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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78450 ***
+
+
+
+
+ LITERARY STUDIES
+
+ VOL. II.
+
+ PRINTED BY
+ SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
+ LONDON
+
+
+
+
+ LITERARY STUDIES
+
+ BY THE LATE
+ WALTER BAGEHOT
+ M.A. AND FELLOW OF UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON
+
+ _WITH A PREFATORY MEMOIR_
+
+ EDITED BY
+ RICHARD HOLT HUTTON
+
+ IN TWO VOLUMES
+
+ VOL. II.
+
+ _FOURTH EDITION_
+
+ LONDON
+ LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
+ AND NEW YORK: 15 EAST 16th STREET
+ 1891
+
+ _All rights reserved_
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
+
+
+ ESSAY PAGE
+
+ I. EDWARD GIBBON (1856) 1
+
+ II. BISHOP BUTLER (1854) 54
+
+ III. STERNE AND THACKERAY (1864) 106
+
+ IV. THE WAVERLEY NOVELS (1858) 146
+
+ V. CHARLES DICKENS (1858) 184
+
+ VI. THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY (1856) 221
+
+ VII. BÉRANGER (1857) 261
+
+ VIII. MR. CLOUGH’S POEMS (1862) 299
+
+ IX. HENRY CRABB ROBINSON (1869) 323
+
+ X. WORDSWORTH, TENNYSON, AND BROWNING; OR, PURE,
+ ORNATE, AND GROTESQUE ART IN ENGLISH POETRY
+ (1864) 338
+
+ _APPENDIX._
+
+ I. THE IGNORANCE OF MAN (1862) 391
+
+ II. ON THE EMOTION OF CONVICTION (1871) 412
+
+ III. THE METAPHYSICAL BASIS OF TOLERATION (1874) 422
+
+ IV. THE PUBLIC WORSHIP REGULATION BILL (1874) 438
+
+
+
+
+LITERARY STUDIES.
+
+
+
+
+_EDWARD GIBBON._[1]
+
+(1856.)
+
+
+A wit said of Gibbon’s autobiography, that he did not know the difference
+between himself and the Roman Empire. He has narrated his ‘progressions
+from London to Buriton, and from Buriton to London,’ in the same
+monotonous majestic periods that record the fall of states and empires.
+The consequence is, that a fascinating book gives but a vague idea of its
+subject. It may not be without its use to attempt a description of him in
+plainer though less splendid English.
+
+The diligence of their descendant accumulated many particulars of
+the remote annals of the Gibbon family; but its real founder was the
+grandfather of the historian, who lived in the times of the ‘South Sea.’
+He was a capital man of business according to the custom of that age—a
+dealer in many kinds of merchandise—like perhaps the ‘complete tradesman’
+of Defoe, who was to understand the price and quality of _all_ articles
+made within the kingdom. The preference, however, of Edward Gibbon the
+grandfather was for the article ‘shares;’ his genius, like that of Mr.
+Hudson, had a natural tendency towards a commerce in the metaphysical
+and non-existent; and he was fortunate in the age on which his lot was
+thrown. It afforded many opportunities of gratifying that taste. Much
+has been written on panics and manias—much more than with the most
+outstretched intellect we are able to follow or conceive; but one thing
+is certain, that at particular times a great many stupid people have a
+great deal of stupid money. Saving people have often only the faculty of
+saving; they accumulate ably, and contemplate their accumulations with
+approbation; but what to do with them they do not know. Aristotle, who
+was not in trade, imagined that money is barren; and barren it is to
+quiet ladies, rural clergymen, and country misers. Several economists
+have plans for preventing improvident speculation; one would abolish
+Peel’s act, and substitute one-pound notes; another would retain Peel’s
+act, and make the calling for one-pound notes a capital crime: but our
+scheme is, not to allow any man to have a hundred pounds who cannot
+prove to the satisfaction of the Lord Chancellor that he knows what to
+do with a hundred pounds. The want of this easy precaution allows the
+accumulation of wealth in the hands of rectors, authors, grandmothers,
+who have no knowledge of business, and no idea except that their money
+now produces nothing, and ought and must be forced immediately to produce
+something. ‘I wish,’ said one of this class, ‘for the largest immediate
+income, and I am therefore naturally disposed to purchase an _advowson_.’
+At intervals, from causes which are not to the present purpose, the money
+of these people—the blind capital (as we call it) of the country—is
+particularly large and craving; it seeks for some one to devour it, and
+there is ‘plethora’—it finds some one, and there is ‘speculation’—it is
+devoured, and there is ‘panic.’ The age of Mr. Gibbon was one of these.
+The interest of money was very low, perhaps under three per cent. The
+usual consequence followed; able men started wonderful undertakings;
+the ablest of all, a company ‘for carrying on an undertaking of great
+importance, but no one to know what it was.’ Mr. Gibbon was not idle.
+According to the narrative of his grandson, he already filled a
+considerable position, was worth sixty thousand pounds, and had great
+influence both in Parliament and in the City. He applied himself to
+the greatest bubble of all—one so great, that it is spoken of in many
+books as the cause and parent of all contemporary bubbles—the South-Sea
+Company—the design of which was to reduce the interest on the national
+debt, which, oddly enough, it did reduce, and to trade exclusively to
+the South Sea or Spanish America, where of course it hardly did trade.
+Mr. Gibbon became a director, sold and bought, traded and prospered; and
+was considered, perhaps with truth, to have obtained much money. The
+bubble was essentially a fashionable one. Public intelligence and the
+quickness of communication did not then as now at once spread pecuniary
+information and misinformation to secluded districts; but fine ladies,
+men of fashion—the London world—ever anxious to make as much of its
+money as it can, and then wholly unwise (it is not now very wise) in
+discovering how the most _was_ to be made of it—‘went in’ and speculated
+largely. As usual, all was favourable so long as the shares were rising;
+the price was at one time very high, and the agitation very general; it
+was, in a word, the railway mania in the South Sea. After a time, the
+shares ‘hesitated,’ declined, and fell; and there was an outcry against
+everybody concerned in the matter, very like the outcry against the οἱ
+περὶ Hudson in our own time. The results, however, were very different.
+Whatever may be said, and, judging from the late experience, a good deal
+is likely to be said, as to the advantages of civilisation and education,
+it seems certain that they tend to diminish a simple-minded energy. The
+Parliament of 1720 did not, like the Parliament of 1847, allow itself
+to be bored and incommoded by legal minutiæ, nor did it forego the use
+of plain words. A committee reported the discovery of ‘a train of the
+deepest villainy and fraud _hell_ ever contrived to ruin a nation;’ the
+directors of the company were arrested, and Mr. Gibbon among the rest; he
+was compelled to give in a list of his effects: the general wish was that
+a retrospective act should be immediately passed, which would impose on
+him penalties something like, or even more severe than those now enforced
+on Paul and Strahan. In the end, however, Mr. Gibbon escaped with a
+parliamentary conversation upon his affairs. His estate amounted to
+140,000_l._; and as this was a great sum, there was an obvious suspicion
+that he was a great criminal. The scene must have been very curious.
+‘Allowances of twenty pounds or one shilling were facetiously voted.
+A vague report that a director had formerly been concerned in another
+project by which some unknown persons had lost their money, was admitted
+as a proof of his actual guilt. One man was ruined because he had dropped
+a foolish speech that his horses should feed upon gold; another because
+he was grown so proud, that one day, at the Treasury, he had refused a
+civil answer to persons far above him.’ The vanity of his descendant
+is evidently a little tried by the peculiar severity with which his
+grandfather was treated. Out of his 140,000_l._ it was only proposed that
+he should retain 15,000_l._; and on an amendment even this was reduced to
+10,000_l._ Yet there is some ground for believing that the acute energy
+and practised pecuniary power which had been successful in obtaining so
+large a fortune, were likewise applied with science to the inferior task
+of retaining some of it. The historian indeed says, ‘On these ruins,’ the
+10,000_l._ aforesaid, ‘with skill and credit of which parliament had not
+been able to deprive him, my grandfather erected the edifice of a new
+fortune: the labours of sixteen years were amply rewarded; and I have
+reason to believe that the second structure was not much inferior to the
+first.’ But this only shows how far a family feeling may bias a sceptical
+judgment. The credit of a man in Mr. Gibbon’s position could not be
+very lucrative; and his skill must have been enormous to have obtained
+so much at the end of his life, in such circumstances, in so few years.
+Had he been an early Christian, the narrative of his descendant would
+have contained an insidious hint, ‘that pecuniary property _may_ be so
+secreted as to defy the awkward approaches of political investigation.’
+That he died rich is certain, for two generations lived solely on the
+property he bequeathed.
+
+The son of this great speculator, the historian’s father, was a man
+to spend a fortune quietly. He is not related to have indulged in any
+particular expense, and nothing is more difficult to follow than the
+pecuniary fortunes of deceased families; but one thing is certain, that
+the property which descended to the historian—making every allowance
+for all minor and subsidiary modes of diminution, such as daughters,
+settlements, legacies, and so forth—was enormously less than 140,000_l._;
+and therefore if those figures are correct, the second generation must
+have made itself very happy out of the savings of the past generation,
+and without caring for the poverty of the next. Nothing that is related
+of the historian’s father indicates a strong judgment or an acute
+discrimination; and there are some scarcely dubious signs of a rather
+weak character.
+
+Edward Gibbon, the great, was born on the 27th of April 1737. Of his
+mother we hear scarcely anything; and what we do hear is not remarkably
+favourable. It seems that she was a faint, inoffensive woman, of ordinary
+capacity, who left a very slight trace of her influence on the character
+of her son, did little and died early. The real mother, as he is careful
+to explain, of his understanding and education was her sister, and his
+aunt, _Mrs._ Catherine Porten, according to the speech of that age, a
+maiden lady of much vigour and capacity, and for whom her pupil really
+seems to have felt as much affection as was consistent with a rather easy
+and cool nature. There is a panegyric on her in the _Memoirs_; and in
+a long letter upon the occasion of her death, he deposes: ‘To her care
+I am indebted in earliest infancy for the preservation of my life and
+health.... To her instructions I owe the first rudiments of knowledge,
+the first exercise of reason, and a taste for books, which is still the
+pleasure and glory of my life; and though she taught me neither language
+nor science, she was certainly the most useful preceptress I ever had.
+As I grew up, an intercourse of thirty years endeared her to me as the
+faithful friend and the agreeable companion. You have observed with
+what freedom and confidence we lived,’ &c. &c. To a less sentimental
+mind, which takes a more tranquil view of aunts and relatives, it is
+satisfactory to find that somehow he could not write to her. ‘I wish,’
+he continues, ‘I had as much to applaud and as little to reproach in my
+conduct to Mrs. Porten since I left England; and when I reflect that my
+letter would have soothed and comforted her decline, I feel’—what an
+ardent nephew would naturally feel at so unprecedented an event. Leaving
+his maturer years out of the question—a possible rhapsody of affectionate
+eloquence—she seems to have been of the greatest use to him in infancy.
+His health was very imperfect. We hear much of rheumatism, and lameness,
+and weakness; and he was unable to join in work and play with ordinary
+boys. He was moved from one school to another, never staying anywhere
+very long, and owing what knowledge he obtained rather to a strong
+retentive understanding than to any external stimulants or instruction.
+At one place he gained an acquaintance with the Latin elements at the
+price of ‘many tears and some blood.’ At last he was consigned to the
+instruction of an elegant clergyman, the Rev. Philip Francis, who had
+obtained notoriety by a metrical translation of Horace, the laxity of
+which is even yet complained of by construing schoolboys, and who, with
+a somewhat Horatian taste, went to London as often as he could, and
+translated _invisa negotia_ as ‘boys to beat.’
+
+In school-work, therefore, Gibbon had uncommon difficulties and unusual
+deficiencies; but these were much more than counterbalanced by a habit
+which often accompanies a sickly childhood, and is the commencement of
+a studious life, the habit of desultory reading. The instructiveness of
+this is sometimes not comprehended. S. T. Coleridge used to say that
+he felt a great superiority over those who had not read—and fondly
+read—fairly tales in their childhood; he thought they wanted a sense
+which he possessed, the perception, or apperception—we do not know which
+he used to say it was—of the unity and wholeness of the universe. As to
+fairy tales, this is a hard saying; but as to desultory reading it is
+certainly true. Some people have known a time in life when there was no
+book they could not read. The fact of its being a book went immensely in
+its favour. In early life there is an opinion that the obvious thing to
+do with a horse is to ride it; with a cake, to eat it; with sixpence, to
+spend it. A few boys carry this further, and think the natural thing to
+do with a book is to read it. There is an argument from design in the
+subject: if the book was not meant for that purpose, for what purpose
+was it meant? Of course, of any understanding of the works so perused
+there is no question or idea. There is a legend of Bentham, in his
+earliest childhood, climbing to the height of a huge stool and sitting
+there evening after evening with two candles engaged in the perusal of
+Rapin’s history. It might as well have been any other book. The doctrine
+of utility had not then dawned on its immortal teacher; _cui bono_ was an
+idea unknown to him. He would have been ready to read about Egypt, about
+Spain, about coals in Borneo, the teak-wood in India, the current in the
+river Mississipi, on natural history or human history, on theology or
+morals, on the state of the dark ages or the state of the light ages,—on
+Augustulus or Lord Chatham,—on the first century or the seventeenth,—on
+the moon, the millennium, or the whole duty of man. Just then, reading
+is an end in itself. At that time of life you no more think of a future
+consequence, of the remote, the very remote possibility of deriving
+knowledge from the perusal of a book, than you expect so great a result
+from spinning a peg-top. You spin the top, and you read the book; and
+these scenes of life are exhausted. In such studies, of all prose perhaps
+the best is history. One page is so like another; battle No. 1 is so
+much on a par with battle No. 2. Truth may be, as they say, stranger
+than fiction, abstractedly; but in actual books, novels are certainly
+odder and more astounding than correct history. It will be said, what is
+the use of this? Why not leave the reading of great books till a great
+age? Why plague and perplex childhood with complex facts remote from its
+experience and inapprehensible by its imagination? The reply is, that
+though in all great and combined facts there is much which childhood
+cannot thoroughly imagine, there is also in very many a great deal which
+can only be truly apprehended for the first time at that age. Catch an
+American of thirty;—tell him about the battle of Marathon; what will he
+be able to comprehend of all that you mean by it: of all that halo which
+early impression and years of remembrance have cast around it? He may add
+up the killed and wounded, estimate the missing, and take the dimensions
+of Greece and Athens; but he will not seem to care much. He may say,
+‘Well, sir, perhaps it was a smart thing in that small territory; but it
+is a long time ago, and in my country James K. Burnup’—did that which he
+will at length explain to you. Or try an experiment on yourself. Read the
+account of a Circassian victory, equal in numbers, in daring, in romance,
+to the old battle. Will you be able to feel about it at all in the same
+way? It is impossible. You cannot form a new set of associations; your
+mind is involved in pressing facts, your memory choked by a thousand
+details; the liveliness of fancy is gone with the childhood by which
+it was enlivened. Schamyl will never seem as great as Leonidas, or
+Miltiades; Cnokemof, or whoever the Russian is, cannot be so imposing
+as Xerxes; the unpronounceable place cannot strike on your heart like
+Marathon or Platæa. Moreover, there is the further advantage which
+Coleridge shadowed forth in the remark we cited. Youth has a principle of
+consolidation. We begin with the whole. Small sciences are the labours
+of our manhood; but the round universe is the plaything of the boy. His
+fresh mind shoots out vaguely and crudely into the infinite and eternal.
+Nothing is hid from the depth of it; there are no boundaries to its vague
+and wandering vision. Early science, it has been said, begins in utter
+nonsense; it would be truer to say that it starts with boyish fancies.
+How absurd seem the notions of the first Greeks! Who could believe now
+that air or water was the principle, the pervading substance, the eternal
+material of all things? Such affairs will never explain a thick rock.
+And what a white original for a green and sky-blue world! Yet people
+disputed in those ages not whether it was either of those substances,
+but which of them it was. And doubtless there was a great deal, at least
+in quantity, to be said on both sides. Boys are improved; but some in
+our own day have asked, ‘Mamma, I say, what did God make the world of?’
+and several, who did not venture on speech, have had an idea of some
+one gray primitive thing, felt a difficulty as to how the red came, and
+wondered that marble could _ever_ have been the same as moonshine. This
+is in truth the picture of life. We begin with the infinite and eternal,
+which we shall never apprehend; and these form a framework, a schedule,
+a set of co-ordinates to which we refer all which we learn later. At
+first, like the old Greek, ‘we look up to the whole sky, and are lost in
+the one and the all;’ in the end we classify and enumerate, learn each
+star, calculate distances, draw cramped diagrams on the unbounded sky,
+write a paper on α Cygni and a treatise on ε Draconis, map special facts
+upon the indefinite void, and engrave precise details on the infinite
+and everlasting. So in history; somehow the whole comes in boyhood; the
+details later and in manhood. The wonderful series going far back to the
+times of old patriarchs with their flocks and herds, the keen-eyed Greek,
+the stately Roman, the watching Jew, the uncouth Goth, the horrid Hun,
+the settled picture of the unchanging East, the restless shifting of the
+rapid West, the rise of the cold and classical civilisation, its fall,
+the rough impetuous middle ages, the vague warm picture of ourselves and
+home,—when did we learn these? Not yesterday nor to-day; but long ago, in
+the first dawn of reason, in the original flow of fancy. What we learn
+afterwards are but the accurate littlenesses of the great topic, the
+dates and tedious facts. Those who begin late learn only these; but the
+happy first feel the mystic associations and the progress of the whole.
+
+There is no better illustration of all this than Gibbon. Few have begun
+early with a more desultory reading, and fewer still have described
+it so skilfully. ‘From the ancient I leaped to the modern world; many
+crude lumps of Speed, Rapin, Mezeray, Davila, Machiavel, Father Paul,
+Bower, &c., I devoured like so many novels; and I swallowed with the
+same voracious appetite the descriptions of India and China, of Mexico
+and Peru. My first introduction to the historic scenes which have since
+engaged so many years of my life must be ascribed to an accident. In
+the summer of 1751 I accompanied my father on a visit to Mr. Hoare’s,
+in Wiltshire; but I was less delighted with the beauties of Stourhead
+than with discovering in the library a common book, the _Continuation
+of Echard’s Roman History_, which is indeed executed with more skill
+and taste than the previous work. To me the reigns of the successors
+of Constantine were absolutely new; and I was immersed in the passage
+of the Goths over the Danube when the summons of the dinner-bell
+reluctantly dragged me from my intellectual feast. This transient
+glance served rather to irritate than to appease my curiosity; and as
+soon as I returned to Bath I procured the second and third volumes of
+Howel’s _History of the World_, which exhibit the Byzantine period on
+a larger scale. Mahomet and his Saracens soon fixed my attention; and
+some instinct of criticism directed me to the genuine sources. Simon
+Ockley, an original in every sense, first opened my eyes; and I was led
+from one book to another till I had ranged round the circle of Oriental
+history. Before I was sixteen I had exhausted all that could be learned
+in English of the Arabs and Persians, the Tartars and Turks; and the same
+ardour urged me to guess at the French of d’Herbelot, and to construe the
+barbarous Latin of Pocock’s _Abulfaragius_.’ To this day the schoolboy
+student of the Decline and Fall feels the traces of that schoolboy
+reading. _Once_, he is conscious, the author like him felt, and solely
+felt, the magnificent progress of the great story and the scenic aspect
+of marvellous events.
+
+A more sudden effect was at hand. However exalted may seem the praises
+which we have given to loose and unplanned reading, we are not saying
+that it is the sole ingredient of a good education. Besides this sort
+of education, which some boys will voluntarily and naturally give
+themselves, there needs, of course, another and more rigorous kind,
+which must be impressed upon them from without. The terrible difficulty
+of early life—the _use_ of pastors and masters—really is, that they
+compel boys to a distinct mastery of that which they do not wish to
+learn. There is nothing to be said for a preceptor who is not dry. Mr.
+Carlyle describes with bitter satire the fate of one of his heroes who
+was obliged to acquire whole systems of information in which he, the
+hero, saw no use, and which he kept as far as might be in a vacant
+corner of his mind. And this is the very point—dry language, tedious
+mathematics, a thumbed grammar, a detested slate, form gradually an
+interior separate intellect, exact in its information, rigid in its
+requirements, disciplined in its exercises. The two grow together,
+the early natural fancy touching the far extremities of the universe,
+lightly playing with the scheme of all things; the precise, compacted
+memory slowly accumulating special facts, exact habits, clear and painful
+conceptions. At last, as it were in a moment, the cloud breaks up, the
+division sweeps away; we find that in fact these exercises which puzzled
+us, these languages which we hated, these details which we despised, are
+the instruments of true thought, are the very keys and openings, the
+exclusive access to the knowledge which we loved.
+
+In this second education the childhood of Gibbon had been very defective.
+He had never been placed under any rigid training. In his first boyhood
+he disputed with his aunt, ‘that were I master of Greek and Latin, I must
+interpret to myself in English the thoughts of the original, and that
+such extemporary versions must be inferior to the elaborate translation
+of professed scholars: a silly sophism,’ as he remarks, ‘which could not
+easily be confuted by a person ignorant of any other language than her
+own.’ Ill-health, a not very wise father, an ill-chosen succession of
+schools and pedagogues, prevented his acquiring exact knowledge in the
+regular subjects of study. His own description is the best—‘erudition
+that might have puzzled a doctor, and ignorance of which a schoolboy
+should have been ashamed.’ The amiable Mr. Francis, who was to have
+repaired the deficiency, went to London, and forgot him. With an impulse
+of discontent his father took a resolution, and sent him to Oxford at
+sixteen.
+
+It is probable that a worse place could not have been found. The
+University of Oxford was at the nadir of her history and efficiency.
+The public professorial training of the middle ages had died away, and
+the intramural collegiate system of the present time had not begun. The
+University had ceased to be a teaching body, and had not yet become an
+examining body. ‘The professors,’ says Adam Smith, who had studied there,
+‘have given up almost the pretence of lecturing.’ ‘The examination,’
+said a great judge some years later, ‘was a farce in my time. I was
+asked who founded University College; and I said, though the fact is now
+doubted, that King Alfred founded it; and _that_ was the examination.’
+The colleges, deprived of the superintendence and watchfulness of their
+natural sovereign, fell, as Gibbon remarks, into ‘port and prejudice.’
+The Fellows were a close corporation; they were chosen from every
+conceivable motive—because they were respectable men, because they were
+good fellows, because they were brothers of other Fellows, because their
+fathers had patronage in the Church. Men so appointed could not be
+expected to be very diligent in the instruction of youth; many colleges
+did not even profess it; that of All Souls has continued down to our own
+time to deny that it has anything to do with it. Undoubtedly a person
+who came thither accurately and rigidly drilled in technical scholarship
+found many means and a few motives to pursue it. Some tutorial system
+probably existed at most colleges. Learning was not wholly useless in
+the Church. The English gentleman has ever loved a nice and classical
+scholarship. But these advantages were open only to persons who had
+received a very strict training, and who were voluntarily disposed to
+discipline themselves still more. To the mass of mankind the University
+was a ‘graduating machine;’ the colleges, monopolist residences,—hotels
+without bells.
+
+Taking the place as it stood, the lot of Gibbon may be thought rather
+fortunate. He was placed at Magdalen, whose fascinating walks, so
+beautiful in the later autumn, still recall the name of Addison, the
+example of the merits, as Gibbon is of the deficiencies, of Oxford. His
+first tutor was, in his own opinion, ‘one of the best of the tribe.’ ‘Dr.
+Waldegrave was a learned and pious man, of a mild disposition, strict
+morals, and abstemious life, who seldom mingled in the politics or the
+jollity of the college. But his knowledge of the world was confined to
+the University; his learning was of the last, rather than of the present
+age; his temper was indolent; his faculties, which were not of the first
+rate, had been relaxed by the climate; and he was satisfied, like his
+fellows, with the slight and superficial discharge of an important trust.
+As soon as my tutor had sounded the insufficiency of his disciple in
+school-learning, he proposed that we should read every morning, from
+ten to eleven, the comedies of Terence. The sum of my improvement in
+the University of Oxford is confined to three or four Latin plays; and
+even the study of an elegant classic, which might have been illustrated
+by a comparison of ancient and modern theatres, was reduced to a dry
+and literal interpretation of the author’s text. During the first weeks
+I constantly attended these lessons in my tutor’s room; but as they
+appeared equally devoid of profit and pleasure, I was once tempted to
+try the experiment of a formal apology. The apology was accepted with
+a smile. I repeated the offence with less ceremony; the excuse was
+admitted with the same indulgence: the slightest motive of laziness
+or indisposition, the most trifling avocation at home or abroad, was
+allowed as a worthy impediment; nor did my tutor appear conscious of
+my absence or neglect. Had the hour of lecture been constantly filled,
+a single hour was a small portion of my academic leisure. No plan of
+study was recommended for my use; no exercises were prescribed for his
+inspection; and, at the most precious season of youth, whole days and
+weeks were suffered to elapse without labour or amusement, without advice
+or account.’ The name of his second tutor is concealed in asterisks, and
+the sensitive conscience of Dean Milman will not allow him to insert a
+name ‘which _Gibbon_ thought proper to suppress.’ The account, however,
+of the anonymous person is sufficiently graphic. ‘Dr. —— well remembered
+that he had a salary to receive, and only forgot that he had a duty to
+perform. Instead of guiding the studies and watching over the behaviour
+of his disciple, I was never summoned to attend even the ceremony of
+a lecture; and excepting one voluntary visit to his rooms, during the
+eight months of his titular office the tutor and pupil lived in the
+same college as strangers to each other.’ It added to the evils of this
+neglect, that Gibbon was much younger than most of the students; and
+that his temper, which was through life reserved, was then very shy.
+His appearance, too, was odd; ‘a thin little figure, with a large head,
+disputing and arguing with the greatest ability.’ Of course he was a joke
+among undergraduates; he consulted his tutor as to studying Arabic, and
+was seen buying _La Bibliothèque Orientale d’Herbelot_, and immediately
+a legend was diffused that he had turned Mahomedan. The random cast was
+not so far from the mark: cut off by peculiarities from the society of
+young people; deprived of regular tuition and systematic employment;
+tumbling about among crude masses of heterogeneous knowledge; alone with
+the heated brain of youth,—he did what an experienced man would expect—he
+framed a theory of all things. No doubt it seemed to him the most natural
+thing in the world. Was he to be the butt of ungenial wine-parties, or
+spend his lonely hours on shreds of languages? Was he not to know the
+_truth_? There were the old problems, the everlasting difficulties, the
+_mœnia mundi_, the Hercules’ pillars of the human imagination—‘fate,
+free-will, fore-knowledge absolute.’ Surely these should come first; when
+we had learned the great landmarks, understood the guiding-stars, we
+might amuse ourselves with small points, and make a plaything of curious
+information. What particular theory the mind frames when in this state
+is a good deal matter of special accident. The _data_ for considering
+these difficulties are not within its reach. Whether man be or be not
+born to solve the ‘mystery of the knowable,’ he certainly is not born to
+solve it at seventeen, with the first hot rush of the untrained mind. The
+selection of Gibbon was remarkable: he became a Roman Catholic.
