialist state.” He regards the Right to Own as a basic +human right, and he here offers “a program and a way of life to all +who believe in freedom and who want to remain free here in America.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lutz, Harley L.</span> <i>Public Finance.</i> Appleton-Century. 1936. 940 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A solidly reasoned textbook pointing to the dangers in deficit financing +and reaffirming the case for balanced budgets and other “orthodox” +fiscal practices.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lyons, Eugene.</span> <i>Assignment in Utopia.</i> Harcourt, Brace. 1937. 658 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author writes of his years of growing disillusionment in Russia, +where he served as an American newspaper correspondent from 1928 +to 1934. He describes among other things the famine of 1932-1933, and +some of the causes of it. “An important book—vivid, sincere and full +of factual and of psychological interest.”—London <i>Times Literary +Supplement</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lyons, Eugene.</span> <i>The Red Decade.</i> Bobbs-Merrill. 1941. 423 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A study of the activities of communists and fellow-travelers in the +United States during the decade from 1930 to 1940. “The facts are +fabulous, and Lyons relates them with a gusto that rises at times +almost to hilarity. He has a gift of slashing satire, and no fear of calling +foolish acts and famous people by their exact names. But besides +that, and somewhat surprisingly combined with it, he possesses sympathetic +understanding.”—Max Eastman, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Macaulay, Lord.</span> <i>Selections from Writings and Speeches.</i> 1853. Many +editions.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Among Macaulay’s Essays the most notable for our purposes is on +Southey’s <i>Colloquies on Society</i>. Among the speeches should be read +that on the Ten Hours Bill (1846), in which he takes the modern view +that in some cases it may be the duty of the State to protect labor. +That on the Corn Laws (1845) is a vigorous statement of the Free Trade +position. Another noteworthy speech is on the People’s Charter in +1842. To Macaulay the Chartists appeared as the Communists appear +to most people today. He was convinced that their object was the +nationalization of the land and the abolition of private property. He +says: “The doctrine of the Chartist philosophers is that it is the business +of the government to support the people. It is supposed by many +that our rulers possess, somewhere or other, an inexhaustible storehouse +of all the necessaries and conveniences of life, and, from mere +hard-heartedness, refuse to distribute the contents of this magazine +among the people.... Is it possible to believe that the millions who +have been so long and loudly told that the land is their estate and is +wrongfully kept from them, should not, when they have supreme +power, use that power to enforce what they think their rights? What +could follow but one vast spoliation?’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">McCarran, Sister M. Margaret Patricia.</span> <i>Fabianism in the Political +Life of Britain.</i> Chicago: Heritage Foundation. (Catholic University +of America Press.) 1952. 612 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The Fabian Society, which later, through the membership of +Bernard Shaw, Beatrice and Sidney Webb, H. G. Wells and others,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</span> +came to exercise an enormous intellectual influence for socialism out of +all proportion to its numbers, was originally founded in 1883 by a +few obscure young people in London with the object of “reconstructing +society in accordance with the highest moral possibilities.” +This is a highly critical but encyclopedic reference work on the history +of the society and its activities.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Maccun, John.</span> <i>Six Radical Thinkers.</i> London: Arnold. 1907. 268 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The articles on Bentham and Cobden are worth notice.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Maceoin, Gary and Zombory, Akos.</span> <i>The Communist War on Religion.</i> +Devin-Adair. 1951. 264 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Today few Americans are complacent about the threat Communism +constitutes to the things they hold dear.... But we are still hazy +about the essence of the Communist threat. The essential threat is to +truth and freedom: that is, the freedom of men to be men, free to +choose, free to move, to speak, to think—free to worship God. +Wherever the Communists have seized power, they have destroyed +these freedoms, wading through seas of human blood.... This book +tells that story as illustrated in the persecution of religion in every +Communist-controlled country.”—From the Introduction.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">MacInnes, Helen.</span> <i>Neither Five Nor Three.</i> Harcourt, Brace. 1951. +340 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A group of attractive, intelligent, well-intentioned New Yorkers +who create, edit and publish an influential popular magazine called +‘Trend’ suddenly wake up to the fact that their magazine has been +infiltrated, quietly and with devilish cleverness, that its columns are +now being used subtly to disparage and undermine faith in everything +American.”—<i>New York Herald Tribune.</i> “It is good, exciting reading.”—Edmund +Fuller, in the <i>Saturday Review of Literature</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mackiewicz, Joseph.</span> <i>The Katyn Wood Murders.</i> London: Hollis & +Carter. 1951. 252 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A former member of the Polish underground, who went to Katyn +while the Polish Red Cross was investigating the discovery of the mass +graves, describes his experiences and his beliefs about the crime. “The +book is as fascinating as a detective story and deserves the widest possible +audience as a final, conclusive exposure of Soviet responsibility +for an atrocious butchery. This responsibility was hushed up far too +long because of the supposed necessity of appeasing Stalin during the +war years.”—W. H. Chamberlin, in the <i>Chicago Sunday Tribune</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Madison, James.</span> <i>Reports of Debates in the Federal Convention.</i> 1787. +Several editions. 3 vols.</p> +</div> + +<p>The basic source book on the actual framing of the American Constitution.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Maine, Sir Henry Sumner.</span> <i>Popular Government.</i> Holt. 1886. 261 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Including the famous essay on the ‘Constitution of the United +States.’ The careful student will also familiarize himself with Maine’s +<i>Ancient Law</i>.”—Felix Morley.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mallock, W. H.</span> <i>A Critical Examination of Socialism.</i> Harper. 1907. +303 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Mallock was a brilliant critic. This book in substance consists of +lectures delivered in the United States in 1907. It is an able attack +upon Socialism. He rightly begins with Marx, pointing out the main +error of his theory of labor—the leaving out of consideration <i>directive +ability</i>.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mallock, W. H.</span> <i>Social Reform as Related to Realities and Delusions.</i> +Dutton. 1915. 391 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The primary purpose of this book is to illustrate the ‘mischievous +delusions’ by which popular opinion is vitiated in questions of social +reform owing to the general lack of knowledge and understanding of +the structure and functioning of the social system.... The immense +material advance which the nineteenth century has witnessed is constantly +emphasized. Strangely enough, most of the specific delusions +to which Mallock drew attention in 1914 still seem to persist almost as +much as they did when the book was published.”—PI (in 1927).</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mallock, W. H.</span> <i>Democracy.</i> 1924. 213 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A ruthless exposure of the fallacies lurking in the term ‘democracy.’ +The present edition is an abridgment of an earlier and very +much larger work entitled <i>The Limits of Pure Democracy</i>. [London: +Chapman & Hall. 1918. 397 pp.]”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mallock, W. H.</span> <i>Property and Progress.</i> Putnam. 1884. 248 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A criticism of Henry George’s <i>Progress and Poverty</i> (1882). Also +somewhat out of date, even as George is out of date. But the Georgian +theory of land is historically important and still has its influence on +a certain type of Radical.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Malthus, The Rev. Thomas R.</span> <i>An Essay on Population.</i> 1798, etc. +Many editions. (Everyman’s Library. 2 vols. 315 pp. 285 pp.)</p> +</div> + +<p>This book has perhaps been “refuted” more often, and denounced +and ridiculed more often, than any other. Yet it is one of the world’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</span> +great seminal works. In the scientific field it helped to inspire Darwin’s +theory of evolution. And in the economic field, if its influence has been +unfortunately less than it should have been, it has given birth to an +enormous body of controversial literature. The form in which Malthus +stated his theory in his first edition was certainly extreme and +erroneous. Yet he was the first to seize and document a great and sobering +truth. This is that, unless restrained, population tends to increase +up to the limits of the means of subsistence. Because he overlooked +many technical and scientific possibilities, Malthus’s personal pessimism +has not been justified by events. But it does not follow that his +proposition, in its most general form, has been disproved by events, as +it has been so often fashionable to believe. The rising standard of +living in the Western world has been at least partly the result of +deliberate population restraint (even if in the form of birth control +rather than of the sexual “continence” that Malthus advocated). +Where this population restraint still does not exist, as in India, China, +and other parts of the Orient, the lesson of Malthus is only too plain +today. An important corollary of his theory is that schemes of social +reform and “redistribution of wealth” are not only futile but pernicious +when they neglect the effect upon population growth.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mandeville, Bernard.</span> <i>The Fable of the Bees.</i> 1705. (Ed. by F. B. +Kaye. Oxford. 1924.)</p> +</div> + +<p>“The decisive importance of Mandeville in the history of economics, +long overlooked or appreciated only by a few authors (particularly +Edwin Cannan and Albert Schatz) is now beginning to be recognized, +mainly thanks to the magnificent edition of the <i>Fable of the Bees</i> +which we owe to the late F. B. Kaye. Although the fundamental ideas +of Mandeville’s work are already implied in the original poem of 1705, +the decisive elaboration and especially his full account of the origin +of the division of labor, of money, and of language occur only in Part +II of the <i>Fable</i> which was published in 1728.”—F. A. Hayek.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Manion, Clarence.</span> <i>The Key to Peace.</i> Chicago: Heritage Foundation. +1950. 121 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This bears the subtitle: “A Formula for the Perpetuation of Real +Americanism.” The author, dean of the law school of Notre Dame +University, believes that the only possible formula for peace was discovered +by the Founding Fathers when they wrote the Declaration of +Independence and framed the American Constitutional system. The +basic American principle, he declares, is “an uncompromising and +uncompromised demand for the freedom and independence of the +individual man.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Markham, Reuben Henry.</span> <i>Rumania Under the Soviet Yoke.</i> Meador. +1949. 601 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“There is no better informed or more responsible writer on Balkan +affairs than Mr. Markham. He was a European correspondent for the +<i>Christian Science Monitor</i> for twenty years, and for <i>The Christian +Century</i> for a shorter period, and during the war he served as deputy +director of the Office of War Information. He knows the people, the +languages, the history and (so far as anyone can) the present conditions +in the Balkan states. In the 600 pages of this volume he surveys +Rumania before and during the Hitler regime and recites in detail +the course of events since the beginning of Soviet domination.”—<i>The +Christian Century.</i> “Mr. Markham’s book is one of the strongest and +best documented indictments of the system of political communism +flourishing under the ever-lengthening shadow of Moscow.”—<i>Christian +Science Monitor.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Marshall, Alfred.</span> <i>The Principles of Economics.</i> 1890. Often reprinted. +Macmillan. Eighth edition, 1920. 871 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This book has had an immense influence and will remain a standard +work for many years to come. It shows a pronounced reaction from +the severe Individualism of most of the early economists, and, whilst +no one would belittle its value in focussing and clarifying earlier +thought, one may doubt whether the ultimate verdict of economists +will regard the reaction that it heralded as entirely good.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Martin, Everett Dean.</span> <i>Liberty.</i> Norton. 1930. 307 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author seeks to arrive at the meaning of liberty partly through +the method of historical survey. He discusses the Grecian conception, +the contributions of Christianity and the Renaissance, of Rousseau, +Voltaire, and others. In reviewing this book in <i>The Nation</i> of June 18, +1930, I wrote: “It is with misgivings that one approaches Everett Dean +Martin’s <i>Liberty</i>. These misgivings soon dissolve, however, before the +flow of Mr. Martin’s eloquence, his gift for felicitous and forcible +statement, his attractive historical summaries, his broad, humane +culture, his shrewd analysis and unfailing clarity. His <i>Liberty</i> is not +perhaps a profound book or a remarkably original one, but it is none +the less admirable. For in spite of the great existing classics, and of +the fact that much of his argument is necessarily repetition, Mr. +Martin has done a task that greatly needed to be done.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Menger, Karl.</span> <i>Principles of Economics.</i> Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. 1950. +328 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This epoch-making book, “one of the great landmarks in the development +of economic thought,” as Frank H. Knight calls it, had to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</span> +wait seventy-nine years before it appeared in the present (or any other) +English translation. The “Austrian School,” of which Menger was the +founder, was a fountainhead of classical liberalism on the European +continent. F. A. Hayek, who calls Menger’s <i>Principles</i> “the best introduction +to the understanding of the theory of value which we possess,” +has also pointed out that Menger was “among the first in modern +times consciously to revive the methodical individualism of Adam +Smith and his school.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mikolajczyk, Stanislaw.</span> <i>The Rape of Poland.</i> Whittlesey. 1948. 309 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The author, formerly Premier of Poland and head of the now suppressed +Peasants’ Party, witnessed what he calls the betrayal of his +country from every political level, starting as a common soldier during +the war in Poland.... After the war, he was helpless, even as a leader +of one of the great parties, to avert the violent destruction of his +country’s democratic processes and finally had to flee in disguise. He +believes that the Soviets were resolved from the first to annihilate +Poland and says flatly that they killed fifteen thousand Polish officers +in the woods around Katyn, near Smolensk, and that they purposely +delayed giving help to General Bor during the Warsaw uprising until +it was too late.... This book, heavily documented and written without +fireworks, is a pretty powerful indictment.”—<i>New Yorker.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mill, John Stuart.</span> <i>Utilitarianism.</i> 1861. <i>On Liberty.</i> 1859. <i>Representative +Government.</i> 1861. Many editions. (Dutton. 1950.) 532 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Three short but vital works. The first is outside our immediate +purpose, being ethical, but it should be read; it reveals the mind of +Mill perhaps better than any other of his works.</p> + +<p>“<i>On Liberty</i> may be called the Individualist’s textbook. It is a plea +for allowing scope to individual character and action—even eccentricity +is better than convention. Its whole argument should be carefully +studied. There is also a concise and useful statement towards the +end: ‘The objections to government interference, when it is not such +as to involve infringement of liberty, may be of three kinds. The first +is when the thing to be done is likely to be better done by individuals +than by the government.... The second ... in many cases, though +individuals may not do the particular thing so well, on the average, as +the officers of government, it is nevertheless desirable that it should +be done by them, rather than by the government, as a means to their +own mental education.</p> + +<p>“(Thus juries, ‘free and popular local and municipal institutions,’ and +‘the conduct of industrial and philanthropical enterprises by voluntary +associations,’ are valuable on this principle as well as in themselves.)</p> + +<p>“‘The third and most cogent reason for restricting the interference<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</span> +of government is the great evil of adding unnecessarily to its power.’ +Gladstone, with most of our Victorian statesmen, disliked increasing +the functions and expenditure of the State. He came to regard with +dismay the vigorous growth of the Income Tax, his own child, which +he had adopted from Peel, its actual father. He sometimes likens it to +a sword of excessive sharpness which is a dangerous weapon to entrust +to a minister. He writes to Cobden in 1864 (Morley’s <i>Gladstone</i>, +Book V, Chapter iv): ‘I seriously doubt whether it [the spirit of expenditure] +will ever give place to the old spirit of economy, as long as +we have the income tax.’ The income tax was then sevenpence in the +pound, and within fifteen months was to fall to fourpence, and a little +later to twopence!</p> + +<p>“Mill’s book <i>On Liberty</i> gives the pure doctrine of Individualism. +His excellent <i>Representative Government</i> does not bear so closely +upon our subject. The present Master of Balliol (Mr. A. D. Lindsay) +remarks: ‘It reflects strikingly Mill’s curious political position, combining +as it does, an enthusiastic belief in democratic government with +most pessimistic apprehensions as to what the democracy was likely to +do.’ This is due to Mill’s Individualism, for he saw that individual +freedom might incur great danger from majority rule in a Democracy. +It led him to attach much importance to such schemes as Hare’s Proportional +Representation, which he hoped would protect minorities +against tyrannical ignorance.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mill, John Stuart.</span> <i>Autobiography.</i> 1873. Many editions. (Columbia +University Press. 1944. 240 pp.)</p> +</div> + +<p>“All who study Individualism or any kind of economic or political +science must devote much careful consideration to Mill. This autobiographical +masterpiece is too well known to require much comment. +It shows the influences to which Mill was subjected, his reactions, and +his invincible candor. It is pardonable to repeat that Mill’s great object +was not to found a sect but to discover truth, as far as it is discoverable.”—PI. +(See also <span class="smcap">Packe, Michael St. John</span>.)</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mill, John Stuart.</span> <i>Principles of Political Economy.</i> 1848. Many +editions. 1013 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Mill wrote this work at a time when Individualism had reached its +zenith, and its triumph was largely due to the efforts of his spiritual +and actual fathers, Bentham and James Mill. Thus this most important +work is, in the main, an exposition of Individualism. But J. S. Mill +here aims at stating his opponents’ case, and so has given Socialists +the opportunity of citing him in their favor. In I, I, sec. 3, he makes an +amazing observation: ‘If, therefore, the choice were to be made between +Communism [Socialism] with all its chances, and the present +state of society with all its sufferings and injustices; if the institution of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</span> +private property necessarily carried with it as a consequence, that the +produce of labor should be apportioned as we now see it, almost in an +inverse ratio to the labor—the largest portions to those who have +never worked at all, the next largest to those whose work is almost +nominal, and so in a descending scale, the remuneration dwindling as +the work grows harder and more disagreeable, until the most fatiguing +and exhausting bodily labor cannot count with certainty on being +able to earn even the necessaries of life; if this, or Communism, were +the alternatives, all the difficulties, great or small, would be but as dust +in the balance.’</p> + +<p>“Again, Mill was so dominated by the Malthusian theory, that he +was ready to adopt stringent Government measures to check overpopulation, +e.g., by ‘a great national measure of colonization.’ (II, +XIII, sec. 4.)</p> + +<p>“Again we have his celebrated apology for occasional Protection +when duties ‘are imposed temporarily (especially in a young and rising +nation) in hopes of naturalizing a foreign industry, in itself perfectly +suitable to the circumstances of the country.’ (V, X, sec. 1.)</p> + +<p>“But the general spirit of the book is very strongly <i>laissez-faire</i>. The +foregoing passages are exceptional. The following sentence is representative: +‘The grounds of this truth are expressed with tolerable +exactness in the popular dictum, that people understand their own +business and their own interests better, and care for them more, than +the government does, or can be expected to do.’ (V, XI, sec. 5.) +Throughout his life Mill believed, as he tersely expresses the truth in +<i>Liberty</i>, that everyone ought to be allowed to do as he likes, provided +that he does not make himself a nuisance to his neighbor. His candid +mind brought forward numerous exceptions, but he steadily maintained +his rule.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Millar, Frederick.</span> <i>Socialism: Its Fallacies and Dangers.</i> London: +Watts. 1907. 1923. 96 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This little shilling work was written to warn the public of the +dangers of Socialism. It has chapters to show that it means material +and national decay, the abolition of family life, its impossibility, etc. +The writer has a healthy dislike of all kinds of Government interference. +‘To attack wealth, to menace the free accumulation of private +property, is like cutting open the bellows to see where the wind comes +from. In this matter of wealth it comes from self-interest, and, therefore, +the more you seek politically to prevent the free, unfraudulent, +and unaggressive expression of self-interest, the less wind you will have +to blow your fire, and consequently the worse off you will be.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Milton, John.</span> <i>Areopagitica.</i> 1644. Many editions.</p> +</div> + +<p>This written oration against censorship is the noblest of Milton’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</span> +tracts, and one of the great documents on liberty. It is rich in magnificent +sentences: “As good almost kill a man as kill a good book: who +kills a man kills a reasonable creature, God’s image; but he who +destroys a good book kills reason itself.”