+
+It seems now so natural that an Oxford man should take this step, that
+one can hardly understand the astonishment it created. Lord Sheffield
+tells us that the Privy Council interfered; and with good administrative
+judgment examined a London bookseller—some Mr. Lewis—who had no concern
+in it. In the manor-house of Buriton it would have probably created
+less sensation if ‘dear Edward’ had announced his intention of becoming
+a monkey. The English have ever believed that the Papist is a kind
+of _creature_; and every sound mind would prefer a beloved child to
+produce a tail, a hide of hair, and a taste for nuts, in comparison with
+transubstantiation, wax-candles, and a belief in the glories of Mary.
+
+What exact motives impelled Gibbon to this step cannot now be certainly
+known; the autobiography casts a mist over them; but from what appears,
+his conversion partly much resembled, and partly altogether differed
+from, the Oxford conversions of our own time. We hear nothing of the
+notes of a church, or the sin of the Reformation; and Gibbon had not an
+opportunity of even rejecting Mr. Sewell’s theory that it is ‘a holy
+obligation to acquiesce in the opinions of your grandmother.’ His
+memoirs have a halo of great names—Bossuet, the _History of Protestant
+Variations_, &c. &c.—and he speaks with becoming dignity of falling
+by a noble hand. He mentioned also to Lord Sheffield, as having had a
+preponderating influence over him, the works of Father Parsons, who
+lived in Queen Elizabeth’s time. But in all probability these were
+secondary persuasions, justifications after the event. No young man, or
+scarcely any young man of seventeen, was ever converted by a systematic
+treatise, especially if written in another age, wearing an obsolete look,
+speaking a language which scarcely seems that of this world. There is an
+unconscious reasoning: ‘The world has had this book before it so long,
+and has withstood it. There must be something wrong; it seems all right
+on the surface, but a flaw there must be.’ The mass of the volumes, too,
+is unfavourable. ‘All the treatises in the world,’ says the young convert
+in _Loss and Gain_, ‘are not equal to giving one a view in a moment.’
+What the youthful mind requires is this short decisive argument, this
+view in a moment, this flash as it were of the understanding, which
+settles all, and diffuses a conclusive light at once and for ever over
+the whole. It is so much the pleasanter if the young mind can strike this
+view out for itself, from materials which are forced upon it from the
+controversies of the day; if it can find a certain solution of pending
+questions, and show itself wiser even than the wisest of its own, the
+very last age. So far as appears, this was the fortune of Gibbon. ‘It was
+not long,’ he says, ‘since Dr. Middleton’s _Free Inquiry_ had sounded an
+alarm in the theological world; much ink and much gall had been spent in
+defence of the primitive miracles; and the two dullest of their champions
+were crowned with academic honours by the University of Oxford. The name
+of Middleton was unpopular; and his proscription very naturally led me to
+peruse his writings and those of his antagonists.’ It is not difficult
+to discover in this work easy and striking arguments which might lead an
+untaught mind to the communion of Rome. As to the peculiar belief of its
+author, there has been much controversy, with which we have not here
+the least concern; but the natural conclusion to which it would lead a
+simple intellect is, that all miracles are equally certain or equally
+uncertain. ‘It being agreed, then,’ says the acute controversialist,
+‘that in the original promise of these miraculous gifts there is no
+intimation of any particular period to which their continuance was
+limited, the next question is, by what sort of evidence the precise time
+of their duration is to be determined? But to this point one of the
+writers just referred to excuses himself, as we have seen, from giving
+any answer; and thinks it sufficient to declare in general that _the
+earliest fathers unanimously affirm them to have continued down to their
+times_. Yet he has not told us, as he ought to have done, to what age he
+limits the character of _the earliest fathers_; whether to the second
+or to the third century, or, with the generality of our writers, means
+also to include the fourth. But to whatever age he may restrain it, the
+difficulty at last will be to assign a reason why we must needs stop
+there. In the meanwhile, by his appealing thus to the _earliest fathers_
+only as unanimous on this article, a common reader would be apt to infer
+that the later fathers are more cold or diffident, or divided upon it;
+whereas the reverse of this is true, and the more we descend from those
+earliest fathers the more strong and explicit we find their successors
+in attesting the perpetual succession and daily exertion of the same
+miraculous powers in their several ages; so that if the cause must be
+determined by _the unanimous consent of fathers_, we shall find as much
+reason to believe that those powers were continued even to the latest
+ages as to any other, how early and primitive soever, after the days of
+the apostles. But the same writer gives us two reasons why he does not
+choose to say anything upon the subject of their duration; 1st, because
+_there is not light enough in history to settle it_; 2ndly, because _the
+thing itself is of no concern to us_. As to his first reason, I am at a
+loss to conceive what further light a professed advocate of the primitive
+ages and fathers can possibly require in this case. For as far as the
+Church historians can illustrate or throw light upon anything, there
+is not a single point in all history so constantly, explicitly, and
+unanimously affirmed by them all, as the continual succession of these
+powers through all ages, from the earliest father who first mentions
+them down to the time of the Reformation. Which same succession is still
+further deduced by persons of the most eminent character for their
+probity, learning, and dignity in the Romish Church, to this very day.
+So that the only doubt which can remain with us is, whether the Church
+historians are to be trusted or not; for if any credit be due to them in
+the present case, it must reach either to all or to none; because the
+reason of believing them in any one age will be found to be of equal
+force in all, as far as it depends on the characters of the persons
+attesting, or the nature of the things attested.’ In _terms_ this and
+the whole of Middleton’s argument is so shaped as to avoid including
+in its scope the miracles of Scripture, which are mentioned throughout
+with eulogiums and acquiescence, and so as to make you doubt whether the
+author believed them or not. This is exactly one of the pretences which
+the young strong mind delights to tear down. It would argue, ‘This writer
+evidently _means_ that the apostolic miracles have just as much evidence
+and no more than the popish or the patristic; and how strong’—for
+Middleton is a master of telling statement—‘he shows that evidence to be!
+I won’t give up the apostolic miracles, I cannot; yet I must believe what
+has as much of historical testimony in its favour. It is no _reductio
+ad absurdum_ that we must go over to the Church of Rome; it is the most
+diffused of Christian creeds, the oldest of Christian churches.’ And so
+the logic of the sceptic becomes, as often since, the most efficient
+instrument of the all-believing and all-determining Church.
+
+The consternation of Gibbon’s relatives seems to have been enormous.
+They cast about what to do. From the experience of Oxford, they perhaps
+thought that it would be useless to have recourse to the Anglican
+clergy; this resource had failed. So they took him to Mr. Mallet, a
+Deist, to see if he could do anything; but he did nothing. Their next
+step was nearly as extraordinary. They placed him at Lausanne, in the
+house of M. Pavilliard, a French Protestant minister. After the easy
+income, complete independence, and unlimited credit of an English
+undergraduate, he was thrown into a foreign country, deprived, as he
+says, by ignorance of the language, both of ‘speech and hearing,’—in
+the position of a schoolboy, with a small allowance of pocket-money,
+and without the Epicurean comforts on which he already set some value.
+He laments the ‘indispensable comfort of a servant,’ and the ‘sordid
+and uncleanly table of Madame Pavilliard.’ In our own day the watchful
+sagacity of Cardinal Wiseman would hardly allow a promising convert of
+expectations and talents to remain unsolaced in so pitiful a situation;
+we should hear soothing offers of flight or succour, some insinuation of
+a popish domestic and interesting repasts. But a hundred years ago the
+attention of the Holy See was very little directed to our English youth,
+and Gibbon was left to endure his position.
+
+It is curious that he made himself comfortable. Though destitute of
+external comforts which he did not despise, he found what was the
+greatest luxury to his disposition, steady study and regular tuition.
+His tutor was, of course, to convert him if he could; but as they
+had no language in common, there was the preliminary occupation of
+teaching French. During five years both tutor and pupil steadily exerted
+themselves to repair the defects of a neglected and ill-grounded
+education. We hear of the perusal of Terence, Virgil, Horace, and
+Tacitus. Cicero was translated into French, and translated back again
+into Latin. In both languages the pupil’s progress was sound and good.
+From letters of his which still exist, it is clear that he then acquired
+the exact and steady knowledge of Latin of which he afterwards made so
+much use. His circumstances compelled him to master French. If his own
+letters are to be trusted, he would be an example of his own doctrine,
+that no one is thoroughly master of more than one language at a time;
+they read like the letters of a Frenchman trying and failing to write
+English. But perhaps there was a desire to magnify his continental
+progress, and towards the end of the time some wish to make his friends
+fear he was forgetting his own language.
+
+Meantime the work of conversion was not forgotten. In some letters which
+are extant, M. Pavilliard celebrates the triumph of his logic. ‘_J’ai
+renversé_,’ says the pastor, ‘_l’infaillibilité de l’Eglise; j’ai prouvé
+que jamais Saint Pierre n’a été chef des apôtres; que quand il l’aurait
+été, le pape n’est point son successeur; qu’il est douteux que Saint
+Pierre ait jamais été à Rome; mais supposé qu’il y ait été, il n’a pas
+été évêque de cette ville; que la transubstantiation est une invention
+humaine, et peu ancienne dans l’Eglise_,’ &c., and so on through the
+usual list of Protestant arguments. He magnifies a little Gibbon’s
+strength of conviction, as it makes the success of his own logic seem
+more splendid; but states two curious things: first, that Gibbon at
+least _pretended_ to believe in the Pretender, and what is more amazing
+still—all but incredible—that he fasted. Such was the youth of the
+Epicurean historian!
+
+It is probable, however, that the skill of the Swiss pastor was not
+the really operating cause of the event. Perhaps experience shows that
+the converts which Rome has made, with the threat of unbelief and the
+weapons of the sceptic, have rarely been permanent or advantageous to
+her. It is at best but a dangerous logic to drive men to the edge and
+precipice of scepticism, in the hope that they will recoil in horror to
+the very interior of credulity. Possibly men may show their courage—they
+may vanquish the _argumentum ad terrorem_—they may not find scepticism
+so terrible. This last was Gibbon’s case. A more insidious adversary
+than the Swiss theology was at hand to sap his Roman Catholic belief.
+Pavilliard had a fair French library—not ill stored in the recent
+publications of that age—of which he allowed his pupil the continual
+use. It was as impossible to open any of them and not come in contact
+with infidelity, as to come to England and not to see a green field.
+Scepticism is not so much a part of the French literature of that day
+as its animating spirit—its essence, its vitality. You can no more
+cut it out and separate it, than you can extract from Wordsworth his
+conception of nature, or from Swift his common sense. And it is of the
+subtlest kind. It has little in common with the rough disputation of the
+English deist, or the perplexing learning of the German theologian, but
+works with a tool more insinuating than either. It is, in truth, but
+the spirit of the world, which does not argue, but assumes; which does
+not so much elaborate as hints; which does not examine, but suggests.
+With the traditions of the Church it contrasts traditions of its own;
+its technicalities are _bon sens_, _l’usage du monde_, _le fanatisme_,
+_l’enthousiasme_; to high hopes, noble sacrifices, awful lives, it
+opposes quiet ease, skilful comfort, placid sense, polished indifference.
+Old as transubstantiation may be, it is not older than Horace and
+Lucian. Lord Byron, in the well-known lines, has coupled the names of
+the two literary exiles on the Leman Lake. The page of Voltaire could
+not but remind Gibbon that the scepticism from which he had revolted
+was compatible with literary eminence and European fame—gave a piquancy
+to ordinary writing—was the very expression of caustic caution and
+gentlemanly calm.
+
+The grave and erudite habits of Gibbon soon developed themselves.
+Independently of these abstruse theological disputations, he spent many
+hours daily—rising early and reading carefully—on classical and secular
+learning. He was not, however, wholly thus engrossed. There was in the
+neighbourhood of Lausanne a certain Mademoiselle Curchod, to whom he
+devoted some of his time. She seems to have been a morbidly rational
+lady; at least she had a grave taste. Gibbon could not have been a very
+enlivening lover; he was decidedly plain, and his predominating taste
+was for solid learning. But this was not all; she formed an attachment
+to M. Necker, afterwards the most slow of premiers, whose financial
+treatises can hardly have been agreeable even to a Genevese beauty.
+This was, however, at a later time. So far as appears, Gibbon was her
+first love. How extreme her feelings were one does not know. Those of
+Gibbon can scarcely be supposed to have done him any harm. However,
+there was an intimacy, a flirtation, an engagement—when, as usual, it
+appeared that neither had any money. That the young lady should procure
+any seems to have been out of the question; and Gibbon, supposing that
+he might, wrote to his father. The reply was unfavourable. Gibbon’s
+mother was dead; Mr. Gibbon senior was married again; and even in other
+circumstances would have been scarcely ready to encourage a romantic
+engagement to a lady with nothing. She spoke no English, too, and
+marriage with a person speaking only French is still regarded as a most
+unnatural event; forbidden, not indeed by the literal law of the Church,
+but by those higher instinctive principles of our nature, to which the
+bluntest own obedience. No father could be expected to violate at once
+pecuniary duties and patriotic principles. Mr. Gibbon senior forbade
+the match. The young lady does not seem to have been quite ready to
+relinquish all hope; but she had shown a grave taste, and fixed her
+affections on a sound and cold mind. ‘I sighed,’ narrates the historian,
+‘as a lover; but I obeyed as a son.’ ‘I have seen,’ says M. Suard,
+‘the letter in which Gibbon communicated to Mademoiselle Curchod the
+opposition of his father to their marriage. The first pages are tender
+and melancholy, as might be expected from an unhappy lover; the latter
+become by degrees calm and reasonable; and the letter concludes with
+these words: _C’est pourquoi, mademoiselle, j’ai l’honneur d’être votre
+très-humble et très-obéissant serviteur, Edward Gibbon_.’ Her father
+died soon afterwards, and she retired to Geneva, where, by teaching
+young ladies, she earned a hard subsistence for herself and her mother;
+but the tranquil disposition of her admirer preserved him from any
+romantic display of sympathy and fidelity. He continued to study various
+readings in Cicero, as well as the passage of Hannibal over the Alps;
+and with those affectionate resources set sentiment at defiance. Yet
+thirty years later the lady, then the wife of the most conspicuous man
+in Europe, was able to suggest useful reflections to an aged bachelor,
+slightly dreaming of a superannuated marriage: ‘_Gardez-vous, monsieur,
+de former un de ces liens tardifs: le mariage qui rend heureux dans l’âge
+mûr, c’est celui qui fut contracté dans la jeunesse. Alors seulement
+la réunion est parfaite, les goûts se communiquent, les sentimens se
+répandent, les idées deviennent communes, les facultés intellectuelles
+se modèlent mutuellement. Toute la vie est double, et toute la vie est
+une prolongation de la jeunesse; car les impressions de l’âme commandent
+aux yeux, et la beauté qui n’est plus conserve encore son empire; mais
+pour vous, monsieur, dans toute la vigueur de la pensée, lorsque toute
+l’existence est décidée, l’on ne pourroit sans un miracle trouver une
+femme digne de vous; et une association d’un genre imparfait rappelle
+toujours la statue d’Horace, qui joint à une belle tête le corps d’un
+stupide poisson. Vous êtes marié avec la gloire._’ She was then a
+cultivated French lady, giving an account of the reception of the Decline
+and Fall at Paris, and expressing rather peculiar ideas on the style of
+Tacitus. The world had come round to her side, and she explains to her
+old lover rather well her happiness with M. Necker.
+
+After living nearly five years at Lausanne, Gibbon returned to England.
+Continental residence has made a great alteration in many Englishmen;
+but few have undergone so complete a metamorphosis as Edward Gibbon.
+He left his own country a hot-brained and ill taught youth, willing to
+sacrifice friends and expectations for a superstitious and half-known
+creed; he returned a cold and accomplished man, master of many accurate
+ideas, little likely to hazard any coin for any faith: already, it is
+probable, inclined in secret to a cautious scepticism; placing thereby,
+as it were, upon a system the frigid prudence and unventuring incredulity
+congenial to his character. His change of character changed his position
+among his relatives. His father, he says, met him as a friend; and they
+continued thenceforth on a footing of ‘easy intimacy.’ Especially after
+the little affair of Mademoiselle Curchod, and the ‘very sensible view
+he took in that instance of the matrimonial relation,’ there can be but
+little question that Gibbon was justly regarded as a most safe young
+man, singularly prone to large books, and a little too fond of French
+phrases and French ideas; but yet with a great feeling of common sense,
+and a wise preference of permanent money to transitory sentiment. His
+father allowed him a moderate, and but a moderate income, which he
+husbanded with great care, and only voluntarily expended in the purchase
+and acquisition of serious volumes. He lived an externally idle but
+really studious life, varied by tours in France and Italy; the toils
+of which, though not in description very formidable, a trifle tried a
+sedentary habit and somewhat corpulent body. The only English avocation
+which he engaged in was, oddly enough, war. It does not appear the most
+likely in this pacific country, nor does he seem exactly the man for _la
+grande guerre_; but so it was; and the fact is an example of a really
+Anglican invention. The English have discovered pacific war. We may not
+be able to kill people as well as the French, or fit out and feed distant
+armaments as neatly as they do; but we are unrivalled at a quiet armament
+here at home which never kills anybody, and never wants to be sent
+anywhere. A ‘constitutional militia’ is a beautiful example of the mild
+efficacy of civilisation, which can convert even the ‘great manslaying
+profession’ (as Carlyle calls it) into a quiet and dining association.
+Into this force Gibbon was admitted; and immediately, contrary to his
+anticipations, and very much against his will, was called out for
+permanent duty. The hero of the _corps_ was a certain dining Sir Thomas,
+who used at the end of each new bottle to announce with increasing joy
+how much soberer he had become. What his fellow-officers thought of
+Gibbon’s French predilections and large volumes it is not difficult to
+conjecture; and he complains bitterly of the interruption to his studies.
+However, his easy composed nature soon made itself at home; his polished
+tact partially concealed from the ‘mess’ his recondite pursuits, and he
+contrived to make the Hampshire armament of classical utility. ‘I read,’
+he says, ‘the Analysis of Cæsar’s Campaign in Africa. Every motion of
+that great general is laid open with a critical sagacity. A complete
+military history of his campaigns would do almost as much honour to M.
+Guichardt as to Cæsar. This finished the _Mémoires_, which gave me a much
+clearer notion of ancient tactics than I ever had before. Indeed, my own
+military knowledge was of some service to me, as I am well acquainted
+with the modern discipline and exercise of a battalion. So that though
+much inferior to M. Folard and M. Guichardt, who had seen service, I am
+a much better judge than Salmasius, Casaubon, or Lipsius; mere scholars,
+who perhaps had never seen a battalion under arms.’
+
+The real occupation of Gibbon, as this quotation might suggest, was
+his reading; and this was of a peculiar sort. There are many kinds of
+readers, and each has a sort of perusal suitable to his kind. There
+is the voracious reader, like Dr. Johnson, who extracts with grasping
+appetite the large features, the mere essence of a trembling publication,
+and rejects the rest with contempt and disregard. There is the subtle
+reader, who pursues with fine attention the most imperceptible and
+delicate ramifications of an interesting topic, marks slight traits,
+notes changing manners, has a keen eye for the character of his author,
+is minutely attentive to every prejudice and awake to every passion,
+watches syllables and waits on words, is alive to the light air of
+nice associations which float about every subject—the motes in the
+bright sunbeam—the delicate gradations of the passing shadows. There
+is the stupid reader, who prefers dull books—is generally to be known
+by his disregard of small books and English books, but likes masses in
+modern Latin, _Grævius de torpor e mirabili_; _Horrificus de gravitate
+sapientiæ_. But Gibbon was not of any of these classes. He was what
+common people would call a matter-of-fact, and philosophers now-a-days
+a _positive_ reader. No disciple of M. Comte could attend more strictly
+to precise and provable phenomena. His favourite points are those which
+can be weighed and measured. Like the dull reader, he had perhaps a
+preference for huge books in unknown tongues; but, on the other hand, he
+wished those books to contain real and accurate information. He liked the
+firm earth of positive knowledge. His fancy was not flexible enough for
+exquisite refinement, his imagination too slow for light and wandering
+literature; but he felt no love of dullness in itself, and had a prompt
+acumen for serious eloquence. This was his kind of reflection. ‘The
+author of the Adventurer, No. 127 (Mr. Joseph Warton, concealed under the
+signature of Z), concludes his ingenious parallel of the ancients and
+moderns by the following remark: “That age will never again return, when
+a Pericles, after walking with Plato in a portico built by Phidias and
+painted by Apelles, might repair to hear a pleading of Demosthenes or a
+tragedy of Sophocles.” It will never return, because it never existed.
+Pericles (who died in the fourth year of the LXXXIXth Olympiad. ant. Ch.
+429, Dio. Sic. l. xii. 46) was confessedly the patron of Phidias, and the
+contemporary of Sophocles; but he could enjoy no very great pleasure in
+the conversation of Plato, who was born in the same year that he himself
+died (Diogenes Laertius in Platone v. Stanley’s History of Philosophy, p.
+154). The error is still more extraordinary with regard to Apelles and
+Demosthenes, since both the painter and the orator survived Alexander
+the Great, whose death is above a century posterior to that of Pericles
+(in 323). And indeed, though Athens was the seat of every liberal art
+from the days of Themistocles to those of Demetrius Phalereus, yet no
+particular era will afford Mr. Warton the complete synchronism he seems
+to wish for; as tragedy was deprived of her famous triumvirate before the
+arts of philosophy and eloquence had attained the perfection which they
+soon after received from the hands of Plato, Aristotle, and Demosthenes.’
+
+And wonderful is it for what Mr. Hallam calls ‘the languid students
+of our present age’ to turn over the journal of his daily studies.
+It is true, it seems to have been revised by himself; and so great a
+narrator would group effectively facts with which he was so familiar;
+but allowing any discount (if we may use so mean a word) for the skilful
+art of the impressive historian, there will yet remain in the _Extraits
+de mon Journal_ a wonderful monument of learned industry. You may open
+them anywhere. ‘_Dissertation on the Medal of Smyrna_, by M. de Boze:
+replete with erudition and taste; containing curious researches on the
+pre-eminence of the cities of Asia.—_Researches on the Polypus_, by
+Mr. Trembley. A new world: throwing light on physics, but darkening
+metaphysics.—Vegetius’s _Institutions_. This writer on tactics has good
+general notions; but his particular account of the Roman discipline is
+deformed by confusion and anachronisms.’ Or, ‘I this day began a very
+considerable task, which was, to read Cluverius’ _Italia Antiqua_ in
+two volumes folio, Leyden 1624, Elzevirs;’ and it appears he did read
+it as well as begin it, which is the point where most enterprising men
+would have failed. From the time of his residence at Lausanne his Latin
+scholarship had been sound and good, and his studies were directed
+to the illustration of the best Roman authors; but it is curious to
+find on August 16, 1761, after his return to England, and when he was
+twenty-four years old, the following extract: ‘I have at last finished
+the Iliad. As I undertook it to improve myself in the Greek language,
+which I had totally neglected for some years past, and to which I never
+applied myself with a proper attention, I must give a reason why I began
+with Homer, and that contrary to Le Clerc’s advice. I had two: 1st,
+As Homer is the most ancient Greek author (excepting perhaps Hesiod)
+who is now extant; and as he was not only the poet, but the lawgiver,
+the theologian, the historian, and the philosopher of the ancients,
+every succeeding writer is full of quotations from, or allusions to his
+writings, which it would be difficult to understand without a previous
+knowledge of them. In this situation, was it not natural to follow the
+ancients themselves, who always began their studies by the perusal of
+Homer? 2ndly. No writer ever treated such a variety of subjects. As
+every part of civil, military, or economical life is introduced into his
+poems, and as the simplicity of his age allowed him to call everything
+by its proper name, almost the whole compass of the Greek tongue is
+comprised in Homer. I have so far met with the success I hoped for, that
+I have acquired a great facility in reading the language, and treasured
+up a very great stock of words. What I have rather neglected is, the
+grammatical construction of them, and especially the many various
+inflexions of the verbs. In order to acquire that dry but necessary
+branch of knowledge, I propose bestowing some time every morning on the
+perusal of the _Greek Grammar of Port Royal_, as one of the best extant.
+I believe that I read nearly one-half of Homer like a mere schoolboy,
+not enough master of the words to elevate myself to the poetry. The
+remainder I read with a good deal of care and criticism, and made many
+observations on them. Some I have inserted here; for the rest I shall
+find a proper place. Upon the whole, I think that Homer’s few faults
+(for some he certainly has) are lost in the variety of his beauties. I
+expected to have finished him long before. The delay was owing partly to
+the circumstances of my way of life and avocations, and partly to my own
+fault; for while every one looks on me as a prodigy of application, I
+know myself how strong a propensity I have to indolence.’ Posterity will
+confirm the contemporary theory that he was a ‘prodigy’ of steady study.
+Those who know what the Greek language is, how much of the Decline and
+Fall depends on Greek authorities, how few errors the keen criticism of
+divines and scholars has been able to detect in his employment of them,
+will best appreciate the patient every-day labour which could alone
+repair the early neglect of so difficult an attainment.
+
+It is odd how little Gibbon wrote, at least for the public, in early
+life. More than twenty-two years elapsed from his first return from
+Lausanne to the appearance of the first volume of his great work, and in
+that long interval his only important publication, if it can indeed be
+so called, was a French essay, _Sur l’Etude de la Littérature_, which
+contains some sensible remarks, and shows much regular reading; but which
+is on the whole a ‘conceivable treatise,’ and would be wholly forgotten
+if it had been written by any one else. It was little read in England,
+and must have been a serious difficulty to his friends in the militia;
+but the Parisians read it, or said they had read it, which is more in
+their way, and the fame of being a French author was a great aid to him
+in foreign society. It flattered, indeed, the French _literati_ more
+than any one can now fancy. The French had then the idea that it was
+uncivilised to speak any other language, and the notion of _writing_ any
+other seemed quite a _bêtise_. By a miserable misfortune you might not
+know French, but at least you could conceal it assiduously; white paper
+any how might go unsoiled; posterity at least should not hear of such
+ignorance. The Parisian was to be the universal tongue. And it did not
+seem absurd, especially to those only slightly acquainted with foreign
+countries, that this might in part be so. Political eminence had given
+their language a diplomatic supremacy. No German literature existed as
+yet; Italy had ceased to produce important books. There was only England
+left to dispute the literary omnipotence; and such an attempt as Gibbon’s
+was a peculiarly acceptable flattery, for it implied that her most
+cultivated men were beginning to abandon their own tongue, and to write
+like other nations in the cosmopolitan _lingua franca_. A few far-seeing
+observers, however, already contemplated the train of events which at the
+present day give such a preponderating influence to our own writers, and
+make it an arduous matter even to explain the conceivableness of the
+French ambition. Of all men living then or since, David Hume was the most
+likely from prejudice and habit to take an unfavourable view of English
+literary influence; he had more literary fame than he deserved in France,
+and less in England; he had much of the French neatness, he had but
+little of the English nature; yet his cold and discriminating intellect
+at once emancipated him from the sophistries which imposed on those less
+watchful. He wrote to Gibbon, ‘I have only one objection, derived from
+the language in which it is written. Why do you compose in French, and
+carry faggots into the wood, as Horace says with regard to Romans who
+wrote in Greek? I grant that you have a like motive to those Romans, and
+adopt a language much more generally diffused than your native tongue;
+but have you not remarked the fate of those two ancient languages in
+the following ages? The Latin, though then less celebrated and confined
+to more narrow limits, has in some measure outlived the Greek, and
+is now more generally understood by men of letters. Let the French,
+therefore, triumph in the present diffusion of their tongue. Our solid
+and increasing establishments in America, where we need less dread the
+inundation of barbarians, promise a superior stability and duration to
+the English language.’ The cool sceptic was correct. The great breeding
+people have gone out and multiplied; colonies in every clime attest our
+success; French is the _patois_ of Europe; English is the language of the
+world.
+
+Gibbon took the advice of his sagacious friend, and prepared himself for
+the composition of his great work in English. His studies were destined,
+however, to undergo an interruption. ‘Yesterday morning,’ he wrote to a
+friend, ‘about half an hour after seven, as I was destroying an army of
+barbarians, I heard a double rap at the door, and my friend Mr. Eliot was
+soon introduced. After some idle conversation, he told me that if I was
+desirous of being in parliament, he had an independent seat very much at
+my service.’ The borough was Liskeard; and the epithet independent is,
+of course, ironical, Mr. Eliot being himself the constituency of that
+place. The offer was accepted, and one of the most learned of members of
+parliament took his seat.
+
+The political life of Gibbon is briefly described. He was a supporter
+of Lord North. That well-known statesman was, in the most exact sense,
+a representative man,—although representative of the class of persons
+most out of favour with the transcendental thinkers who invented this
+name. Germans deny it, but in every country common opinions are very
+common. Everywhere, there exists the comfortable mass; quiet, sagacious,
+short-sighted,—such as the Jews whom Rabshakeh tempted by their vine
+and their fig-tree; such as the English with their snug dining-room and
+after dinner nap, domestic happiness and Bullo coal; sensible, solid
+men, without stretching irritable reason, but with a placid, supine
+instinct; without originality and without folly; judicious in their
+dealings, respected in the world; wanting little, sacrificing nothing;
+good-tempered people in a word, ‘caring for nothing until they are
+themselves hurt.’ Lord North was one of this class. You could hardly make
+him angry. ‘No doubt,’ he said, tapping his fat sides, ‘I am that odious
+thing, a minister; and I believe other people wish they were so too.’
+Profound people look deeply for the maxims of his policy; and it being on
+the surface, of course they fail to find it. He did not what the mind,
+but what the _body_ of the community wanted to have done; he appealed to
+the real people, the large English commonplace herd. His abilities were
+great; and with them he did what people with no abilities wished to do,
+and could not do. Lord Brougham has published the King’s Letters to him,
+showing that which partial extracts had made known before, that Lord
+North was quite opposed to the war he was carrying on; was convinced it
+could not succeed; hardly, in fact, wished it might. Why did he carry it
+on? _Vox populi_, the voice of well-dressed men commanded it to be done;
+and he cheerfully sacrificed American people, who were nothing to him,
+to English, who were something, and a king, who was much. Gibbon was
+the very man to support such a ruler. His historical writings have given
+him a posthumous eminence; but in his own time he was doubtless thought
+a sensible safe man, of ordinary thoughts and intelligible actions. To
+do him justice, he did not pretend to be a hero. ‘You know,’ he wrote to
+his friend Deyverdun, ‘_que je suis entré au parlement sans patriotisme,
+sans ambition, et que toutes mes vues se bornoient à la place commode et
+honnête d’un_ lord of trade.’ ‘Wise in his generation’ was written on his
+brow. He quietly and gently supported the policy of his time.
+
+Even, however, amid the fatigue of parliamentary attendance,—the fatigue,
+in fact, of attending a nocturnal and oratorical club, where you met the
+best people, who could not speak, as well as a few of the worst, who
+_would_,—Gibbon’s history made much progress. The first volume, a quarto,
+one-sixth of the whole, was published in the spring of 1776, and at once
+raised his fame to a high point. Ladies actually read it—read about
+Bœtica and Tarraconensis, the Roman legions and the tribunitian powers.
+Grave scholars wrote dreary commendations. ‘The first impression,’ he
+writes, ‘was exhausted in a few days; a second and a third edition were
+scarcely adequate to the demand; and my bookseller’s property was twice
+invaded by the pirates of Dublin. My book was on every table’—tables
+must have been rather few in that age—‘and almost on every toilette;
+the historian was crowned by the taste or fashion of the day; nor was
+the general voice disturbed by the barking of any profound critic.’ The
+noise penetrated deep into the unlearned classes. Mr. Sheridan, who never
+read anything ‘on principle,’ said that the crimes of Warren Hastings
+surpassed anything to be found in the ‘correct sentences of Tacitus or
+the _luminous_ page of Gibbon.’ Some one seems to have been struck with
+the jet of learning, and questioned the great wit. ‘I said,’ he replied,
+‘_vo_luminous.’
+
+History, it is said, is of no use; at least a great critic, who is
+understood to have in the press a very elaborate work in that kind, not
+long since seemed to allege that writings of this sort did not establish
+a theory of the universe, and were therefore of no avail. But whatever
+may be the use of this sort of composition in itself and abstractedly,
+it is certainly of great use relatively and to literary men. Consider
+the position of a man of that species. He sits beside a library-fire,
+with nice white paper, a good pen, a capital style, every means of saying
+everything, but nothing to say; of course he is an able man; of course he
+has an active intellect, beside wonderful culture; but still one cannot
+always have original ideas. Every day cannot be an era; a train of new
+speculation very often will not be found; and how dull it is to make it
+your business to write, to stay by yourself in a room to write, and then
+to have nothing to say! It is dreary work mending seven pens, and waiting
+for a theory to ‘turn up.’ What a gain if something would happen! then
+one could describe it. Something has happened, and that something is
+history. On this account, since a sedate Greek discovered this plan for
+a grave immortality, a series of accomplished men have seldom been found
+wanting to derive a literary capital from their active and barbarous
+kindred. Perhaps when a Visigoth broke a head, he thought that that was
+all. Not so; he was making history; Gibbon has written it down.
+
+The manner of writing history is as characteristic of the narrator as the
+actions are of the persons who are related to have performed them; often
+much more so. It may be generally defined as a view of one age taken by
+another; a picture of a series of men and women painted by one of another
+series. Of course, this definition seems to exclude contemporary history;
+but if we look into the matter carefully, is there such a thing? What are
+all the best and most noted works that claim the title—memoirs, scraps,
+materials—composed by men of like passions with the people they speak of,
+involved it may be in the same events describing them with the partiality
+and narrowness of eager actors; or even worse, by men far apart in a
+monkish solitude, familiar with the lettuces of the convent-garden,
+but hearing only faint dim murmurs of the great transactions which they
+slowly jot down in the barren chronicle; these are not to be named in
+the same short breath, or included in the same narrow word, with the
+equable, poised, philosophic narrative of the retrospective historian. In
+the great histories there are two topics of interest—the man as a type
+of the age in which he lives,—the events and manners of the age he is
+describing; very often almost all the interest is the contrast of the two.
+
+You should do everything, said Lord Chesterfield, in minuet time. It
+was in that time that Gibbon wrote his history, and such was the manner
+of the age. You fancy him in a suit of flowered velvet, with a bag
+and sword, wisely smiling, composedly rounding his periods. You seem
+to see the grave bows, the formal politeness, the finished deference.
+You perceive the minuetic action accompanying the words: ‘Give,’ it
+would say, ‘Augustus a chair: Zenobia, the humblest of your slaves:
+Odoacer, permit me to correct the defect in your attire.’ As the
+slap-dash sentences of a rushing critic express the hasty impatience
+of modern manners; so the deliberate emphasis, the slow acumen, the
+steady argument, the impressive narration bring before us what is now
+a tradition, the picture of the correct eighteenth-century gentleman,
+who never failed in a measured politeness, partly because it was due in
+propriety towards others, and partly because from his own dignity it was
+due most obviously to himself.
+
+And not only is this true of style, but it may be extended to other
+things also. There is no one of the many literary works produced in the
+eighteenth century more thoroughly characteristic of it than Gibbon’s
+history. The special characteristic of that age is its clinging to the
+definite and palpable; it had a taste beyond everything for what is
+called solid information. In literature the period may be defined as
+that in which authors had ceased to write for students, and had not
+begun to write for women. In the present day, no one can take up any
+book intended for general circulation, without clearly seeing that the
+writer supposes most of his readers will be ladies or young men; and
+that in proportion to his judgment, he is attending to their taste.
+Two or three hundred years ago books were written for professed and
+systematic students,—the class the fellows of colleges were designed to
+be,—who used to go on studying them all their lives. Between these there
+was a time in which the more marked class of literary consumers were
+strong-headed, practical men. Education had not become so general, or
+so feminine, as to make the present style—what is called the ‘brilliant
+style’—at all necessary; but there was enough culture to make the demand
+of common diffused persons more effectual than that of special and
+secluded scholars. A book-buying public had arisen of sensible men, who
+would not endure the awful folio style in which the schoolmen wrote. From
+peculiar causes, too, the business of that age was perhaps more free from
+the hurry and distraction which disable so many of our practical men
+now from reading. You accordingly see in the books of the last century
+what is called a masculine tone; a firm, strong, perspicuous narration
+of matter of fact, a plain argument, a contempt for everything which
+distinct definite people cannot entirely and thoroughly comprehend. There
+is no more solid book in the world than Gibbon’s history. Only consider
+the chronology. It begins before the year one and goes down to the year
+1453, and is a schedule or series of schedules of important events during
+that time. Scarcely any fact deeply affecting European civilisation is
+wholly passed over, and the great majority of facts are elaborately
+recounted. Laws, dynasties, churches, barbarians, appear and disappear.
+Everything changes; the old world—the classical civilisation of form and
+definition—passes away, a new world of free spirit and inward growth
+emerges; between the two lies a mixed weltering interval of trouble and
+confusion, when everybody hates everybody, and the historical student
+leads a life of skirmishes, is oppressed with broils and feuds. All
+through this long period Gibbon’s history goes with steady consistent
+pace; like a Roman legion through a troubled country—_hœret pede pes_;
+up hill and down hill, through marsh and thicket, through Goth or
+Parthian—the firm defined array passes forward—a type of order, and an
+emblem of civilisation. Whatever may be the defects of Gibbon’s history,
+none can deny him a proud precision and a style in marching order.
+
+Another characteristic of the eighteenth century is its taste for
+dignified pageantry. What an existence was that of Versailles! How
+gravely admirable to see the _grand monarque_ shaved, and dressed, and
+powdered; to look on and watch a great man carefully amusing himself
+with dreary trifles. Or do we not even now possess an invention of that
+age—the great eighteenth-century footman, still in the costume of his
+era, with dignity and powder, vast calves and noble mien? What a world it
+must have been when all men looked like that! Go and gaze with rapture at
+the footboard of a carriage, and say, Who would not obey a premier with
+such an air? Grave, tranquil, decorous pageantry is a part, as it were,
+of the essence of the last age. There is nothing more characteristic of
+Gibbon. A kind of pomp pervades him. He is never out of livery. He ever
+selects for narration those themes which look most like a levee: grave
+chamberlains seem to stand throughout; life is a vast ceremony, the
+historian at once the dignitary and the scribe.
+
+The very language of Gibbon shows these qualities. Its majestic march
+has been the admiration—its rather pompous cadence the sport of all
+perusers. It has the greatest merit of an historical style: it is always
+going on; you feel no doubt of its continuing in motion. Many narrators
+of the reflective class, Sir Archibald Alison for example, fail in
+this: your constant feeling is, ‘Ah! he has pulled up; he is going to
+be profound; he never will go on again.’ Gibbon’s reflections connect
+the events; they are not sermons between them. But, notwithstanding, the
+manner of the Decline and Fall is the last which should be recommended
+for strict imitation. It is not a style in which you can tell the truth.
+A monotonous writer is suited only to monotonous matter. Truth is of
+various kinds—grave, solemn, dignified, petty, low, ordinary; and an
+historian who has to tell the truth must be able to tell what is vulgar
+as well as what is great, what is little as well as what is amazing.
+Gibbon is at fault here. He _cannot_ mention Asia _Minor_. The petty
+order of sublunary matters; the common gross existence of ordinary
+people; the necessary littlenesses of necessary life, are little suited
+to his sublime narrative. Men on the _Times_ feel this acutely; it is
+most difficult at first to say many things in the huge imperial manner.
+And after all you cannot tell everything. ‘How, sir,’ asked a reviewer
+of Sydney Smith’s life, ‘do you say a “good fellow” in print?’ ‘Mr. ——,’
+replied the editor, ‘you should not say it at all.’ Gibbon was aware of
+this rule; he omits what does not suit him; and the consequence is, that
+though he has selected the most various of historical topics, he scarcely
+gives you an idea of variety. The ages change, but the varnish of the
+narration is the same.
+
+It is not unconnected with this fault that Gibbon gives us but an
+indifferent description of individual character. People seem a good deal
+alike. The cautious scepticism of his cold intellect, which disinclined
+him to every extreme, depreciates great virtues and extenuates great
+vices; and we are left with a tame neutral character, capable of nothing
+extraordinary,—hateful, as the saying is, ‘both to God and to the enemies
+of God.’
+
+A great point in favour of Gibbon is the existence of his history. Some
+great historians seem likely to fail here. A good judge was asked which
+he preferred, Macaulay’s _History of England_ or Lord Mahon’s. ‘Why,’ he
+replied, ‘you observe Lord Mahon has written his history; and by what
+I see Macaulay’s will be written not only for, but _among_ posterity.’
+Practical people have little idea of the practical ability required to
+write a large book, and especially a large history. Long before you get
+to the pen, there is an immensity of pure business; heaps of material
+are strewn everywhere; but they lie in disorder, unread, uncatalogued,
+unknown. It seems a dreary waste of life to be analysing, indexing,
+extracting works and passages, in which one per cent. of the contents are
+interesting, and not half of that percentage will after all appear in the
+flowing narrative. As an accountant takes up a bankrupt’s books filled
+with confused statements of ephemeral events, the disorderly record of
+unprofitable speculations, and charges this to that head, and that to
+this,—estimates earnings, specifies expenses, demonstrates failures;
+so the great narrator, going over the scattered annalists of extinct
+ages, groups and divides, notes and combines, until from a crude mass of
+darkened fragments there emerges a clear narrative, a concise account of
+the result and upshot of the whole. In this art Gibbon was a master. The
+laborious research of German scholarship, the keen eye of theological
+zeal, a steady criticism of eighty years, have found few faults of
+detail. The account has been worked right, the proper authorities
+consulted, an accurate judgment formed, the most telling incidents
+selected. Perhaps experience shows that there is something English
+in this talent. The Germans are more elaborate in single monographs;
+but they seem to want the business-ability to work out a complicated
+narrative, to combine a long whole. The French are neat enough, and their
+style is very quick; but then it is difficult to believe their facts;
+the account on its face seems too plain, and no true Parisian ever was
+an antiquary. The great classical histories published in this country
+in our own time show that the talent is by no means extinct; and they
+likewise show, what is also evident, that this kind of composition is
+easier with respect to ancient than with respect to modern times. The
+barbarians burned the books; and though all the historians abuse them for
+it, it is quite evident that in their hearts they are greatly rejoiced.
+If the books had existed, they would have had to read them. Macaulay has
+to peruse every book printed with long ſs; and it is no use after all;
+somebody will find some stupid MS., an old account-book of an ‘ingenious
+gentleman,’ and with five entries therein destroy a whole hypothesis. But
+Gibbon was exempt from this; he could count the books the efficient Goths
+bequeathed; and when he had mastered them he might pause. Still, it was
+no light matter, as any one who looks at the books—awful folios in the
+grave Bodleian—will most certainly credit and believe. And he did it all
+himself; he never showed his book to any friend, or asked any one to help
+him in the accumulating work, not even in the correction of the press.
+‘Not a sheet,’ he says, ‘has been seen by any human eyes, excepting those
+of the author and printer; the faults and the merits are exclusively my
+own.’ And he wrote most of it with one pen, which must certainly have
+grown erudite towards the end.
+
+The nature of his authorities clearly shows what the nature of Gibbon’s
+work is. History may be roughly divided into universal and particular;
+the first being the narrative of events affecting the whole human race,
+at least the main historical nations, the narrative of whose fortunes is
+the story of civilisation; and the latter being the relation of events
+relating to one or a few particular nations only. Universal history, it
+is evident, comprises great areas of space and long periods of time; you
+cannot have a series of events visibly operating on all great nations
+without time for their gradual operation, and without tracking them
+in succession through the various regions of their power. There is no
+instantaneous transmission in historical causation; a long interval
+is required for universal effects. It follows, that universal history
+necessarily partakes of the character of a summary. You cannot recount
+the cumbrous annals of long epochs without condensation, selection,
+and omission; the narrative, when shortened within the needful limits,
+becomes concise and general. What it gains in time, according to the
+mechanical phrase, it loses in power. The particular history, confined
+within narrow limits, can show us the whole contents of these limits,
+explain its features of human interest, recount in graphic detail all
+its interesting transactions, touch the human heart with the power of
+passion, instruct the mind with patient instances of accurate wisdom. The
+universal is confined to a dry enumeration of superficial transactions;
+no action can have all its details; the canvas is so crowded that no
+figure has room to display itself effectively. From the nature of the
+subject, Gibbons history is of the latter class; the sweep of the
+narrative is so wide; the decline and fall of the Roman Empire being in
+some sense the most universal event which has ever happened,—being, that
+is, the historical incident which has most affected all civilised men,
+and the very existence and form of civilisation itself,—it is evident
+that we must look rather for a comprehensive generality than a telling
+minuteness of delineation. The history of a thousand years does not
+admit the pictorial detail which a Scott or a Macaulay can accumulate on
+the history of a hundred. Gibbon has done his best to avoid the dryness
+natural to such an attempt. He inserts as much detail as his limits
+will permit; selects for more full description striking people and
+striking transactions; brings together at a single view all that relates
+to single topics; above all, by a regular advance of narration, never
+ceases to imply the regular progress of events and the steady course of
+time. None can deny the magnitude of such an effort. After all, however,
+these are merits of what is technically termed composition, and are
+analogous to those excellences in painting or sculpture that are more
+respected by artists than appreciated by the public at large. The fame
+of Gibbon is highest among writers; those especially who have studied
+for years particular periods included in his theme (and how many those
+are; for in the East and West he has set his mark on all that is great
+for ten centuries!) acutely feel and admiringly observe how difficult
+it would be to say so much, and leave so little untouched; to compress
+so many telling points; to present in so few words so apt and embracing
+a narrative of the whole. But the mere unsophisticated reader scarcely
+appreciates this; he is rather awed than delighted; or rather, perhaps,
+he appreciates it for a little while, then is tired by the roll and
+glare; then, on any chance—the creaking of an organ, or the stirring of
+a mouse,—in time of temptation he falls away. It has been said, the way
+to answer all objections to Milton is to take down the book and read him;
+the way to reverence Gibbon is not to read him at all, but look at him,
+from outside, in the bookcase, and think how much there is within; what
+a course of events, what a muster-roll of names, what a steady solemn
+sound! You will not like to take the book down; but you will think how
+much you could be delighted if you would.
+
+It may be well, though it can be only in the most cursory manner, to
+examine the respective treatment of the various elements in this vast
+whole. The history of the Decline and Fall may be roughly and imperfectly
+divided into the picture of the Roman Empire—the narrative of barbarian
+incursions—the story of Constantinople: and some few words may be hastily
+said on each.
+
+The picture—for so, from its apparent stability when contrasted with the
+fluctuating character of the later period, we may call it—which Gibbon
+has drawn of the united empire has immense merit. The organisation of
+the imperial system is admirably dwelt on; the manner in which the old
+republican institutions were apparently retained, but really altered,
+is compendiously explained; the mode in which the imperial will was
+transmitted to and carried out in remote provinces is distinctly
+displayed. But though the mechanism is admirably delineated, the
+dynamical principle, the original impulse, is not made clear. You never
+feel you are reading about the Romans. Yet no one denies their character
+to be most marked. Poets and orators have striven for the expression of
+it.
+
+Macaulay has been similarly criticised; it has been said, that
+notwithstanding his great dramatic power, and wonderful felicity in the
+selection of events on which to exert it, he yet never makes us feel
+that we are reading about Englishmen. The coarse clay of our English
+nature _cannot_ be represented in so fine a style. In the same way, and
+to a much greater extent (for this is perhaps an unthankful criticism,
+if we compare Macaulay’s description of any body with that of any other
+historian), Gibbon is chargeable with neither expressing nor feeling
+the essence of the people concerning whom he is writing. There was, in
+truth, in the Roman people a warlike fanaticism, a puritanical essence,
+an interior, latent, restrained, enthusiastic religion, which was utterly
+alien to the cold scepticism of the narrator. Of course he was conscious
+of it. He indistinctly felt that at least there was something he did not
+like; but he could not realise or sympathise with it without a change
+of heart and nature. The old Pagan has a sympathy with the religion of
+enthusiasm far above the reach of the modern Epicurean.
+
+It may indeed be said, on behalf of Gibbon, that the old Roman character
+was in its decay, and that only such slight traces of it were remaining
+in the age of Augustus and the Antonines that it is no particular defect
+in him to leave it unnoticed. Yet, though the intensity of its nobler
+peculiarities was on the wane, many a vestige would perhaps have been
+apparent to so learned an eye, if his temperament and disposition had
+been prone to seize upon and search for them. Nor is there any adequate
+appreciation of the compensating element, of the force which really held
+society together, of the fresh air of the Illyrian hills, of that army
+which, evermore recruited from northern and rugged populations, doubtless
+brought into the very centre of a degraded society the healthy simplicity
+of a vital, if barbarous religion.
+
+It is no wonder that such a mind should have looked with displeasure on
+primitive Christianity. The whole of his treatment of that topic has
+been discussed by many pens, and three generations of ecclesiastical
+scholars have illustrated it with their emendations. Yet, if we turn
+over this, the latest and most elaborate edition, containing all the
+important criticisms of Milman and of Guizot, we shall be surprised to
+find how few instances of definite exact error such a scrutiny has been
+able to find out. As Paley, with his strong sagacity, at once remarked,
+the subtle error rather lies hid in the sinuous folds than is directly
+apparent on the surface of the polished style. Who, said the shrewd
+archdeacon, can refute a sneer? And yet even this is scarcely the exact
+truth. The objection of Gibbon is, in fact, an objection rather to
+religion than to Christianity; as has been said, he did not appreciate,
+and could not describe, the most inward form of pagan piety; he objected
+to Christianity because it was the intensest of religions. We do not mean
+by this to charge Gibbon with any denial, any overt distinct disbelief
+in the existence of a supernatural Being. This would be very unjust; his
+cold composed mind had nothing in common with the Jacobinical outbreak
+of the next generation. He was no doubt a theist after the fashion of
+natural theology; nor was he devoid of more than scientific feeling. All
+constituted authorities struck him with emotion, all ancient ones with
+awe. If the Roman Empire had descended to his time, how much he would
+have reverenced it! He had doubtless a great respect for the ‘First
+Cause;’ it had many titles to approbation; ‘it was not conspicuous,’
+he would have said, ‘but it was potent.’ A sensitive decorum revolted
+from the jar of atheistic disputation. We have already described him
+more than enough. A sensible middle-aged man in political life; a
+bachelor, not himself gay, but living with gay men; equable and secular;
+cautious in his habits, tolerant in his creed, as Porson said, ‘never
+failing in natural feeling, except when women were to be ravished and
+Christians to be martyred.’ His writings are in character. The essence
+of the far-famed fifteenth and sixteenth chapters is, in truth, but a
+description of unworldly events in the tone of this world, of awful facts
+in unmoved voice, of truths of the heart in the language of the eyes. The
+wary sceptic has not even committed himself to definite doubts. These
+celebrated chapters were in the first manuscript much longer, and were
+gradually reduced to their present size by excision and compression. Who
+can doubt that in their first form they were a clear, or comparatively
+clear, expression of exact opinions on the Christian history, and that
+it was by a subsequent and elaborate process that they were reduced to
+their present and insidious obscurity? The toil has been effectual.
+‘Divest,’ says Dean Milman of the introduction to the fifteenth chapter,
+‘this whole passage of the latent sarcasm betrayed by the whole of the
+subsequent dissertation, and it might commence a Christian history,
+written in the most Christian spirit of candour.’
+
+It is not for us here to go into any disquisition as to the comparative
+influence of the five earthly causes, to whose secondary operation the
+specious historian ascribes the progress of Christianity. Weariness
+and disinclination forbid. There can be no question that the polity of
+the Church, and the zeal of the converts, and other such things, did
+most materially conduce to the progress of the Gospel. But few will now
+attribute to these much of the effect. The real cause is the heaving of
+the mind after the truth. Troubled with the perplexities of time, weary
+with the vexation of ages, the spiritual faculty of man turns to the
+truth as the child turns to its mother. The thirst of the soul was to
+be satisfied, the deep torture of the spirit to have rest. There was an
+appeal to those
+
+ ‘High instincts, before which our mortal nature
+ Did tremble like a guilty thing surprised.’
+
+The mind of man has an appetite for the truth.
+
+ ‘Hence, in a season of calm weather,
+ Though inland far we be,
+ Our souls have sight of that immortal sea
+ Which brought us hither,—
+ Can in a moment travel thither,
+ And see the children sport upon the shore,
+ And hear the mighty waters rolling evermore.’
+
+All this was not exactly in Gibbon’s way, and he does not seem to have
+been able to conceive that it was in any one else’s. Why his chapters
+had given offence he could hardly make out. It actually seems that he
+hardly thought that other people believed more than he did. ‘We may
+be well assured,’ says he, of a sceptic of antiquity, ‘that a writer
+conversant with the world would never have ventured to expose the
+gods of his country to public ridicule, had they not been already the
+objects of secret contempt among the polished and enlightened orders of
+society.’ ‘Had I,’ he says of himself, ‘believed that the majority of
+English readers were so fondly attached even to the name and shadow of
+Christianity, had I foreseen that the pious, the timid, and the prudent
+would feel, or would affect to feel, with such exquisite sensibility,—I
+might perhaps have softened the two invidious chapters, which would
+create many enemies and conciliate few friends.’ The state of belief
+at that time is a very large subject; but it is probable that in the
+cultivated cosmopolitan classes the continental scepticism was very rife;
+that among the hard-headed classes the rough spirit of English Deism had
+made progress. Though the mass of the people doubtless believed much as
+they now believe, yet the entire upper class was lazy and corrupt, and
+there is truth in the picture of the modern divine: ‘The thermometer of
+the Church of England sunk to its lowest point in the first thirty years
+of the reign of George III.... In their preaching, nineteen clergymen out
+of twenty carefully abstained from dwelling upon Christian doctrines.
+Such topics exposed the preacher to the charge of fanaticism. Even the
+calm and sober Crabbe, who certainly never erred from excess of zeal, was
+stigmatised in those days as a methodist, because he introduced into his
+sermons the notion of future reward and punishment. An orthodox clergyman
+(they said) should be content to show his people the worldly advantage
+of good conduct, and to leave heaven and hell to the ranters. Nor can we
+wonder that such should have been the notions of country parsons, when,
+even by those who passed for the supreme arbiters of orthodoxy and
+taste, the vapid rhetoric of Blair was thought the highest standard of
+Christian exhortation.’ It is among the excuses for Gibbon that he lived
+in such a world.