... “Who ever knew Truth +put to the worse in a free and open encounter?” John Morley, in an +article in the <i>Fortnightly Review</i> (August, 1873) wrote: “[John Stuart] +Mill’s memorable plea for social liberty was little more than an enlargement, +though a very important enlargement, of the principles of +the still more famous speech for liberty of unlicensed printing with +which Milton enobled English literature two centuries before.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mises, Ludwig von.</span> <i>Human Action.</i> Yale University Press. 1949. 889 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Reviewing this book in <i>Newsweek</i> of Sept. 19, 1949, I wrote: “<i>Human +Action</i> is, in short, at once the most uncompromising and the +most rigorously reasoned statement of the case for capitalism that has +yet appeared. If any single book can turn the ideological tide that has +been running in recent years so heavily toward statism, socialism and +totalitarianism, <i>Human Action</i> is that book. It should become the +leading text of everyone who believes in freedom, in individualism, +and in the ability of a free-market economy not only to outdistance +any government-planned system in the production of goods and services +for the masses, but to promote and safeguard, as no collectivist tyranny +can ever do, those intellectual, cultural, and moral values upon which +all civilization ultimately rests.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mises, Ludwig von.</span> <i>Socialism.</i> 1936. Yale University Press. 1951. 599 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Reviewing this book in <i>The New York Times</i> of Jan. 9, 1938, I +wrote: “This book must rank as the most devastating analysis of socialism +yet penned. Doubtless even some anti-socialist readers will feel +that he occasionally overstates his case. On the other hand, even confirmed +socialists will not be able to withhold admiration from the +masterly fashion in which he conducts his argument. He has written +an economic classic in our time.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mises, Ludwig von.</span> <i>The Theory of Money and Credit.</i> 1935. Yale +University Press. 1953. 493 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“In continental circles it has long been regarded as the standard +textbook on the subject.... I know few works which convey a more +profound impression of the logical unity and the power of modern +economic analysis.”—Lionel Robbins.</p> + +<p>It may seem strange to include any work on money and credit in a +bibliography concerned primarily with individual liberty. But Professor +Mises shows here as elsewhere how mistaken monetary policies<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</span> +lead to the destruction of liberty. As F. A. Hayek has written, Mises +“has been working since the early twenties on the reconstruction of a +solid edifice of liberal thought in a more determined, systematic and +successful way than anyone else.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mises, Ludwig von.</span> <i>Omnipotent Government.</i> Yale University Press. +1944. 291 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In this book Professor von Mises provides an economic explanation +of the international conflicts which caused both World Wars. He shows +that economic nationalism and the trend toward economic self-sufficiency +are the necessary outcome of present-day policies of government +intervention in the private enterprises of citizens. He supports his +analysis with an interpretation of the historical facts which both gave +rise to Nazism and prevented Germany and the rest of the world from +stopping until it was too late to do so without a frightful cost in blood +and terror.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mises, Ludwig von.</span> <i>Bureaucracy.</i> Yale University Press. 1944. 125 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Reviewing this book in <i>The New York Times</i> of Oct. 1, 1944, I +wrote: “The main thesis of Professor von Mises is that bureaucracy is +merely a symptom of the real disease with which we have to deal. That +disease is excessive State domination and control. If the State seeks +excessive control over the economic or other activities of the individual +it is bound to need a bureaucracy to do it, and this bureaucracy is +bound to function in a certain way.... Professor von Mises’ penetrating +analysis is closely reasoned.... Published on the day after +F. A. Hayek’s <i>The Road to Serfdom</i>, [it] once more calls attention to +the ironic fact that the most eminent and uncompromising defenders +of English liberty, and of the system of free enterprise which reached +its highest development in America, should now be two Austrian +exiles.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mises, Ludwig von.</span> <i>Planning for Freedom.</i> South Holland, Ill.: Libertarian +Press. 1952. 174 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a collection of twelve addresses and essays which supplement +and present in simpler and shorter form the analyses of Professor von +Mises in his great works on <i>Human Action</i> and <i>Socialism</i>. Readers +without a special background in economic theory will find these +essays not only rewarding in themselves but an excellent introduction +to von Mises’ work. The essays are: Planning for Freedom; Middle-of-the-Road +Policy Leads to Socialism; Laissez-Faire or Dictatorship; +Stones Into Bread, the Keynesian Miracle; Lord Keynes and Say’s +Law; Inflation and Price Control; Economic Aspects of the Pension +Problem; Benjamin M. Anderson Challenges the Philosophy of the +Pseudo-Progressives; Profit and Loss; Economic Teaching at the Universities;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</span> +Trends Can Change; and The Political Chances of Genuine +Liberalism.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mises, Ludwig von.</span> <i>Liberalismus.</i> Jena: Gustav Fischer. 1927. 175 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a discussion of Liberalism (in the traditional sense of the +term), of the political basis, economic policy and foreign policy appropriate +to it, and of its probable future. There is an appendix on +the literature of liberalism.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mises, Ludwig von.</span> <i>Kritik des Interventionismus.</i> Jena: Gustav Fischer. +1929. 136 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Five collected essays discussing interventionism, restrictionism, price +control, and the economic theories behind these policies.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Moley, Raymond.</span> <i>How to Keep Our Liberty.</i> Knopf. 1952. 339 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Raymond Moley, contributing editor of <i>Newsweek</i> magazine and +professor of public law at Columbia University, created and headed +the famous Brains Trust of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s first campaign for +the Presidency and later was a major architect of the early New Deal. +His opposition to later developments in national policy culminated in +this lucid and vigorous, but admirably organized and carefully thought-out, +“conservative manifesto.” “Today the people of this nation,” he +writes, “are presented with a choice between two forms of political +and economic life. One form is that of our traditions, in which individual +liberty prevails and is guarded by ‘the long, still grasp of law.’ +The other is the dominance of the state in human affairs. My purpose +here has been to present a plan for political action for those who do +not wish to go down the road to socialism.” Mr. Moley’s book combines +rich scholarship with the readability of first-rate journalism.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Montesquieu, Baron de.</span> <i>The Spirit of Laws.</i> 1748. Many English and +French editions. 2 vols.</p> +</div> + +<p>The Baron de Montesquieu (1689-1755) published his famous +<i>L’Esprit des Lois</i> in 1748. The <i>Encyclopaedia Britannica</i> declares that +it “may be almost certainly ranked as the greatest book of the French +Eighteenth Century.” The political writer George Catlin thinks it +“dull and prolix.” To Montesquieu, however, is due the classical +formulation of the doctrine of checks and balances, and of the division +of powers.</p> + +<p>Lytton Strachey writes of it in his <i>Landmarks in French Literature</i>: +“It is enough to say that here all Montesquieu’s qualities—his power +of generalization, his freedom from prejudices, his rationalism, his +love of liberty and hatred of fanaticism, his pointed, epigrammatic +style—appear in their most characteristic form. Perhaps the chief fault +of the book is that it is too brilliant.... Montesquieu’s generalizations<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</span> +are always bold, always original, always fine; unfortunately, they +are too often unsound into the bargain.... He believed he had +found in [the English constitution] a signal instance of his favorite +theory of the beneficial effects produced by the separation of the three +powers of government—the judicial, the legislative, and the executive; +but he was wrong. In England, as a matter of fact, the powers of the +legislative and the executive were intertwined. This particular error +has had a curious history. Montesquieu’s great reputation led to his +view of the constitution of England being widely accepted as the true +one; as such it was adopted by the American leaders after the War of +Independence; and its influence is plainly visible in the present constitution +of the United States. Such is the strange power of good +writing over the affairs of men!”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Montgomery, George S., Jr.</span> <i>The Return of Adam Smith.</i> Caldwell, +Idaho: Caxton Printers. 1949. 160 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This book is intended to serve as a little prayer for the awakening +or—symbolically—for the return of Adam Smith.” And it speculates +upon how Adam Smith would probably feel and think about our +present institutions. Mr. Montgomery discusses the merits and demerits +of government-run business and re-evaluates such terms as +“reactionary,” “laissez faire,” and “robber baron.” He also points out +vigorously the socialist and collectivist implications in many present-day +textbooks, and particularly in some articles in the fifteen-volume +<i>Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Morgan, Charles.</span> <i>Liberties of the Mind.</i> Macmillan. 1951. 252 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A collection of essays and addresses, some previously published elsewhere, +several in the London <i>Times Literary Supplement</i>. The theme +of the essays is what the author sees as the imminent danger of the loss +of freedom of mind and moral choice, of individuality and identity, by +the majority of mankind. “There can be scarcely a more important task +than that which this book attempts, and perhaps no more encouraging +and hopeful sign than that one of the greatest contemporary masters of +English prose should be impelled to undertake it.... All that the +mere student of these problems can do is to testify to the importance of +the book and to acknowledge that here certainly the artist sees much +to which the expert tends to be blind.”—F. A. Hayek.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Morley, Felix.</span> <i>The Power in the People.</i> Van Nostrand. 1949. 293 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In this scholarly, thoughtful and often brilliant book, Mr. Morley +attempts to present a unified study of the origin of the political ideas +on which our nation was founded, and how they have developed. “This +is a remarkable book, nobly written and profoundly thought out. It<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</span> +is also, at least to this reviewer, sui generis, an account of the founding +and development and significance of the American Republic which is +unique as far as my acquaintance with the literature on the subject +goes.... There is a fire in it which no survey of the past as the past +could kindle. <i>The Power in the People</i> is a Tract for the Times, concerned +with what is of paramount importance for us today, at this +precise moment in our history.”—Edith Hamilton, in <i>The Saturday +Review of Literature</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Morley, John (Viscount).</span> <i>The Life of Richard Cobden.</i> 1881. London: +Unwin. 1903. 985 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The outstanding biography of the great Free Trader and leader of +the Manchester School.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Morley, John (Viscount).</span> <i>The Life of William Ewart Gladstone.</i> +Macmillan. 1911. 3 vols.</p> +</div> + +<p>A masterly biography of the great nineteenth century liberal statesman.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Morley, John (Viscount).</span> <i>Voltaire.</i> Macmillan. 1872. 365 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Morley’s <i>Voltaire</i> fully appreciates the influence of Locke and +English Individualism upon Voltaire.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mosca, Gaetano.</span> <i>The Ruling Class.</i> McGraw-Hill. 1939. 514 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is an English translation, with some reorganization of the +material, from the 1923 edition of the work of the eminent Italian +political philosopher first published in 1895. The Italian title is +<i>Elementi di Scienza Politico</i>. It contains an illuminating chapter on +the political character of collectivism. “This work, already a classic in +Europe, deserves the widest attention in America.”—<i>Foreign Affairs.</i> +“The picture Mosca gives of the ruling class, of politics and of political +behavior is one which students in these fields cannot afford to neglect.”—A. +T. Mason, in the <i>Survey Graphic</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mussatti, James.</span> <i>The Constitution of the United States.</i> Van +Nostrand. 1956. 173 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A short, simple and admirably organized statement of the basic +principles of the American Constitution. Its intent is to explain to +the layman the philosophies, motives, and actions of the framers of +that great document. It is accompanied by full bibliographic references, +and a study guide prepared by Thomas J. Shelly.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Muthesius, Volkmar.</span> <i>Müssen wir arm bleiben?</i> Frankfurt a. M., Germany. +1952.</p> +</div> + +<p>A discussion by a courageous and outspoken German liberal, who<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</span> +is devoted to the principles of the free market, of the postwar problems +of his country.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Newbury, Frank D.</span> <i>The American Economic System.</i> McGraw-Hill. +1950.</p> +</div> + +<p>Designed as a textbook on the basic institutions and principles of +the American economic system. Among those institutions and principles +the author stresses private property; individual freedom of +choice and action; individual responsibility for success or failure; +free and active competition; and the principle of economic rewards +proportional to economic contribution.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Newcomb, Simon.</span> <i>Principles of Political Economy.</i> Harper. 1886.</p> +</div> + +<p>Schumpeter says of Simon Newcomb: “He was an eminent astronomer +who also taught, and wrote on, economics but not enough +to acquire the influence he deserved. His <i>Principles of Political Economy</i> +is the outstanding performance of American general economics +in the pre-Clark-Fisher-Taussig epoch. His presentation was masterly +and highly suggestive, also original in several points.”</p> + +<p>His rugged individualism and his vivid illustrations are often reminiscent +of Bastiat. He emphasizes the “let-alone principle” and the +“keep-out principle”: “The one claims that the government should +not stop the citizen from acting; the other that it should keep out of +certain fields of action.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Nicholson, J. S.</span> <i>The Revival of Marxism.</i> Dutton. 1921. 145 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A ruthless criticism and exposure of Marxism. Marx’s writings are +shown to have contributed nothing of tangible value to the world’s +knowledge. Insofar as they are original they are false.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Nock, Albert J.</span> <i>Our Enemy, the State.</i> 1935. (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton +Printers. 1946.) 209 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author develops the theme that the State is founded on conquest +and confiscation and tends to devour civilization. He foresaw +“ever-increasing corruption, inefficiency and prodigality” under State +domination which will lead us to impoverishment and “a system of +forced labor.” Some of Nock’s ideas were extreme and tended toward +anarchism. But his style combined urbanity with vigor.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">North, Sir Dudley.</span> <i>Discourses upon Trade.</i> London. 1691.</p> +</div> + +<p>“He exposes the fallacies of the Mercantile Theory and is an advocate—one +of the earliest—of Free Trade.... ‘A nation in the world, +as to trade, is in all respects like a citizen in a kingdom, or a family +in a city.’ Therefore trade between nations ought to be left free and +not loaded with restrictions, as is the present practice of rulers. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</span> +following sentence might have been written by Fawcett or any of his +fellow economists: ‘There can be no trade unprofitable to the public, +for if any prove so, men leave it off, and whenever traders thrive, the +public, of which they are a part, thrive also.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Norton, Thomas J.</span> <i>The Constitution of the United States.</i> 1922. +(New York: America’s Future. 1951.) 319 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An elementary reference work, designed not for the legal profession +but “to make accessible to the citizen ... such a knowledge of +the Constitution of the United States as will serve in emergency as a +‘first line of defense.’” The text of the Constitution is printed in bold-face +type, followed by a note to every line or clause “that has a historical +story or drama back of it” or that otherwise calls for interpretation +in the light of court decisions. The book has been kept +up-to-date by numerous printings. “I know of no book which so completely +and coherently explains our form of government.”—James M. +Beck, former Solicitor General of the United States.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Norton, Thomas J.</span> <i>Undermining the Constitution.</i> Devin-Adair. +1950. 351 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The author, who in the twenties published a standard commentary +on the constitution, calls his new commentary a ‘history of lawless +government’ and cites case after case to support his charge that +‘clever, irresponsible men’ have been doing their best to demolish the +Constitution and popular government along with it. As examples of +how the intent of the writers of the Constitution has been ‘demolished,’ +Mr. Norton discusses such matters as the TVA, the agricultural +adjustment act, the national labor relations act, the child labor +law, the assumption by Washington of much police power originally +held by the several states, the influence of the Supreme Court in +creating new laws, and the loss of congressional power to the executive.”—<i>Springfield +Republican.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Nutter, G. Warren.</span> <i>The Extent of Enterprise Monopoly in the +United States, 1899-1939.</i> University of Chicago Press. 1951. 169 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A careful and detailed statistical study. Professor Nutter concludes +that there is no basis for the impression that there has been a significant +increase in monopoly in the United States since about 1900.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Nyaradi, Nicholas.</span> <i>My Ringside Seat in Moscow.</i> Crowell. 1952. 307 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A report on a most melancholy mission to Moscow, written by +the last non-Communist Finance Minister of Hungary. Mr. Nyaradi +went to Russia in 1947 to negotiate with the Kremlin a two-hundred-million-dollar +Russian claim against his government.... He got it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</span> +reduced, but it took him seven months to do so, and by that time +the Communists had infested his government and the claim had become +academic.”—<i>New Yorker.</i> “From one point of view this book +can be read as a rollicking account of Moscow life, with its strange +contrasts between the abysmal poverty of the many and the sybaritic +life of the rulers.... More important, however, Nyaradi gives us a +glimpse of some key figures in the Politburo and near Politburo levels +of Soviet life.”—Harry Schwartz, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Oneal, James, and Werner, G. A.</span> <i>American Communism.</i> Dutton. +1947. 416 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A revision and extension of Oneal’s same title published in 1927 +by the Rand School. To the original thirteen chapters now slightly +revised, Werner adds nine, covering events since original publication.... +The original sections are careful and judicious, the latter, somewhat +less so; but the documented whole adds up to a clear picture of +the development of Communism in the United States which the authors +insist is not a political party in our sense but an agency of the +Russian Dictatorship.”—<i>Library Journal.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Oppenheimer, Franz.</span> <i>The State.</i> Huebsch. 1922. 302 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This brilliant political study is simultaneously readable, brief and +profound.”—<i>Felix Morley.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Orme, Alexandrea.</span> <i>Comes the Comrade.</i> Morrow. 1950. 376 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Beginning with Dec. 22, 1944, this diary of a Polish woman, “Lida,” +married to a Hungarian aristocrat, covers the days to March 28, 1945. +During that time the Russians were supposed to have “liberated” that +section of Hungary. At first Lida had welcomed the Russians, but as +it became apparent that their ideas of liberation were very crude, she +devoted all her time and intelligence to the task of keeping one step +ahead of them. “If one can imagine a group of Roman patricians +caught by an invading flood of Goths and Vandals one can appreciate +the situation which Mrs. Orme describes with courage, wit and vivacity.... +There could hardly be a better close-up view of the +Soviet overrunning of Eastern Europe.”—W. H. Chamberlin, in the +<i>Chicago Sunday Tribune</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Orton, William Aylott.</span> <i>The Liberal Tradition.</i> Yale University +Press. 1945. 317 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This bears the subtitle: “A Study of the Social and Spiritual Conditions +of Freedom.” “In an era that speaks so glibly and so hopelessly +of the inevitability of collectivization, Professor Orton casts a +favorite-son vote for freedom.”—H. T. Maguire, in <i>Commonweal</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Orton, William Aylott.</span> <i>The Economic Role of the State.</i> University +of Chicago Press. 1950. 192 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A discussion of the basis and limitations of government action. +John Chamberlain writes: “Orton’s view is that the best society is the +one in which people put their reliance on the voluntary action of +autonomous non-state social groups. He brings us back to the central +lack of modern man, which is philosophy. He himself is evidently in +accord with the Catholic philosophy of economics and government. +But he is so persistently oblique in his phraseology that he often +leaves the reader in doubt as to how he would apply Catholic philosophy +in given instances.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Orwell, George.</span> <i>Nineteen Eighty-Four.</i> Harcourt, Brace. 