+
+There are slight palliations also in the notions then prevalent of
+the primitive Church. There was the Anglican theory, that it was a
+_via media_, the most correct of periods, that its belief is to be
+the standard, its institutions the model, its practice the test of
+subsequent ages. There was the notion, not formally drawn out, but
+diffused through and implied in a hundred books of evidence,—a notion in
+opposition to every probability, and utterly at variance with the New
+Testament,—that the first converts were sober, hard-headed, cultivated
+inquirers,—Watsons, Paleys, Priestleys, on a small scale; weighing
+evidence, analysing facts, suggesting doubts, dwelling on distinctions,
+cold in their dispositions, moderate in their morals,—cautious in their
+creed. We now know that these were not they of whom the world was not
+worthy. It is ascertained that the times of the first Church were times
+of excitement; that great ideas falling on a mingled world were distorted
+by an untrained intellect, even in the moment in which they were received
+by a yearning heart; that strange confused beliefs, Millennarianism,
+Gnosticism, Ebionitism, were accepted, not merely by outlying obscure
+heretics, but in a measure, half-and-half, one notion more by one man,
+another more by his neighbour, confusedly and mixedly by the mass
+of Christians; that the appeal was not to the questioning, thinking
+understanding, but to unheeding, all-venturing emotion; to that lower
+class ‘from whom faiths ascend,’ and not to the cultivated and exquisite
+class by whom they are criticised; that fervid men never embraced a more
+exclusive creed. You can say nothing favourable of the first Christians,
+except that they _were_ Christians. We find no ‘form nor comeliness’
+in them; no intellectual accomplishments, no caution in action, no
+discretion in understanding. There is no admirable quality except that,
+with whatever distortion, or confusion, or singularity, they at once
+accepted the great clear outline of belief in which to this day we live,
+move, and have our being. The offence of Gibbon is his disinclination to
+this simple essence; his excuse, the historical errors then prevalent
+as to the primitive Christians, the real defects so natural in their
+position, the false merits ascribed to them by writers who from one
+reason or another desired to treat them as ‘an authority.’
+
+On the whole, therefore, it may be said of the first, and in some sense
+the most important part of Gibbon’s work, that though he has given an
+elaborate outline of the framework of society, and described its detail
+with pomp and accuracy, yet that he has not comprehended or delineated
+its nobler essence, Pagan or Christian. Nor perhaps was it to be expected
+that he should, for he inadequately comprehended the dangers of the time;
+he thought it the happiest period the world has ever known; he would
+not have comprehended the remark, ‘To see the old world in its worst
+estate we turn to the age of the satirist and of Tacitus, when all the
+different streams of evil coming from east, west, north, south, the vices
+of barbarism and the vices of civilisation, remnants of ancient cults
+and the latest refinements of luxury and impurity, met and mingled on
+the banks of the Tiber. What could have been the state of society when
+Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, Domitian, Heliogabalus, were the rulers of the
+world? To a good man we should imagine that death itself would be more
+tolerable than the sight of such things coming upon the earth.’ So deep
+an ethical sensibility was not to be expected in the first century; nor
+is it strange when, after seventeen hundred years, we do not find it in
+their historian.
+
+Space has failed us, and we must be unmeaningly brief. The second head
+of Gibbon’s history—the narrative of the barbarian invasions—has been
+recently criticised, on the ground that he scarcely enough explains the
+gradual but unceasing and inevitable manner in which the outer barbarians
+were affected by and assimilated to the civilisation of Rome. Mr.
+Congreve has well observed, that the impression which Gibbon’s narrative
+is insensibly calculated to convey is, that there was little or no change
+in the state of the Germanic tribes between the time of Tacitus and the
+final invasion of the empire—a conclusion which is obviously incredible.
+To the general reader there will perhaps seem some indistinctness in this
+part of the work, nor is a free, confused barbarism a congenial subject
+for an imposing and orderly pencil. He succeeds better in the delineation
+of the riding monarchies, if we may so term them,—of the equestrian
+courts of Attila or Timour, in which the great scale, the concentrated
+power, the very enormity of the barbarism, give, so to speak, a shape
+to unshapeliness; impart, that is, a horrid dignity to horse-flesh
+and mare’s milk, an imposing oneness to the vast materials of a crude
+barbarity. It is needless to say that no one would search Gibbon for an
+explanation of the reasons or feelings by which the northern tribes were
+induced to accept Christianity.
+
+It is on the story of Constantinople that the popularity of Gibbon rests.
+The vast extent of the topic; the many splendid episodes it contains;
+its epic unity from the moment of the far-seeing selection of the city
+by Constantine to its last fall; its position as a link between Europe
+and Asia; its continuous history; the knowledge that through all that
+time it was, as now, a diadem by the water-side, a lure to be snatched by
+the wistful barbarian, a marvel to the West, a prize for the North and
+for the East;—these, and such as these ideas, are congenial topics to a
+style of pomp and grandeur. The East seems to require to be treated with
+a magnificence unsuitable to a colder soil. The nature of the events,
+too, is suitable to Gibbon’s cursory, imposing manner. It is the history
+of a form of civilisation, but without the power thereof; a show of
+splendour and vigour, but without bold life or interior reality. What
+an opportunity for an historian who loved the imposing pageantry and
+disliked the purer essence of existence! There were here neither bluff
+barbarians nor simple saints; there was nothing admitting of particular
+accumulated detail; we do not wish to know the interior of the stage;
+the imposing movements are all which should be seized. Some of the
+features, too, are curious in relation to those of the historian’s life:
+the clear accounts of the theological controversies, followed out with
+an appreciative minuteness so rare in a sceptic, are not disconnected
+with his early conversion to the scholastic Church; the brilliancy of
+the narrative reminds us of his enthusiasm for Arabic and the East; the
+minute description of a licentious epoch evinces the habit of a mind
+which, not being bold enough for the practice of license, took a pleasure
+in following its theory. There is no subject which combines so much of
+unity with so much of variety.
+
+It is evident, therefore, where Gibbon’s rank as an historian must
+finally stand. He cannot be numbered among the great painters of
+human nature, for he has no sympathy with the heart and passions of
+our race; he has no place among the felicitous describers of detailed
+life, for his subject was too vast for minute painting, and his style
+too uniform for a shifting scene. But he is entitled to a high—perhaps
+to a first place—among the orderly narrators of great events; the
+composed expositors of universal history; the tranquil artists who have
+endeavoured to diffuse a cold polish over the warm passions and desultory
+fortunes of mankind.
+
+The life of Gibbon after the publication of his great work was not very
+complicated. During its composition he had withdrawn from Parliament and
+London to the studious retirement of Lausanne. Much eloquence has been
+expended on this voluntary exile, and it has been ascribed to the best
+and most profound motives. It is indeed certain that he liked a lettered
+solitude, preferred easy continental society, was not quite insensible
+to the charm of scenery, had a pleasure in returning to the haunts of
+his youth. Prosaic and pure history, however, must explain that he went
+abroad to _save_. Lord North had gone out of power. Mr. Burke, the
+Cobden of that era, had procured the abolition of the Lords of Trade;
+the private income of Gibbon was not equal to his notion of a bachelor
+London life. The same sum was, however, a fortune at Lausanne. Most
+things, he acknowledged, were as dear; but then he had not to buy so many
+things. Eight hundred a year placed him high in the social scale of the
+place. The inhabitants were gratified that a man of European reputation
+had selected their out-of-the-way town for the shrine of his fame; he
+lived pleasantly and easily among easy, pleasant people; a gentle hum
+of local admiration gradually arose, which yet lingers on the lips of
+erudite _laquais de place_. He still retains a fame unaccorded to any
+other historian; they speak of the ‘hôtel Gibbon:’ there never was even
+an _estaminet_ Tacitus, or a _café_ Thucydides.
+
+This agreeable scene, like many other agreeable scenes, was broken by a
+great thunderclap. The French revolution has disgusted many people; but
+perhaps it has never disgusted any one more than Gibbon. He had swept
+and garnished everything about him. Externally he had made a neat little
+hermitage in a gentle, social place; internally he had polished up a
+still theory of life, sufficient for the guidance of a cold and polished
+man. Everything seemed to be tranquil with him; the rigid must admit his
+decorum; the lax would not accuse him of rigour; he was of the world, and
+an elegant society naturally loved its own. On a sudden the hermitage
+was disturbed. No place was too calm for that excitement; scarcely
+any too distant for that uproar. The French war was a war of opinion,
+entering households, disturbing villages, dividing quiet friends. The
+Swiss took some of the infection. There was a not unnatural discord
+between the people of the Pays de Vaud and their masters the people of
+Berne. The letters of Gibbon are filled with invectives on the ‘Gallic
+barbarians’ and panegyrics on Mr. Burke; military details, too, begin to
+abound—the peace of his retirement was at an end. It was an additional
+aggravation that the Parisians should do such things. It would not have
+seemed unnatural that northern barbarians—English, or other uncivilised
+nations—should break forth in rough riot or cruel license; but that the
+people of the most civilised of all capitals, speaking the sole dialect
+of polished life, enlightened with all the enlightenment then known,
+should be guilty of excesses unparalleled, unwitnessed, unheard of, was
+a vexing trial to one who had admired them for many years. The internal
+creed and belief of Gibbon was as much attacked by all this as were his
+external circumstances. He had spent his time, his life, his energy,
+in putting a polished gloss on human tumult, a sneering gloss on human
+piety; on a sudden human passion broke forth—the cold and polished world
+seemed to meet its end; the thin superficies of civilisation was torn
+asunder; the fountains of the great deep seemed opened; impiety to meet
+its end; the foundations of the earth were out of course.
+
+We now, after long familiarity and in much ignorance, can hardly read
+the history of those years without horror: what an effect must they have
+produced on those whose minds were fresh, and who knew the people killed!
+‘Never,’ Gibbon wrote to an English nobleman, ‘did a revolution affect to
+such a degree the private existence of such numbers of the first people
+of a great country. Your examples of misery I could easily match with
+similar examples in this country and neighbourhood, and our sympathy is
+the deeper, as we do not possess, like you, the means of alleviating in
+some measure the misfortunes of the fugitives.’ It violently affected his
+views of English politics. He before had a tendency, in consideration of
+his cosmopolitan cultivation, to treat them as local littlenesses, parish
+squabbles; but now his interest was keen and eager. ‘But,’ he says,
+‘in this rage against slavery, in the numerous petitions against the
+slave-trade, was there no leaven of new democratical principles? no wild
+ideas of the rights and natural equality of man? It is these I fear. Some
+articles in newspapers, some pamphlets of the year, the Jockey Club, have
+fallen into my hands. I do not infer much from such publications; yet I
+have never known them of so black and malignant a cast. I shuddered at
+Grey’s motion; disliked the half-support of Fox, admired the firmness of
+Pitt’s declaration, and excused the usual intemperance of Burke. Surely
+such men as ——, ——, ——, have talents for mischief. I see a club of reform
+which contains some respectable names. Inform me of the professions, the
+principles, the plans, the resources of these reformers. Will they heat
+the minds of the people? Does the French democracy gain no ground? Will
+the bulk of your party stand firm to their own interest and that of their
+country? Will you not take some active measures to declare your sound
+opinions, and separate yourselves from your rotten members? If you allow
+them to perplex Government, if you trifle with this solemn business,
+if you do not resist the spirit of innovation in the first attempt, if
+you admit the smallest and most specious change in our parliamentary
+system, you are lost. You will be driven from one step to another; from
+principles just in theory to consequences most pernicious in practice;
+and your first concession will be productive of every subsequent
+mischief, for which you will be answerable to your country and to
+posterity. Do not suffer yourselves to be lulled into a false security;
+remember the proud fabric of the French monarchy. Not four years ago it
+stood founded, as it might seem, on the rock of time, force, and opinion;
+supported by the triple aristocracy of the Church, the nobility, and the
+parliaments. They are crumbled into dust; they are vanished from the
+earth. If this tremendous warning has no effect on the men of property
+in England; if it does not open every eye, and raise every arm,—you
+will deserve your fate. If I am too precipitate, enlighten; if I am too
+desponding, encourage me. My pen has run into this argument; for, as much
+a foreigner as you think me, on this momentous subject I feel myself an
+Englishman.’
+
+The truth clearly is, that he had arrived at the conclusion that he was
+the sort of person a populace kill. People wonder a great deal why very
+many of the victims of the French revolution were particularly selected;
+the Marquis de Custine, especially, cannot divine why they executed _his_
+father. The historians cannot show that they committed any particular
+crimes; the marquises and marchionesses seem very inoffensive. The fact
+evidently is, that they were killed for being polite. The world felt
+itself unworthy of them. There were so many bows, such regular smiles,
+such calm superior condescension,—could a mob be asked to endure it? Have
+we not all known a precise, formal, patronising old gentleman—bland,
+imposing, something like Gibbon? Have we not suffered from his dignified
+attentions? If _we_ had been on the Committee of Public Safety, can we
+doubt what would have been the fate of that man? Just so wrath and envy
+destroyed in France an upper-class world.
+
+After his return to England, Gibbon did not do much or live long. He
+completed his _Memoirs_, the most imposing of domestic narratives, the
+model of dignified detail. As we said before, if the Roman empire _had_
+written about itself, this was how it would have done so. He planned
+some other works, but executed none; judiciously observing that building
+castles in the air was more agreeable than building them on the ground.
+His career was, however, drawing to an end. Earthly dignity had its
+limits, even the dignity of an historian. He had long been stout; and
+now symptoms of dropsy began to appear. After a short interval, he died
+on the 16th of January 1794. We have sketched his character, and have
+no more to say. After all, what is our criticism worth? It only fulfils
+his aspiration, ‘that a hundred years hence I may still continue to be
+abused.’
+
+
+
+
+_BISHOP BUTLER._[2]
+
+(1854.)
+
+
+About the close of the last century, some one discovered the wife of
+a country rector in the act of destroying, for culinary purposes, the
+last remnants of a box of sermons, which seemed to have been written
+by Joseph Butler. The lady was reproved, but the exculpatory rejoinder
+was, ‘Why, the box was full once, and I thought they were my husband’s.’
+Nevertheless, when we first saw the above announcement of unpublished
+remains, we hoped her exemplary diligence had not been wholly successful,
+and that some important writings of Butler had been discovered. In this
+we have been disappointed. The remains in question are slight and rather
+trivial; the longest is an additional letter addressed to Dr. Clarke;
+and in all the rest there is scarcely anything very characteristic,
+except the remark, ‘What a wonderful incongruity it is for a man to see
+the doubtfulness in which things are involved, and yet be impatient out
+of action, or vehement in it. Say a man is a sceptic, and add what was
+said of Brutus, _quicquid vult valde vult_, and you say there is the
+greatest contrariety between his understanding and temper that can be
+expressed in words:’—an observation which might be borne in mind by some
+English writers who panegyrise Julius Cæsar, and the many French ones who
+panegyrise Napoleon.
+
+The life of Butler is one of those in which the events are few, the
+transitions simple, and the final result strange. He was the son of
+a dissenting shopkeeper in Berkshire, was always of a meditative
+disposition and reading habit—grew to manhood—was destined to the
+Dissenting ministry—began to question the principles of Dissent—entered
+at Oriel College—made valuable acquaintances there—rose in the Church by
+means of them—obtained, first the chaplaincy of the Rolls, then a decent
+living—then the rectory of Stanhope, the ‘golden’ rectory, one of the
+best in the English Church—was recommended by his old friends to Queen
+Caroline—talked philosophy to her—pleased her (this being her favourite
+topic)—was made Bishop of Bristol, and thence translated to the richest
+of Anglican dignities—the prince-bishopric of Durham, and there died.
+
+These are the single steps, and there is none of them which is remote
+from our ordinary observation. We should not be surprised to see any of
+them every day. But when we look on the life as a whole, when we see
+its nature, when we observe the son of a dissenting tradesman, a person
+of simple and pious disposition, of retiring habits, and scrupulous and
+investigating mind—in a word, the least worldly of ecclesiastics—attain
+to the most secular of ecclesiastical dignities, be a prince as well as
+a bishop, become the great magnate of the North of England, and dispense
+revenues to be envied by many a foreign potentate, we perceive the
+singularity of such a man with such beginnings attaining such a fortune.
+No man would guess from Butler’s writings that he ever had the disposal
+of five pounds: it is odd to think what he did with the mining property
+and landed property, the royalties and rectories, coal dues and curacies,
+that he must have heard of from morning till evening.
+
+It is certainly most strange that such a man should ever have been made
+a bishop. In general we observe that those become most eminent in the
+sheepfold, who partake most eminently of the qualities of the wolf.
+Nor is this surprising. The Church is (as the Article defines it) a
+congregation of men, faithful indeed, but faithful in various degrees.
+In every corporation or combination of men, no matter for what purpose
+collected, there are certain secular qualities which attain eminence
+as surely as oil rises above water. Attorneys are for the world, and
+the world is for attorneys. Activity, vigour, sharp-sightedness, tact,
+boldness, watchfulness, and such qualities as these, raise a man in the
+Church as certainly as in the State; so long as there is wealth and
+preferment in the one, they will be attained a good deal as wealth and
+office are in the other. The _prowling_ faculties will have their way.
+Those who hunger and thirst after riches will have riches, and those who
+hunger not, will not. Still to this there are exceptions, and Butler’s
+case is one of them. We might really fancy the world had determined to
+give for once an encouraging instance of its sensibility to rectitude, of
+the real and great influence of real and great virtue.
+
+The period at which Butler’s elevation occurred certainly does not
+diminish the oddness of the phenomenon. We are not indeed of those,
+mostly disciples of Carlyle or Newman, who speak with untempered contempt
+of the eighteenth century. Rather, if we might trust our own feelings, we
+view it with appreciating regard. It was the age of substantial comfort.
+The grave and placid historian (we speak of Mr. Hallam), going learnedly
+over the generations of men, is disposed to think that there never was
+so much happiness before or since. Employment was plentiful; industry
+remunerative. The advantages of material civilisation were enjoyed, and
+its penalties scarcely foreseen. The troubles of the seventeenth century
+had died out; those of the nineteenth had not begun. Cares were few;
+the stir and conflict in which we live had barely commenced. It was not
+an age to trouble itself with prospective tasks; it had no feverish
+excitement, nor over-intellectual introspection; it lived on the fat
+of the land; _quieta non movere_, was its motto. Like most comfortable
+people, those of that time possessed a sleepy, supine sagacity, they had
+no fine imaginings, no exquisite fancies; but a coarse sense of what
+was common, a ‘large roundabout common sense’ (these are Locke’s words),
+which was their guide in what concerned them. Some may not think this
+romantic enough to be attractive, and yet it has a beauty of its own.
+They did not ‘look before or after,’ nor ‘pine for what was not;’ they
+enjoyed what was; a solid homeliness was their mark. Exactly as we like
+to see a large lazy animal lying in the placid shade, without anxiety for
+the future and chewing the cud of the past, we like to look back at the
+age of our great-grandfathers, so solid in its habits and placid in the
+lapse of years. Nevertheless—and this is what is to our purpose—we must
+own at once that the very merits of that age are of the earth, earthy;
+there was no talk then of ‘obstinate questionings,’ or ‘incommunicable
+dream;’ heroism, enthusiasm, the sense of the supernatural, deep feeling,
+seem in a manner foreign to the very idea of it. This is the point of
+view in which the Tractarian movement was described as ‘tending towards
+the realisation of something better and nobler than satisfied the last
+century.’ For the clergy, the time was indeed evil. The popular view
+of the profession seems accurately expressed in a well-known book of
+memoirs. ‘But if this was your opinion, how came you not to let your
+friend Sherlock,’ the well-known bishop, ‘into the secret? Why did
+you not tell him that half the pack, and those you most depended on,
+were drawn off, and the game escaped and safe, instead of leaving his
+lordship there to bark and yelp by himself, and make the silly figure
+he has done?’ ‘Oh,’ said Lord Carteret, ‘he talks like a parson, and
+consequently is so used to talk to people who do not mind him, that I
+left him to find it out at his leisure, and shall have him again for all
+this, whenever I want him.’
+
+The fact of Butler’s success is to be accounted for, as we have said,
+by his personal excellence. Mr. Talbot liked him, _Bishop_ Talbot liked
+him, the Queen liked him, the King liked him. He says himself in these
+Remains, ‘Good men surely are not treated in this world as they deserve,
+yet ’tis seldom, very seldom, their goodness makes them disliked, even
+in cases where it may seem to be so; but ’tis some behaviour or other
+which, however excusable, perhaps infinitely overbalanced by their
+virtues, yet is offensive, possibly wrong, however such, it may be, as
+would pass off very well in a man of the world.’ And he must have been
+alive to the fact in practice. He had every excuse for making virtue
+detestable. He was educated a Baptist, and brought up at a dissenting
+academy. He was born in the vulgarest years of English Puritanism,
+when it had fallen from its first estate, when it had least influence
+with the higher classes, when the revival which dates from John Wesley
+had not begun, and the very memory of gentlemen such as Hutchinson or
+Hampden had passed away. A certain instinctive refinement, a ‘niceness’
+and gentleness of nature, preserved him not only from the coarser
+consequences of his position, but even from that angularity of mind
+which is not often escaped by those early trained to object to what is
+established.
+
+Of his character the principal point may be described in the words which
+Arnold so often uses to denote the end and aim of his education, ‘moral
+thoughtfulness.’ A certain considerateness is, as it were, diffused over
+all his sentences. To most men conscience is an occasional, almost an
+external voice; to Butler it was a daily companion, a close anxiety. In
+a recent novel this disposition is skilfully delineated and delicately
+contrasted with its opposite. We may quote the passage, though it is
+encumbered with some detail. ‘But what was a real trouble to Charles,’
+this is the person whose character is in question, ‘it got clearer
+and clearer to his apprehension, that his intimacy with Sheffield
+was not quite what it had been. They had indeed passed the vacation
+together, and saw of each other more than ever; but their sympathies
+with each other were not as strong, they had not the same likings and
+dislikings; in short, they had not such congenial minds, as when they
+were freshmen. There was not so much heart in their conversations, and
+they more easily endured to miss each other’s company. They were both
+reading for honours, reading hard; but Sheffield’s whole heart was in
+his work, and religion was but a secondary matter with him. He had no
+doubts, difficulties, anxieties, sorrows, which much affected him. It
+was not the certainty of faith which made a sunshine in his soul, and
+dried up the mists of human weakness; rather he had no perceptible
+need within him of that vision of the unseen, which is the Christian’s
+life. He was unblemished in his character, exemplary in his conduct,
+but he was content with what the perishable world gave him. Charles’s
+characteristic, perhaps more than anything else, was an habitual
+sense of the Divine Presence—a sense which, of course, did not insure
+uninterrupted conformity of thought and deed to itself, but still there
+it was: the pillar of the cloud before him and guiding him. He felt
+himself to be God’s creature, and responsible to Him; God’s possession,
+not his own.’ Again the same character is brought home to us, in a part
+of Walton’s delineation of Hooker, which, indeed, except perhaps for the
+great quickness attributed to his intellect, might as a whole stand well
+enough for a description of Butler: ‘His complexion (if we may guess by
+him at the age of forty) was sanguine, with a mixture of choler; and
+yet his motion was slow even in his youth, and so was his speech, never
+expressing an earnestness in either of them, but an humble gravity suited
+to the aged. And it is observed (so far as inquiry is able to look back
+at this distance of time) that at his being a schoolboy he was an early
+questionist, quietly inquisitive why this was granted and that denied;
+this being mixed with a remarkable modesty and a sweet serene quietness
+of nature.... It is observable that he was never known to be ... extreme
+in any of his desires; never heard to repine or dispute with Providence,
+but, by a quiet gentle submission and resignation of his will to the
+wisdom of the Creator, bore the burden of the day with patience; ...
+and by this, and a grave behaviour, which is a divine charm, he begot
+an early reverence for his person even from those that, at other times
+and in other companies, took a liberty to cast off that strictness of
+behaviour and discourse that is required in a collegiate life.’ Something
+of this is a result of disposition; yet on the whole it seems mainly the
+effect of the ‘moral thoughtfulness’ which has been mentioned.
+
+The very name of this quality reminds us of a difficulty. We cannot but
+doubt, with the experience of this age, how far this can be made, or
+ought to be made, the abiding sentiment of all men; how far such teaching
+as that of Arnold’s tends to introduce a too stiff and anxious habit
+of mind; how far the perpetual presence of a purpose will interfere
+with the simple happiness of life, and how far also it can be forced
+on the ‘lilies of the field;’ how far the care of anxious minds and
+active thoughts is to be obtruded on the young, on the cheerful, on the
+natural. Other questions, too, might be asked, if the inculcation of
+this temper and habit as a daily, universal obligation, a perpetual and
+general necessity for all characters, would not, or might not, impair
+the sanguine energy and masculine activity which are necessary for
+social action; whether it does not, in matter of fact, even now, ‘burn
+and brand’ into excitable fancies a few stern truths more deeply than
+a feeble reason will bear or the equilibrium of the world demands? But
+whatever be the issue of such questions, on which there is perhaps now
+no decided or established opinion, there can be no question of the charm
+of such a character in those to whom it is natural. We may admire what
+we cannot share; reverence what we do not imitate. As those who cannot
+comprehend a strain of soothing music, look with interest on those who
+can; as those who cannot feel the gentle glow of a quiet landscape,
+yet stand aside and seem inferior to those who do; so in character the
+buoyant and the bold, the harsh and the practical, may, at least for the
+moment, moralise and look upwards, reverence and do homage, when they
+come to a close experience of what is gentler and simpler, more anxious
+and more thoughtful, kinder and more religious, than themselves. At any
+rate, so thought the contemporaries of Butler. They did, as a Frenchman
+would say, ‘their possible’ for a good man; at least they made him a
+bishop.
+
+We gather, however, that their kindness was scarcely successful. Butler
+was very prosperous; but it does not appear that he was at all happy.
+In the midst of the princely establishment of his rich episcopate, so
+anxious a nature found time to be rather melancholy. The responsibilities
+of so cumbrous a position were but little pleasant to an apprehensive
+disposition; wealth and honour were finery and foolishness to a quiet
+and shrinking man. A small room in a tranquil college, daily walks and
+thoughtful talk, a little income and a few friends—these, and these
+only, suit a still and meditative mind. Such, however, were denied him.
+He is said to have taken much pleasure in discussion and interchange
+of mind; but his life was passed in courts and country parsonages—the
+one too noisy, the last too still, to think or reason. Nor were there
+many people, whom we know of, that were congenial to him in that age.
+Scarcely any name of a friend of his has come down to us; one, indeed,
+there is—that of Bishop Secker, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, the
+author of a treatise on the Catechism, a serious work still used for the
+purposes of tuition, with which, indeed, the name of the writer is now
+with some so associated by early habit that it is difficult to fancy even
+Butler on equal social terms with him; the notion of talking to him seems
+like being asked to converse familiarly with the Catechism itself.