1949. 314 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A satirical novel about a future time when men and women living +in a collectivist society are constantly spied upon through “telescreens,” +and drilled by a Thought Police into thinking that war is +peace, that ignorance is strength, and that freedom is slavery. Orwell +was the foremost satirist of our time. <i>Nineteen Eighty-Four</i> portrays +with classic power and finality the intellectual paralysis and spiritual +depravity that a totalitarian regime imposes. But except for its vivid +picture of the dreadful end-results for consumers, it leaves the determining +<i>economic</i> aspect of such a totalitarian society virtually blank.</p> + +<p>Orwell in an earlier book (<i>The Lion and the Unicorn: Socialism +and the English Genius</i>; Secker & Warburg: 1941) had argued for a +special “English socialism.” With his increasing disillusionment he +ceased to be a communist sympathizer, and, in the end (some time +after writing <i>Animal Farm</i>), even to be a socialist. In <i>Nineteen Eighty-Four</i> +he ridiculed his own former ideas by his sarcastic references to +“Ingsoc” (the short name in his collectivist society for English socialism). +But so bitter and complete had been Orwell’s previous hatred +of “capitalism” that he never came to understand the real nature and +effects of free private enterprise. This, I think, is why <i>Nineteen +Eighty-Four</i> could only end on a note of utter despair. Yet the book +presents an unforgettable picture of what collectivism leads to.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Orwell, George.</span> <i>Animal Farm.</i> Harcourt, Brace. 1946. 118 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The animals on Mr. Jones’s farm stage a successful revolution and +take the place over. The revolution begins to go wrong—yet ingenious +excuses are always forthcoming for each perversion of the original +doctrine. This fable is the vehicle for a brilliant satire on the actual +course of the Russian communist revolution up to the time when +<i>Animal Farm</i> appeared. Unfortunately, much in this satire implies +the familiar socialist view that the Russian revolution was perhaps a +necessary method of putting a great ideal into effect, but that the revolution<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</span> +was “betrayed” by Stalin through selfishness and abuse of +power and a return to capitalist ideals. These implications spoil the +satire for individualists and believers in free enterprise. In <i>Nineteen +Eighty-Four</i> Orwell was to become far more disillusioned with socialism +than he is here.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Packe, Michael St. John.</span> <i>The Life of John Stuart Mill.</i> Macmillan. +1954. 567 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An admirable biography of the great nineteenth century liberal +economist and philosopher. It carries the reader along like a first-rate +novel, yet Mr. Packe never invents conversations or inner thoughts, +but supplies documentation for all his statements. Readers of Mill’s +<i>Autobiography</i> will find Mr. Packe’s book an almost indispensable +supplement; it throws entirely new light on Mill’s life and character, +and supplements the material in the <i>Autobiography</i> at a hundred +points, while repeating surprisingly little. “For eighty years after his +death,” writes F. A. Hayek in a preface, “no satisfactory biography of +Mill has been available. In many ways, the unique value of his own +description of his intellectual development has increased rather than +diminished the need for a more comprehensive account of the setting +against which it ought to be seen. Until recently, the material on +which such a picture could be based was not available.... There +may still be details to be filled in here and there; but on the whole +I feel that Mr. Packe has given us the definitive biography of Mill for +which we have so long been waiting.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Paine, Thomas.</span> <i>Common Sense.</i> 1776. Many editions. 129 pp. +——. <i>The Rights of Man</i>, 1791. Many editions. 389 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Paine’s <i>Common Sense</i> helped to inspire the Declaration of Independence, +while <i>The Rights of Man</i> raised a great outcry among the +admirers of the British Constitution. He was a bold champion of individual +as well as of national independence.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Paine, Thomas.</span> <i>The Complete Writings of Thomas Paine.</i> Edited by +Philip S. Foner. New York: The Citadel Press. 1945. 2 vols.</p> +</div> + +<p>These two volumes contain, among other writings, both <i>Common +Sense</i> and <i>The Rights of Man</i>. “At once the fullest, the most inexpensive, +and the most usable edition of Paine that has yet been published.”—Allan +Nevins, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Palgrave, R. H. Inglis</span> (ed.). <i>Dictionary of Political Economy.</i> Macmillan. +1918. 3 vols. 2,525 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“An indispensable work of reference. The article on Individualism +should be studied.”—PI.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Palmer, Cecil.</span> <i>The British Socialist Ill-fare State.</i> Caldwell, Idaho: +Caxton Printers. 1952. 656 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A study of the shortcomings of the British welfare state, which examines +the State’s challenge to individual liberties, nationalized medicine, +and the nationalization of industries and utilities. The author +was a former British publisher and lecturer, and was the organizer of +the Society of Individualists. He died in January 1952.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Palyi, Melchior.</span> <i>The Dollar Dilemma.</i> Regnery. 1954. 208 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In this vigorous, well-informed and penetrating book, the author +argues that American dollar aid to Europe and elsewhere has done +more harm than good. He contends that it has financed socialism, +planned and directed economies, excessive social security and wealth +distribution systems, the destruction of incentives and the promotion +of inefficiency. Dr. Palyi was born in Hungary but since 1933 has lived +in America, where he has been active as a research economist.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Palyi, Melchior.</span> <i>Compulsory Medical Care and the Welfare State.</i> +Chicago: National Institution of Professional Services. 1949. 156 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An analysis based on a special study of governmentalized medical +care systems on the continent of Europe and in England.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Parkes, Henry Bamford.</span> <i>Marxism: An Autopsy.</i> Houghton Mifflin. +1939. 300 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Reviewing this book in <i>The New York Times</i> of April 7, 1940, I +wrote: “Mr. Parkes’s autopsy ... cannot compare in depth, penetration +and rigor of thought with von Mises’ masterly refutation of +socialism, to the extent that the two volumes cover similar ground. +But it is an important volume and one of the ablest direct replies to +Marxism ever to appear in America.... In his attempt to formulate +a constructive program Mr. Parkes is less happy.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Paterson, Isabel.</span> <i>The God of the Machine.</i> Putnam. 1943. 292 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author argues that only free men, in a free economy of private +property, can maintain “the long circuit of energy” that makes civilization +work. Collectivism, she contends, does not and cannot work. +The book is acute, pungent, epigrammatic, full of original insights +and sometimes powerfully eloquent. (The chapter “The Humanitarian +with the Guillotine” is an outstanding example.) But much of +the thinking and style of the work are marred by a persistent and +obsessive effort to write of man’s economic, political and moral problems +on the analogy and in the vocabulary of the flow of electrical +energy.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Paton, William A.</span> <i>Shirtsleeve Economics.</i> Appleton-Century-Crofts. +1952. 460 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A highly successful effort, by an eminent accountant and professor +of economics at the University of Michigan, to present “a common +sense survey” of economics in easily understandable terms. “The central +proposition of this book,” declares the author, “is very simple: +We can’t consume any more than we produce and only through increased +production is a higher standard of living possible. This has an +important corollary: We must be everlastingly on our guard to check +those influences and developments that tend to limit and discourage +production. Among such is ‘social legislation’ which emphasizes diversion +only, without regard to what happens to output.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Percy of Newcastle, Lord.</span> <i>The Heresy of Democracy.</i> Regnery. 1955.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author, a British statesman and scholar, shows how democracy, +in the sense of a temporary majority sentiment, may be corrupted and +frozen into totalitarian forms. His book deals with such basic questions +as the growth of state power, the relation of the individual to +the state, and the dangers of demagogic mass manipulation. “It is +possible,” he warns, “for multiplied legislation, whether by Act of +Parliament or dictatorial decree, to destroy the very conception of law.... +Under the best laws much governed men are less free than lightly +governed men. For, whenever the law converts (as it often must) an +obligation to a fellow-citizen into an obligation to the state it substitutes +a claim to obedience for the give-and-take of mutual rights +and duties between individuals.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Petrov, Vladimir.</span> <i>Soviet Gold.</i> Farrar, Straus & Young. 1949. 426 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A sixteen-year-old boy writes his political thoughts into a diary. +Three years later a lady friend turns against him and plants anti-Soviet +books in his room. The young fellow is caught in the net of +the vast purges of the mid-1930’s. Terror-stricken ex-friends denounce +him. It all adds up to a fat NKVD dossier, a six-year sentence to heavy +labor, and an odyssey that leads through the prisons of Leningrad to +the labor camps and gold mines of Siberia. That’s what happened to +Vladimir Petrov. That is the story he tells.”—<i>Saturday Review of Literature.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Petrov, Vladimir.</span> <i>My Retreat from Russia.</i> Yale University Press. +1950. 357 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In his earlier book, <i>Soviet Gold</i>, the author gave an account of his +six years in the forced labor camps in Siberia. In the present volume +he describes his activities after his release at the time of the outbreak +of the war. He worked his way back to his home in Russia proper,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</span> +where he discovered that as an ex-prisoner he was no longer considered +a trusted citizen. Thence he fled through Central Europe into +American-occupied Italy.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pettengill, S. B.</span> <i>Jefferson, the Forgotten Man.</i> America’s Future, Inc. +1938. 249 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Mr. Pettengill is a member of Congress from Indiana and one of +those Democrats who, enthusiastic in their support of the first New +Deal, looked with misgiving on the second; his attitude toward the +third New Deal is one of dismay. In a vigorous style, with ample reference +to Jefferson’s principles and precepts and to those of other +eminent mentors, including the President himself, he explains this.”—W. +M. Houghton, in <i>Books</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Petty, Sir William.</span> <i>A Treatise on Taxes.</i> 1662. Many editions. 75 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This and Petty’s other works are of much historical interest. Like +North, later in the century, Petty anticipated Adam Smith in his +exposition of Free Trade.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Philbrick, Herbert A.</span> <i>I Led Three Lives.</i> McGraw-Hill. 1952. 323 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The now-it-can-be-told story of Herbert Philbrick, ‘Citizen, Communist, +Counterspy,’ who testified before Judge Medina against The +Eleven after nine years of conspiracy, uncertainty, and deliberate penetration +into the Communist Party.”—Virginia Kirkus. “The real significance +lies in the clarification it brings to Communist purposes and +achievements through indirect infiltration.”—E. B. Canham, in the +<i>New York Herald Tribune</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pick, Franz.</span> <i>Black Market Yearbook.</i> 1951, etc. Pick’s World Currency +Report. 160 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Since 1951 Dr. Franz Pick has published a yearbook on world blackmarket +prices and trading in currencies and gold. His book is dedicated +“to the more than 2,000,000,000 victims of inflation, who, for +obeying the law, have been punished by the law.” He declares in his +foreword: “Distrust of every system of planned economy, fictional official +values of gold, currency, and government bonds cannot be wiped +out. People cannot and will not accept arbitrary confiscation through +inflation, as practiced by every government in the world today.” In +his 1954 edition he points out: “At the beginning of 1954, nine-tenths +of the world’s population were legally denied freedom to transfer their +assets into less diseased monies.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pilat, Oliver Ramsey.</span> <i>The Atom Spies.</i> Putnam. 1952. 312 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“An exhaustive account of how the Communist spy network succeeded, +with disturbing ease, in relieving the United States of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</span> +biggest military secret in history. It is a complicated story, dealing not +only with the machinations of the spies but also with their motives.... +Mr. Pilat focusses attention on this ideological aspect of the case, +and on the clear and continuing danger of having among us an amorphous +group of people who can be persuaded at any time to betray +their country for what they are told are super-patriotic reasons.”—<i>New +Yorker.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Poirot, Paul Lewis.</span> <i>The Pension Idea.</i> Irvington, N. Y.: Foundation +for Economic Education. 1950.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author points out that there is not nearly enough total capital +or savings in any nation to support in retirement all citizens over 65, +and hence there cannot be a fully funded pension plan covering +everybody. The unfunded “social security” promises can only mean +either further inflation, taxes upon private savings, or further attempts +to tax the earnings of future citizens.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Polanyi, Michael.</span> <i>The Contempt of Freedom.</i> London: Watts. 1940. +116 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Essays about the Russian experiment and its consequences. It includes: +<i>The Rights and Duties of Science</i> (1939); <i>Collectivist Planning</i> +(1940); <i>Soviet Economics—Fact and Theory</i> (1935); <i>Truth and +Propaganda</i> (1936).</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Popper, K. R.</span> <i>The Open Society and Its Enemies.</i> Vol. I: <i>The Spell of +Plato</i>. Vol. II: <i>The High Tide of Prophecy: Hegel, Marx and the +Aftermath</i>. London: Routledge. 1945. 2 vols. 268 pp. 352 pp. +(Princeton University Press. 1950. 744 pp.)</p> +</div> + +<p>The author, Reader in Logic and Scientific Method in the University +of London, demonstrates that Plato, Hegel, and Marx formulated +ideas in political philosophy inimical to the “Open Society,” +i.e., to a society based on reason and not on myth. The encomiums +with which this book was greeted on its British publication in 1945 +were for the most part fully deserved. Certainly we can agree with +Sir Ernest Barker that “There is an abundance of riches in the book—classical +scholarship, scientific acumen, logical subtlety, philosophic +sweep.” Bertrand Russell thought it: “A work of first class importance +... which ought to be widely read for its masterly criticism of +the ... enemies of democracy, ancient and modern.... His attack +on Plato, while unorthodox, is in my opinion thoroughly justified.... His +analysis of Hegel is deadly.... Marx is dissected with equal +acumen.”</p> + +<p>The book is weak, however, on the economic side. Dr. Popper gives +Marx undeserved credit for his alleged services to “social justice.” He +is himself capable of saying that Marx was “right in asserting that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</span> +increasing misery tends to be the result of <i>laissez-faire</i> capitalism.” +This is because Dr. Popper has in his own mind a mere caricature +called “<i>laissez-faire</i> capitalism,” as Marx had. In spite of this weakness +there are so many merits in the book that we must set it down as +powerful and important.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Possony, Stefan Thomas.</span> <i>Century of Conflict.</i> Regnery. 1953. 439 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The author, Professor of International Politics at Georgetown University, +traces the Communist techniques in revolution from 1848. Beginning +with Marx, he depicts the story of Communist efforts in Western +Europe, the Russian Revolution, Communist tactics between the +wars, and Communist internal and external aggression since the war. +He outlines the methods, both from without and from within, by +which he believes the Communists hope to win a war with the United +States.”—<i>Current History.</i> “An invaluable storehouse of first-hand +information.”—W. H. Chamberlin, in the <i>Chicago Sunday Tribune</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pound, Roscoe.</span> <i>The Rise of the Service State and Its Consequences.</i> +New Wilmington, Pa.: The Economic and Business Foundation. +1949. 34 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a devastating analysis, by the former dean of the Harvard +Law School and one of the world’s great authorities on jurisprudence, +of “the service state, the state which, instead of preserving peace and +order and employing itself with maintaining the general security, +takes the whole domain of human welfare for its province and would +solve all economic and social ills through its administrative activities.”</p> + +<p>Dean Pound’s pamphlet is included in this list, in violation of my +announced general rule against including pamphlets, in the hope that +some publisher may be inspired to publish it in book form, together +with a score of the same author’s other pamphlets and articles on +kindred topics, now scattered in the files of a dozen legal journals. +These would include such articles as <i>The Disappearance of Law</i>, +<i>Dangers in Administrative Absolutism</i>, and <i>Administrative Agencies +and the Law</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pound, Roscoe.</span> <i>Justice According to Law.</i> Yale University Press. 1951. +98 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This small book consists of three lectures by Roscoe Pound, dean +emeritus of the Harvard Law School, on What Is Justice?, What Is +Law?, and Judicial Justice. The book is a wise, scholarly and compact +survey of the philosophy of law, a plea for the rule of law rather +than for widened administrative discretion, and a defense of the justice +of the courts as against that of administrative or other substitute +agencies. Dean Pound defends the rule of law also as the guardian +of individual liberty. “The real foe of [governmental] absolutism is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</span> +law. It presupposes a life measured by reason, a legal order measured +by reason, and a judicial process carried on by applying a reasoned +technique to experience developed by reason and reason tested by +experience.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pound, Roscoe.</span> <i>Administrative Law.</i> University of Pittsburgh Press. +1942. 138 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“To the growing attacks on current developments in administrative +justice, Roscoe Pound adds the weight of history and philosophy in a +volume that is one of the more succinct and reasoned analyses of the +shortcomings of administrative justice unrestrained by the traditions +and processes of the common law as administered by regularly constituted +courts. Proceeding from the assumption that the common law +is a taught tradition of the supremacy of law, of individual rights, and +of adjudication instead of administration, Dean Pound denies the +idea that ‘whatever is done officially is law.’ Administrative law, so-called, +is, therefore, but a species of justice without law, lacking the +restraints of judicial procedure and the techniques of decision inherent +in that ‘artificial reason’ of the law.”—<i>American Political Science +Review.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pound, Roscoe.</span> <i>New Paths of The Law.</i> University of Nebraska Press. +1950. 69 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Three lectures delivered at the University of Nebraska in 1950, +which marked the opening of a lectureship established in honor of +Roscoe Pound. The lectures discuss, respectively, “The Path of Liberty,” +“The Humanitarian Path,” and “The Authoritarian Path.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Prothero, Michael.</span> <i>Political Economy.</i> London: George Bell. 1895. +266 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This is meant for beginners, who will find it most useful. Two +chapters, ‘Alternative Schemes to Private Property,’ and, especially, +‘Theoretic Ideas about Economic Facts,’ give more serviceable information +than perhaps will be found, in a concise form, in any other +book.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Queeny, Edgar M.</span> <i>The Spirit of Enterprise.</i> Scribner’s. 1943. 267 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>It is the spirit of enterprise exercised by individuals and voluntary +groups, according to the author, who is chairman of the board of the +Monsanto Chemical Company, that has made America grow. The kind +of social planning advocated by New Dealers, he contends, can lead +only to a lower standard of living and a loss of liberty. “This book is +a magnificent indication that business is finding its voice. In the public +debate over what kind of social and economic system the U. S.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</span> +should have, the professional theorists on the left have done most of +the talking during the past decade. Now comes a businessman with a +fluent pen and a vigorous set of convictions to take up the cudgels for +free enterprise.”—Claude Robinson.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Quesnay, François.</span> <i>Tableau économique.</i> 1758. 216 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A man of great importance among French Physiocrats; he was +physician to Louis XV, and a man of noble character; he had much +influence on Turgot, the wise minister of Louis XVI. Accounts of +him and his school are given in all economic histories. His doctrine, +which was carefully studied by Adam Smith, is briefly: Let entire +freedom of commerce be maintained; for the regulation of commerce, +both internal and external, the most sure, the most exact, the most +profitable to the nation, and to the State, consists in entire freedom +of competition.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rae, John.</span> <i>Contemporary Socialism.</i> 1884. Scribner’s. 1905. 555 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A very useful and fairly full history of modern Socialism beginning +with Lassalle and Marx. The point of view is strongly Individualistic, +but the writer sees the necessity of constructive action. He +remarks: “Free institutions run continual risk of shipwreck when +power is in the possession of the many, but property—from whatever +cause—the enjoyment of the few. With the advance of democracy a +diffusion of wealth becomes almost a necessity of State.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rand, Ayn.</span> <i>Anthem.</i> 1938. (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Press. 1946.) +105 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This book, first published in England in 1938, is a striking predecessor +of Orwell’s <i>Nineteen Eighty-Four</i>. “<i>Anthem</i> records the life of +a rebel against the totalitarian order, a man named Equality 7-2521, +who rejects the collectivist Utopia. He dwells in a society which, by +deliberately destroying independence of mind, has laid waste all the +achievement of earlier civilizations—a world which has banned as +criminal the singular pronoun and all talk of ‘The Unmentionable +Times.’ The Council of Vocations ... proclaims him a street-sweeper. +Secretly working underground in the shafts of former days, he rediscovers +electricity. He defies the world of State-planned eugenics and +State-directed mating and discovers a personal love. Among a people +which exists to serve a soulless State, he discovers that the pursuit of +his own happiness conjointly advances the happiness of his fellows. +He is denounced, imprisoned and tortured, but his spirit cannot be +conquered. <i>Anthem</i> is at once an exaltation of liberty and an exhortation +to the counter-attack.”—Deryck Abel.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rand, Ayn.</span> <i>The Fountainhead.</i> Bobbs-Merrill. 1943. 754 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This novel about an uncompromising architect is based on a belief +in “the importance of selfishness.” Its theme is that man’s ego is the +fountainhead of human progress. Many will think the author’s intransigent +type of individualism extreme, but the novel is exciting +and impressive.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Randall, Clarence B.</span> <i>A Creed for Free Enterprise.</i> Little, Brown. +1952. 177 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An admirable book on American business and businessmen by the +president of the Inland Steel Company. “Should do much in counteracting +the untruthful and insidious propaganda of the socialists +against free enterprise.”—The Rev. A. Keller, in <i>The Freeman</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Randall, Clarence B.</span> <i>A Foreign Economic Policy for the United +States.</i> University of Chicago Press. 1954. 83 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A plea for the removal of barriers and the liberalization of international +trade by a distinguished businessman who is also a vigorous +thinker and writer.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rappard, William E.</span> <i>The Secret of American Prosperity.</i> Greenberg. +1955. 124 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This book originally appeared in French as an attempt by an eminent +Swiss economist to explain the secret of American prosperity to +other Europeans. In my foreword to the American edition I wrote: +“Among the qualities that make it remarkable ... are not only the +generosity with which it acknowledges and insists upon the economic +superiority of the United States, but the still rarer generosity with +which it attributes this superiority not merely to good luck—such as +great natural resources or escape from the direct destruction of the +two world wars (the usual European explanation)—but primarily to +the character and the free economic institutions of the American +people, to our greater efficiency and to our greater competitive spirit.” +The book is lucid and admirably organized. It may serve as an indirect +reminder to Americans that their own economic achievement has +been the result, above all, of a free, dynamic, private, competitive +economy, and can be preserved only by preserving this type of economy.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rappard, William E.</span> <i>The Crisis of Democracy.</i> University of Chicago +Press. 1938. 288 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An analysis of democracy: its definition, sources, and probable longevity. +While he “does not despair of modern democracy, [the author] +rather questions the solidity and the longevity of modern dictatorships.”—From +the Foreword.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ravines, Eudocio.</span> <i>The Yenan Way.</i> Scribner’s. 1951. 319 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A sort of <i>mea culpa</i> by a man who was until recently one of the +top Communist organizers in South America. Mr. Ravines, a Peruvian, +studied his peculiar art in the same Comintern schools in Moscow +that Klement Gottwald and Mao Tse-tung attended. He was one +of the major figures in the South American Bureau of the Comintern +and was very active in the Spanish Civil War. It was while he was on +Comintern duty in Spain that he began to lose faith in the world +revolution and in revolutionists, and began to see Stalin for what he +is, rather than as the workers’ messiah. Altogether, an important, instructive, +and astonishingly specific book.”—<i>New Yorker.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Read, Leonard E.</span> <i>Government—An Ideal Concept.</i> Irvington, N. Y.: +Foundation for Economic Education. 1954. 149 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Leonard Read argues that the purpose of government is to use “defensive +force” to neutralize “aggressive force”; and that government +can have no legitimate function beyond that. He applies this principle +to such subjects as socialism, taxation, conscription, world government, +efforts to increase trade or prevent depressions, money, public housing, +foreign aid, education and religion.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Read, Leonard E.</span> <i>Outlook for Freedom.</i> Irvington, N. Y.: Foundation +for Economic Education. 1951.</p> +</div> + +<p>This small volume contains an allegorical report of the ideas and +experiences, failures and successes, of many associates and friends of +the author during the last two decades, and relates it to the concept +of individual liberty. “The substance for a thorough-going, twentieth +century intellectual revolution,” he writes, “is in the making, and is +showing a vitality that can be accounted for only by the inextinguishable +spirit of individualism—the insistence of man to complete his +own creation. That this spirit at present is evident among only a +minority need not necessarily deject the devotee of liberty. Everything +begins with a minority of one, extends to a few, and then to +many.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ricardo, David.</span> <i>Principles of Political Economy and Taxation.</i> 1817. +Many editions. 538 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The work of this brilliant deductive thinker has been used to draw +such corollaries as extreme <i>laissez faire</i>, the single tax, and Marxism! +In 1952 <i>The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo</i> were published +in nine volumes under the careful and scholarly editorship of +Piero Sraffa with the collaboration of M. H. Dobb. “Ricardo is more +the father of Victorian Political Economy (hated by Ruskin and Carlyle) +than either Adam Smith or John Stuart Mill.”—PI.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Richter, Eugene.</span> <i>Pictures of the Socialistic Future.</i> 1893. London: +Jarrolds. 1925. 134 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A satirical account of an imaginary Socialist regime by an eminent +German. It is very interesting when read in conjunction with the +earlier works of Robert Blatchford. Sir Ernest Benn writes in the introduction: +‘The really extraordinary thing about this book is that it +was written and first published more than thirty years ago, in 1893. +It is not, however, published afresh now on account of its interest as +a piece of prophecy, but rather because of the remarkable way in +which it fits in every detail the problem of Socialism as it presents +itself to us in 1925.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rist, Charles.</span> <i>Défense de l’Or.</i> Paris: Recueil Sirey. 1953. 120 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A collection of articles appearing over eight years in favor of a +return to the international gold standard in place of present “managed” +paper money systems.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Robbins, Lionel.</span> <i>The Great Depression.</i> Macmillan. 1934. 238 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In reviewing this book in <i>The New York Times</i> of Nov. 18, 1934, +I wrote: “If Mr. Robbins’s economic philosophy is ‘discredited’ and +‘outmoded,’ it is not because he is a bleary old man with an ossified +brain. He is, to be sure, a professor, and his acquaintance with the +work of the classical economists has no doubt poisoned his mind, but +he is still only 35, and writes with as much clarity and vigor as J. M. +Keynes or John Strachey. What he himself is sometimes pleased to call +his ‘orthodox’ economics, indeed, will seem very unorthodox to those +who are fairly well acquainted with contemporary British economic +thought.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Robbins, Lionel.</span> <i>Economic Planning and International Order.</i> Macmillan. +1937. 330 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Reviewing this volume in <i>The New York Times</i> of Aug. 1, 1937, I +wrote: “Altogether, Mr. Robbins’s short volume is one of the ablest +and most vigorous statements in recent years of the orthodox liberal +position, as it is one of the most uncompromising and damaging +analyses of the whole philosophy of planning. Professor Robbins is +deeply grounded; he uses the tools of classical economic analysis like +a fine surgeon; he moves deliberately from step to step with relentless +logic; and he writes a lucid and compact prose.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Robbins, Lionel.</span> <i>The Theory of Economic Policy in English Classical +Political Economy.</i> Macmillan. 1952. 217 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Professor Robbins here presents in broad outline the theory of economic +policy held by the leading English classical economists—notably +Hume, Adam Smith, Bentham, Malthus, Ricardo, Senior, Torrens,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</span> +McCulloch and the two Mills. It is the author’s conviction that the +views of the classical economists on economic policy have been gravely +misrepresented in contemporary discussion, on the one hand by presenting +them as being callous to or neglectful of humane considerations, +such as the problems of unemployment and poverty, on the +other hand as carrying the doctrine of <i>laissez faire</i> further than they +actually did. But Dr. Robbins does emphasize their general adherence +to “the System of Economic Freedom.” This “was not just a detached +recommendation not to interfere,” but “an urgent demand that ... hampering +and anti-social impediments should be removed and that +the immense potential of free pioneering individual initiative should +be released.” Dr. Robbins’s book is written with great lucidity and +charm, out of a rich and accurate scholarship. It contains an excellent +index.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Robbins, Lionel.</span> <i>The Economic Basis of Class Conflict.</i> Macmillan. +1939. 277 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A collection of essays united by a common theme—an analysis of +the way in which forms of organization facilitating group exclusiveness +may be the cause of social disharmony. The author contends that +the real modern tendency of the West is not so much “collectivism” +as syndicalism or corporativism. The book also discusses the causes of +increased protectionism, the consequences of agricultural planning, +and the general vices of restrictionism. In reviewing it in <i>The New +York Times</i> of Oct. 22, 1939, I wrote: “Readers of Professor Robbins +will find here, as in his previous volumes, vigor of style, rigor of +thought and an uncompromising liberalism.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Robbins, Lionel.</span> <i>The Economic Causes of War.</i> London: Cape. 1939. +124 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The chief British exponent of neo-classical economics writes in his +usual lucid and suave way about war. He carries on his long standing +feud with Marxian theory, and rejects any basic connection between +war and capitalist imperialism.”—<i>The New Republic.</i> “A masterpiece +of sound analysis and clear exposition by a professor of economics at +the University of London.”—<i>Foreign Affairs.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Robbins, Lionel.</span> <i>Wages.</i> London: Jarrolds. 1925. 94 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A modest but valuable essay. It is a lucid discussion of the economics +of wage determination. Although written primarily for those +who have no economic training, it is a work which might well be read +with profit by all students of social problems, for although its language +is simple, it is much more than a mere elementary tract. One +would like to feel that a means could be found of persuading all intelligent +workmen to read this book.”—PI.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Robbins, Lionel.</span> <i>The Economic Problem in Peace and War.</i> London: +Macmillan. 1947. 86 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Some reflections on objectives and mechanisms. “This authoritative +recapitulation of the case for individualism by an illustrious economist, +with a philosophical background, is most timely.”—London +<i>Times Literary Supplement</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Robertson, D. H.</span> <i>The Control of Industry.</i> London: Nisbet. 1924. +169 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A compact study of the physiology of modern industry and the +forms of control to which it can be subjected by the capitalist, the +State, the consumer and the worker. Mr. Robertson writes with toleration +and detachment, although his conclusions do not favor undiluted +Individualism. He believes that for some years to come ‘private +enterprise will be the dominant form of industrial organization,’ but +that ‘by its side there is plenty of room for collectivism in selected +cases,’ Further, that as in the case of an alternative creed, the ‘philosophy +of the academic Individualists does not fit all the facts.’ +Written in an entertaining style, this book should be read by all +Individualists because it is probably the fairest criticism of extreme +Individualism that exists and deals directly with the difficulties involved.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Röpke, Wilhelm.</span> <i>International Economic Disintegration.</i> Macmillan. +1942. 283 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This book, a diagnosis of the long-run crisis in international economic +relations, was finished in 1942, when World War II was still +going on. It begins with a careful examination of the state of affairs +at the time, and goes on to explain the powerful forces which created +it—the disintegration of the framework of world economy, the military +aspect of economic nationalism, the effort of industrial countries +to “agrarianize,” the effort of agricultural countries to “industrialize,” +the disturbances in the monetary and financial mechanism of the +world economy, and the influence of policies that aim at national economic +“stabilization.” It is the most thorough and penetrating analysis +of international economic disintegration up to the time of its +appearance, and is particularly impressive because it sees the problem +in its wider implications.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Röpke, Wilhelm.</span> <i>The Social Crisis of Our Time.</i> University of Chicago +Press. 1950. 260 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This book, first published in Switzerland under the title <i>Die Gesellschaftskrisis +der Gegenwart</i>, is the first volume of a trilogy (though +each of the volumes is self-contained), and it is the most available to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</span> +American readers. Röpke is outstanding, not merely for the acuteness +of his analysis, but for the breadth of his learning and the breadth +of his view, which go much beyond the purely economic field.</p> + +<p>Some readers are likely to have difficulties because Professor Röpke +repudiates not only “collectivism,” but “capitalism,” and advocates a +course that he has called “The Third Way.” This, however, does not +mean a “middle-of-the-road policy” as commonly understood. When +Röpke comes to specific issues he nearly always advocates the solution +of “the free market economy.” But he makes a sharp distinction between +a free market economy as an ideal, and its actual historical embodiment +in “capitalism.” This seems to me a semantic separation +which, in face of the established usage of the words, is likely to be +more confusing than clarifying. Röpke quite properly contends that +while economic liberty is a <i>necessary</i> condition of “the Good Society” +it is not always a <i>sufficient</i> condition. This in itself is true enough, +but it sometimes leads him into irrelevant or dubious recommendations. +Yet every individualist and true liberal will profit from reading +him. Frank H. Knight has rightly called this “a tremendously impressive +book.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Röpke, Wilhelm.</span> <i>Civitas Humana.</i> London: Hodge. 1948. 235 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is the second volume of the Röpke trilogy. It seeks to outline +the requirements of “a humane order of society.” It discusses such +questions as moral foundations, the place of science, the criteria of +the healthy and the sick government, counterweights to the power of +the State, the problem of “decongestion” and “deproletarianization,” +the decentralization of industry, and the elimination of business-cycle +fluctuations. It pleads for the maintenance of a “peasant agriculture” +and briefly outlines the requirements of a new international order.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Röpke, Wilhelm.</span> <i>Internationale Ordnung.</i> Erlenbach-Zürich: Eugen +Rentsch Verlag. 1945. 337 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Although this volume has been translated into French under the +title <i>La Communauté Internationale</i> (Geneva: Éditions du Cheval +Ailé), no English translation is available. It is concerned, as its title +implies, with international economic problems. It discusses the decay +of a world economy, the general fear of competition, the fear of a +“passive balance” of payments, and the steps necessary to establish a +new world economy. Among these steps the author puts courageous +emphasis, in view of present fashionable Keynesism, on the need of +restoring an international gold standard. “If the existence of a neo-liberal +movement is known far beyond the narrow circles of experts, +the credit belongs mainly to Röpke, at least so far as the German-speaking +public is concerned.”—F. A. Hayek.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rogers, James E. Thorold.</span> <i>The Economic Interpretation of History.</i> +London: Unwin. 1888. 548 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Thorold Rogers was, perhaps, the most broad-minded of the Victorian +economists who followed Adam Smith and John Stuart Mill; +he refused to be tied by the abstractions of Ricardo, and unlike the +majority of the economists, he had a command of pure and vigorous +English.... The above work is most valuable.... The preface will +repay careful study. It is the work of a strong Individualist.... The +chapter on <i>Laissez-faire</i> (XVI) should be especially noted.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rogers, Sherman.</span> <i>Why Kill the Goose?</i> Irvington, N. Y.: Foundation +for Economic Education. 1947. 78 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A former socialist, converted to the benefits of the free private enterprise +system, argues that we have in it a goose which lays golden eggs, +and will continue to produce in abundance the economic necessities +of life—if we do not kill it through impatient and ignorant policies. +He presents a long list of popular misconceptions and fallacies and of +the facts which correct them. Elementary, simple and very readable.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Root, E. Merrill.</span> <i>Collectivism on the Campus.</i> Devin-Adair. 1955.</p> +</div> + +<p>The theme of this book is “the battle for the mind in American +colleges.” Professor Root argues that American college faculties today +are dominated by collectivists—whom he calls “State liberals”—and +that conservatives, libertarians, or true individualists on those faculties +are not only in a minority but have a difficult time.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rosenberg, Arthur.</span> <i>A History of Bolshevism.</i> Oxford University +Press. 1934. 250 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a translation from the German. Dr. Rosenberg wrote the +book as a disillusioned communist. “Theory dominates Russian politics +to an extent almost incomprehensible to the ordinary, practical +Englishman; and Professor Rosenberg analyzes, with skill and knowledge, +the theoretical foundations of the struggles of the past seventeen +years. They revolve, of course, round the interpretation of Marxism.”—John +Hallett, in <i>The Spectator</i>. “One of the most instructive books +yet published on the history of bolshevism.”—W. L. Langer, in <i>Foreign +Affairs</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rossi, Angelo.</span> <i>The Communist Party in Action.</i> Yale University +Press. 1950. 301 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This analytical study of the French Communist Party is one of +the most important books on political theory and practice that have +appeared in recent years.... Professor Kendall is to be congratulated +not only for his translation but for his thoughtful introduction +which challenges some of the premises of Rossi’s own alternative position<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</span> +as well as those of its critics.”—Sidney Hook, in <i>Annals of the +American Academy</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rostovtzeff, Michael Ivanovich.</span> <i>Social and Economic History of +the Roman Empire.</i> Oxford University Press. 1926. 696 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Not a history in the ordinary sense, but a study of the social and +economic life of the Roman Empire. “Unquestionably the most solid +and also the most brilliant contribution which has ever been made +toward the interpretation of the Roman Empire.”—R. P. Blake, in +the <i>American Political Science Review</i>. “Professor Rostovtzeff’s book +will probably rank among the most notable contributions to the subject +since Gibbon’s.”—A. J. Toynbee, in the <i>Nation and Athenaeum</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rougier, Louis.</span> <i>Les Mystiques Économiques.</i> Paris: Librairie de Médicis. +1938. 1949. 278 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a penetrating study of the steps by which liberal democracies +have been or can be transformed into totalitarian states. By <i>“mystiques”</i> +the author refers to economic doctrines that are mere rationalizations +of prejudice, passion or sentimentality, and rest neither on +reason nor experience. Special chapters are devoted to an examination +of the older liberal <i>mystique</i>, the <i>mystique</i> of a planned economy, of +the corporative state, of Marxism, etc. M. Rougier advocates what he +calls <i>“le libéralisme constructeur,”</i> which implies liberty within a carefully +constructed framework of law, constantly safeguarding competition, +and “is not to be confused with the theory of <i>laisser faire, +laisser passer</i>, which ends in the suppression of liberty through the +very excess of liberty.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rousseau, Jean Jacques.</span> <i>The Social Contract.</i> 1762. Many editions. +227 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>There is a discussion of the great influence of Rousseau in the +introductory essay to this list, “Individualism in Politics and Economics.” +Although Rousseau’s ideas deeply colored subsequent development +of the philosophy of individualism, his peculiar type of rationalistic +individualism, as F. A. Hayek has pointed out, mainly led to +the opposite of true individualism—i.e., socialism or collectivism.