+
+A not unremarkable circumstance, however, shows that Secker, though he
+was educated at the same academy, could not have been on any terms of
+extreme intimacy with Butler. Some time after Butler’s death, there
+was a rumour that he had died a Papist. There is no doubt, in fact,
+that Butler’s opinions, being formed on principles of evidence and
+reasoning too strict to be extremely popular, were not likely to be
+agreeable to those about him, and when an Englishman sees anything in
+religion which he does not like, he always, _primâ facie_, imputes it
+to the Pope. Besides this general and strong argument, there were two
+particular ones—first, that he had erected a cross in the episcopal
+chapel at Bristol; secondly, that he was of a melancholy and somewhat of
+an ascetic turn; reasons which, though doubtless of force in their day
+and generation, are not likely to be of avail with us, who know so much
+more about crosses and fasting than they did then. We might have expected
+that Secker, as Butler’s old friend and schoolfellow, would have been
+able from his personal knowledge to throw a good deal of light upon the
+question. He was only, however, able to advance ‘_presumptive_ arguments
+that Bishop Butler did not die a Papist,’ which were no doubt valuable;
+but yet give no great idea of the intimacy between the writer and the
+person about whom he was writing. Such arguments may easily be found, and
+have always convinced every one that there was no truth in this rumour.
+The only reason for which we wish that Secker had been able to say he had
+heard Butler talk on the subject, and that he was no Papist, is, that
+we should then have known to whom Butler talked. There is nothing in
+Butler’s writings at all showing any leaning to the peculiar tenets of
+Roman Catholicism, and there is much which shows a strong opinion against
+them; and it was far too extreme a doctrine to be at all agreeable to his
+very English, moderate, and shrinking mind.
+
+Calumny, however, is commonly instructive. It must be granted, that
+though there is no trace or tendency in the writings of Butler to the
+peculiar superstitions advocated by the Pope, there is a strong and
+prevailing tinge of what may be called the principle of superstition,
+that is, the religion of fear. Some may doubt, especially at the present
+day, whether there be any true religion of that kind at all; yet it
+seems, as Butler would have said, but a proper feeling ‘in such creatures
+as we are, in such a world as the present one.’
+
+We may reflect that there are two kinds of religion, which may for some
+purposes be called, the one the natural, and the other the supernatural.
+The former seems to take its rise from mere contemplation of external
+beauty. We look on the world, and we see that it is good. The Greek of
+former time, reclining softly in his own bright land, ‘looked up to the
+whole sky and declared that the One was God.’ From the blue air and the
+fair cloud, the green earth and the white sea, a presence streams upon
+us. It modulates—
+
+ ‘With murmurs of the air,
+ And motions of the forests and the sea,
+ And voice of living beings and woven hymns
+ Of night and day, and the deep heart of man.’
+
+But the true home of the idea is in the starlight sky; we instinctively
+mingle it with an admiration of infinite space, a cold purity is around
+us, and the clear and steel-like words of the poet justly reflect the
+doctrine of the clear and steel-like heaven:—
+
+ The magic car moved on.
+ Earth’s distant orb appeared
+ The smallest light that twinkles in the heaven;
+ Whilst round the chariot’s way
+ Innumerable systems rolled,
+ And countless spheres diffused
+ An ever-varying glory.
+ It was a sight of wonder: some
+ Were hornèd like the crescent moon;
+ Some shed a mild and silver beam
+ Like Hesperus across the western sea;
+ Some dashed athwart with trains of flame,
+ Like worlds to death and ruin driven;
+ Some shone like suns, and, as the chariot passed,
+ Eclipsed all other light.
+ Spirit of nature! here!
+ In this interminable wilderness
+ Of worlds, at whose immensity
+ Even soaring fancy staggers,
+ Here is thy fitting temple.
+ Yet not the lightest leaf
+ That quivers to the passing breeze
+ Is less instinct with thee:
+ Yet not——’
+
+And so on; and so it will be as long as there are poets to look upon
+the sky, or a sky to be looked at by them. The truth is, that there is
+a certain expressiveness (if we may so speak) in nature which persons
+of imagination naturally feel more acutely than others, and which
+cannot easily be in its full degree brought home to others, except in
+quotations of their writings, from which ‘smiling of the world,’ as it
+has been called, more than from any other outward appearance, we infer
+the existence of an immaterial and animating spirit. This expressiveness
+perhaps produces its effect on the mind, by a principle analogous to,
+perhaps in a severe analysis identical with, the interpretative faculty
+by which we acquire a cognizance of the existence of other human minds.
+There appear to be certain natural signs and tokens from which we (like
+other animals) instinctively infer, or rather—for there is no conscious
+reasoning—in which we silently see life and thought and mind. In this way
+we interpret the detail of natural expression—the smile, the glance of
+the eye, the common interjections, the universal tokens of our simplest
+emotions; those signs and marks and expressions which we make in our
+earliest infancy without teaching and by instinct, we appear also, by
+instinct and without learning, to read off, interpret, and comprehend,
+when used to us by others. The comprehension of this language is perhaps
+as much an instinct as the using of it. There is no occasion, however,
+for acute metaphysics; whatever was the origin of this faculty, such a
+power of interpreting material phenomena, such a faculty of seeing life,
+undoubtedly there is;—however we come by the power, we can distinguish
+living from dead creatures. At any rate, if, like other living creatures,
+we take a natural cognizance of the simple expressions of life and mind,
+and without tuition comprehend the language and meaning of natural
+signs, in like manner, though less clearly and forcibly, because our
+attention is so much less forcibly directed to them, do we interpret the
+significance of the beauty and the sublimity of outward nature. ‘In the
+mountains’ do we ‘feel our faith.’ We seem to know there is something
+behind. There is a perception of something—
+
+ ‘Far more deeply interfused,
+ Whose dwelling is the light of setting suns,
+ And the round ocean and the living air,
+ And the blue sky, and in the mind of man—
+ A motion and a spirit that impels
+ All thinking things, all objects of all thought,
+ And rolls through all things.’
+
+The Greek mythology is one entire and unmixed embodiment of this religion
+of nature, as we may term it, this poetic interpretation of the spirit
+that speaks to us in the signs and symbols within us. Nor can any
+sensitive or imaginative mind scrutinise itself without being distinctly
+conscious of its teaching.
+
+Now of the poetic religion there is nothing in Butler. No one could tell
+from his writings that the universe was beautiful. If the world were a
+Durham mine or an exact square, if no part of it were more expressive
+than a gravel-pit or a chalk-quarry, the teaching of Butler would be as
+true as it is now. A young poet, not a very wise one, once said, ‘he did
+not like the Bible, there was nothing about flowers in it.’ He might
+have said so of Butler with great truth; a most ugly and stupid world
+one would fancy _his_ books were written in. But in return and by way of
+compensation for this, there is a religion of another sort, a religion
+the source of which is within the mind, as the other’s was found to be
+in the world without; the religion to which we just now alluded as the
+religion (by an odd yet expressive way of speaking) of _superstition_.
+The source of this, as most persons are practically aware, is in the
+conscience. The moral principle (whatever may be said to the contrary by
+complacent thinkers) is really and to most men a principle of fear. The
+delights of a good conscience may be reserved for better things, but few
+men who know themselves will say that they have often felt them by vivid
+and actual experience. A sensation of shame, of reproach, of remorse, of
+sin (to use the word we instinctively shrink from because it expresses
+the meaning), is what the moral principle really and practically thrusts
+on most men. Conscience is the condemnation of ourselves. We expect
+a penalty. As the Greek proverb teaches, ‘where there is shame there
+is fear;’ where there is the deep and intimate anxiety of guilt—the
+feeling which has driven murderers, and other than murderers, forth to
+wastes, and rocks, and stones, and tempests—we see, as it were, in a
+single complex and indivisible sensation, the pain and sense of guilt,
+and the painful anticipation of its punishment. How to be free from
+this, is the question. How to get loose from this—how to be rid of the
+secret tie which binds the strong man and cramps his pride, and makes
+him angry at the beauty of the universe—which will not let him go forth
+like a great animal, like the king of the forest, in the glory of his
+might, but restrains him with an inner fear and a secret foreboding,
+that if he do but exalt himself he shall be abased; if he do but set
+forth his own dignity, he will offend One who will deprive him of it.
+This, as has often been pointed out, is the source of the bloody rites
+of heathendom. You are going to battle, you are going out in the bright
+sun with dancing plumes and glittering spear; your shield shines, and
+your feathers wave, and your limbs are glad with the consciousness of
+strength, and your mind is warm with glory and renown,—with coming glory
+and unobtained renown,—for who are you, to hope for these—who are you,
+to go forth proudly against the pride of the sun, with your secret sin
+and your haunting shame, and your real fear? First lie down, and abase
+yourself—strike your back with hard stripes—cut deep with a sharp knife
+as if you would eradicate the consciousness—cry aloud—put ashes on your
+head—bruise yourself with stones, then perhaps God may pardon you; or,
+better still—so runs the incoherent feeling—give Him something—your ox,
+your ass, whole hecatombs, if you are rich enough; anything, it is but a
+chance—you do not know what will please Him—at any rate, what you love
+best yourself—that is, most likely, your first-born son; then, after
+such gifts and such humiliation, He may be appeased, He may let you
+off—He may without anger let you go forth Achilles-like in the glory of
+your shield—He may _not_ send you home as He would else, the victim of
+rout and treachery, with broken arms and foul limbs, in weariness and
+humiliation.
+
+Of course, it is not this kind of fanaticism that we impute to a prelate
+of the English Church: human sacrifices are not respectable, and Achilles
+was not rector of Stanhope. But though the costume and circumstances of
+life change, the human heart does not; its feelings remain. The same
+anxiety, the same consciousness of personal sin, which led in barbarous
+times to what has been described, show themselves in civilised life as
+well. In this quieter period, their great manifestation is scrupulosity,
+a care about the ritual of life, an attention to meats and drinks, and
+cups and washings. Being so unworthy as we are, feeling what we feel,
+abased as we are abased, who shall say that these are beneath us? In
+ardent imaginative youth they may seem so, but let a few years come, let
+them dull the will or contract the heart, or stain the mind—then the
+consequent feeling will be, as all experience shows, not that a ritual
+is too mean, too low, too degrading for human nature, but that it is a
+mercy we have to do no more—that we have only to wash in Jordan—that we
+have not even to go out into the unknown distance to seek for Abana and
+Pharpar, rivers of Damascus. We have no right to judge, we cannot decide,
+we must do what is laid down for us,—we fail daily even in this,—we must
+never cease for a moment in our scrupulous anxiety to omit by no tittle
+and to exceed by no iota. An accomplished divine of the present day has
+written a dissertation to show that this sort of piety is that expressed
+by the Greek word εὐλάβεια, ‘piety contemplated on the side on which it
+is a fear of God,’ and which he derives from εὐλαμβάνεσθαι, ‘the image
+underlying the word being that of the careful taking hold, the cautious
+handling of some precious yet delicate vessel, which with ruder or less
+anxious handling might be broken,’ and he subsequently adds, ‘The only
+three places in the New Testament in which εὐλαβὴς occurs are these:—Luke
+ii. 25, Acts ii. 5, viii. 2. We have uniformly rendered it “devout,”
+nor could this translation be bettered. It will be observed that on all
+these occasions it is used to express Jewish, and, as one might say,
+Old Testament piety. On the first it is applied to Simeon (δίκαιος καὶ
+εὐλαβὴς); on the second to those Jews who came from distant parts to keep
+the commanded feasts at Jerusalem; and on the third there can scarcely
+be a doubt that the ἄνδρες εὐλαβεῖς who carry Stephen to his burial are
+not, as might at first sight appear, _Christian_ brethren, but devout
+Jews, who showed by this courageous act of theirs, as by their great
+lamentation over the slaughtered saints, that they abhorred this deed of
+blood, that they separated themselves in spirit from it, and thus, if it
+might be, from all the judgments which it would bring down on the city
+of those murderers. Whether it was also further given them to believe on
+the Crucified who had such witnesses as Stephen, we are not told; we may
+well presume that it was.... If we keep in mind that in that mingled fear
+and love which together constitute the piety of man toward God, the Old
+Testament placed its emphasis on the fear, the New places it on the love
+(though there was love in the fear of God’s saints then, as there must
+be fear in their love now), it will at once be evident how fitly εὐλαβὴς
+was chosen to set forth their piety under the old covenant, who, like
+Zacharias and Elizabeth, were righteous before God, walking in all the
+commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless, and leaving nothing
+willingly undone which pertained to the circle of their prescribed
+duties. For this sense of accurately and scrupulously performing that
+which is prescribed with the consciousness of the danger of slipping
+into a negligent performance of God’s service, and of the need therefore
+of anxiously watching against the adding to or diminishing from, or in
+any other way altering, that which is commanded, lies ever in the words
+εὐλαβὴς, εὐλάβεια, when used in their religious signification. Plutarch,
+in more than one instructive passage, exalts the εὐλάβεια of the old
+Romans in divine matters, as contrasted with the comparative carelessness
+of the Greeks. Thus, in his “Coriolanus,” after other instances in
+proof, he goes on to say, “Of late times also they did renew and begin
+a sacrifice thirty times one after another, because they thought still
+there fell out one fault or another in the same; so holy and devout were
+they to the gods” (τοιαύτη μὲν εὐλάβεια πρὸς τὸ Θεῖον Ῥωμαῖων). Elsewhere
+he portrays Æmilius Paulus as eminent for his εὐλάβεια. The passage is
+long, and I will only quote a portion of it, availing myself again of
+old Sir Thomas North’s translation, which, though somewhat loose, is in
+essentials correct:—“When he did anything belonging to his office of
+priesthood, he did it with great experience, judgment, and diligence;
+leaving all other thoughts, and without omitting any ancient ceremony or
+adding any new; contending oftentimes with his companions in things which
+seemed light and of small moment; declaring to them that, though we do
+presume the gods are easy to be pacified and that they readily pardon
+all faults and scapes committed by negligence, yet if it were no more
+but for respect of the Commonwealth’s sake, they should not slightly or
+carelessly dissemble or pass over faults committed in those matters.”’[3]
+
+This is the view suggested by what Butler has happily called the
+‘presages of conscience’ by the ‘natural fear and apprehension’ of
+punishment, ‘which restrains from crimes and is a declaration of nature
+against them.’ The great difficulty of religious philosophy is, to
+explain how we know that these two Beings are the same—from what course
+and principle of reasoning it is that we acquire our knowledge that the
+_curiosus Deus_, the watchful Deity, who is ever in our secret hearts,
+who seeks us out in the fairest scenes, who is apt to terrify our
+hearts, whose very eyes seem to shine through nature, is the same Being
+that animates the universe with its beauty and its light, smoothes the
+heaviness from our brow and the weight from our hearts, pervades the
+floating cloud and buoyant air,—
+
+ ‘And from the breezes, whether low or loud,
+ And from the rain of every passing cloud,
+ And from the singing of the summer birds,
+ And from all sounds, all silence,’
+
+—gives hints of joy and hope. This seems the natural dualism—the singular
+contrast of the God of imagination and the God of conscience, the God of
+beauty and the God of fear. How do we know that the Being who refreshes
+is the same as He who imposes the toil, that the God of anxiety is the
+same as the God of help, that the intensely personal Deity of the inward
+heart is the same as the almost neutral spirit of external nature, which
+seems a thing more than a person, a light and impalpable vapour just
+beautifying the universe, and no more?
+
+If we are to offer a suggestion, as we have stated a difficulty, we
+should hold that the only way of obviating or explaining the contrast,
+which is so perplexing to susceptible minds, is by recurring to the same
+primary assumption which is required to satisfy our belief in God’s
+infinity, omnipotence, or veracity. We cannot _prove_ in any way that
+God is infinite any more than that space is infinite; nor that God is
+omnipotent, since we do not know what powers there are in nature—that He
+is perfectly true, for we have had no experience or communication with
+Him, in which His veracity could be tested. We assume these propositions,
+and treat them, moreover, not as hypothetical assumptions or provisional
+theories to be discarded if new facts should be discovered, and to be
+rejected if more elaborate research should require it, but as positive
+and clear certainties, on which we must ever act, and to which we must
+reduce and square all new information that may be brought home to us. In
+these respects we assume that God is perfect, and it is only necessary
+for the solution of our difficulty to assume that He is perfect in all.
+We have in both cases the same amount and description of evidence, the
+same inward consciousness, the same speaking and urging voice, requiring
+us to believe. In every step of religious argument we require the
+assumption, the belief, the faith if the word is better, in an absolutely
+_perfect_ Being—in and by whom we are, who is omnipotent as well as most
+holy, who moves on the face of the whole world and ruleth all things by
+the word of His power. If we grant this, the difficulty of the opposition
+between what we have called the natural and the supernatural religion is
+removed; and without granting it, that difficulty is perhaps insuperable.
+It follows from the very idea and definition of an infinitely-perfect
+Being, that He is within us, as well as without us—ruling the clouds of
+the air, and the fishes of the sea, as well as the fears and thoughts
+of man—smiling through the smile of nature, as well as warning with
+the pain of conscience, ‘Sine qualitate bonum; sine quantitate magnum;
+sine indigentiâ creatorem; sine situ præsidentem; sine habitu omnia
+continentem; sine loco ubique totum; sine tempore sempiternum; sine ullâ
+sui mutatione mutabilia facientem, nihilque patientem.’ If we assume
+this, life is simple; without this all is dark.
+
+The religion of the imagination is, in its consequences upon the
+character, free and poetical. No one need trouble himself to set
+about its defence. Its agreeability sufficiently defends it and its
+congeniality to a refined and literary age. The religion of the
+conscience will seem to many of the present day selfish and morbid.
+And doubtless it may become so if it be allowed to eat into the fibre
+of the character, and to supersede the manliness by which it should be
+supported. The whole of religion, of course, is not of this sort, and
+it is one which only very imperfect beings can have a share in. But so
+long as men are very imperfect, the sense of great imperfection should
+cleave to them, and while the consciousness of sin is on the mind, the
+consequent apprehension of deserved punishment seems in its proper degree
+to be a reasonable service. However, any more of this discussion is
+scarcely to our purpose. No attentive reader of Butler’s writings will
+hesitate to say that he, at all events, was an example of the ‘anxious
+and scrupulous worshipper, who makes a conscience of changing anything,
+of omitting anything, being in all things fearful to offend,’[4] and most
+likely it was from this habit and characteristic of his mind, that he
+obtained the unenviable reputation of living and dying a Papist.
+
+Of Butler’s personal habits nothing in the way of detail has descended
+to us. He was never married, and there is no evidence of his ever having
+spoken to any lady save Queen Caroline. We hear, however, for certain
+that he was commonly present at her Majesty’s philosophical parties, at
+which all questions, religious and moral, speculative and practical, were
+discussed with a freedom that would astonish the present generation.
+Less intellectual unbelief existed probably at that time than there is
+now, but there was an infinitely freer expression of what did exist. The
+French Revolution frightened the English people. The awful calamities
+and horrors of that period were thought to be, as in part they were, the
+results and consequences of the irreligious opinions which just before
+prevailed. Scepticism became what in the days of Lord Hervey it was not,
+an ungentlemanly state of mind. At no meeting of the higher classes,
+certainly at none where ladies are present, is there a tenth part of the
+plain questioning and _bonâ fide_ discussion of primary Christian topics,
+that there was at the select suppers of Queen Caroline. The effect of
+these may be seen in many passages, and even in the whole tendency, of
+Butler’s writings. No great Christian writer, perhaps, is so exclusively
+occupied with elementary topics and philosophical reasonings. His mind
+is ever directed towards the first principles of belief, and doubtless
+this was because, more than any other, he lived with men who plainly and
+clearly denied them. His frequent allusion to the difficulties of such
+discussions are likewise suggestive of a familiar personal experience.
+The whole list of directions which he gives the clergy of Durham on
+religious argument shows a daily familiarity with sceptical men. ‘It is
+come,’ he says, ‘I know not how, to be taken for granted by many persons
+that Christianity is not so much as a subject of inquiry, but that it is
+now at length discovered to be false. And accordingly they treat it as if
+this were an agreed point among all people of discernment, and nothing
+remained but to set it up as a principal subject of ridicule, as it were
+by way of reprisals for its having so long interrupted the pleasures of
+the world.’ No one would so describe the tone of talk now, nor would
+there be an equal reason for remembering Butler’s general caution against
+rashly entering the lists with the questioners. Among gentlemen a
+clergyman has scarcely the chance. ‘Then, again, the general evidence of
+religion is complex and various. It consists of a long series of things:
+one preparatory to and confirming another from the beginning of the world
+till the present time, and it is easy to see how impossible it must
+be in a cursory conversation to unite all this into one argument, and
+represent it as it ought; and, could it be done, how utterly indisposed
+would people be to attend to it. I say, in cursory conversation; whereas
+unconnected objections are thrown out in few words, and are easily
+apprehended without more attention than is usual in common talk, so
+that, notwithstanding we have the best cause in the world, and though a
+man were very capable of defending it, yet I know not why he should be
+forward to undertake it upon so great a disadvantage and to so little
+good effect, as it must be amid the gaiety and carelessness of common
+conversation.’ It is not likely from these remarks that Butler had much
+pleasure at the Queen’s talking parties.
+
+What his pleasures were, indeed, does not very distinctly appear. In
+reading we doubt if he took any keen interest. A voracious reader is
+apt, when he comes to write, to exhibit his reading in casual references
+and careless innuendoes, which run out insensibly from the fulness
+of his literary memory. But of this in Butler there is nothing. His
+writings contain little save a bare and often not a very plain statement
+of the necessary argument; you cannot perhaps find a purely literary
+allusion in his writings; none, at all events, which shows he had any
+favourite books, whose topics were ever present to his mind, and whose
+well-known words might be a constant resource in moments of weariness
+and melancholy. There is, too, a philippic in the well-known ‘Preface’
+against vague and thoughtless reading, which seems as if he felt the
+evil consequences more than the agreeableness of that sin. Some men find
+a compensation in the excitement of writing, for all other evils and
+exclusions; but it is probable that, if Butler hated anything, he hated
+his pen. Composition is pleasant work for men of ready words, fine ears,
+and thick-coming illustrations. Wit and eloquence please the writer as
+much as the reader. There is even some pleasantness in feeling that you
+have given a precise statement of a strong argument. But Butler, so far
+from having the pleasures of eloquence, had not even the comfort of
+perspicuity. He never could feel that he had made an argument tell by his
+way of wording it; it tells in his writings, if it tells at all, by its
+own native and inherent force. In some places the mode of statement is
+even stupid; it seems selected to occasion a difficulty. You often see
+that writers,—Gibbon, for instance,—believe that their words are good
+to eat, as well as to read; they had plainly a pleasure in rolling them
+about in the mouth like sugar-plums, and gradually smoothing off any
+knots or excrescences; but there is nothing of this in Butler.
+
+The circumstance of so great a thinker being such a poor writer is not
+only curious in itself, but indicates the class of thinkers to which
+Butler belongs. Philosophers may be divided into seers on the one hand,
+and into gropers on the other. Plato, to use a contrast which is often
+used for other purposes, is the type of the first. On all subjects he
+seems to have before him a landscape of thought, with clear outline, and
+pure air, keen rocks and shining leaves, an Attic sky and crystal-flowing
+river, each detail of which was as present, as distinct, as familiar
+to his mind as the view from the Acropolis, or the road to Decelea. As
+were his conceptions so is his style. What Protagoras said and Socrates
+replied, what Thrasymachus and Polemo, what Gorgias and Callicles, all
+comes out in distinct sequence and accurate expression; each feature is
+engraved on the paper; an exact beauty is in every line. What a contrast
+is the style of Aristotle! He sees nothing—he is like a man groping in
+the dark about a room which he knows. He hesitates and suggests; proposes
+first one formula and then another; rejects both, gives a multitude
+of reasons, and ends at last with an expression which he admits to be
+incorrect and an apologetic ‘let it make no difference.’ There are whole
+passages in his writings—the discussion about Solon and happiness in the
+‘Ethics,’ is an instance—in which he appears like a schoolboy who knows
+the answer to a sum, but cannot get the figures to come to it.
+
+This awkward and hesitating manner is likewise that of Butler. He
+seems to have an obscure feeling, an undefined perception, of what
+the truth is; but his manipulation of words and images is not apt
+enough to bring it out. Like the miser in the story, he has a shilling
+_about_ him somewhere, if people will only give him time and solitude
+to make research for it. As a person hunting for a word or name he has
+forgotten, he knows what it is, _only_ he cannot say it. The fault is one
+characteristic of a strong and sound mind wanting in imagination. The
+visual faculty is deficient. The soundness of such men’s understanding
+ensures a correct report of what comes before them, and its strength is
+shown in vigorous observations upon it; but they are unable to bring
+those remarks out, the delineative power is wanting, they have no picture
+of the particulars in their minds; no instance or illustration occurs
+to them. Popular, in the large sense of the term, such writers can
+never be. Influential they may often become. The learned have time for
+difficulties; the critical mind is pleased with crooked constructions;
+the detective intellect likes the research for lurking and half-hidden
+truth. In this way portions of Aristotle have been noted these thousand
+years, as Chinese puzzles; and without detracting for a moment from
+Butler’s real merit, it may be allowed that some of his influence,
+especially that which he enjoys in the English universities, is partially
+due to that obscurity of style, which renders his writings such apt
+exercises for the critical intellect, which makes the truth when found
+seem more valuable from the difficulty of finding it, and gives scope for
+an able lecturer to elucidate, annotate, and expound.
+
+The fame of Butler rests mainly on two remarkable courses of reasoning,
+one of which is contained in the well-known Sermons, the second in
+the ‘Analogy.’ Both seem to be in a great measure suggested by the
+circumstances and topics of the time. There was a certain naturalness
+in Butler’s mind, which took him straight to the questions on which
+men differed around him. Generally, it is safer to prove what no one
+denies, and easier to explain difficulties which no one has ever felt.
+A quiet reputation is best obtained in the literary _quæstiunculæ_ of
+important subjects. But a simple and straightforward man studies great
+topics because he feels a want of the knowledge which they contain; and
+if he has ascertained an apparent solution of any difficulty, he is
+anxious to impart it to others. He goes straight to the real doubts and
+fundamental discrepancies; to those on which it is easy to excite odium,
+and difficult to give satisfaction; he leaves to others the amusing
+skirmishing and superficial literature accessory to such studies. Thus
+there is nothing light in Butler; all is grave, serious, and essential;
+nothing else would be characteristic of him.