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rueff, Jacques.</span> <i>L’Ordre Social.</i> Paris: Recueil Sirey. 1945. 2 vols. +747 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A profound and original book, which makes a searching analysis +of fundamental economic, political, legal and moral concepts. It draws +a constant contrast between a regime of economic liberalism with true +rights, and a statist, socialist or authoritarian regime with its system +of “false rights.” It is especially effective in demonstrating the demoralizing +economic and political effects of the cycle of deficit financing,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</span> +monetary inflation, exchange control and price control that has +marked the policies of so many “free” countries of the West since +World War II.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rueff, Jacques.</span> <i>Épître aux Dirigistes.</i> Paris: Gallimard. 1949. 120 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a “letter” addressed in a conciliatory tone to the Economic +Planners, and more particularly to those who think that they can halt +inflation or control an economy largely through the control of prices. +M. Rueff shows the many evils to which attempts at price-fixing lead, +and points on the other hand to the benefits brought about by freedom +of the markets and a policy of economic liberalism.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rueff, Jacques.</span> <i>The Fallacies of Lord Keynes’ General Theory. Quarterly +Journal of Economics.</i> May, 1947. 24 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An important analysis.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ruggiero, Guido de.</span> <i>The History of European Liberalism.</i> Oxford +University Press. 1928. 476 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author defines liberalism as neither democracy, in the sense of +the rule of the mere majority, nor authoritarianism, in the sense of +the irresponsible rule of those who happen to be in power. “An excellent +exposition of modern liberalism.”—<i>Boston Transcript.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Russell, Dean.</span> <i>The TVA Idea.</i> Irvington, N. Y.: Foundation for Economic +Education. 1949. 108 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“With surgical skill, Dean Russell dissects not only the Tennessee +Valley Authority in operation, but the philosophy of industry socialization, +which the TVA represents. In a mere 100 pages, packed with +supporting data, Russell thoroughly debunks the blatant claims made +for TVA by its starry-eyed supporters. He then raises a warning that +the TVA is more than just dams and power plants—it’s an idea, the +extension of which involves loss of individual freedom and drastic +political, social and economic consequences.”—John Fisher, in the +<i>Chicago Tribune</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Salter, F. R.</span> <i>Karl Marx and Modern Socialism.</i> Macmillan. 1921. +260 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“In some ways this is the most useful account and criticism of Karl +Marx that we have. Prof. J. Shield Nicholson in his <i>Revival of Marxism</i> +can hardly hide his complete contempt for Marx’s inconsistencies +and confusions, and he admits that he finds him ‘hopeless and depressing.’ +But <i>Das Kapital</i> has had an immense influence, and Mr. +Salter is more sympathetic. In fact, one might almost say that he is +clearly out to paint as favorable a picture of Marx as his conscience +will allow. In spite of this and his constant attempts to explain away<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</span> +or minimize errors, he cannot avoid exposing the false assumptions +and the structure of false reasoning on which Marxian theories are +built.”—PI (1927).</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Samuelson, Bernard.</span> <i>Socialism Rejected.</i> London: Smith, Elder. 1913. +330 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A satirical examination of Socialism, written in a mock heroic +style.”—PI. The author considers “art” socialism, “Christian” socialism, +political and ethical socialism, utopian socialism, “natural” socialism, +and syndicalist socialism, and rejects them all.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sanborn, Frederic Rockwell.</span> <i>Design for War.</i> Devin-Adair. 1951. +607 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A study of secret power politics from 1937 to 1941. “The basic contention +of the book is that a President of the United States ought to +consult freely and publicly with the Cabinet and Congress before making +foreign engagements of any consequence. The author expresses +the belief that the U. S. should follow more nearly the pattern of +Britain, where foreign policy decisions generally are made only after +a thorough airing in Commons, and where the Prime Minister is always +directly accountable to the elected representatives of the people. +The book is heavily documented.”—<i>Springfield Republican.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Say, Jean Baptiste.</span> <i>Treatise on Political Economy.</i> 1803. (Philadelphia: +Grigg & Eliot. 1834.)</p> +</div> + +<p>Jean Baptiste Say (1767-1832) was the founder of the classical school +in France. Although an ardent disciple of Adam Smith, he made it +his mission to reduce the “vast chaos” of Smith’s ideas to more orderly +and simplified form. Among his original contributions were the +introduction of the famous term <i>entrepreneur</i> into economic terminology, +his emphasis on and explanation of the role of the entrepreneur, +and his theory of markets. Say was the originator of “Say’s +Law,” which points out that ultimately goods and services must be +bought and paid for with other goods and services. This is a truism. +But many errors resulted from ignoring it, as Malthus and others did, +in their theory that depressions are caused by a <i>general</i> overproduction. +And many present-day fallacies result from actually <i>denying</i> +Say’s Law, as the Keynesians do. In short—although this truth must, +of course, be understood with the proper qualifications—supply creates +its own demand.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Schapiro, J. Salwyn.</span> <i>Liberalism and the Challenge of Fascism.</i> +McGraw-Hill. 1949. 421 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An admirable history of social and intellectual forces in England +and France from 1815 to 1870. The book is unsatisfactory in its interpretation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</span> +and understanding of economic developments and the contribution +of the classical economists; but it is excellent in its shrewd +and balanced judgments of the political, philosophical and literary +currents of the period. It is distinguished by a ripe scholarship and +is very well written.</p> + +<p>“This book is devoted to a study of the formation of the pattern +of liberalism in England and France, where its ideals and policies became +a model, followed more or less by the other nations of Europe. +It also treats of the origins of fascist ideology in these countries ... +Chapters 13 to 15, dealing with the Heralds of Fascism, aim to throw +a new light on Louis Napoleon, Proudhon, and Carlyle—the light +of the present on the past. The system established in France by the +strange and enigmatic Emperor cannot be understood without its +being seen as a historic preview of the fascist state with its popular, +even socialist, appeals cloaking a ruthless personal dictatorship.”—From +the Preface.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Schatz, Albert.</span> <i>L’Individualisme économique et social.</i> Paris: A. +Colin. 1907. 590 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This great work of 590 pages is one of the most exhaustive studies +of Individualism that exists and probably the most complete history.”—PI. +“An excellent survey of the history of individualist theories.... +Deserves to be much more widely known as a contribution not +only to the subject indicated by its title but to the history of economic +theory in general.”—F. A. Hayek.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Schnabel, F.</span> <i>Deutsche Geschichte im 19. Jahrhundert.</i> Freiburg i.B. +4 vols. 1929-37.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A remarkable recent work on the modern history of Germany +which is not so well known abroad as it deserves.”—F. A. Hayek.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Schumpeter, Joseph A.</span> <i>Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy.</i> Harper. +1942. 381 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An attempt to compare the relative merits and defects of capitalism +and socialism, explain their respective relations to democracy, and +indicate the type of society probable or possible in the future. I include +this book in the present list with misgivings. Much of it is +deliberately paradoxical. Professor Schumpeter seems to me unduly +pessimistic about the future prospects of capitalism. He airily grants +to socialism a practicability that no complete socialism could possess; +and he never seriously comes to grips with the main economic argument +against it. Yet this is nonetheless a remarkable book, rich in +scholarship, witty, and often penetrating and profound. At least one +college professor of my acquaintance, who himself ardently supports +the principles of free enterprise, tells me that this book more than<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</span> +any other has shaken some of his students out of previous pro-socialist +leanings. It can probably be recommended, therefore, to advanced +economic students already acquainted with the work of von Mises, +and possessing analytical powers of their own.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Schumpeter, Joseph A.</span> <i>History of Economic Analysis.</i> Oxford University +Press. 1954. 1,260 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A monumental achievement of scholarship, without equal in its +field.... Readers of this journal will probably be irritated by the +unnecessary condescending, if not contemptuous, manner in which +Schumpeter usually refers to nineteenth-century liberalism and <i>laissez-faire</i>. +But they should remember that it comes from an author who +knew as well as anybody ‘that capitalist evolution tends to peter out +because the modern state may crush or paralyze its motive force,’ yet +who seems to have had an irrepressible urge <i>pour épater les bourgeois</i>.”—F. +A. Hayek, in <i>The Freeman</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Schwartz, Harry.</span> <i>Russia’s Soviet Economy.</i> Prentice-Hall. 1950. 592 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A careful description of the historical and ideological background +of Soviet Russia, its economic plan, its industry, agriculture, and +transportation. “The true value of this book lies in its solidly informative +presentation of the Soviet economic machine and its pernicious +effects upon the individual human Russian. A lucid introductory +essay is contributed by William Henry Chamberlin.”—David Hecht, +in the <i>Saturday Review of Literature</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Schwarz, Solomon M.</span> <i>The Jews in the Soviet Union.</i> Syracuse University +Press. 1951. 380 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“In the first part of the book Dr. Schwarz exhaustively analyzes +Communist doctrine on minority nationalities in general, and on the +Jewish people in particular; the history of the Soviet treatment of +the Jewish community since the coming to power of the Bolsheviks in +1917; the successive Soviet programs for solving the Jewish problem; +the story of the province of Birobidzhan; and the present situation of +the Jews in the Soviet Union. In the second part of the book, the +author makes a study of the evidences of antisemitism in the USSR +from the first years of Communist rule until today.”—From the Publisher’s +Note. “For the time being, it can be called the definitive study +on the subject.”—Hans Kohn, in <i>The New Republic</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Schwarzschild, Leopold.</span> <i>The Red Prussian.</i> Scribner’s. 1947. 422 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A biography of Karl Marx, mostly based on the enormous Marx-Engels +correspondence, along with a critique of Marx’s <i>Capital</i> and +of the Marxian theory of value. Mr. Schwarzschild does not present a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</span> +kindly portrait of his subject; he convicts Marx, by quoting him, of +virulent anti-semitism, and makes him out to be a petty, dishonest, +completely unscrupulous and opportunistic man, a loose thinker, and +a very bad prophet—in other words, the archetype of the totalitarian +exponent of power who has become such a common figure in our +times.... In holding the Marxian economic theory up to a strong +light, the author uncovers some grave flaws in it, which have been +noted by other critics but rarely so sharply illuminated. An important +and well-presented book.”—<i>New Yorker.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Scoville, John W.</span> <i>Labor Monopolies or Freedom.</i> Committee for +Constitutional Government. 1946. 167 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A vigorous criticism of “collective bargaining” as commonly interpreted +in practice. The author contends that competition will ensure +fair wages. His final conclusion is: “Employers and employees should +be free to make voluntary agreements with each other. The employer +should be free. The worker should be free. Neither should be subject +to coercion, intimidation, or compulsion from any source.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Scoville, John W., and Sargent, Noel.</span> <i>Fact and Fancy in the T. N. +E. C. Monographs.</i> National Association of Manufacturers. 1942. +812 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>During the administrations of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the +Temporary National Economic Committee was set up, held hearings, +and published forty-three monographs, running to 12,400 pages, which +attempted to prove the existence of great concentration of economic +power. This is a documented answer. The authors declare: “Many, but +not all, of these monographs are impregnated with hostility to corporations +and individuals of wealth. These reviews expose those statements +and conclusions which, in the opinion of the reviewers, are fallacious +or unsupported by evidence.... The monographs vary greatly in +quality; they run the gamut from scholarly and comprehensive exposition +to political claptrap.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sennholz, Hans F.</span> <i>How Can Europe Survive?</i> Van Nostrand. 1955. 336 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is one of the very few books of recent years to give a realistic +analysis of the numerous schemes for European and Western unification, +and to show how virtually all of these schemes have been rendered +futile by internal interventionist and socialist policies that +inevitably intensify and perpetuate nationalism. The author points out +that the only feasible alternative is international cooperation based +on individual liberty and free enterprise.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sennholz, Mary</span> (ed.). <i>On Freedom and Free Enterprise.</i> Van +Nostrand. 1956. 333 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Essays in honor of Ludwig von Mises, on subjects ranging from +“The Road to Totalitarianism” to “Progressive Taxation Reconsidered,” +by nineteen authors from the United States, South Africa, +Switzerland, Italy, Mexico, and France: Jacques Rueff, William E. +Rappard, Henry Hazlitt, Bertrand de Jouvenel, Hans F. Sennholz, +F. A. Harper, Wilhelm Röpke, Faustino Ballvé, Carlo Antoni, Louis +M. Spadaro, Fritz Machlup, L. M. Lachmann, Leonard E. Read, W. +H. Hutt, William H. Peterson, Murray N. Rothbard, F. A. Hayek, +Percy L. Greaves, Jr., and Louis Baudin.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Serge, Victor.</span> <i>The Case of Comrade Tulayev.</i> Doubleday. 1950. 306 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>On a cold winter’s night a young clerk, on impulse, shot and killed +a highly placed member of the Communist party in Russia, Comrade +Tulayev. The young man escapes, but, in the far-flung investigations +of the “plot,” three other men, of far greater importance, are pursued +to their death, men who are not guilty of this crime, at least, but men +who have roused the distrust and enmity of the rulers of Russia. The +author, who died in 1947, was an old revolutionary who had lived in +exile, in France and Mexico, after the mid-thirties. “This is a novel +in the great Russian tradition. Its theme is the modern tragedy of +the old Bolsheviks, faced with the insoluble problem of reconciling +their abiding faith in the original Communist ideal with acceptance +of the tyranny, injustice and misery of the Soviet world they made.”—Freda +Utley, in <i>Human Events</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Shadwell, Arthur.</span> <i>The Socialist Movement, 1824-1924.</i> London: +Allan. 1925. 2 vols.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Dr. Shadwell has been described as ‘the greatest authority on the +Socialist movement,’ and outside the Socialist camp this is probably +true. These volumes constitute the best short history of the movement, +and the only one which brings the account up to 1924.... The work +includes an excellent refutation of Marxism, and the errors and illusions +of Socialism are constantly indicated.”—PI (1927).</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Shadwell, Arthur.</span> <i>The Breakdown of Socialism.</i> Little, Brown. 1926. +272 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A valuable study of recent Socialist experiments in Europe.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Shub, David.</span> <i>Lenin: a Biography.</i> Doubleday. 1948. 438 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Mr. Shub’s biography is the book you must read if you want to +know what Communism is.... You will learn that Lenin’s superiority<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</span> +as a politician lay in the fact that he alone realized that social +democracy is not the ultimate state of liberalism, but its antithesis; +and you will learn by that token—though not directly from Mr. Shub, +who sticks to his job as the biographer of a doctrine—how to deal +with Communism effectively.”—Asher Brynes, in <i>The Saturday Review +of Literature</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sidgwick, Henry.</span> <i>The Principles of Political Economy.</i> Macmillan. +1883. 592 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“In economics Sidgwick tends to follow John Stuart Mill; but his +was an independent type of mind and he is always anxious to unearth +new truths.... In the second ... section ... he begins by +referring to the ‘sweeping doctrine,’ mainly derived from the Physiocrats, +that ‘the sole function of an ideal government in relation to +industry is simply to leave it alone.’ While giving this a certain general +approval, he holds that it postulates a large amount of human virtue +and unselfishness, and that there must be cases ‘in which its optimistic +conclusion is inadmissible.’ Monopolies, for instance, are often urgent +matters for Government interference. He gives a list of the familiar +exceptions, e.g., Government must interfere for the purpose of national +defense, the preservation of public health, etc., etc. Much of +what he lays down is too well recognized to need recapitulation.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sidgwick, Henry.</span> <i>The Elements of Politics.</i> Macmillan. 1891. 665 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Henry Sidgwick was a thinker of very high ability; possibly his +influence is below his merits, because he possessed a cautious and noncommittal +mind which did not favor vivid and popular treatment of +his subjects; and further, his style is dry. This book from Chapters +III to XII has much to say about the respective provinces of the +Government and the individual. He is too cautious to go much beyond +empiric methods, and is content to allow the questions to be determined +largely by the circumstances of each particular case. However, +his bias is towards Individualism. He points out several dangers +in Government interference—(1) That of overburdening the governmental +machinery with work. (2) That of increasing the power capable +of being used by governing persons oppressively or corruptly. (3) +The danger that the delicate economic functions of government will +be hampered by the desire to gratify certain specially influential sections +of the community. He adds: ‘When, along with these dangers, +we take into account that the work of Government must be done by +persons who—even with the best arrangement for effective supervision +and promotion of merit—can only have a part of the stimulus and +enterprise which the independent worker feels, it will be easily understood +that we are not justified in concluding that governmental interference +is always expedient, even where <i>laissez-faire</i> leads to a manifestly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</span> +unsatisfactory result; its expediency has to be decided in any +particular case by a careful estimate of advantages and drawbacks, +requiring data obtained from special experience.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Simons, Henry C.</span> <i>Economic Policy for a Free Society.</i> University of +Chicago Press. 1948. 353 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Reviewing this book in <i>The New York Times</i> of Aug. 1, 1948, I +wrote: “As an economic theorist Simons was far from first-rate; his +originality lay in the realm of phrase-making rather than in that of +thought; and while his style was vigorous, epigrammatic and witty, it +was also interrupted, discursive and often pedantic.... [But] no +one could deny Simons’ disinterestedness, or the depth of his desire +for a better and freer society. Though many of his ideas were eccentric +and crotchety, and neither adopted nor expounded with the patient, +step-by-step reasoning which mark the work of Adam Smith, Mill, +Marshall and most of the others to whom he felt himself to belong, +he shared with these great figures their deep concern for freedom and +a suspicion everywhere of concentrated power.”</p> + +<p>A more favorable verdict is given by F. A. Hayek: “One need not +agree with the whole of this work and one may even regard some of +the suggestions made in it as incompatible with a free society, and yet +recognize it as one of the most important contributions made in recent +times.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Simonson, Gustave.</span> <i>A Plain Examination of Socialism.</i> London: Swan +Sonnenschein. 1900. 155 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A short and handy criticism, written by an American, of the +general Socialist position. The writer contends that it is based upon +absurd postulates. It rests on the undemonstrable and untenable +assumptions that we can possibly right in the present supposed wrongs +of the past; that each one who is born has a ‘natural right to the free +use of the instruments of production which others may own; that labor +is the sole cause of the value of anything and everything produced; +that all values in property are not founded on demand-and-supply; +and that a large share of these values has been produced by, and +wrongly withheld from, those who have created them—in other words, +that most of the present private property is the accumulated plunder +from unrewarded past labor, and that this plunder must go on forever +as long as the instruments of production are in private ownership.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Smith, Adam.</span> <i>The Wealth of Nations.</i> 1776. Many editions. (London: +Methuen. Edited by Edwin Cannan. 1904.) (Modern Library. 1937.) +2 vols. 462 pp. 506 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Adam Smith is not merely the founder of political economy, but the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</span> +father of economic liberty. In the 180 years since <i>The Wealth of +Nations</i> appeared, the case for free trade, for example, has been stated +thousands of times, but probably never with more direct simplicity +and force than in that volume.</p> + +<p>Gide and Rist, in their <i>History of Economic Doctrines</i>, have admirably +summarized the qualities that make <i>The Wealth of Nations</i> +unique: It “instantly eclipsed the tentative efforts of [Smith’s] predecessors.... +His discussion of ... questions is marked by such mastery +of detail and such balance of judgment that he convinces without +effort. His facts are intermixed with reasoning, his illustrations +with argument. He is instructive as well as persuasive. Withal there +is no trace of pedantry, no monotonous reiteration in the work, and +the reader is not burdened with the presence of a cumbersome logical +apparatus. All is elegantly simple.... In addition to this, Smith +has been successful in borrowing from his predecessors all their more +important ideas and welding them into a more general system. He +superseded them because he rendered their work useless. A true social +and economic philosophy was substituted for their fragmentary studies, +and an entirely new value given to their contributions.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Smith, Bradford B.</span> <i>Liberty and Taxes.</i> Irvington, N. Y.: Foundation +for Economic Education. 1947. 20 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author argues against the progressive income tax and in favor +of proportional taxation. “The one thing always to dread is the laying +of a tax burden on minorities by majorities which the majority itself +escapes. That is tax despoliation.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Smith, Walter Bedell.</span> <i>My Three Years in Moscow.</i> Lippincott. 1950. +346 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An account of three years of the cold war in Russia as viewed by the +former United States ambassador to Moscow in the period from March +1946 to March 1949. Among the subjects discussed are Soviet industry +and agriculture, the cultural purge, slave labor, anti-Semitism, the +Berlin blockade, the Yugoslav situation, and the possibility of war.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Snyder, Carl.</span> <i>Capitalism the Creator.</i> Macmillan. 1940. 473 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The thesis here presented,” writes the author, “is that there is one +way, and only one way, that any people, in all history, have ever risen +from barbarism and poverty to affluence and culture; and that is by +that concentrated and highly organized system of production and exchange +which we call capitalistic.”</p> + +<p>In reviewing this book in <i>The New York Times</i>, I wrote: “It is +frankly and belligerently a defense of capitalism, and as such it is one +of the most original and interesting this reviewer has ever seen. Mr. +Snyder is one of the country’s best known statisticians; he is full of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</span> +all sorts of miscellaneous learning.... He uses epithets freely and +he has a habit of deliberately leaving out the verbs in most of his +sentences, so that the reader is bumped and jolted rather than carried +along.</p> + +<p>“Mr. Snyder has a profound faith in the probative value of statistics.... +Impressive are the statistics and reasoning by which Mr. Snyder +contends that wages are determined primarily by the product per +worker; and that the product per worker is determined in the long +run by the capital investment per worker, which makes possible the +use of new machinery, new processes and new methods of production.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Soloviev, Mikhail.</span> <i>When the Gods Are Silent.</i> McKay. 1953. 506 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The author, a former editor of <i>Izvestia</i>, tells a moving story of +the development of the Russian revolutionary movement from its beginnings +before World War I until a period just after World War II. +It depicts, through the eyes of members of a Russian peasant family +deeply involved in the whole movement, the growing blind obedience +and the final realization that Russia must be saved but cannot be by +the Communists.”—<i>Library Journal.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Somary, Felix.</span> <i>Democracy at Bay.</i> Knopf. 1952. 171 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>William Henry Chamberlin calls this “a profound and searching +little book” which “deserves a place on the same shelf with Hayek’s +<i>Road to Serfdom</i>.” Somary measures the ills of the modern world +against the standards of old-fashioned liberal individualism. He condemns +the contemporary erosion of property rights, the tendency of +direct taxation to reach confiscatory levels, and the general abandonment +of the gold standard for unlimited paper inflation. “The more +functions the state assumes,” he contends, “the less it is possible to +control the administration.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Souvarine, Boris.</span> <i>Stalin: A Critical Survey of Bolshevism.</i> Alliance. +1939. 690 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This book is one of the most remarkable biographies of our times.... +It is the best critical history of Bolshevism from Lenin to Stalin +that has been written to date.... Lesser men would have been borne +down by the weight of M. Souvarine’s vast erudition, but the author +has a keen mind, a delightful sense of humor, and knows how to etch +in acid.”—Sidney Hook, in <i>Books</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Spencer, Herbert.</span> <i>The Man Versus the State.</i> 1884. Many editions. +(Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers. 1940.) 213 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>One of the most powerful and influential arguments for limited +government, <i>laissez faire</i> and individualism ever written. The prophetic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</span> +insight of such essays as “The Coming Slavery,” pointing out the +then unrecognized threat of socialism to the freedom of the individual, +has led to a strong revival of interest in Spencer after long neglect.</p> + +<p>“Dictatorial measures, rapidly multiplied,” he wrote in the preface +to this volume in 1884, “have tended continually to narrow the liberties +of individuals.... Regulations have been made in yearly-growing +numbers, restraining the citizen in directions where his actions +were previously unchecked, and compelling actions which previously +he might perform or not as he liked; and at the same time +heavier public burdens ... have further restricted his freedom, by +lessening that portion of his earnings which he can spend as he +pleases, and augmenting the portion taken from him to be spent as +public agents please.”</p> + +<p>Spencer contended that the sphere of government should be “confined +to the duty of preventing aggressions of individuals upon each +other, and protecting the nation at large against external enemies.” It +should, in other words, be confined to maintaining security of life +and property, and the freedom of the individual to exercise his +faculties. He warned against all efforts by the State to confer positive +benefits upon citizens. He objected even to sanitary supervision. Even +most individualists today would regard Spencer’s individualism as in +many respects extreme. Yet no one concerned with individual freedom +can afford to ignore his work. Every student of the subject should be +familiar with it.</p> + +<p>Hardly less important in its bearing on individualism is Spencer’s +Social Statics, published in 1850. But the theme of individualism runs +through all his writings—through <i>The Study of Sociology</i>, <i>The Principles +of Ethics</i>, and the <i>Autobiography</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sperber, Manes.</span> <i>The Burned Bramble.</i> Doubleday. 1951. 405 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A novel about the Communist party in Europe in the 1930’s. “An +impassioned and profound picture of Communist experience in the +years before Stalinism had fully shown its face—of the faith and +exaltation; the monstrous erasure of human decency and truth; the +incredible loyalty and self-sacrifice whose eventual reward was a disillusioned +soul, a cheated mind, and a bullet in the neck.”—C. J. Rolo, +in <i>The Atlantic</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Spitzbergen, Henry E. (Henry Plowdeeper).</span> <i>“Liberals” and the +Constitution.</i> Washington, D. C.: Liberty & Freedom Press. 1950. +301 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A defense of free enterprise, private ownership of property, limited +government, and the doctrine of constitutional “separation of powers.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sprading, Charles T.</span> (ed.). <i>Liberty and the Great Libertarians.</i> Los +Angeles: The author. 1913. 540 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An anthology on liberty. Among the authors from whom passages +have been selected are: Edmund Burke, Thomas Paine, Thomas Jefferson, +John Stuart Mill, Emerson, Thoreau, Ingersoll, Henry George, +Bernard Shaw, Olive Shreiner, and Maria Montessori.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Stamp, Sir Josiah.</span> <i>Wealth and Taxable Capacity.</i> London: King. +1922. 195 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“An analysis of the fundamental factors determining the relation of +price, taxation and public debt to the total national income and +capital.... Like Prof. Bowley’s works on national income, this is a +book with which all who are seriously concerned about the problem +of distribution ought to be acquainted.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Stamp, Sir Josiah.</span> <i>Inheritance as an Economic Factor. Economic +Journal.</i> September 1926.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The best analysis of the economic significance of inheritance that +has yet been made. Of the conclusions, the following is of fundamental +importance in modern controversy. ‘I think it probable that, through +the inequalities due to the system in which inheritance has a part, the +average man has a slightly smaller proportionate share of the aggregate +than he would have had if there had been no inheritance system, but +a substantially larger <i>absolute</i> amount because he shares a larger +aggregate.... Whether under the circumstances he is justified in +having a sense of injustice ... is a matter lying beyond economics.’”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Stannard, Harold Martin.</span> <i>Two Constitutions.</i> Van Nostrand. 1949. +210 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A comparative study of the written American constitution and the +unwritten British one. It attempts to show a unity of purpose underlying +the two.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Steinberg, Julien.</span> <i>Verdict of Three Decades.</i> Duell, Sloan & Pearce. +1950. 634 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“An integrated and well-edited collection of writings about Soviet +Communism, drawn mostly from the works of men and women who +have revolted against it and believe that Lenin and Stalin cynically +betrayed a revolution that they did not start in the first place.... If +there are any people around who still do not believe the accusations +made against Lenin and Stalin, this book should dispel their doubts.”—<i>New +Yorker.</i></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Stephen, Sir James Fitzjames.</span> <i>Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.</i> London: +Smith, Elder. 1873. 350 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A considerable portion of the book is devoted to J. S. Mill’s essay +<i>On Liberty</i>. Stephen was a utilitarian and an admirer of Mill’s earlier +writings. Mill, he says, ‘is the only modern author who has handled +the subject with whom I agree sufficiently to differ from him profitably.’ +Stephen delights in logical controversy. Here is an example: ‘To +force an unwilling person to contribute to the British Museum is as +distinct a violation of Mr. Mill’s principle as religious persecution.’ +Stephen emphasized the necessity for definitions and the difficulty of +finding a satisfactory definition for liberty. It is an interesting and +useful book by a clever and vigorous writer with a good legal brain, +who leans to the individualistic side and despises sentimentalism in +economics and politics.”—PI. There are chapters on “Equality,” +“Fraternity,” and “The Doctrine of Liberty in Its Application to +Morals.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Stephen, Sir Leslie.</span> <i>History of English Thought in the Eighteenth +Century.</i> 1876. London School of Economics. 1950. 3 vols. 1,233 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“No single work quoted will be more useful to a beginner than +this. Chapter X, ‘Political Theories,’ and Chapter XI, ‘Political Economics,’ +are indispensable, but the whole is very valuable, because a +knowledge of the intellectual conditions of the eighteenth century is +all important for an understanding of English Individualism.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Stephen, Sir Leslie.</span> <i>The English Utilitarians.</i> Putnam. 1900. 3 vols. +326 pp. 382 pp. 525 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Written when Stephen’s health was failing, these volumes have less +vigor and merit than the previous work. But almost every chapter +bears on our subject, and much useful information and criticism may +be extracted.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Stephen, Sir Leslie.</span> <i>The Life of Sir James Fitzjames Stephen, Bart.</i> +London: Smith, Elder. 1893. 504 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Stephen, who in later life became a judge, was long a busy journalist, +writing much for the <i>Saturday Review</i> and <i>Pall Mall Gazette</i>. His +brother and biographer says: ‘He had sat at the feet of Bentham and +Austin, and had found the most congenial philosophy in Hobbes.’ He +had two counts against Mill—(1) That he had forsaken the straightforward +principles of utilitarianism and <i>laissez-faire</i>. (2) That though +he had diverged into a sort of sentimental Socialism, he would not +permit the State to use the force it had at its disposal, for the purpose +of restraining evil. Stephen was a convinced Individualist. His creed +was to allow as much scope as possible to liberty and the individual,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</span> +under the protection of a strong Government for purposes of police +and security.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Stigler, George J.</span> <i>Five Lectures on Economic Problems.</i> Longmans, +Green. 1949. 65 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>These lectures, delivered before the London School of Economics by +a professor of economics at Columbia University, are distinguished for +pithy wisdom and shrewd analysis. They discuss “equality,” monopolistic +competition, classical economics, mathematical economics, and +the status of competition in the United States. This last lecture is +particularly notable for the deftness with which it punctures the +popular myth that competition has been declining steadily (and in +many versions, drastically) for a half century or more. Professor +Stigler estimates that competitive industries were producing seven-tenths +of the national income in 1939, and utilizing more than four-fifths +of the labor force. In his lecture on the classical economists he +shows how much more they knew, and how much more humane and +realistic they were, than it has been fashionable for our generation to +believe.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Stowe, Leland.</span> <i>Conquest by Terror.</i> Random House. 1952. 300 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A study of the countries behind the Iron Curtain: Rumania, Czechoslovakia, +Poland, Hungary and Bulgaria. The author, an American +newspaperman, bases his work on his own knowledge, plus material +gained from journalists in exile, recent refugees, former officers, specialists +of various kinds, and the underground. “Mr. Stowe has written +a book to alarm the West, to make it aware of the important changes +which five to seven years of Soviet control have already produced, not +in the satellites alone but also in the balance between East and West +in Europe. It is a grim story and one which needs to be widely reflected +on.”—Philip Mosely, in the <i>New York Herald Tribune</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Strausz-Hupé, Robert, and Possony, Stefan T.</span> <i>International Relations +in the Age of the Conflict Between Democracy and Dictatorship.</i> +McGraw-Hill. 1950. 947 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The long title of this book suggests its massive character. The +almost unlimited subject of international relations is examined in +almost one thousand pages of text, buttressed with vast erudition and +illuminated by many flashes of perceptive wisdom. The authors are +scholars connected respectively with the University of Pennsylvania +and Georgetown University.... However, the book is far from being +a colorless collection of undisputed facts. It should be, but probably +will not be, required reading for all utopians. For much learning +has made the authors profoundly skeptical about the value of one-idea<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</span> +panaceas. And they are ruthless with attempts to make platitudes a +substitute for policy.”—W. H. Chamberlin, in <i>Human Events</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Stripling, Robert E.</span> <i>Red Plot Against America.</i> Drexel Hill, Pa.: Bell +Publications. 1950. 282 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The author of this book was the chief investigator for the House +Committee on Un-American Activities from 1938 to 1948. Mr. Bob +Considine has ‘edited’ the story of Mr. Stripling’s adventures first for +a newspaper syndicate, then for publication in the present book. The +final 113 pages are lifted, by permission, from ‘primers’ against communism +published by the committee in 1948 and obtainable from the +Government Printing Office.”—<i>The New York Times.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Strunsky, Simeon.</span> <i>Two Came to Town.</i> Dutton. 1947. 219 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A fantasy, speculating on what Alexander Hamilton and Thomas +Jefferson, respectively (introduced under the thin disguises of “Mr. +Alexander” and “Mr. Thomas”), would say and think about New York +and the ideology of present-day America if they could pay us a visit +from the grave. Under a surface of playful humor, the author conveys +a wise and penetrating message on how recent fashionable ideas and +phrases could cause us to surrender our liberties.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Stypulkowski, Zbigniew F.</span> <i>Invitation to Moscow.</i> McKay. 1951. 359 +pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author, a Polish lawyer and political prisoner, describes his +long session in the notorious Soviet Lubianka prison, and the methods +used to obtain a confession of his non-guilt. “It would be unfortunate +if this volume were catalogued as merely another book on Soviet political +terror. It is much more than that. An important half of the book +is devoted to the author’s experience in the Polish underground, +fighting against the German invaders.... Finally, this book is valuable +because it gives the detailed story of Soviet perfidy toward the +Polish underground in the closing days of World War II.”—Harry +Schwartz, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sullivan, Lawrence.</span> <i>Bureaucracy Runs Amuck.</i> Bobbs-Merrill. 1944. +318 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A study of the confusion and overlapping in hundreds of the United +States war emergency bureaus and agencies.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sulzbach, Walter.</span> <i>National Consciousness.</i> Washington, D. C.: American +Council on Public Affairs. 1943. 168 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Whoever reads it should have a more lively and discerning understanding +of contemporary nationalism.”—Garland Downum, in the +<i>American Political Science Review</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sulzbach, Walter.</span> “<i>Capitalistic Warmongers.</i>” University of Chicago +Press. 1942.</p> +</div> + +<p>Punctures with facts and economic analysis the socialist superstition +that “capitalism creates war.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sumner, William Graham.</span> <i>What Social Classes Owe to Each Other.</i> +1883. (Yale University Press. 1927.) 169 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Few men have ever exposed the fallacies of state paternalism with +more gusto and devastating logic than the American sociologist and +economist, William Graham Sumner (1840-1910). The lucidity of his +style and the humor of his illustrations are comparable to those of +Bastiat. This little book contains among others the famous essay on +“The Forgotten Man”—a phrase later perverted by politicians to +mean exactly the opposite of what Sumner meant by it: “The type and +formula of most schemes of philanthropy or humanitarianism is this: +A and B put their heads together to decide what C shall be made to +do for D.... I call C the Forgotten Man.... The state cannot +get a cent for any man without taking it from some other man, and +this latter must be a man who has produced and saved it. This latter +is the Forgotten Man.”</p> + +<p>Sumner also wrote valuable essays on free trade, protectionism and +<i>laissez faire</i>. He was more celebrated in his own lifetime for his sociological +work—his <i>Folkways</i> (1907), and his monumental four-volume +study, <i>The Science of Society</i>, with A. G. Keller, which appeared in +1927.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Swanson, Ernst W., and Schmidt, Emerson P.</span> <i>Economic Stagnation +or Progress.</i> McGraw-Hill. 1946. 212 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A critique of recent doctrines on the mature economy, oversavings, +and deficit spending. It is also a critique of the Keynes-Hansen school +of economic stabilization—which held that the American economy was +stagnant because of “lack of investment opportunities,” and that therefore +deficit spending by government on a more or less continuous +basis was necessary to sustain prosperity. Basically, this is a book of +readings from other economists, but these are linked together by +commentaries and supplemented by the authors’ own summaries and +conclusions. The book covers much of the same ground as George +Terborgh’s <i>The Bogey of Economic Maturity</i> (q.v.).</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Talmon, L. J.</span> <i>The Rise of Totalitarian Democracy.</i> Beacon Press. +1952. 366 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This study seeks to show how totalitarian ideas grew out of utopianism, +and how the extreme democrats of the French Revolution turned +into the most ruthless dictators. “A book of great wisdom which I +recommend to anyone who not only wants to broaden his basic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</span> +knowledge of the French Revolution but also wishes to understand +the basic—that is the intellectual—causes of the modern world crisis. +Dr. Talmon’s work meets the highest academic standards.”—S. T. +Possony, in the <i>Annals of the American Academy</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Tansill, Charles Callan.</span> <i>America Goes to War.</i> Little, Brown. 1938. +731 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A study of the reasons why America went to war in 1917. “The great +value of Professor Tansill’s book is that it shows with incontestable +detail just how independent of Congressional check is the President’s +control of foreign affairs, and how this control can lead to war.”—John +Chamberlain, in <i>Books</i>. “Mr. Tansill’s book ... is critical, searching +and judicious.... It is presented in a style that is always vigorous +and sometimes brilliant. It is the most valuable contribution to the +history of the pre-war years in our literature, and one of the notable +achievements of historical scholarship of this generation.”—H. S. +Commager, in <i>The Yale Review</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Tansill, Charles Callan.</span> <i>Back Door to War.</i> Regnery. 1952. 