+
+The Sermons of Butler are primarily intended as an answer to that
+recurring topic of ethical discussion, the Utilitarian Philosophy. He
+is occasionally spoken of by enthusiastic disciples as having uprooted
+this for ever. But this is hardly so. The selfish system still lives and
+flourishes. Nor must any writer on the fundamental differences of human
+opinion propose to himself such an aim. The source of the great heresies
+of belief lies in their congeniality to certain types of character
+frequent in the world, and liable to be reproduced by inevitable and
+recurring circumstances. We do not mean that the variations of creeds
+are the native and essential variances of the minds which believe them,
+for this would render truth a matter of personal character, and make
+general discussion impossible. We believe that all minds are originally
+so constituted as to be able to acquire right opinions on all subjects
+of the first importance to them; but, nevertheless, that the native bent
+of their character instinctively inclines them to particular views; that
+one man is naturally prone to one error, and another to its opposite;
+that this is increased by circumstances, and becomes for practical
+purposes invincible, unless it be met on the part of every man by early
+and vigorous resistance. The Epicurean philosophy is an example of these
+recurring and primary errors, inasmuch as it is congenial to clear,
+vigorous, and hasty minds, which have no great depth of feeling, and no
+searching introspection of thought, which prefer a ready solution to an
+accurate, an easy to an elaborate, a simple to a profound. Draw a slight
+worldliness—and the events of life will draw it—over such a mind, and you
+have the best Epicurean. There is a use, however, in discussing topics
+like these. Nothing would be more perverse than to abstain from proving
+certain truths, because some men were naturally prone to the opposite
+errors; rather, on the contrary, should we din them into the ears, and
+thrust them upon the attention, of mankind; go out into the highways and
+hedges, and leave as few as possible for invincible ignorance to mislead
+or to excuse. It is much in every generation to state the ancient truth
+in the manner which that generation requires; to state the old answer
+to the old difficulty; to transmit, if not discover; convince, if not
+invent; to translate into the language of the living, the truths first
+discovered by the dead. This defence, though suggested by the subject,
+is not, however, required by Butler. He may claim the higher praise of
+having explained his subject in a manner essentially more satisfactory
+than his predecessors.
+
+We are not concerned to follow Butler into the entire range of this
+ancient and well-discussed topic. We are only called on to make, and we
+shall only make, two or three remarks on the position which he occupies
+with respect to it. His grand merit is the simple but important one of
+having given a less complex and more graphic description of the facts of
+human consciousness than any one had done before. Before his time the
+Utilitarians had the advantage of appearing to be the only people who
+talked about real life and human transactions. The doctrines avowed by
+their opponents were cloudy, lofty, and impalpable. Platonic philosophy
+in its simple form is utterly inexplicable to the English mind. A plain
+man will not soon succeed in making anything of an archetypal idea. If
+an ordinary sensible Englishman takes up even such a book as Cudworth’s
+‘Immutable Morality,’ it is nearly inevitable that he should put it down
+as mystical fancy. True as a considerable portion of the conclusions of
+that treatise are or may be, nevertheless the truth is commonly so put
+as to puzzle an Englishman, and the error so as particularly to offend
+him. We may open at random. ‘Wherefore,’ says Cudworth, ‘the result of
+all that we have hitherto said is this, that the intelligible natures
+and essences of things are neither arbitrary nor fantastical, that is,
+neither alterable by any will or opinion; and therefore everything is
+necessarily and immutably to science and knowledge what it is, whether
+absolutely, or relatively to all minds and intellects in the world.
+So that if moral good and evil, just and unjust, signify any reality,
+either absolute or relative, in the things so denominated, as they must
+have some certain natures, which are the actions or souls of men, they
+are neither alterable by will or opinion. Upon which ground that wise
+philosopher, Plato, in his “Minos,” determined that Νόμος, a law, is
+not δόγμα πόλεως, any arbitrary decree of a city or supreme governors;
+because there may be unjust decrees, which, therefore, are no laws, but
+the _invention of that which_ IS, or what is absolutely or immutably
+just in its own nature; though it be very true also that the arbitrary
+constitutions of those that have the lawful authority of commanding when
+they are not materially unjust, are laws also in a secondary sense,
+by virtue of that natural and immutable justice or law that requires
+political order to be observed. But I have not taken all this pains
+only to confute scepticism or fantasticism, or merely to defend or
+corroborate our argument for the immutable nature of the just and unjust;
+but also for some other weighty purposes that are very much conducing
+to the business we have in hand. And first of all, that the soul is not
+a mere _tabula rasa_, a naked and passive thing, which has no innate
+furniture or activity of its own, nor anything at all in it but what
+was impressed on it from without; for, if it were so, then there could
+not possibly be any such thing as moral good and evil, just and unjust,
+forasmuch as these differences do not arise merely from outward objects
+or from the impresses which they make upon us by sense, there being no
+such thing in them, in which sense it is truly affirmed by the author
+of the “Leviathan” (p. 24), “That there is no common rule of good and
+evil to be taken from the nature of the objects themselves,” that is,
+either considered absolutely in themselves, or relatively to external
+sense only, but according to some other interior analogy which things
+have to a certain inward determination in the soul itself from whence
+the foundation of all this difference must needs arise, as I shall show
+afterwards; not that the anticipations of morality spring merely from
+intellectual forms and notional ideas of the mind, or from certain rules
+or propositions printed on the “soul as on a book,” but from some other
+more inward and vital principle in intellectual beings, as such, whereby
+they have a natural determination in them to do certain things, and
+to avoid others, which could not be, if they were mere naked, passive
+things.’
+
+It is instructive to compare Butler’s way of stating a doctrine
+substantially similar:—
+
+ ‘Mankind has various instincts and principles of action,
+ as brute creatures have; some leading most directly and
+ immediately to the good of the community, and some most
+ directly to private good.
+
+ ‘Man has several which brutes have not; particularly reflection
+ or conscience, an approbation of some principles or actions,
+ and disapprobation of others.
+
+ ‘Brutes obey their instincts or principles of action, according
+ to certain rules; suppose the constitution of their body, and
+ the objects around them.
+
+ ‘The generality of mankind also obey their instincts and
+ principles, all of them; those propensions we call good, as
+ well as the bad, according to the same rules, namely, the
+ constitution of their body, and the external circumstances
+ which they are in.
+
+ ‘Brutes, in acting according to the rules before mentioned,
+ their bodily constitution and circumstances, act suitably to
+ their whole nature.
+
+ ‘Mankind also, in acting thus, would act suitably to their
+ whole nature, if no more were to be said of man’s nature than
+ what has been now said; if that, as it is a true, were also a
+ complete, adequate account of our nature.
+
+ ‘But that is not a complete account of man’s nature. Somewhat
+ further must be brought in to give us an adequate notion of it,
+ namely, that one of those principles of action, conscience, or
+ reflection, compared with the rest, as they all stand together
+ in the nature of man, plainly bears upon it marks of authority
+ over all the rest, and claims the absolute direction of them
+ all, to allow or forbid their gratification; a disapprobation
+ of reflection being in itself a principle manifestly superior
+ to a mere propension. And the conclusion is, that to allow no
+ more to this superior principle or part of our nature, than to
+ other parts; to let it govern and guide only occasionally in
+ common with the rest, as its turn happens to come, from the
+ temper and circumstances one happens to be in,—this is not to
+ act conformably to the constitution of man. Neither can any
+ human creature be said to act conformably to his constitution
+ of nature, unless he allows to that superior principle the
+ absolute authority which is due to it. And this conclusion is
+ abundantly confirmed from hence, that one may determine what
+ course of action the economy of man’s nature requires, without
+ so much as knowing in what degrees of _strength_ the several
+ principles prevail, or which of them have actually the greatest
+ influence.
+
+ ‘The practical reason of insisting so much upon this natural
+ authority of the principle of reflection or conscience is,
+ that it seems in a great measure overlooked by many, who are
+ by no means the worst sort of men. It is thought sufficient
+ to abstain from gross wickedness, and to be humane and kind
+ to such as happen to come in their way. Whereas, in reality,
+ the very constitution of our nature requires that we bring
+ our whole conduct before this superior faculty; wait its
+ determination; enforce upon ourselves its authority; and make
+ it the business of our lives, as it is absolutely the whole
+ business of a moral agent, to conform ourselves to it. This is
+ the true meaning of that ancient precept, _Reverence thyself_.’
+
+We do not mean that Cudworth’s style is not as good, or better, than the
+style of Butler; but that the language and illustrations of the latter
+belong to the same world as that we live in, have a relation to practice,
+and recall sentiments we remember to have felt and sensations which are
+familiar to us, while those of Cudworth, on the contrary, seem difficult,
+and are strange in the ears of the common people.
+
+We do not need to go more deeply into the discussion of Butler’s
+doctrine, for it is familiar to our readers. If there is any
+incorrectness in the delineation which he has given of conscience, it is
+in the passages in which he speaks, or seems to speak, of it more as an
+animating or suggesting, than as a criticising or regulative faculty.
+The error of this representation has been repeatedly pointed out and
+illustrated in these pages.[5] It is probable, indeed, that Butler’s
+attention had scarcely been directed with sufficient precision to this
+portion of the subject. It follows easily, from his favourite principles,
+that when two impulses—say benevolence and self-love—contend for mastery
+in the mind, and conscience pronounces that one is a higher and better
+motive of action than the other, the office of conscience is judicial,
+and not impulsive. Conscience gives its opinion, and the will obeys or
+disobeys at its pleasure; the impelling spring of action is the selected
+impulse on which the will finally decides to act. At the same time, it
+must be admitted that there are cases when, for practical purposes,
+conscience is an impelling and goading faculty. We mean when it is
+opposed by indolence. There is a heavy lassitude of the will, which is
+certainly spurred, sometimes effectually, and sometimes in vain, by our
+conscience. Possibly the correct language may be, that in such cases
+the desire of ease is opposed by the desire of doing our duty; and that
+in this case also the office of conscience is simply to say, that the
+latter is higher than the former. To us it seems, however, if we may
+trust our consciousness on points of such exact nicety, that it is more
+graphically true to speak of the sluggishness of the will being goaded
+and stimulated by the activity of conscience. There is a native inertness
+in the voluntary faculty which will not come forth unless great occasion
+is shown it. At any rate, something like this was perhaps the meaning of
+Butler, and he, no doubt, would have included in the term conscience the
+desire to do our duty as such, and because it is such.
+
+Butler has been claimed by Mr. Austin, in his ‘Province of Jurisprudence’
+(and sometimes since by other writers), as a supporter of the compound
+Utilitarian scheme, as it has been called, which regards the promotion
+of general happiness as the single inherent characteristic of virtuous
+actions, and considers the conscience as a special instinct for directing
+men in determining what actions are for the general interest and what
+are not. This theory is, of course, distinct from the common Epicurean
+scheme, which either denies, like Bentham, the fact of a conscience _in
+limine_, or, like Mill, professes to explain it away as an effect of
+illusion and association. The ‘Composite theory,’ on the other hand,
+distinctly admits the existence and obligatory authority of conscience,
+but regards it as a ready, expeditious, and, so to say, telegraphic mode
+of arriving at results which could otherwise be reached only by toilsome
+and dubious discussions of general utility. In our judgment, however,
+the writings of Butler hardly warrant an authoritative ascription to
+him of this philosophy. He doubtless held that the promotion of general
+happiness, taking all time and all the world into a complete account, is
+_one_ characteristic and ascertainable property of virtue; but there is
+nothing to show that he thought it was the only one. On the contrary,
+we think we could show, with some plausibility, from several passages,
+that, in his judgment, virtuous actions had besides several essential
+and appropriate qualities. He was, at all events, the last man to deny
+that they might have; and his whole reasoning on the subject of moral
+probation seems to imply that, inasmuch as such a state is, according to
+every appearance, not at all the readiest or surest means of promoting
+satisfaction and enjoyment, it cannot have been selected for the
+cultivation of either satisfaction or enjoyment. It is one thing to hold
+that, the nature of man being what it is, a virtuous life is the happiest
+as well as best; and another, that such a life is the best because it is
+the happiest, and that the nature of man was created in the manner it is
+in order to produce such happiness. The first is, of course, the doctrine
+of Butler; the second there does not seem any certain ground for imputing
+to him.
+
+The religious side of morals is rather indicated and implied, than
+elaborated or worked out by Butler. Yet, as we formerly said, a constant
+reference to the ‘presages of conscience’ pervades his writings.
+Although he has nowhere drawn out the course of reasoning fully, or
+step by step, it is certain that he relied on the moral evidence for
+a moral Providence; not, indeed, with foolhardy assurance, but with
+the cautious confidence which was habitual to him. The ideas which are
+implied in the term justice—the connection between virtue and reward—sin
+and punishment—a sacred law and holy Ruler, were plainly the trains of
+reflection most commonly present to his mind.
+
+Persons who give credence to an intuitive conscience are so often
+taunted with the variations and mutability of human nature, that it is
+worth noticing how complete is the coincidence, in essential points of
+feeling, between minds so different as Butler, Kant, and Plato. We can
+scarcely imagine among thoughtful men a greater diversity of times and
+characters. The great Athenian in his flowing robes daily conversing
+in captious Athens—the quiet rector wandering in Durham coalfields—the
+smoking professor in ungainly Königsberg, would, if the contrast were
+not too great for art, form a trio worthy of a picture. The whole series
+of truths and reasonings which we have called the supernatural religion,
+or that of conscience, is, however, as familiar to one as to the
+other, and is the most important, if not the most conspicuous, feature
+in the doctrinal teaching of all three. The very great differences
+of nomenclature and statement, the entire contrast in the style of
+expression, do but heighten the wonder of the essential and interior
+correspondence. The doctrine has certainly shown its capability of
+co-existing with several forms of civilisation; and at least the simplest
+explanation of its diffusion is by supposing that it has a real warrant
+in the nature and consciousness of man.
+
+Such is the doctrine of the Sermons; the argument of the ‘Analogy’ is
+of a different and more complicated kind; and, from its refinement,
+requires to be stated with care and precaution. As the Sermons are in a
+great measure a reply to the caricaturists of Locke, the ‘Analogy’ is,
+in reality, designed as a confutation of Shaftesbury and Bolingbroke.
+It was the object of those writers, as of others since, to disprove the
+authority of the Christian and Jewish revelation, by showing that they
+enjoined on man conduct forbidden by the law of nature, and likewise
+imputed to the Deity actions of an evil tendency and degrading character.
+These writers are commonly, and perhaps best, met by a clear denial of
+the fact; by showing in detail, that Christianity is really open to no
+such objections, contains no such precepts, and imputes no such actions:
+the reply of Butler is much more refined and peculiar.
+
+The argument has been thus expounded, and its supposed bearing explained
+by Professor Rogers in the notice of Butler,—the title of which we have
+ventured to affix to this Article:—
+
+ ‘Further; we cannot but think that the conclusiveness of
+ Butler’s work as against its true object, “The Deist,” has
+ often been underrated by many even of its genuine admirers.
+ Thus, Dr. Chalmers, for instance, who gives such glowing proofs
+ of his admiration of the work, and expatiates in a congenial
+ spirit on its merits, affirms that “those overrate the power
+ of analogy who look to it for any very distinct or positive
+ contribution to the Christian argument. To repel objections,
+ in fact, is the great service which analogy has rendered to
+ the cause of Revelation, and it is the _only service_ which we
+ seek for at its hands.” This, abstractedly, is true; but, _in
+ fact_, considering the _position_ of the bulk of the objectors,
+ that they have been invincibly persuaded of the truth of
+ theism, and that their objections to Christianity have been
+ exclusively or chiefly of the kind dealt with in the “Analogy,”
+ the work is much more than an _argumentum ad hominem_—it is
+ not simply of negative value. To such _objectors_ it logically
+ establishes the truth of Christianity, or it forces them to
+ recede from theism, which the bulk will not do. If a man says,
+ “I am invincibly persuaded of the truth of proposition A, but
+ I cannot receive proposition B, because objections α, β, γ
+ are opposed to it; if these were removed, my objections would
+ cease;” then, if you can show that α, β, γ equally apply to
+ the proposition A, his reception of which, he says, is based
+ on invincible evidence, you do really compel such a man to
+ believe that not only B _may_ be true, but that it _is_ true,
+ unless he be willing (which few in the parallel case are) to
+ abandon proposition A as well as B. This is precisely the
+ condition in which the majority of Deists have ever been, if
+ we may judge from their writings. It is usually the _à priori_
+ assumption, that certain facts in the history of the Bible,
+ or some portions of its doctrine, are unworthy of the Deity,
+ and incompatible with his character or administration, that
+ has chiefly excited the incredulity of the Deist; far more
+ than any dissatisfaction with the positive evidence which
+ substantiates the Divine origin of Christianity. Neutralise
+ these objections by showing that they are _equally_ applicable
+ to what he declares he cannot relinquish—the doctrines of
+ theism; and you show him, if he has a particle of logical
+ sagacity, not only that Christianity may be true, but that it
+ is so; and his only escape is by relapsing into atheism, or
+ resting his opposition on other objections of a very feeble
+ character in comparison, and which, probably, few would ever
+ have been contented with alone; for, _apart_ from those
+ objections which Butler repels, the historical evidence for
+ Christianity—the evidence on behalf of the integrity of its
+ records and the honesty and sincerity of its founders—showing
+ that they could not have constructed such a system if they
+ _would_, and _would not_, supposing them impostors, if they
+ _could_—is stronger than that for any fact in history.
+
+ ‘In consequence of this position of the argument, Butler’s
+ book, to large classes of objectors, though practically an
+ _argumentum ad hominem_, not only proves Christianity _may_ be
+ true, but in all logical fairness proves it _is_ so. This he
+ himself, with his usual judgment, points out. He says: “And
+ objections which are equally applicable to both natural and
+ revealed religion are, properly speaking, answered by its being
+ shown that they are so, _provided the former be admitted to be
+ true_.”’
+
+No one can deny the ingenuity of this line of reasoning, but we can only
+account for the great assent which it has received, by supposing that the
+goodness of the cause for which it is commonly brought forward has not
+unnaturally led to an undue approbation of the argument itself. From the
+amount of authority in its favour we feel some diffidence, but otherwise
+we should have said, without hesitation, that it was open to several
+objections.
+
+In the first place, so far from its being probable that Revelation would
+have contained the same difficulties as Nature, we should have expected
+that it would explain those difficulties. The very term Supernatural
+Revelation implies that previously and by nature man is, to a great
+extent, in ignorance; that particularly he is unaware of some fact,
+or series of facts, which God deems it fit that he should know. The
+instinctive presumption certainly is, that those facts would be most
+important to us. No doubt it is possible that, for incomprehensible
+reasons, a special revelation should be made of facts purely indifferent,
+of the date when London was founded, or the precise circumstances of the
+invasion by William the Conqueror. But this is in the highest degree
+improbable. What seems likely (and the whole argument is essentially
+one of likelihood), according to our mind, is that the Revelation which
+God would vouchsafe to us would be one affecting our daily life and
+welfare, would communicate truths either on the one hand conducing to our
+temporal happiness in the present world, or removing the many doubts and
+difficulties which surround the general plan of Providence, the entire
+universe, and our particular destiny. These are the two classes of truths
+on which we seem to require help, and it is in the first instance more
+probable that assistance would be given us on those points on which it is
+most required.
+
+The argument of Butler, of course, relates to our religious difficulties.
+And, it seems impossible to deny that this is the exact class of
+difficulty which it is most likely a revelation, if given, would explain.
+No one who reasons on this subject is likely to doubt that the natural
+faculties of man are more clearly adequate to our daily and temporal
+happiness, than to the explanation of the perplexities which have
+confounded men since the beginning of speculation—of which the mere
+statement is so vast—which relate to the scheme of the universe and
+the plan of God. This is the one principle on which the most extreme
+sceptics, and the most thorough advocates of revelation, meet and
+agree. The sceptic says, ‘Man is not born to resolve the mystery of the
+universe; but he must nevertheless attempt it, that he may keep within
+the limits of the knowable:’ which really means that he is to fold his
+hands and be quiet; to abstain from all religious inquiry; to confine
+himself to this life, and be industrious and practical within its
+limits. The advocate of revelation is for ever denying the competency
+of man’s faculties to explain, or puzzle out, what in the large sense
+most concerns him. There are difficulties celestial, and difficulties
+terrestrial; but it is certainly more likely that God would interfere
+miraculously to explain the first than to remove the second.
+
+Let us look at the argument more at length. The supposition and idea of a
+‘miraculous revelation’ rest on the ignorance of man. The scene of nature
+is stretched out before him; it has rich imagery, and varied colours,
+and infinite extent; its powers move with a vast sweep; its results are
+executed with exact precision; it gladdens the eyes, and enriches the
+imagination; it tells us something of God—something important, yet not
+enough. For example, difficulties abound; poverty and sin, pain and
+sorrow, fear and anger, press on us with a heavy weight. On every side
+our knowledge is confined, and our means of enlarging it small. Of this
+the outer world takes no heed; nature is ‘unfeeling;’ her laws roll on;
+‘beautiful and dumb,’ she passes forward and vouchsafes no sign. Indeed,
+she seems to hide, as one might fancy, the dark mysteries of life which
+seem to lie beneath; our feeble eyes strain to look forward, but her
+‘painted veil’ hangs over all, like an October mist upon the morning
+hills. Here, as it seems, revelation intervenes; God will break the spell
+that is upon us; will meet our need; will break, as it were, through the
+veil of nature; He will show us of Himself. It is not likely, surely,
+that He will break the everlasting silence to no end; that, having begun
+to speak, He will tell us nothing; that He will leave the difficulties of
+life where He found them; that He will repeat them in His speech; that
+He will revive them in His word. It seems rather, as if His faintest
+disclosure, His least word, would shed abundant light on all doubts,
+would take the weight from our minds, would remove the gnawing anguish
+from our hearts. Surely, surely, if He speaks He will make an end of
+speaking, He will show us some good, He will destroy ‘the veil that is
+spread over all nations,’ and the ‘covering over all people;’ He will not
+‘darken counsel by words without knowledge.’
+
+To this line of argument we know of but one objection; it may be said,
+that, from the immensity of the universe in which man is, reasons may
+exist for communicating to him facts of which he cannot appreciate the
+importance, but a belief in which may nevertheless be most important to
+his ultimate welfare. Of this kind, according to some divines, is the
+doctrine of the ‘Atonement.’ As they think, it is impossible to explain
+the mode in which the death of Christ conduces to the forgiveness of sin,
+or why a belief in it should be made, as they think it is, a necessary
+preliminary to such forgiveness. They consider that this is a revealed
+matter of fact; part of a system of things which is not known now, which
+would very likely be above our understanding if it were explained, which,
+at all events, is not explained. We reply, that the revelation of an
+inexplicable fact is possible, and that, if adequate evidence could be
+adduced in its favour, we might be bound to acquiesce in it; but that,
+on the other hand, such a revelation is extremely improbable: so far as
+we can see, there was no occasion for it; it helps in nothing, explains
+to us nothing; it enlarges our knowledge only thus far, that for some
+unknown reason we are bound to believe something from which certain
+effects follow in a manner which we cannot understand. Such a revelation
+is, as has been said, possible; but it is much more likely, _à priori_,
+that a revelation, if given, would be a revelation of facts suited to our
+comprehension, and throwing a light on the world in which we are.
+
+The same remark is applicable to a revelation commanding rites and
+ceremonies which do not come home to the conscience as duties, and of
+which the reasons are not explained to us by the revelation itself. The
+Pharisaic code of ‘cups and washings’ is an obvious instance. It is
+obviously most improbable that we should be ordered to do these things.
+The fact may be so; but the evidence of it should be overwhelming,
+and should be examined with almost suspicious and sceptical care. A
+revelation of a rule of life which approves itself to the heart, which
+awakens conscience, which seems to come from God, is the greatest
+conceivable aid to man, the greatest explanation of our most practical
+perplexities; a revelation of rites and ordinances is a revelation of new
+difficulties, telling us nothing of God, imposing an additional taskwork
+on ourselves.
+
+We are to remember, that the ‘Analogy’ is, as the Germans would speak, a
+‘Kritik’ of every possible revelation. The first principle of it rests on
+the inquiry, ‘What would it be likely that a revelation, if vouchsafed,
+would contain?’ The whole argument is one of preconception, presumption,
+and probability. It claims to establish a principle, which may be used
+in defence of any revelation, the Mahomedan as well as the Christian;
+according to it, as soon as you can show that a difficulty exists in
+nature, you may immediately expect to find it in revelation. If carried
+out to its extreme logical development, it would come to this, that if
+a catalogue were constructed of all the inexplicable arrangements and
+difficulties of nature, you might confidently anticipate that these
+very same difficulties in the same degree and in the same points would
+be found in revelation. Both being from the same Author, it is presumed
+that each would resemble the other. The principle, even to this length,
+is enunciated by Mr. Rogers; the difficulties of nature are the α, β, γ
+of the extract: and he asserts, that if you can show that all of them
+exist in one system, you have every reason to expect _all_ of them in the
+other. Yet, surely, what can be more monstrous than that a supernatural
+communication from God should simply enumerate all the difficulties of
+His natural government and not enlighten us as to any of them—should
+revive our perplexities without removing them—should not satisfy one
+doubt or one anxiety, but repeat and proclaim every fact which can give a
+basis to them both?
+
+The case does not rest here. There is a second ground of objection to
+the argument of the ‘Analogy’ on which we are inclined to lay nearly
+equal stress. As has been said, it is most likely that a revelation from
+God would explain at least a part of the religious difficulties of
+man; and, in matter of fact, all systems purporting to be revelations
+have in their respective degrees professed to do so. They all deal
+with what may be called the system of the universe—its moral plan and
+scheme; the destiny of man therein—the motives from which God created
+it—and the manner in which He directs it. Throughout the whole range of
+doctrines, from Mormonism up to Christianity, no one has ever gained any
+acceptance, has ever, perhaps, been sincerely put forward, which did not
+deal with this whole range of facts—which did not tell man, according
+to his view, whence he is, and whither he goes. Revelations, as such,
+are communications concerning eternity. Now, it seems to us, that so
+far from its being likely, _à priori_, that a revelation of this sort
+would contain the same perplexing difficulties which cause so much evil
+in this world, in the same degree in which they exist here, it would
+be scarcely possible by any evidence, _à posteriori_, to establish the
+communication of such a system from the Divine Being. It seems clear on
+the surface of the subject that, the extent of the unknown world being
+so enormous in comparison with that which is known, this scene being
+so petty, and the plan of Providence so vast—earth being little, and
+space infinite—Time short, and Eternity long—a difficulty, which is of
+no moment in so contracted a sphere as this, becomes of infinite moment
+when extended to the sphere of the Almighty. From the smallness of the
+region which we see—the short time which we live—from the few things
+which we know—it may well be that there are points which perplex the
+feebleness of our understanding and puzzle the best feelings of our
+hearts. We see, as some one expresses it, the universe ‘not in plan but
+in section;’ and we cannot expect to understand very much of it. But when
+our knowledge increases—when, by a revelation, that plan is unfolded to
+us—when God vouchsafes to communicate to us the system on which He acts,
+then it is rational to expect those difficulties would diminish—would
+gradually disappear as the light dawned upon us—would vanish finally
+when the dayspring arose on our hearts. If a difficulty of nature be
+repeated in revelation, it would seem to show that it was not, as we
+had before supposed, a consequence of our short-sighted views and
+contracted knowledge, but a real inherent element in the scheme of the
+universe; not a petty shade on a petty globe, but a pervading inherent
+stain, extending over all things, destroying the beauty of the universe,
+impairing the perfectness of all creation. Take, as an instance, the
+extreme doctrine of Antinomian Calvinism—suppose that the eternal
+condition of man depended in no degree on his acts, or works, or upon
+himself in any form, but on an arbitrary act of selection by God, which
+chose some, independently of any antecedent fitness on their part, for
+eternal happiness, and consigns all others—irrespective of their guilt or
+innocence—to eternal ruin. Nothing, of course, can be more shocking than
+such a doctrine when stated in simple language; and if it really were
+contained in any document that professes to be a revelation, we should
+be plainly justified in passing it by as a document which no evidence
+would prove to have been inspired by God. Yet the doctrine certainly
+does not want partial analogies in this world. The condition of men here
+does seem to be in a considerable measure the result not of what they
+do, or of what their characters are, but of the mere circumstances in
+which they are placed, over which they have no control, choice, or power.