690 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author is professor of American diplomatic history at Georgetown +University. This volume on the origins of World War II is based +on extensive research, including access to the confidential files of the +State Department. “Prof. Tansill sketches briefly American foreign +policy from Versailles to 1933, then gives many details and biting +comments on the actions and attitudes of F. D. Roosevelt, Hull, +Stimson, Ambassador Dodd, etc.”—<i>Library Journal.</i> “When he is at +his best, he is unfolding a diplomatic narrative with considerable +skill, and with an excellent command of his sources.”—Dexter Perkins, +in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Taussig, F. W.</span> <i>Principles of Economics.</i> Macmillan. 1911, etc. 2 vols. +545 pp. 576 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Characterized by an exquisite sanity. We do not recall any work in +which these subjects are discussed with an equal degree of lucidity. +Professor Taussig’s book from beginning to end is intensely readable.”—<i>The +New York Times</i>, in 1925. “The reviewer is impressed +anew with the maturity and breadth, as well as with the literary style, +which are outstanding characteristics of Taussig’s <i>Principles</i>.”—R. T. +Bye, in the <i>Annals of the American Academy</i>, 1940. “A fine picture of +classical doctrines.... All in all, Professor Taussig’s <i>Principles</i> remains +an important part of economic literature—as it has been for +over a quarter of a century. That is a distinguished record, almost +unique for textbook writers in the field.”—T. F. Haygood, in the +<i>Southern Economic Journal</i>, 1940.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Taussig, F. W.</span> <i>International Trade.</i> Macmillan. 1927. 425 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The outstanding exposition, after the period of Bastable, of the +“classical” theory of international trade. “What gives this book its +great value—apart from gifts of exposition which recall the seductive +clarity of the best pages of Stuart Mill—is the analysis and description +of a multitude of facts drawn from his practical experience and which, +even if one does not accept his general theory, have a special flavor +and provide rich information of all sorts.”—Charles Rist. “Clarity of +exposition is perhaps the first of the characteristics that will make +the book supersede other treatises on the subject.”—London <i>Times +Literary Supplement</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Taylor, Reginald.</span> <i>The Socialist Illusion.</i> 1920.</p> +</div> + +<p>“A study of the illusions and delusions from which Socialists suffer. +Ideas such as ‘surplus value’ and the ‘something for nothing attitude’ +are attacked. It is pointed out how much worse off all classes would be +under a Socialist regime than under one which is primarily individualist.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Tchernavin, Mme. Tat’yana.</span> <i>Escape from the Soviets.</i> London: +Hamilton. 1934. 320 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“By all odds the most vivid and inspiring—and compassionate—human +document that has come out of the whole Bolshevik Revolution +and the subsequent regime.”—F. H. Britten, in <i>Books</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Tchernavin, Vladimir.</span> <i>I Speak for the Silent Prisoners of the Soviets.</i> +Boston: Hale, Cushman & Flint. 1935. 368 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>In <i>Escape from the Soviets</i> Mme. Tchernavin told the story of her +escape to Finland with her husband and her young son. In this book +Vladimir Tchernavin recounts what happened before the escape, of +his work as a scientist in a northern fishing center, of his arrest and +the long months during which the GPU tried to wring a “confession” +out of him, of his sentence to five years hard labor, and of the conditions +of the prisons and concentration camps in which he was held. +“It is a book which no lover of human liberty can read without being +moved to horror and indignation.”—J. D. Adams, in <i>The New York +Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Tennien, Mark A.</span> <i>No Secret Is Safe.</i> Farrar, Straus, 1952. 270 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“No book has yet appeared which compels more belief than does +Father Mark Tennien’s account of the ordeal of contemporary China. +Speaking as both observer and victim, Father Tennien, a Maryknoll +priest, provides us with a model of dispassionate reporting.”—Julien +Steinberg, in <i>The Saturday Review</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Terborgh, George.</span> <i>The Bogey of Economic Maturity.</i> Chicago: +Machinery & Allied Products Institute. 1945. 263 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The doctrine of economic maturity was born in the depression +years of the thirties. It held that the passing of the frontier, the tapering +off of population growth, the improbability of any further revolutionary +inventions, left a dearth of opportunity for private investment, +and that therefore the government must either expand “public +investment” through deficit financing, or tax out of existence the +excess savings poisoning the economy. Reviewing this book in <i>The +New York Times</i> of Aug. 27, 1945, I wrote: “One by one, with closely +reasoned arguments, with historic illustrations, and with a wealth of +statistical documentation, the author kicks all the props from under +the mature economy doctrine.... A first-rate contribution.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Thomas, Ivor.</span> <i>The Socialist Tragedy.</i> Macmillan. 1951. 254 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Mr. Ivor Thomas is a former member of the Labor government in +Britain turned Conservative.... He attacks the ‘myth’ that socialism +is a barrier against communism. He recalls the actions of the Socialist +parties in Eastern Europe and France and Italy as examples of how +the socialists were not only powerless against the Communists but +allied with the Communists. Mr. Thomas believes the only difference +between socialism and communism is in degree; adoption of either results +in loss of civil liberties and in reduced standards of living.”—<i>Current +History.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Thoreau, Henry D.</span> <i>Civil Disobedience.</i> 1849. Many editions. 29 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Thoreau (1817-1862) was an extreme nonconformist and individualist—so +extreme that the doctrine of this essay (inspired by a night +spent in jail for Thoreau’s refusal to pay his poll-tax) comes close +to anarchism. “I heartily accept the motto,” he begins, “‘That government +is best which governs least’; and I should like to see it acted up +to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to +this, which also I believe—‘That government is best which governs +not at all.’”</p> + +<p>He claims the right of personal secession. “The authority of government,” +he declares, “can have no pure right over my person and +property but what I concede to it.” If everyone claimed the right of +withdrawal and noncooperation, and disobedience of whatever laws +did not entirely accord with his own ideas of justice or wisdom, +government would become impossible. (On the other hand, I do +not mean to imply by this objection that the individual is <i>never</i> under +<i>any</i> circumstances justified in refusing obedience to a government or +a particular law: such refusal may sometimes be the only method of +reducing injustice or preventing despotism.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</span></p> + +<p>Thoreau’s case is powerfully argued in a taut and elevated prose. +Although some of the conclusions at which he arrives are too sweeping, +he gives us many pearls of truth along the way.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Tocqueville, Alexis de.</span> <i>Democracy in America.</i> 1835. Many editions. +(Knopf. 1945.) 2 vols. 452 pp. 518 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is by far the best book ever written about America, and the +most penetrating book ever written about democracy. It won instant +acclaim, not only in the writer’s native France, where Royer-Collard +declared: “Nothing equal to it has appeared since Montesquieu,” but +in England, where John Stuart Mill hailed it as “among the most remarkable +productions of our time.” Its central theme is that democracy +has become inevitable; that it is, with certain qualifications, +desirable; but that it has great potentialities for evil as well as good, +depending upon how well it is understood and guided. In the view +of de Tocqueville, the greatest danger that threatens democracy is its +tendency toward the centralization and concentration of power: “If +ever the free institutions of America are destroyed, that event may be +attributed to the omnipotence of the majority.”</p> + +<p>There is revived interest in Tocqueville today because of what +seems like the uncanny clairvoyance of his prophecies. For example +(this by a Frenchman in 1835): “There are at the present time two +great nations in the world, which started from different points, but +seem to tend towards the same end. I allude to the Russians and the +Americans.... The principal instrument of [America] is liberty; of +[Russia] servitude. Their starting point is different and their courses +are not the same; yet each of them seems marked by the will of +Heaven to sway the destinies of half the globe.”</p> + +<p>But the special reason for including <i>Democracy in America</i> in this +bibliography is that, as John Bigelow wrote in his Introduction to the +1904 (Appleton) edition, it is “an intellectual arsenal in which the +friends of freedom will long come to seek weapons.” F. A. Hayek has +written of de Tocqueville and Lord Acton: “These two men seem to +me to have more successfully developed what was best in the political +philosophy of the Scottish philosophers, Burke, and the English Whigs +than any other writers I know.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Tocqueville, Alexis de.</span> <i>The Old Régime and the French Revolution.</i> +London: Murray. 1856. 511 pp. (Doubleday Anchor Books. 1955. +300 pp.)</p> +</div> + +<p>This book appeared some twenty years after <i>Democracy in America</i>. +It is marked by the same luminous logic and eloquence. “The peculiar +object of the work I now submit to the public is to explain why this +great [French] Revolution [of 1789], which was in preparation at the +same time over almost the whole continent of Europe, broke out in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</span> +France sooner than elsewhere; why it sprang spontaneously from the +society it was about to destroy; and lastly, how the old French monarchy +came to fall so completely and so abruptly....</p> + +<p>“Many will perhaps accuse me of showing in this book a very unseasonable +love of freedom—a thing for which it is said that no one any +longer cares in France....</p> + +<p>“[Yet] despots themselves do not deny the excellence of Freedom, +but they wish to keep it all to themselves, and maintain that all other +men are utterly unworthy of it. Thus it is not on the opinion which +may be entertained of freedom that this difference subsists, but on +the greater or the less esteem we may have for mankind; and it may +be said with strict accuracy, that the taste a man may show for absolute +government bears an exact ratio to the contempt he may profess for +his countrymen.”—From the Preface.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Tocqueville, Alexis de.</span> <i>Recollections.</i> Columbia University Press. +1949. 331 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“No Nineteenth Century student of history and politics ... better +understood the direction in which European society was evolving than +the Count de Tocqueville. He knew that he was living in an age of +continuous revolution and that this process, if accompanied by further +concentration of power, could lead nowhere but into a tyranny unrestrained +by either custom or religion.... The <i>Recollections</i> begin +with the February Revolution of 1848, and are continued until the +end of Tocqueville’s ministry.... The book, however, is less valuable +for its historical content than for the political and philosophic +lessons abstracted by Tocqueville from his experience and observation.... +His great passion was for the dignity of the human person and +for the liberty necessary to its preservation. What he dreaded about +democracy was the destruction of this dignity, not so much by violence +as by the insidious regimen of mediocrity.”—J. M. Lalley, in <i>Human +Events</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Toledano, Ralph de.</span> <i>Spies, Dupes and Diplomats.</i> Duell, Sloan & +Pearce. 1952. 244 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The spies are those, American and non-American, who have served +the Soviet Union so assiduously during the past decade and more. +The dupes are a number of highly placed citizens of the United States +who, through misguided liberalism, bad judgment, or just plain muddle-headedness, +also have served to further Russian aims. The diplomats, +for the most part, are in the Departments of State, Defense, and +Justice, and, if we can believe what we read, they also showed a +surprising lack of insight and vigor where Soviet intrigue was concerned. +It is the author’s thesis that, taken together, these three<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</span> +categories of individuals have aided immeasurably the Russian design +for world conquest. More particularly, he charges them with having +made possible the Communist conquest of China, the present weakened +state of Japan, and the tragic division of Korea.”—<i>Christian +Science Monitor.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Toledano, Ralph de, and Lasky, Victor.</span> <i>Seeds of Treason.</i> Published +for <i>Newsweek</i> by Funk & Wagnalls. 1950. 270 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The story of the Hiss-Chambers case and the Hiss trials, by two reporters—Ralph +de Toledano of <i>Newsweek</i> and Victor Lasky of the +<i>New York World-Telegram</i>—who covered the case for their respective +journals. “A fine professional job.... A delightfully readable presentation +of all the evidence required for the forming of a fair judgment +on a most puzzling case.... To many, its outstanding excellence +consists in the clear light it throws on the process by which +an heir of the American tradition is turned into a traitor to his +country.”—<i>Catholic World.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Trevelyan, G. M.</span> <i>Life of John Bright.</i> Houghton Mifflin. 1913.</p> +</div> + +<p>A portrait of the life and times of the great exponent of free trade, +by an outstanding British historian.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Tucker, Josiah.</span> <i>A Brief Essay, etc.</i> 1750. <i>Four Tracts.</i> 1774. (<i>A +Selection from His Economic and Political Writings.</i> Ed. by R. L. +Schuyler. Columbia University Press. 191. 576 pp.)</p> +</div> + +<p>The PI refers to Tucker as “a racy forerunner of the Manchester +School, especially on questions of colonial trade.” He is regarded by +F. A. Hayek as one of the founders of true individualism. In his +<i>Elements of Commerce</i> (1756) he wrote: “The main point is neither +to extinguish nor to enfeeble self-love, but to give it such a direction +that it may promote the public interest by promoting its own.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Utley, Freda.</span> <i>Lost Illusion.</i> Philadelphia: Fireside Press. 1948. 288 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author has rewritten her book, <i>The Dream We Lost</i>, and now +calls it <i>Lost Illusion</i>. It is “her account of herself as an English communist +who was converted romantically, she now believes, to the +Russian version of communism, lived for years in Russia, was +progressively disillusioned by the change from original communism to +ruthless industrialism, and got away to the United States.”—<i>New +York Herald Tribune Weekly Book Review.</i> “A book like Miss Utley’s +is a powerful educational instrument for democracy because of its +honesty, its humility, its information, and above all for the unescapable +moral issues it places before the intellectuals of the West.”—Sidney +Hook, in <i>The New York Times</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Utley, Freda.</span> <i>Last Chance in China.</i> Bobbs-Merrill. 1947. 408 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This book proved to be prophetic. Reviewing it on its appearance +in 1947, <i>The New Yorker</i> wrote: “A treatise on the situation in China, +based on a trip the author, for many years a strenuous convert to anti-Communism, +took through the East shortly after the war. Miss Utley +views everything with alarm; she believes that the United States has +badly mismanaged its Chinese affairs and, by hamstringing Chiang +Kai-shek, has practically invited the Chinese Communists to overrun +the East.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Utley, Freda.</span> <i>The China Story.</i> Regnery. 1951. 274 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Immediately after the war the market was flooded with books +favorable to the Chinese Communists. Miss Utley has presented the +other side of the case more thoroughly and more ably than any other +American publicist. Her story throws a good deal of light (if sometimes +controversial light) on one of the most burning and tragic issues +of American foreign policy.”—W. H. Chamberlin, in the <i>Christian +Century</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Valtin, Jan.</span> <i>Out of the Night.</i> Alliance Book. 1941. 841 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“There is no better picture of the life of a secret agent floating +about the Communist underworld of the twenties, and no more +horrible and convincing account of conditions in Nazi prisons and +concentration camps. But beyond all the things which make it more +readable than any ‘thriller’ are the profound political morals of the +decline into sordid intrigue, corruption, and mechanical obedience of +the international Communist movement.”—A. P. W., in the <i>Manchester +Guardian</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Van Sickle, John V., and Rogge, Benjamin A.</span> <i>Introduction to Economics.</i> +Van Nostrand. 1954. 746 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This stands out as one of the few introductory college economic +textbooks today that are frankly and positively liberal in the traditional +meaning of the term. It is notable for the simplicity and skill of +its exposition. While its own conclusions are conservative, it explains +clearly and objectively, for example, what is meant by “Keynesian +economics.” The authors place special stress on the importance of +functionally correct wages to the performance of a private enterprise +system. There is also a discussion of communism, socialism, and +planning as alternatives to capitalism.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Vennard, Edwin, and Winsborough, Robb M.</span> <i>The American Economic +System.</i> Evanston, Ill.: Row, Peterson & Co. 1953. 96 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The authors attempt to give a simple explanation of the American +economic system. Their book contains over a hundred illustrations in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</span> +one to four colors, and illuminating charts and tables. Their theme +is that the American people are better housed, better clothed, and +better fed than any other major group of people in the world because +of their free, or comparatively free, market economy.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Verrijn Stuart, Coenraad A.</span> <i>De Wetenschap der Economic en de +Grondslagen van Het Sociaaleconomisch Leven.</i> Haarlem, Holland: +Erven F. Bohn. 1947. 319 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A notable book by an eminent liberal Dutch economist.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Viereck, Peter.</span> <i>The Shame and Glory of the Intellectuals.</i> Beacon +Press. 1953. 320 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An eloquent and stimulating, although often confused, book. Its +author preaches a “new conservatism” but wants to “take conservatism +away from the conservatives.” His central argument is that it is +our duty to fight the evil of totalitarianism in all its forms, and that +the shame of the intellectuals lies in their failure to fight the terrorism +of Stalin with the same vigor that they fought that of Hitler.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Vlugt, Ebed van der.</span> <i>Asia Aflame.</i> Devin-Adair. 1953. 294 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An historical survey, by a native of Holland, and an influential +editor and lawyer, of the growth of Red Russia’s influence in the +various countries and regions of Asia during the last three decades. +“If in addition to the convincing text of this book, there were need +of authoritative recommendation, it might be mentioned that the +author’s views are fully in accord with those of General Albert C. +Wedemeyer, who writes the Foreword.”—Joseph McSorley, in the +<i>Catholic World</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Voigt, F. A.</span> <i>Unto Caesar.</i> Putnam. 1938. 303 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>An analysis of political conditions in Europe—particularly the fundamentals +of fascism and communism and Great Britain’s role in +keeping the peace. The author was a member of the staff of the +<i>Manchester Guardian</i>. “A brilliant, circumstantial and thought-provoking +book.”—<i>The</i> [London] <i>Economist</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Voltaire.</span> <i>Works.</i> Many editions.</p> +</div> + +<p>Voltaire (1694-1778), particularly after his three-year visit to England +from 1726 to 1729, became one of the great influences of the +eighteenth century for toleration and personal liberty. But if any +one-volume anthology devoted to the libertarian side of his thought +has been selected and compiled from his voluminous works, I do not +know of it. Such a selection should include much from his <i>Lettres +Philosophiques sur les Anglais</i> (1733). (See also <span class="smcap">Lord Morley’s</span> +<i>Voltaire</i>.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Walsh, Edmund A.</span> <i>Total Empire.</i> Milwaukee: Bruce Publishers. 1951. +293 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Father Walsh, regent of the School of Foreign Service of Georgetown +University, is a lifelong student of geopolitics.... As director +of the papal relief mission to Soviet Russia, Father Walsh witnessed +the Bolshevik Revolution. These first-hand observations plus his own +encyclopedic knowledge enable him to examine the grave question: +Why has Russia’s attempt thus far succeeded where Germany’s +failed?”—<i>The New York Times.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Warren, Charles.</span> <i>Making of the Constitution.</i> Little, Brown. 1928. +832 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“For the first time in a single volume all the contemporary material +relating to the formation of the Constitution has been brought +together and the history of the Constitutional Convention is presented, +day by day. Mr. Warren has assembled the letters of the public +men of the day, the delegates and others, and has printed also the +editorials and articles from the contemporary newspapers, presenting +thus not only the thoughts of the men who were at work upon the +Constitution or were otherwise influential in the country, but the +conditions and the public opinion of that time.... <i>Making of the +Constitution</i> measures up to every demand of authoritative history, +alike in its scholarly research, its liberal humanitarianism and its +smoothly flowing style.”—<i>The New York Times.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wasson, R. Gordon.</span> <i>The Hall Carbine Affair.</i> New York: Pandick +Press. 1941. 1948. 