+One man is born in a ditch, another in a palace; one with a gloomy and
+painful, another with a cheerful and happy mind; one to honour, another
+to dishonour. We invent words—fortune, luck, chance—to express in a
+subtle way the notion that some seem the favourites of circumstance,
+others the scapegoats. So far as it goes, this is a distinct ‘election’
+on the part of God of some to misery, of others to felicity, irrespective
+of their personal qualities. Accordingly, it may be argued, why should
+we not expect to find the same in the world of revelation, which is
+from the hand of the same Creator? But this will scarcely impose on
+any one. A certain indignation arises within us—conscience uplifts
+her voice, and we reply, ‘It may well be that for a short time God may
+afflict His people without their own fault, but that He should do so for
+ever—that He should make no end of injustice—that He favours one without
+a reason, and condemns another without a fault—this, come what may, we
+will not believe—we would sooner cast ourselves at large on the waste of
+uncertainty;—pass on with your teaching, and ask God, if so be that He
+will pardon you for attributing such things to Him.’ We need not further
+enlarge on this.
+
+Again, and in the practical conduct of the argument this is a very
+material consideration. All revelations impute _intentions_ to God. Acts
+are done, observances enjoined, a providential plan pursued, for reasons
+which are explained. The cause of this is evident from our previous
+reasoning. As we have seen, all revelations profess to vindicate the
+ways of God to man; and it is impossible to do so effectually without
+declaring to us at least some of His motives and designs. It is most
+important to observe, that no analogy from nature can justify us in
+judging of these except by the standard of right or wrong which God has
+implanted within us. From external observation we learn almost nothing of
+God’s intentions. The scheme is too large; the universe too unbounded.
+One phenomenon follows another; but, except in a few cases, and then
+very dubiously, we cannot tell which was created for which—which was
+the design—which the means—which the determining object—and which the
+subservient purpose. Even in the few cases in which we do impute such
+intentions, we do so because they seem to be in harmony with God’s moral
+character; they are not strictly proved, they are mere conjectures; and
+we should reject at once any that might seem ethically unworthy. But the
+case is different with a revelation which, from its own nature, unfolds
+ends and instruments in their due measure and their actual subordination,
+which developes an orderly system, and communicates hidden motives and
+unforeseen designs. A recent writer, for example, thus defends certain
+apparent cruelties of the Old Testament by stating those of nature:
+‘God,’ he says, ‘sends His pestilence, and produces horrors on which
+imagination dare not dwell; horrors not only physical, but indirectly
+moral; often transforming man into something like the fiend so many say
+he can never become. He sends His famine, and thousands perish—men and
+women, and “the child that knows not its right hand from its left”—in
+prolonged and frightful agonies. He opens the mouths of volcanoes and
+lakes; boils and fries the population of a whole city in torrents of
+burning lava, &c. &c.’[6]—with much else to the same purpose. But this
+must not be adduced in extenuation of anything of which the reasons are
+narrated; on the contrary, these last must be judged of by the moral
+faculties which are among God’s highest gifts. To the infliction of
+pain, with an express view to what conscience tells us to be an unworthy
+object, outward nature does and can afford no parallel. She has no
+avowals; it is but from conjecture that we conceive her motives; her
+laws pass forward; the crush of her forces is upon us; like a child in
+a railway, we know not anything. The incomprehensible has no analogy
+to the explained; the mysterious none to that on which the oracle has
+intelligibly spoken.
+
+Lastly, for a similar reason it is impossible that there should be
+any analogy in nature for a precept from God opposed to the law of
+conscience. External nature gives no precept; our knowledge of our duty
+comes from within; the physical world is subordinate to our inward
+teaching; it is silent on points of morality. On the other hand, a
+revelation, supposing satisfactory means of attesting it were found,
+might possibly contain such a precept. It is very painful to put such
+suppositions before the mind; but the pain is inherent in the nature
+of the subject. The topic of the difficulties and perplexities of man
+cannot, by any artifice of rhetoric, be rendered pleasing. In such a
+case, supposing there to be no difficulty of evidence in the case, our
+duty might be to obey God even against conscience, from that assurance
+of His essential perfection which is the most certain attestation of
+conscience. But the existence of such a difficulty is in the highest
+degree improbable; it is one which ought only to be admitted on the
+completest proof and after the most rigid straining of evidence: it
+is, from the nature of the case, without a parallel in the common and
+unrevealed world.
+
+To all these considerable objections, we believe the argument of the
+‘Analogy’ is properly subject. We think in general that, according to
+every reasonable presumption, a revelation would not repeat the same
+difficulties as are to be found in nature, but would remove and explain
+some of them; that difficulties, which are of small importance in the
+natural world, on account of the smallness of its sphere and the brevity
+of its duration, become of insuperable magnitude when extended to
+infinity and eternity, when alleged to be co-extensive with the universe,
+and to be inherent in its scheme and structure; and that,—what is of
+less universal scope, but still of essential importance,—nature offers
+no analogy to the ascription by any professed revelation of an unworthy
+intention to God, or the inculcation through it of an immoral precept on
+man.
+
+It is impossible, then, by any such argument as this, to remove from
+moral criticism the entire contents of any revelation. According to
+the more natural view, the unimpeachable morality of those contents is
+a most essential part of the evidence on which our belief must rest;
+and this seems to remain so, notwithstanding these refinements. On the
+other hand, we do not contend that the reasoning of the ‘Analogy’ is
+wholly worthless. If Butler’s[7] argument had only been adduced to this
+extent; if it had only been argued that, though a revelation might
+be expected to explain some difficulties, it could not be expected
+to explain all; that a certain number would, from our ignorance and
+unworthiness, still remain; and these residuary difficulties would
+be of the same order, class, and kind, to which we were accustomed;
+that the style of Providence, if one may so say, would be the same in
+the newly-communicated phenomena as we had observed it to be in those
+we were familiar with before,—there could be little question of the
+soundness of the principle. No one would expect that there would be new
+difficulties introduced by a revelation; what difficulties were found
+in it we should expect to be identical with those observed before in
+nature; or, at least, to be similar to them, and likely to be explained
+in the same way by a more adequate knowledge of God’s purposes. We should
+particularly expect the difficulties of revelation to be _like_ those of
+nature, limited in time and range, not extending to the entire scheme
+of Providence, not diffused through infinity and eternity, not imputing
+evil intentions to God, not inculcating immoral precepts on man. We can
+hardly be said to _expect_ to find difficulties in revelation at all;
+the utmost that seems probable, _à priori_, is, that it should leave
+unnoticed some of those of nature. Nevertheless, there is no violent, no
+overwhelming improbability in the fact of some perplexing points being
+contained in a communication from God; we are so weak, that it may be
+we cannot entirely understand the smallest intimation from the Infinite
+Being. And if difficulties are found there, they are, of course, less
+perplexing, when resembling those which we knew before, than if they be
+wholly distinct and new in kind. But this principle is, on the face of
+it, very different from the admission of an antecedent probability, that
+all the difficulties discoverable in nature would be daguerreotyped in a
+revelation.
+
+The difference is seen very clearly by looking at the argument which
+Butler’s reasoning is intended to confute. Suppose a professed revelation
+to be laid before a person who was before unacquainted with it, and
+that he finds in it several perplexing points. According to Butler’s
+principle, or what is supposed by Mr. Rogers to be Butler’s principle, it
+is enough to reply: You have those same difficulties in nature before;
+you cannot consistently object to them now; they have not prevented your
+ascribing nature to a Divine Author; they should not prevent you from
+ascribing to Him this revelation. Nature is so full of difficulties,
+that almost every doctrine that has ever been attributed to revelation
+may be provided with a parallel more or less apt. Consequently, it would
+be almost needless to criticise the contents of any alleged revelation,
+when we may be met so easily by such a reply. No careful reasoner
+would attempt that criticism. According to the doctrine which we have
+reiterated, we should deem it a difficulty that these perplexing points
+should be found in a revelation; but that difficulty would not amount
+to much, would not counterbalance strong evidence, if it could be shown
+that the system claiming to be revealed, although leaving these points
+unexplained, threw ample light on others; that what gave cause for
+perplexity was quite subordinate to what removed perplexity; that no
+immoral actions were enjoined on man; no unworthy motives imputed to God;
+no vice attributed to the whole scheme and plan of the Creator. There
+would therefore remain the largest scope for internal criticism on all
+systems claiming to be messages from God; on the very face they must seem
+worthy of Him: in their very essence they must seem good.
+
+This is plainly the obvious view. The natural opinion certainly is that
+the moral and religious faculties would be those on which we should
+primarily depend, in judging of an alleged communication from heaven; in
+deciding whether it have a valid claim to that character or no. These
+faculties are those which, antecedently to revelation, determine our
+belief in all other moral and religious questions, and it is therefore
+natural to look to them as the best judges of the authenticity of an
+alleged revelation. Many divines, however, struggle to deny this. Thus,
+in the memoir of Butler we are now reviewing, Mr. Rogers observes,—
+
+ ‘The immortal “Analogy” has probably done more to silence the
+ objections of infidelity than any other ever written from the
+ earliest “apologies” downwards. It not only most critically
+ met the spirit of unbelief in the author’s own day, but is
+ equally adapted to meet that which _chiefly_ prevails in all
+ time. In every age, some of the principal, perhaps _the_
+ principal, objections to the Christian Revelation have been
+ those which men’s _preconceptions_ of the Divine character
+ and administration—of what God _must_ be, and of what God
+ _must_ do—have suggested against certain facts in the sacred
+ history, or certain doctrines it reveals. To show the objector,
+ then (supposing him to be a theist, as nine-tenths of all
+ such objectors have been), that the very same or similar
+ difficulties are found in the structure of the universe and the
+ divine administration of it, is to wrest every _such_ weapon
+ completely from his hands, if he be a fair reasoner and remain
+ a theist at all. He is bound, by strict logical obligation,
+ either to show that the parallel difficulties do _not_ exist,
+ or to show how he can solve them, while he _cannot_ solve those
+ of the Bible. In default of doing either of these things, he
+ ought either to renounce all _such_ objections to Christianity,
+ or abandon theism altogether. It is true, therefore, that
+ though Butler leaves the alternative of atheism open, he hardly
+ leaves any other alternative to nine-tenths of the theists who
+ have objected to Christianity.’
+
+And there is a perpetual reiteration in the ‘Eclipse of Faith’ of the
+same reasoning. In fact, so far as the latter work has a distinct
+principle, this argument may be said to be that principle. The answer
+is, that the proof of all ‘revelation’ itself rests on a ‘preconception’
+respecting the Divine character, and that, if we assume the truth of that
+one ‘preconception,’ we must not reject any others which may be found to
+have the same evidence. We refer, of course, to the assumption of God’s
+veracity; which can only be proved by arguments that, if admitted, would
+likewise justify our attributing to Him all other perfect virtues. It is
+evident that a doubt as to this attribute is not only impious in itself,
+but quite destructive of all confidence in any communication which may be
+received from Him. And yet, on what evidence does its acceptance rest?
+It cannot be said to be demonstrated by what scientific men call ‘natural
+theology.’ Competent and careful persons examine the material world, the
+structure of animals and plants, the courses of the planets, the muscles
+of man, and they find there a great preponderance of benevolence. They
+show, with great labour and great merit, that the Being who arranged this
+universe is, on the whole, a benevolent Being; but does it follow that
+He will tell the truth? ‘In crossing a heath,’ says Paley, ‘suppose I
+pitched my foot against a stone, and were asked how the stone came to be
+there, I might possibly answer that, for anything I knew to the contrary,
+it had lain there for ever; nor would it, perhaps, be very easy to show
+the absurdity of this answer: but, suppose I had found a _watch_ on
+the ground, and it should be inquired how the watch came to be in that
+place, I should hardly think of the answer I had before given, that, for
+anything I knew, it had been always there.’ And he shows, with his usual
+power, that this watch was, in all likelihood, made by a watchmaker.
+There is nothing cleverer, perhaps, in argumentative writing, than the
+way in which that argument is stated and pointed. But what evidence is
+there that the watchmaker was _veracious_? The amplest examination of
+the most refined designs, the minutest scrutiny of the most complex
+contrivances, do not go one hair’s breadth to establish any such
+conclusion. Nor can it be shown that the virtue of veracity is identical
+with, or consequent on, the virtue of simple benevolence. We know well in
+common life that there are such things as pleasing falsehoods, and that
+such things exist as disagreeable truths. A person (what we ordinarily
+call a good-natured person) whose only motive is simple benevolence, will
+constantly assert the first and deny the second. In its application to
+religion this tendency cannot be illustrated without suppositions which
+it is painful even to make; but yet they must be made for a moment,
+or the necessary argument must be left incomplete. Suppose, what is
+doubtless true, that the belief in a ‘future state,’ even if false,
+contributes to the temporal happiness of man in this world; that it does
+more to enlarge his hopes, stimulate his imagination, and alleviate his
+sorrows, than any one other consideration; that it contributes to the
+order of society and the progress of civilisation; that it is, as some
+one says, ‘the last restraint of the powerful, and the last hope of the
+wretched.’ Indisputably, a Being whose only motive was benevolence, who
+admitted no higher consideration, who looked steadily and solely to our
+mere happiness, would endeavour to instil that belief although it were
+quite untrue, would not think that _that_ had anything to do with the
+question, would not hesitate to make a false revelation to confirm men
+in a belief so pleasant, so advantageous, so consolatory. Perhaps this
+supposition drives the argument home. We see that it is necessary for us
+to admit a ‘preconception’ as to the character of God before we can even
+begin to prove the truth of a revelation; that we _must_ reason of ‘what
+God _must_ be and God _must_ do,’ before we show that there is even a
+presumption in favour of any facts, or any doctrines, which are revealed
+in the ‘sacred history.’
+
+We have hinted, in an earlier part of this essay, that this doctrine
+of God’s veracity seems to us to rest on the general assumption of the
+existence of a ‘perfect’ Being, who rules and controls all things. It
+is, perhaps, the Divine attribute of which it is most difficult to find
+a trace in nature. Of His omnipotence, justice, benevolence, we cannot,
+indeed, find absolute proof; for we believe that those attributes are
+infinite, and we can only prove them strictly with respect to the finite
+and very circumscribed world which we see and know. Yet, at the same
+time, we discern indications and strong probabilities, that the Ruler of
+the world possesses these attributes; we can hardly be said to be able to
+do this with His veracity. The speechlessness of nature, if we may again
+so speak, deprives us of any such evidence. All Theism is of the nature
+of faith. We can never prove from experience any being to be infinite,
+for our experience itself is essentially small and finite. We can often,
+however, as in the instance of the attributes of God above enumerated,
+and of others which might be added, establish by observation that the
+qualities in question exist in a certain degree, and we have only to
+rely on the principle of faith for our belief that these qualities exist
+in a perfect and supreme degree. In the case of the Divine veracity, it
+should seem that we believe it to exist in a perfect and infinite degree,
+without, from the peculiarity of our circumstances, being able to fortify
+it by any test or trial from experience.
+
+Present controversies show that there should be a distinct understanding
+as to this matter. Such writers as the author of the ‘Eclipse of Faith’
+perpetually strive to justify what they think the difficulties of
+revelation, by insinuating—we might say inculcating—a scepticism as to
+the religious faculties and conscience of man. These faculties are at
+one time said to be ‘depraved;’ once they were trustworthy, but man is
+fallen from that high estate; he can only now believe what is announced
+to him externally. But how can we then rely on those ‘depraved’ faculties
+for our belief in the truthfulness of the Being who announces these
+things? At another time all the horrid superstitions, all the immoral
+rites, all the wretched aberrations of savage and licentious nations,
+are enumerated, displayed, inculcated, in order to convince us that
+these faculties give no certain information. We will not quote the
+passages. We do not like to read hard attacks even on the worst side
+of human nature; we cannot, like some, gloat upon such details. The
+argument is plain without any painful accuracy. How can you believe in
+the ‘intuition’ of the Divine justice, when the Hindoo says this? How
+in that of his Holiness, when the Papuan accepts that impurity? But
+this is no defence for any revelation. The writers who exult in such
+errors because they think they can use them in their logic, are really
+cutting away the substratum of evidentiary argument from under them. The
+veracity of God has not been accepted by all nations any more than His
+justice. In many times and countries He has been thought to inspire
+falsehoods, to put a ‘lying spirit’ in the mouths of men, to deceive them
+to their destruction. Agamemnon’s dream is but the type of a whole class
+of legends imputing untrue revelations to the gods. If we liked such
+work, we might prove, perhaps, that there is no man on the earth whose
+ancestors have not believed the like. And what then? Why, we can only
+answer that, debased, depraved, imperfect as they may be, these faculties
+are our all. It is on them that we depend for life, and breath, and all
+things. We must believe our heart and conscience, or we shall believe
+nothing. We _must_ believe that God cannot lie, or we must renounce all
+that our highest and innermost nature most cleaves to; but if we go so
+far, we must go further—we cannot believe in God’s veracity and deny the
+intuition of His justice—we know that He is pure on the same ground that
+we know that He is true. If an alleged revelation contradict this justice
+or this purity, we must at once deny that it can have proceeded from Him.
+
+Even admitting, as we think it must be admitted, that Butler did not
+firmly hold the principle which Mr. Rogers and others ascribe to him,
+some may find a difficulty in so great a thinker having even a tendency
+towards that tenet. On examination, however, the very error seems
+characteristic of him.
+
+A mind such as Butler’s was in a previous page described to be, is
+very apt to be prone to over refinement. A thinker of what was there
+called the picturesque order has a vision, a picture of the natural
+view of the subject. Those certainties and conclusions, those doubts
+and difficulties, which occur on the surface, strike him at once; he
+sees with his mind’s eye some conspicuous instance in which all such
+certainties are realised, and by which all such doubts are suggested.
+Some great typical fact remains delineated before his mind, and is a
+perpetual answer to all hypotheses which strive to be over-subtle. But
+an unimaginative thinker has no such assistance; he has no pictures or
+instances in his mind; he works by a process like an accountant, and
+like an accountant he is dependent on the correctness with which he
+works. He begins with a principle and reasons from it; and if any error
+have crept into the deduction or into the principle, he has not any means
+of detecting it. His mind does not yield, as with more fertile fancies,
+a stock of instances on which to verify his elaborate conclusions.
+Accordingly he is apt to say he has explained a difficulty, when in
+reality he has but refined it away.
+
+Again, there is likewise a deeper sense in which the argument of the
+‘Analogy’ is, even in its least valuable portions, characteristic of
+Butler. On topics so peculiar, the minds most likely to hold right
+opinions are exactly those most likely to advance wrong arguments in
+support of them. The opinions themselves are suggested and supported by
+deep and strong feelings, which it is painful to analyse, and not easy to
+describe. The real and decisive arguments for those opinions are little
+save a rational analysis and acute delineation of those feelings. It will
+necessarily follow that the mind most prone to delineate and analyse
+that part of itself will be most likely to succeed in the argumentative
+exposition of these topics; and this is not likely to be the mind which
+feels those emotions with the greatest intensity. The very keenness of
+these feelings makes them painful to touch; their depth, difficult to
+find: constancy, too, is liable to disguise them. The mind which always
+feels them will, so to speak, be less conscious of them than one which
+is only visited by them at long and rare intervals. Those who know a
+place or a person best are not those most likely to describe it best;
+their knowledge is so familiar that they cannot bring it out in words. A
+deep, steady under-current of strong feeling is precisely what affects
+men’s highest opinions most, and exactly what prevents men from being
+able adequately to describe them. In the absence of the delineative
+faculty, without the power to state their true reasons, minds of this
+deep and steadfast class are apt to put up with reasons which lie on the
+surface. They are caught by an appearance of fairness affect a dry and
+intellectual tone, endeavour to establish their conclusions without the
+premises which are necessary,—without mention of the grounds on which,
+in their own minds, they really rest. The very heartfelt confidence of
+Butler in Christianity was perhaps the cause of his seeming in part to
+support it with considerations which appear to be erroneous.
+
+It seems odd to say, and yet it is true, that the power of the ‘Analogy,’
+is in its rhetoric. The ancient writers on that art made a distinction
+between the modes of persuasion which lay in the illustrative and
+argumentative efficacy of what was said, and a yet more subtle kind which
+seemed to reside in the manner and disposition of the speaker himself.
+In the first class, as has been before remarked, no writer of equal
+eminence is so defective as Butler; his thoughts, if you take each one
+singly, seem to lose a good deal from the feeble and hesitating manner
+in which they are stated. And yet, if you read any considerable portion
+of his writings, you become sensible of a strong disinclination to
+disagree with him. A strong anxiety first to find the truth, and next to
+impart it—an evident wish not to push arguments too far—a clear desire
+not to convince men except by reasonable arguments of true opinions,
+characterises every feeble word and halting sentence. Nothing is laid
+down to dazzle or arouse. It is assumed that the reader wants to know
+what is true, as much as the writer does to tell it. Very possibly
+this may not be the highest species of religious author. The vehement
+temperament, the bold assertion, the ecstatic energy of men like St.
+Augustine or St. Paul, burn, so to speak, into the minds and memories of
+men, and remain there at once and for ever. Such men excel in the broad
+statement of great truths which flash at once with vivid evidence on the
+minds which receive them. The very words seem to glow with life; and even
+the sceptical reader is half awakened by them to a kindred and similar
+warmth. Such are the men who move the creeds of mankind, and stamp a
+likeness of themselves on ages that succeed them. But there is likewise
+room for a quieter class, who partially state arguments, elaborate
+theories, appreciate difficulties, solve doubts; who do not expect to
+gain a hearing from the many—who do not cry in the streets or lift their
+voice from the hill of Mars—who address quiet and lonely thinkers like
+themselves, and are well satisfied if a single sentence in all their
+writings remove one doubt from the mind of any man. Of these was Butler.
+_Requiescat in pace_, for it was peace that he loved.
+
+
+
+
+_STERNE AND THACKERAY._[8]
+
+(1864.)
+
+
+Mr. Percy Fitzgerald has expressed his surprise that no one before
+him has narrated the life of Sterne in two volumes. We are much more
+surprised that he has done so. The life of Sterne was of the very
+simplest sort. He was a Yorkshire clergyman, and lived for the most part
+a sentimental, questionable, jovial life in the country. He was a queer
+parson, according to our notions; but in those days there were many queer
+parsons. Late in life he wrote a book or two, which gave him access to
+London society; and then he led a still more questionable and unclerical
+life at the edge of the great world. After that he died in something like
+distress, and leaving his family in something like misery. A simpler
+life, as far as facts go, never was known; and simple as it is, the story
+has been well told by Sir Walter Scott, and has been well commented
+on by Mr. Thackeray. It should have occurred to Mr. Fitzgerald that a
+subject may only have been briefly treated because it is a limited and
+simple subject, which suggests but few remarks, and does not require an
+elaborate and copious description.
+
+There are but few materials, too, for a long life of Sterne. Mr.
+Fitzgerald has stuffed his volumes with needless facts about Sterne’s
+distant relations, his great uncles and ninth cousins, in which no
+one now can take the least interest. Sterne’s daughter, who was left
+ill-off, did indeed publish two little volumes of odd letters, which
+no clergyman’s daughter would certainly have published now. But even
+these are too small in size and thin in matter to be spun into a copious
+narrative. We should in this [the _National_] Review have hardly given
+even a brief sketch of Sterne’s life, if we did not think that his
+artistic character presented one fundamental resemblance and many
+superficial contrasts to that of a great man whom we have lately lost. We
+wish to point these out; and a few interspersed remarks on the life of
+Sterne will enable us to enliven the tedium of criticism with a little
+interest from human life.
+
+Sterne’s father was a shiftless, roving Irish officer in the early part
+of the last century. He served in Marlborough’s wars, and was cast
+adrift, like many greater people, by the caprice of Queen Anne and the
+sudden peace of Utrecht. Of him only one anecdote remains. He was, his
+son tells us, ‘a little smart man, somewhat rapid and hasty’ in his
+temper; and during some fighting at Gibraltar he got into a squabble
+with another young officer, a Captain Phillips. The subject, it seems,
+was a goose; but that is not now material. It ended in a duel, which was
+fought with swords in a room. Captain Phillips pinned Ensign Sterne to
+a plaster-wall behind; upon which he quietly asked, or is said to have
+asked, ‘_Do_ wipe the plaster off your sword before you pull it out of
+me;’ which, if true, showed at least presence of mind. Mr. Fitzgerald, in
+his famine of matter, discusses who this Captain Phillips was; but into
+this we shall not follow him.
+
+A smart, humorous, shiftless father of this sort is not perhaps a bad
+father for a novelist. Sterne was dragged here and there, through scenes
+of life where no correct and thriving parent would ever have taken him.
+Years afterwards, with all their harshness softened and half their pains
+dissembled, Sterne dashed them upon pages which will live for ever. Of
+money and respectability Sterne inherited from his father little or none;
+but he inherited two main elements of his intellectual capital—a great
+store of odd scenes, and the sensitive Irish nature which appreciates odd
+scenes.
+
+Sterne was born in the year 1713, the year of the peace of Utrecht, which
+cast his father adrift upon the world. Of his mother we know nothing.
+Years after, it was said that he behaved ill to her; at least neglected
+and left her in misery when he had the means of placing her in comfort.
+His enemies neatly said that he preferred ‘whining over a dead ass to
+relieving a living mother.’ But these accusations have never been proved.
+Sterne was not remarkable for active benevolence, and certainly may have
+neglected an old and uninteresting woman, even though that woman was
+his mother; he was a bad hand at dull duties, and did not like elderly
+females; but we must not condemn him on simple probabilities, or upon a
+neat epigram and loose tradition. ‘The regiment,’ says Sterne, ‘in which
+my father served being broke, he left Ireland as soon as I was able to
+be carried, and came to the family seat at Elvington, near York, where
+his mother lived.’ After this he was carried about for some years, as his
+father led the rambling life of a poor ensign, who was one of very many
+engaged during a very great war, and discarded at a hasty peace. Then,
+perhaps luckily, his father died, and ‘my cousin Sterne of Elvington,’
+as he calls him, took charge of him, and sent him to school and college.
+At neither of these was he very eminent. He told one story late in
+life which may be true, but seems very unlike the usual school-life.
+‘My schoolmaster,’ he says, ‘had the ceiling of the schoolroom new
+whitewashed: the ladder remained there. I one unlucky day mounted it, and
+wrote with a brush in large capitals LAU. STERNE, for which the usher
+severely punished me. My master was much hurt at this, and said before me
+that never should that name be effaced, for I was a boy of genius, and
+he was sure I should come to preferment.’ But ‘genius’ is rarely popular
+in places of education; and it is, to say the least, remarkable that so
+sentimental a man as Sterne should have chanced upon so sentimental an
+instructor. It is wise to be suspicious of aged reminiscents; they are
+like persons entrusted with ‘untold gold;’ there is no check on what they
+tell us.