190 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author, a vice president of J. P. Morgan & Co., seizes on an +oft-told episode in the life of the elder Morgan, founder of the banking +house, in which he is alleged to have sold to the government +during the Civil War some condemned arms at a profit that would +have been exorbitant for first-class weapons. Mr. Wasson delves into +the contemporary records and reveals with very careful documentation +exactly what took place. Then he turns to the spurious version +of this episode, identifies its inventor as Gustavus Myers, tracks down +its successive embellishments at the hands of later anti-capitalistic +“economic historians,” and shows how the myth got itself firmly embedded +into the American credo. The disclosure is important for the +light it throws on how cynical hostility to present big business leads +to the invention and acceptance of historic slanders. Allan Nevins calls +the Wasson book “a capital piece of work.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Watts, V. Orval.</span> <i>Away From Freedom: The Revolt of the College +Economists.</i> Los Angeles: Foundation for Social Research. 1952. +105 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A vigorous answer to Keynesism, from an uncompromising advocate +of free enterprise. Dr. Watts takes off from the criticisms of Keynesism +previously made by such writers as L. Albert Hahn, Ludwig +von Mises, and the late Benjamin M. Anderson. His analysis of the +technical aspects of Keynesism leaves something to be desired, but his +discussion of its moral and political weaknesses is admirable. He +points out in detail how it teaches disregard for property rights, disparages +self-reliance, foresight, thrift and enterprise, puts its faith in +bureaucracy and coercive authority, and is fundamentally hostile to +free trade, free markets and individual liberty.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Watts, V. Orval.</span> <i>Union Monopoly: Its Cause and Cure.</i> Los Angeles: +Foundation for Social Research. 1954. 88 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Dr. Watts argues that present labor union monopolies are the product +of a special government license granted to unions to use violence, +coercion and compulsion, and that this state of affairs is further aggravated +by denial to employers of what ought to be their legal right +of choice. Dr. Watts also argues that, in spite of all their specially +granted privileges and immunities, unions have not raised the over-all +share of employees in the product of industry. The book is well organized +and contains an excellent analysis of the defects of the Wagner +Labor Relations Act of 1935, and of the subsequent Taft-Hartley Act.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Watts, V. Orval.</span> <i>The United Nations: Planned Tyranny.</i> Devin-Adair. +1955. 160 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author argues that the United Nations as presently constituted +is “not liberal but reactionary,” and that it is “a blueprint for tyranny +and perpetual war instead of an instrument of peace.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Weaver, Henry Grady.</span> <i>Mainspring.</i> 1947. Irvington, N. Y.: The +Foundation for Economic Education. 1953. 279 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Contends that only free men can make effective use of their imaginations +and creative abilities and that the purpose of government is +to protect personal liberty. An excellent introduction to the history +of human freedom and the resulting moral, social, and material benefits. +“Down through the ages,” writes Mr. Weaver, “countless millions, +struggling unsuccessfully to keep bare life in wretched bodies, have +died young in misery and squalor.... Then suddenly, on one spot +on this planet, people eat so abundantly that the pangs of hunger are +forgotten.” The reason for this miracle, the author contends, is not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</span> +any extraordinary inherent ability in the American people, but their +system of economic freedom.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Weber, Max.</span> <i>General Economic History.</i> Greenberg. 1927. 401 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A history of the evolution of the capitalistic spirit from a sociological +point of view. The book was prepared by German editors from +notes left by Max Weber and the notebooks of his students.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Weissberg, Alexander.</span> <i>The Accused.</i> Simon & Schuster. 1951. 518 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This is not just one more book in the rapidly growing literature +on the <i>Chystka</i>, the Great Purge, of 1936-1938. It is a landmark, a +monument, and an inexhaustible source of penetrating insights into +the souls of the men who confess and of those who make them confess; +of a few political heroes and a number of political provocateurs; +of real and fictitious spies; and of thousands of simple human beings, +disoriented, frightened, and often going from prison cell to execution.... +From this source a future Dostoevsky will draw the elements and +inspiration for a new <i>House of the Dead</i>.”—D. J. Dallin, in <i>The New +York Times</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">West, Rebecca.</span> <i>The Meaning of Treason.</i> Viking. 1947. 307 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A profound study of the motives that have led scientists and other +“intellectuals” of the Western world to betray their own countries in +the service of the communist conspiracy. “Wonderfully illuminating +reports on William Joyce, John Amery, and other British traitors.”—<i>The +Atlantic.</i> “A tour de force ... told in memorable prose.”—<i>Commonweal.</i></p> + +<p>In the second edition published in 1952 Miss West added new +chapters containing studies of two more traitors—Dr. Alan Nunn May +and Dr. Klaus Emil Fuchs.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">White, Andrew Dickson.</span> <i>Fiat Money Inflation in France.</i> 1896. +(Irvington, N. Y.: Foundation for Economic Education. 1952.) +(Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers.) 69 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Andrew Dickson White was an eminent historian, the first president +of Cornell, and American ambassador to Russia and Germany. This +is a brilliant history of inflation in France in the revolutionary period +from 1789 to 1797. It shows by scrupulous citation of documented +data how irredeemable paper money leads to soaring prices, price +fixing, scarcity, the black market, the spy system, the invasion of +privacy, immorality and tyranny. A little masterpiece.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">White, W. L.</span> <i>Report on the Russians.</i> Harcourt, Brace. 1945. 309 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The story of a six-weeks’ trip to Russia during the summer of 1944. +Because it was one of the first books to break the conspiracy of silence<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</span> +about the shortcomings of our then “ally,” its appearance met a +storm of denunciation and protest. “Mr. White makes little attempt +to analyze the social processes at work in Russia or to generalize +about her recent history. He simply tells what he saw, heard, and +felt. But, as a journalist, he was in a position to enjoy certain unique +advantages. He traveled about in a way that no regular correspondent +in the Soviet Union had been permitted to do in years.... His +book has thus a unique value and ought not to be confused with +the ordinary correspondent’s book about Russia. Mr. White not only +saw much more than most visitors, he is a better observer than most, +and he tells you how things look and people behave, and how everything +strikes an American, in a way that few other writers have ever +done.”—Edmund Wilson, in <i>The New Yorker</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wicksell, Knut.</span> <i>Lectures on Political Economy.</i> London: Routledge. +1934. 2 vols. 299 pp. 238 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Knut Wicksell (1851-1926) was a Swedish economist most celebrated +for his theory concerning the relations between money and natural +rates of interest and movements in the general level of prices. This +was of more than purely theoretical interest, because it pointed to +the errors that governments make in bringing on inflation by trying +to maintain artificially low interest rates. But his total contribution +to economics was of much wider importance than this. Lionel Robbins +writes: “There is no work in the whole range of modern economic +literature which presents a clearer view of the main significance +and interrelations of the central propositions of economic analysis +than these lectures.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wicksteed, Philip H.</span> <i>The Common Sense of Political Economy.</i> 1910. +(London: Routledge. 1933, etc.) 2 vols. 871 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This brilliant book is as remarkable for the ease and lucidity of its +style as for the penetration and power of its reasoning. Its real importance +has only been recognized in recent years. In his Preface in +1910, Wicksteed wrote: “The Introduction will make it clear that the +author makes no claim to originality or priority with respect to anything +that it contains.” This modest disavowal was taken too literally, +and for years Wicksteed was regarded mainly as a popularizer of +Jevons. But in his Introduction to the 1933 edition, Lionel Robbins +pointed out that the book is “the most exhaustive non-mathematical +exposition of the technical and philosophical complications [implications?] +of the so-called <i>marginal</i> theory of pure economics, which has +appeared in any language.... The book was the culmination of +Wicksteed’s life work.... Into it he poured all the subtlety and +persuasiveness, all the literary charm, of which he was capable. It is +a masterpiece of systematic exposition.... Wicksteed’s place in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</span> +history of economic thought is beside the place occupied by Jevons +and the Austrians.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wilcox, Thomas.</span> <i>The Anti-Bolshevik Bibliography.</i> Distributed by +Thomas Wilcox, 712 W. Second St., Los Angeles 12. 1955. 89 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A bibliography of anti-Marxist literature.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Willoughby, Charles Andrew.</span> <i>Shanghai Conspiracy.</i> Dutton. 1952. +315 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The report of General MacArthur’s intelligence chief on the Soviet +military intelligence operations in Shanghai, as revealed through the +confessions of Richard Sorge. Contains a chapter on “Agnes Smedley +and the War Department.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Willoughby, Westel W.</span> <i>The Ethical Basis of Political Authority.</i> +Macmillan. 1930. 460 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The author has been professor of political science at the Johns +Hopkins University, and his work is distinguished for scholarship +and clarity. His aim in this book is to examine political authority as +viewed by the moralist. He believes that political coercion “is justified +to the extent that it provides a more efficient and less oppressive +form of control than would exist without it.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wilson, Thomas.</span> <i>Modern Capitalism and Economic Progress.</i> Macmillan. +1950. 274 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“The position occupied by British liberals is defended by Mr. Wilson, +and from it he directs a scathing fire against the Labor Government +of his country. Like American critics of socialism, he fears the +socialistic threat to human liberty, but he thinks of liberty as a fairly +tough plant which can stand considerable doses of government guidance.... +He shows that capitalism has been progressive, that it can +continue so, and that the profit motive has been a safeguard to liberty.”—<i>The +New York Times.</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wiltse, Charles M.</span> <i>John C. Calhoun: Nationalist (1782-1828).</i> Bobbs-Merrill. +1944. 477 pp. <i>John C. Calhoun: Nullifier (1829-1839).</i> +Bobbs-Merrill. 1951. 511 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Of the first volume, R. N. Current wrote in the <i>American Historical +Review</i>: “This study of Calhoun’s earlier career, much the ablest and +most thorough yet published, must take its place at once as the +standard account.” Felix Morley calls the two books together “a +great biography.” “It was time,” he writes, “for a sympathetic biographer +to rescue Calhoun from the avalanche of tendentious smearing +under which his name has long been buried. In Mr. Wiltse’s own +words: ‘He seemed to me the most original and in many respects the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</span> +keenest political thinker this country has produced, but few people +had ever heard of him except as a defender of slavery.... Being of +good Yankee stock, and brought up accordingly, I was a little surprised +myself to discover that he didn’t wear horns.’” (See the entry +under Calhoun’s <i>A Disquisition on Government</i>.)</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Winder, George.</span> <i>The Free Convertibility of Sterling.</i> London: Batchworth +Press. 1955. 62 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A lucid, thorough, and uncompromising protest against continuation +of exchange control. It is not merely a polemic, but a sort of +elementary textbook on foreign exchange. The author emphasizes +that exchange control involves not only price-fixing in currencies, but +arbitrary confiscation of the overseas earnings of a country’s own citizens. +He also points out that the postwar overvaluation of sterling +relative to the dollar brought about the so-called “dollar shortage” +and discouraged British exports.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Withers, Hartley.</span> <i>Poverty and Waste.</i> London: Smith, Elder. 1914. +180 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“This book might have been called ‘The Case for the Poor.’ The +author throughout is pleading for those in relative poverty. It is a +frank discussion of some of the admitted faults of the Capitalistic +system, and an examination of the more honest and enlightened criticisms +that are made against the present order. He shows that ‘There +is plenty of excuse for the bitterness on the part of the workers,’ and +in his pleading on their behalf he sometimes seems to overstate their +case and to understate the point of view of the employer and the +wealthy consumer. As, however, he is mainly appealing to the wealthy +and attacking extravagance, this is not necessarily a drawback. One +would not get the impression from this book that Mr. Hartley Withers +was an Individualist, and yet it is really one of the best arguments +against Socialism that we have.”—PI.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Withers, Hartley.</span> <i>The Case for Capitalism.</i> Dutton. 1920. 255 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“As a writer of popular works on economics and finance, Mr. Hartley +Withers stands alone. In this book he makes many undoubted complexities +appear simple and almost obvious. That the Capitalist system +is ‘more truly democratic and in favor of freedom than either of +the rival systems’ has nowhere been more clearly argued. No mere +pleading for the preservation of all aspects of Capitalist society as it +exists is to be found here. There is much keen criticism of certain +features of the Capitalist regime. Although published in 1920 it +suffers less than the majority of books which appeared about that +time from the false optimism that colored most thinking and writing +in those days.”—PI.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wolfe, Bertram D.</span> <i>Three Who Made a Revolution.</i> Dial Press. 1948. +661 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Studies of Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin. “This is one of those rare +books which are obviously destined from the moment of publication +to become a source and authority for the guidance of all later +writers on the subject. It is to be hoped that <i>Three Who Made a +Revolution</i> will also be discovered and widely studied by a general +public which earnestly wants to understand why the Soviets behave +the way they do.”—Hal Lehrman, in <i>The Saturday Review of Literature</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wolman, Leo.</span> <i>Industry-Wide Bargaining.</i> Irvington, N. Y.: Foundation +for Economic Education. 1948. 63 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>One of the country’s outstanding authorities on labor points out +the consequences of industry-wide unions. He concludes: “The problem +of labor monopoly cannot be dealt with effectively unless, and +until, the immunity to the anti-trust laws which organized labor has +enjoyed since 1914 is withdrawn.... Its perpetuation ... will in +time cause the break-down of our entire anti-monopoly policy. This +is the first step toward a regulated or planned economy, as it has +proved to be in other countries.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Woodhouse, A. S. P.</span> (ed.). <i>Puritanism and Liberty.</i> London: Dent. +1938. 506 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>Contains well-selected documentation of the Puritan Revolution in +England.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Woodlock, Thomas F.</span> <i>Thinking It Over.</i> Declan X. McMullen Co. +1947. 292 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A compilation of more than a hundred of the author’s articles +which originally appeared in <i>The Wall Street Journal</i>. Woodlock was +a wise and farsighted defender of the free enterprise system. The subjects +covered here include: “Society: Isms and Idols,” “Democracy: +Definition and Debate,” and “Economics: Order and Disorder.”</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wright, David McCord.</span> <i>Capitalism.</i> McGraw-Hill. 1951. 246 pp.</p> + +<p>One of the most vigorous and intelligent defenses of capitalism ever +made by an American economist. It views its subject from a political +and social as well as a purely economic standpoint.</p> +</div> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wright, David McCord.</span> <i>Economics of Disturbance.</i> Macmillan. 1946. +115 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A main thesis of this book is suggested by two sentences in it: “The +socially tolerable rate of expansion likely to be demanded in a democratic +society will probably be much faster than the ‘equilibrium’ rate<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</span> +which would ensure a permanent full employment adjustment” (p. +85). “Much of the insecurity and the instability we now decry is the +result of the scientific achievement and the social democracy which +we admire” (p. 98).</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wright, David McCord.</span> <i>Democracy and Progress.</i> Macmillan. 1948. +220 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>“Professor Wright has written the best defense of private enterprise +we have seen.... It is an argument, brilliant in many respects, for +a flexible capitalism capable of adjustment to changing conditions.”—A. +B. Wolfe, in <i>The American Economic Review</i>.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wright, David McCord</span> (ed.). <i>The Impact of the Union.</i> Harcourt, +Brace. 1951. 405 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>This is a round-table discussion, by eight prominent economists, of +the economic and political consequences of labor unions. The participants +are John Maurice Clark, Gottfried Haberler, Frank H. +Knight, Kenneth E. Boulding, Edward H. Chamberlin, Milton Friedman, +David McCord Wright, and Paul A. Samuelson. Although it is +impossible to summarize here their diverse conclusions, the papers +and comments are often highly critical of labor union policies, and +the discussion as a whole is in striking contrast with the political +dogma that the influence of labor unions has been entirely beneficent, +and that the chief aim of law should be to encourage the growth +of their numbers and powers.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wriston, Henry M.</span> <i>Challenge to Freedom.</i> Harper. 1943. 240 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>The thesis of this book, according to its author, “is simple and may +be stated explicitly: the principal duty of democratic government is +the maintenance and expansion of freedom.” He declares in his conclusion: +“The proposals of this book are all radical; none of them +looks toward any reactionary policy whatever. We have been living +in a world where, by a kind of double talk, the vocabulary of liberalism +has been stolen by the real reactionaries. Only in a world where +values have become topsy-turvy would it be possible for Hitler to +describe tyranny as a ‘new order,’ or for bureaucracy to masquerade +in the habiliments of liberalism, or for the planned economy to make +a pretense of ‘economic democracy.’ Government by bureaucracy, control +of business by administrative regulation, manipulation of the +economy for political reasons—these are stark reaction. Not all the +cascades of beautiful words about ‘new social goals,’ ‘bold social engineering,’ +‘security from the cradle to the grave’ can wash away that +ineradicable fact.” One of the best works in the recent literature of +individualism.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</span></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Zamiatin, Eugene.</span> <i>We.</i> Dutton. 1924. 286 pp.</p> +</div> + +<p>A sometimes obscure but haunting and powerful novel of life in a +totalitarian society. It is a remarkable anticipation in some respects +of Huxley’s <i>Brave New World</i> (q.v.), or Orwell’s <i>Nineteen Eighty-Four</i> +(q.v.)—and of the realities of Soviet Russia. The last is not so +surprising, as Zamiatin was a Russian writer living in Soviet Russia. +His book, however, was published only in translation, outside of +Russia. At the climax of the novel the authorities order a brain operation +on everyone to remove the Imagination as a danger to the +State. Totalitarian communist governments today perform the moral +equivalent of this operation: it has come to be known as brainwashing.</p> + +<hr class="full"> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> This was the introduction to <i>The Philosophy of Individualism: A Bibliography</i> +published in 1927 by The Individualist Bookshop of London. Because it gives so +compact, informative and balanced a survey of the intellectual history of individualism +I am reprinting it in full. Although it was originally anonymous, I have +since learned (see my own introduction) that the author was W. H. Hutt. The +footnotes are also his, except one or two which are signed with my own initials.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> <i>Latet dolus in generalibus</i>—“Fallacy lurks in general terms”—is an old and +true maxim of the Schoolmen.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> “The Hellenic State, like the ancient State in general, because it was considered +all powerful, actually possessed too much power,”—Blumschli, <i>The Theory +of the State</i> (Book I., c. iii).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> <i>Laissez faire</i> might be translated “Leave us to act as we please.” Its literal +meaning is, of course, “Let do.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> Much of Locke’s most important work was <i>written</i> in that reign, though not +published till later.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> “On the whole, the most important figure in English philosophy.”—Sorley. +<i>Camb. Hist. Eng. Lit.</i> Vol. VIII., c. 14.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> These assertions, of course, are found in the Declaration of Independence, but +not specifically in the Constitution.—H. H.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> This statement was written, it must be remembered, in 1927.—H. H.</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<div class="transnote"> + +<p class="c">Transcriber’s Notes:</p> + +<p>Variations in spelling and hyphenation are retained.</p> + +<p>Perceived typographical errors have been changed.</p> + +</div> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78474 ***</div> +</body> +</html> diff --git a/78474-h/images/cover.jpg b/78474-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..2417f58 --- /dev/null +++ b/78474-h/images/cover.jpg diff --git a/78474-h/images/fig1.jpg b/78474-h/images/fig1.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..17f512c --- /dev/null +++ b/78474-h/images/fig1.jpg |