+
+Sterne went to Cambridge, and though he did not acquire elaborate
+learning, he thoroughly learned a gentlemanly stock of elementary
+knowledge. There is even something scholarlike about his style. It bears
+the indefinable traces which an exact study of words will always leave
+upon the use of words. He was accused of stealing learning, and it is
+likely enough that a great many needless quotations which were stuck
+into _Tristram Shandy_ were abstracted from second-hand storehouses
+where such things are to be found. But what he stole was worth very
+little, and his theft may now at least be pardoned, for it injures the
+popularity of his works. Our present novel-readers do not at all care for
+an elaborate caricature of the scholastic learning; it is so obsolete
+that we do not care to have it mimicked. Much of _Tristram Shandy_ is a
+sort of antediluvian fun, in which uncouth Saurian jokes play idly in an
+unintelligible world.
+
+When he left college, Sterne had a piece of good fortune which in fact
+ruined him. He had an uncle with much influence in the Church, and he
+was thereby induced to enter the Church. There could not have been a
+greater error. He had no special vice; he was notorious for no wild
+dissipation or unpardonable folly; he had done nothing which even in this
+more discreet age would be considered imprudent. He had even a refinement
+which must have saved him from gross vice, and a nicety of nature which
+must have saved him from coarse associations. But for all that he was
+as little fit for a Christian priest as if he had been a drunkard and a
+profligate. Perhaps he was less fit.
+
+There are certain persons whom taste guides, much as morality and
+conscience guide ordinary persons. They are ‘gentlemen.’ They revolt from
+what is coarse; are sickened by that which is gross; hate what is ugly.
+They have no temptation to what we may call ordinary vices; they have
+no inclination for such raw food; on the contrary, they are repelled by
+it, and loathe it. The law in their members does _not_ war against the
+law of their mind; on the contrary, the _taste_ of their bodily nature
+is mainly in harmony with what conscience would prescribe or religion
+direct. They may not have heard the saying that the ‘beautiful is higher
+than the good, for it includes the good.’ But when they do hear it,
+it comes upon them as a revelation of their instinctive creed, of the
+guidance under which they have been living all their lives. They are pure
+because it is ugly to be impure; innocent because it is out of taste to
+be otherwise; they live within the hedge-rows of polished society; they
+do not wish to go beyond them into the great deep of human life; they
+have a horror of that ‘impious ocean,’ yet not of the impiety, but of the
+miscellaneous noise, the disordered confusion of the whole. These are
+the men whom it is hardest to make Christian,—for the simplest reason;
+paganism is sufficient for them. Their pride of the eye is a good pride;
+their love of the flesh is a delicate and directing love. They keep
+‘within the pathways’ because they dislike the gross, the uncultured, and
+the untrodden. Thus they reject the primitive precept which comes before
+Christianity. Repent! repent! says a voice in the wilderness; but the
+delicate pagan feels superior to the voice in the wilderness. Why should
+he attend to this uncouth person? He has nice clothes and well-chosen
+food, the treasures of exact knowledge, the delicate results of the
+highest civilisation. Is he to be directed by a person of savage habits,
+with a distorted countenance, who lives on wild honey, who does not
+wear decent clothes? To the pure worshipper of beauty, to the naturally
+refined pagan, conscience and the religion of conscience are not merely
+intruders, but barbarous intruders. At least so it is in youth, when
+life is simple and temptations if strong are distinct. Years afterwards,
+probably, the purest pagan will be taught by a constant accession of
+indistinct temptations, and by a gradual declension of his nature, that
+taste at the best, and sentiment of the very purest, are insufficient
+guides in the perplexing labyrinth of the world.
+
+Sterne was a pagan. He went into the Church; but Mr. Thackeray, no bad
+judge, said most justly that his sermons ‘have not a single Christian
+sentiment.’ They are well expressed, vigorous, moral essays; but they
+are no more. Much more was not expected by many congregations in the
+last age. The secular feeling of the English people, though always
+strong,—though strong in Chaucer’s time, and though strong now,—was never
+so all-powerful as in the last century. It was in those days that the
+poet Crabbe was remonstrated with for introducing heaven and hell into
+his sermons; such extravagances, he was told, were very well for the
+Methodists, but a _clergyman_ should confine himself to sober matters of
+this world, and show the prudence and the reasonableness of virtue during
+this life. There is not much of heaven and hell in Sterne’s sermons, and
+what there is seems a rhetorical emphasis which is not essential to the
+argument, and which might perhaps as well be left out. Auguste Comte
+might have admitted most of these sermons; they are healthy statements of
+earthly truths, but they would be just as true if there was no religion
+at all. Religion helps the argument, because foolish people might be
+perplexed with this world, and they yield readily to another; religion
+enables you—such is the real doctrine of these divines, when you examine
+it—to coax and persuade those whom you cannot rationally convince; but it
+does not alter the matter in hand—it does not affect that of which you
+wish to persuade men, for you are but inculcating a course of conduct _in
+this life_. Sterne’s sermons would be just as true if the secularists
+should succeed in their argument, and the ‘valuable illusion’ of a deity
+were omitted from the belief of mankind.
+
+However, in fact, Sterne took orders, and by the aid of his uncle, who
+was a Church politician, and who knew the powers that were, he obtained
+several small livings. Being a pluralist was a trifle in those easy
+times; nobody then thought that the parishioners of a parson had a right
+to his daily presence; if some provision were made for the performance of
+a Sunday service, he had done his duty, and he could spend the surplus
+income where he liked. He might perhaps be bound to reside, if health
+permitted, on one of his livings, but the law allowed him to have many,
+and he could not be compelled to reside on them all. Sterne preached
+well-written sermons on Sundays, and led an easy pagan life on other
+days, and no one blamed him.
+
+He fell in love too, and after he was dead, his daughter found two or
+three of his love-letters to her mother, which she rashly published. They
+have been the unfeeling sport of persons not in love up to the present
+time. Years ago Mr. Thackeray used to make audiences laugh till they
+cried by reading one or two of them, and contrasting them with certain
+other letters also about his wife, but written many years later. This is
+the sort of thing:—
+
+ ‘Yes! I will steal from the world, and not a babbling tongue
+ shall tell where I am—Echo shall not so much as whisper my
+ hiding-place—suffer thy imagination to paint it as a little
+ sun-gilt cottage, on the side of a romantic hill—dost thou
+ think I will leave love and friendship behind me? No! they
+ shall be my companions in solitude, for they will sit down and
+ rise up with me in the amiable form of my L.—We will be as
+ merry and as innocent as our first parents in Paradise, before
+ the arch fiend entered that undescribable scene.
+
+ ‘The kindest affections will have room to shoot and expand in
+ our retirement, and produce such fruit as madness, and envy,
+ and ambition have always killed in the bud.—Let the human
+ tempest and hurricane rage at a distance, the desolation is
+ beyond the horizon of peace. My L. has seen a polyanthus blow
+ in December—some friendly wall has sheltered it from the biting
+ wind. No planetary influence shall reach us, but that which
+ presides and cherishes the sweetest flowers.—God preserve us!
+ how delightful this prospect in idea! We will build, and we
+ will plant, in our own way—simplicity shall not be tortured
+ by art—we will learn of nature how to live—she shall be our
+ alchymist, to mingle all the good of life into one salubrious
+ draught.—The gloomy family of care and distrust shall be
+ banished from our dwelling, guarded by thy kind and tutelar
+ deity—we will sing our choral songs of gratitude, and rejoice
+ to the end of our pilgrimage.
+
+ ‘Adieu, my L. Return to one who languishes for thy society.
+
+ L. STERNE.’
+
+The beautiful language with which young ladies were wooed a century ago
+is a characteristic of that extinct age; at least, we fear that no such
+beautiful English will be discovered when our secret repositories are
+ransacked. The age of ridicule has come in, and the age of good words has
+gone out.
+
+There is no reason to doubt, however, that Sterne was really in love with
+Mrs. Sterne. People have doubted it because of these beautiful words;
+but, in fact, Sterne was just the sort of man to be subject to this kind
+of feeling. He took—and to this he owes his fame—the _sensitive_ view
+of life. He regarded it not from the point of view of intellect, or
+conscience, or religion, but in the plain way in which natural feeling
+impresses, and will always impress, a natural person. He is a great
+author; certainly not because of great thoughts, for there is scarcely a
+sentence in his writings which can be called a thought; nor from sublime
+conceptions which enlarge the limits of our imagination, for he never
+leaves the sensuous,—but because of his wonderful sympathy with, and
+wonderful power of representing, simple human nature. The best passages
+in Sterne are those which every one knows, like this:
+
+ ‘Thou hast left this matter short, said my uncle Toby to the
+ corporal, as he was putting him to bed,——and I will tell thee
+ in what, Trim.——In the first place, when thou madest an offer
+ of my services to Le Fever,—as sickness and travelling are
+ both expensive, and thou knowest he was but a poor lieutenant,
+ with a son to subsist as well as himself, out of his pay,—that
+ thou didst not make an offer to him of my purse; because, had
+ he stood in need, thou knowest, Trim, he had been as welcome
+ to it as myself.——Your honour knows, said the corporal, I had
+ no orders;——True, quoth my uncle Toby,—thou didst very right,
+ Trim, as a soldier, but certainly very wrong as a man.
+
+ ‘In the second place, for which, indeed, thou hast the same
+ excuse, continued my uncle Toby,——when thou offeredst him
+ whatever was in my house,—thou shouldst have offered him
+ my house too:——A sick brother officer should have the best
+ quarters, Trim, and if we had him with us,—we could tend and
+ look to him:——Thou art an excellent nurse thyself, Trim,—and
+ what with thy care of him, and the old woman’s, and his boy’s,
+ and mine together, we might recruit him again at once, and set
+ him upon his legs.——
+
+ ‘——In a fortnight or three weeks, added my uncle Toby,
+ smiling,—he might march.——He will never march, an’ please your
+ honour, in this world, said the corporal:——He will march, said
+ my uncle Toby, rising up from the side of the bed, with one
+ shoe off:——An’ please your honour, said the corporal, he will
+ never march, but to his grave:——He shall march, cried my uncle
+ Toby, marching the foot which had a shoe on, though without
+ advancing an inch,—he shall march to his regiment.——He cannot
+ stand it, said the corporal:——He shall be supported, said my
+ uncle Toby:——He’ll drop at last, said the corporal, and what
+ will become of his boy?——He shall not drop, said my uncle Toby,
+ firmly.——A-well-o’day,—do what we can for him, said Trim,
+ maintaining his point,—the poor soul will die:——He shall not
+ die, by G—! cried my uncle Toby.
+
+ ‘—The ACCUSING SPIRIT, which flew up to heaven’s chancery with
+ the oath, blush’d as he gave it in;—and the RECORDING ANGEL, as
+ he wrote it down, dropp’d a tear upon the word, and blotted it
+ out for ever.
+
+ ‘—My uncle Toby went to his bureau,—put his purse into his
+ breeches pocket, and having ordered the corporal to go early in
+ the morning for a physician,—he went to bed, and fell asleep.
+
+ ‘The sun looked bright the morning after, to every eye in the
+ village but Le Fever’s and his afflicted son’s; the hand of
+ death pressed heavy upon his eye-lids,——and hardly could the
+ wheel at the cistern turn round its circle,—when my uncle
+ Toby, who had rose up an hour before his wonted time, entered
+ the lieutenant’s room, and without preface or apology, sat
+ himself down upon the chair by the bed-side, and independently
+ of all modes and customs, opened the curtain in the manner an
+ old friend and brother officer would have done it, and asked
+ him how he did,—how he had rested in the night,—what was his
+ complaint,—where was his pain,—and what he could do to help
+ him:——and without giving him time to answer any one of the
+ inquiries, went on and told him of the little plan which he had
+ been concerting with the corporal the night before for him.——
+
+ ‘——You shall go home directly, Le Fever, said my uncle Toby,
+ to my house,—and we’ll send for a doctor to see what’s the
+ matter,—and we’ll have an apothecary,—and the corporal shall be
+ your nurse;——and I’ll be your servant, Le Fever.
+
+ ‘There was a frankness in my uncle Toby,—not the _effect_ of
+ familiarity,—but the _cause_ of it,—which let you at once
+ into his soul, and showed you the goodness of his nature; to
+ this there was something in his looks, and voice, and manner,
+ super-added, which eternally beckoned to the unfortunate to
+ come and take shelter under him; so that before my uncle Toby
+ had half finished the kind offers he was making to the father,
+ had the son insensibly pressed up close to his knees, and
+ had taken hold of the breast of his coat, and was pulling it
+ towards him.——The blood and spirit of Le Fever, which were
+ waxing cold and slow within him, and were retreating to their
+ last citadel, the heart,—rallied back,—the film forsook his
+ eyes for a moment,—he looked up wishfully in my uncle Toby’s
+ face,—then cast a look upon his boy,——and that _ligament_, fine
+ as it was,—was never broken.——
+
+ ‘Nature instantly ebb’d again,—the film returned
+ to its place,——the pulse fluttered——stopp’d——went
+ on——throbb’d——stopp’d again——moved——stopp’d——shall I go
+ on?——No.’
+
+In one of the ‘Roundabout Papers’ Mr. Thackeray introduces a literary
+man complaining of his ‘sensibility.’ ‘Ah,’ he replies, ‘my good friend,
+your sensibility is your livelihood: if you did not feel the events and
+occurrences of life more acutely than others, you could not describe them
+better; and it is the excellence of your description by which you live.’
+This is precisely true of Sterne. He is a great author because he felt
+acutely. He is the most pathetic of writers because he had—when writing,
+at least—the most pity. He was, too, we believe, pretty sharply in love
+with Mrs. Sterne, because he was sensitive to that sort of feeling
+likewise.
+
+The difficulty of this sort of character is the difficulty of keeping it.
+It does not last. There is a certain bloom of sensibility and feeling
+about it which, in the course of nature, is apt to fade soon, and which,
+when it has faded, there is nothing to replace. A character with the
+binding elements—with a firm will, a masculine understanding, and a
+persistent conscience—may retain, and perhaps improve, the early and
+original freshness. But a loose-set, though pure character, the moment
+it is thrown into temptation sacrifices its purity, loses its gloss, and
+gets, so to speak, out of form entirely.
+
+We do not know with great accuracy what Sterne’s temptations were;
+but there was one, which we can trace with some degree of precision,
+which has left ineffaceable traces on his works,—which probably left
+some traces upon his character and conduct. There was in that part of
+Yorkshire a certain John Hall Stevenson, a country gentleman of some
+fortune, and possessed of a castle, which he called Crazy Castle. Thence
+he wrote tales, which he named ‘Crazy Tales,’ but which certainly are
+not entitled to any such innocent name. The license of that age was
+unquestionably wonderful. A man of good property could write any evil.
+There was no legal check, or ecclesiastical check, and hardly any check
+of public opinion. These ‘Crazy Tales’ have license without humour, and
+vice without amusement. They are the writing of a man with some wit, but
+only enough wit for light conversation, which becomes overworked and dull
+when it is reduced to regular composition and made to write long tales.
+The author, feeling his wit jaded perpetually, becomes immoral, in the
+vain hope that he will cease to be dull. He has attained his reward; he
+will be remembered for nauseous tiresomeness by all who have read him.
+
+But though the ‘Crazy Tales’ are now tedious, Crazy Castle was a pleasant
+place, at least to men like Sterne. He was an idle young parson, with
+much sensibility, much love of life and variety, and not a bit of grave
+goodness. The dull duties of a country parson, as we now understand
+them, would never have been to his taste; and the sinecure idleness then
+permitted to parsons left him open to every temptation. The frail texture
+of merely natural purity, the soft fibre of the instinctive pagan, yield
+to the first casualty. Exactly what sort of life they led at Crazy
+Castle we do not know; but vaguely we do know, and we may be sure _Mrs._
+Sterne was against it.
+
+One part of Crazy Castle has had effects which will last as long as
+English literature. It had a library richly stored in old folio learning,
+and also in the amatory reading of other days. Every page of _Tristram
+Shandy_ bears traces of both elements. Sterne, when he wrote it, had
+filled his head and his mind, not with the literature of his own age, but
+with the literature of past ages. He was thinking of Rabelais rather than
+of Fielding; of forgotten romances rather than of Richardson. He wrote,
+indeed, of his own times and of men he had seen, because his sensitive
+vivid nature would only endure to write of present things. But the _mode_
+in which he wrote was largely coloured by literary habits and literary
+fashions that had long passed away. The oddity of the book was a kind
+of advertisement to its genius, and that oddity consisted in the use of
+old manners upon new things. No analysis or account of _Tristram Shandy_
+could be given which would suit the present generation; being, indeed, a
+book without plan or order, it is in every generation unfit for analysis.
+This age would not endure a statement of the most telling points, as the
+writer thought them, and no age would like an elaborate plan of a book in
+which there is no plan, in which the detached remarks and separate scenes
+were really meant to be the whole. The notion that ‘a plot was to hang
+plums upon’ was Sterne’s notion exactly.
+
+The real excellence of Sterne is single and simple; the defects are
+numberless and complicated. He excels, perhaps, all other writers in mere
+simple description of common sensitive human action. He places before
+you in their simplest form the elemental facts of human life; he does
+not view them through the intellect, he scarcely views them through the
+imagination; he does but reflect the unimpaired impression that the facts
+of life, which do not change from age to age, make on the deep basis of
+human feeling, which changes as little though years go on. The example
+we quoted just now is as good as any other, though not better than any
+other. Our readers should go back to it again, or our praise may seem
+overcharged. It is the portrait-painting of the heart. It is as pure a
+reflection of mere natural feeling as literature has ever given, or will
+ever give. The delineation is nearly perfect. Sterne’s feeling in his
+higher moments so much overpowered his intellect, and so directed his
+imagination, that no intrusive thought blemishes, no distorting fancy
+mars, the perfection of the representation. The disenchanting facts
+which deface, the low circumstances which debase the simpler feelings
+oftener than any other feelings, his art excludes. The feeling which
+would probably be coarse in the reality is refined in the picture. The
+unconscious tact of the nice artist heightens and chastens reality, but
+yet it is reality still. His mind was like a pure lake of delicate water:
+it reflects the ordinary landscape, the rugged hills, the loose pebbles,
+the knotted and the distorted firs perfectly and as they are, yet with
+a charm and fascination that they have not in themselves. This is the
+highest attainment of art, to be at the same time nature and something
+more than nature.
+
+But here the great excellence of Sterne ends as well as begins. In
+_Tristram Shandy_ especially there are several defects which, while we
+are reading it, tease and disgust so much that we are scarcely willing
+even to admire as we ought to admire the refined pictures of human
+emotion. The first of these, and perhaps the worst, is the fantastic
+disorder of the form. It is an imperative law of the writing-art, that
+a book should go straight on. A great writer should be able to tell a
+great meaning as coherently as a small writer tells a small meaning. The
+magnitude of the thought to be conveyed, the delicacy of the emotion to
+be painted, render the introductory touches of consummate art not of less
+importance, but of more importance. A great writer should train the mind
+of the reader for his greatest things; that is, by first strokes and
+fitting preliminaries he should form and prepare his mind for the due
+appreciation and the perfect enjoyment of high creations. He should not
+blunder upon a beauty, nor, after a great imaginative creation, should
+he at once fall back to bare prose. The high-wrought feeling which a
+poet excites should not be turned out at once and without warning into
+the discomposing world. It is one of the greatest merits of the greatest
+living writer of fiction,—of the authoress of _Adam Bede_,—that she
+never brings you to anything without preparing you for it; she has no
+loose lumps of beauty; she puts in nothing at random; after her greatest
+scenes, too, a natural sequence of subordinate realities again tones down
+the mind to this sublunary world. Her logical style—the most logical,
+probably, which a woman ever wrote—aids in this matter her natural sense
+of due proportion. There is not a space of incoherency—not a gap. It is
+not natural to begin with the point of a story, and she does not begin
+with it. When some great marvel has been told, we all wish to know what
+came of it, and she tells us. Her natural way, as it seems to those who
+do not know its rarity, of telling what happened produces the consummate
+effect of gradual enchantment and as gradual disenchantment. But Sterne’s
+style is _un_natural. He never begins at the beginning and goes straight
+through to the end. He shies-in a beauty suddenly; and just when you are
+affected he turns round and grins at it. ‘Ah,’ he says, ‘is it not fine?’
+And then he makes jokes which at that place and that time are out of
+place, or passes away into scholastic or other irrelevant matter, which
+simply disgusts and disheartens those whom he has just delighted. People
+excuse all this irregularity of form by saying that it was imitated from
+Rabelais. But this is nonsense. Rabelais, perhaps, could not in his day
+venture to tell his meaning straight out; at any rate, he did not tell
+it. Sterne should not have chosen a model so monstrous. Incoherency is
+not less a defect because an imperfect foreign writer once made use of
+it. ‘You may have, sir, a reason,’ said Dr. Johnson, ‘for saying that
+two and two make five, but they will still make four.’ Just so, a writer
+may have a reason for selecting the defect of incoherency, but it is
+a defect still. Sterne’s best things read best out of his books,—in
+Enfield’s _Speaker_ and other places,—and you can say no worse of any one
+as a continuous artist.
+
+Another most palpable defect—especially palpable now-a-days—in _Tristram
+Shandy_ is its indecency. It is quite true that the customary conventions
+of writing are much altered during the last century, and much which would
+formerly have been deemed blameless would now be censured and disliked.
+The audience has changed; and decency is of course in part dependent
+on who is within hearing. A divorce case may be talked over across a
+club-table with a plainness of speech and development of expression
+which would be indecent in a mixed party, and scandalous before young
+ladies. Now, a large part of old novels may very fairly be called
+club-books; they speak out plainly and simply the notorious facts of the
+world, as men speak of them to men. Much excellent and proper masculine
+conversation is wholly unfit for repetition to young girls; and just
+in the same way, books written—as was almost all old literature,—for
+men only, or nearly only, seem coarse enough when contrasted with
+novels written by young ladies upon the subjects and in the tone of the
+drawing-room. The change is inevitable; as soon as works of fiction are
+addressed to boys and girls, they must be fit for boys and girls; they
+must deal with a life which is real so far as it goes, but which is yet
+most limited; which deals with the most passionate part of life, and yet
+omits the errors of the passions; which aims at describing men in their
+relations to women, and yet omits an all but universal influence which
+more or less distorts and modifies all these relations.
+
+As we have said, the change cannot be helped. A young ladies’ literature
+must be a limited and truncated literature. The indiscriminate study of
+human life is not desirable for them, either in fiction or in reality.
+But the habitual formation of a scheme of thought and a code of morality
+upon incomplete materials is a very serious evil. The readers for whose
+sake the omissions are made cannot fancy what is left out. Many a girl of
+the present day reads novels, and nothing but novels; she forms her mind
+by them, as far as she forms it by reading at all; even if she reads a
+few dull books, she soon forgets all about them, and remembers the novels
+only; she is more influenced by them than by sermons. They form her idea
+of the world, they define her taste, and modify her morality; not so much
+in explicit thought and direct act, as unconsciously and in her floating
+fancy. How is it possible to convince such a girl, especially if she
+is clever, that on most points she is all wrong? She has been reading
+most excellent descriptions of mere society; she comprehends those
+descriptions perfectly, for her own experience elucidates and confirms
+them. She has a vivid picture of a _patch_ of life. Even if she admits in
+words that there is something beyond, something of which she has no idea,
+she will not admit it really and in practice. What she has mastered and
+realised will incurably and inevitably overpower the unknown something of
+which she knows nothing, can imagine nothing, and can make nothing. ‘I am
+not sure,’ said an old lady, ‘but I think it’s the novels that make my
+girls so _heady_.’ It is the novels. A very intelligent acquaintance with
+limited life makes them think that the world is far simpler than it is,
+that men are easy to understand, ‘that mamma is _so_ foolish.’
+
+The novels of the last age have certainly not this fault. They do not
+err on the side of reticence. A girl may learn from them more than it is
+desirable for her to know. But, as we have explained, they were meant for
+men and not for girls; and if _Tristram Shandy_ had simply given a plain
+exposition of necessary facts—necessary, that is, to the development
+of the writer’s view of the world, and to the telling of the story in
+hand,—we should not have complained; we should have regarded it as the
+natural product of a now extinct society. But there are most unmistakable
+traces of ‘Crazy Castle’ in _Tristram Shandy_. There is indecency for
+indecency’s sake. It is made a sort of recurring and even permeating
+joke to mention things which are not generally mentioned. Sterne himself
+made a sort of defence, or rather denial, of this. He once asked a lady
+if she had read _Tristram_. ‘I have not, Mr. Sterne,’ was the answer;
+‘and, to be plain with you, I am informed it is not proper for female
+perusal.’ ‘My dear good lady,’ said Sterne, ‘do not be gulled by such
+stories; the book is like your young heir there’ (pointing to a child of
+three years old who was rolling on the carpet in white tunics): ‘he shows
+at times a good deal that is usually concealed, but it is all in perfect
+innocence.’ But a perusal of _Tristram_ would not make good the plea.
+The unusual publicity of what is ordinarily imperceptible is not the
+thoughtless accident of amusing play; it is deliberately sought after as
+a nice joke; it is treated as a good in itself.
+
+The indecency of _Tristram Shandy_—at least of the early part, which was
+written before Sterne had been to France—is especially an offence against
+taste, because of its ugliness. _Moral_ indecency is always disgusting.
+There certainly is a sort of writing which cannot be called decent, and
+which describes a society to the core immoral, which nevertheless is no
+offence against art; it violates a higher code than that of taste, but it
+does not violate the code of taste. The _Mémoires de Grammont_—hundreds
+of French memoirs about France—are of this kind, more or less. They
+describe the refined, witty, elegant immorality of an idle aristocracy.
+They describe a life ‘unsuitable to such a being as man in such a world
+as the present one,’ in which there are no high aims, no severe duties,
+where some precepts of morals seem not so much to be sometimes broken as
+to be generally suspended and forgotten; such a life, in short, as God
+has never suffered men to lead on this earth long, which He has always
+crushed out by calamity and revolution. This life, though an offence in
+morals, was not an offence in taste. It was an elegant, a _pretty_ thing
+while it lasted. Especially in enhancing description, where the alloy
+of life may be omitted, where nothing vulgar need be noticed, where
+everything elegant may be neatly painted,—such a world is elegant enough.
+Morals and policy must decide how far such delineations are permissible
+or expedient; but the art of beauty,—art-criticism—has no objection to
+them. They are pretty paintings of pretty objects, and that is all it has
+to say. They may very easily do harm; if generally read among the young
+of the middle class, they would be sure to do harm: they would teach not
+a few to aim at a sort of refinement denied them by circumstances, and to
+neglect the duties allotted them; it would make shopmen ‘bad imitations
+of polished ungodliness,’ and also bad shopmen. But still, though it
+would in such places be noxious literature, in itself it would be pretty
+literature. The critic must praise it, though the moralist must condemn
+it, and perhaps the politician forbid it.
+
+But _Tristram Shandy’s_ indecency is the very opposite to this refined
+sort. It consists in allusions to certain inseparable accompaniments of
+actual life which are not beautiful, which can never be made interesting,
+which would, _if_ they were decent, be dull and uninteresting. There is,
+it appears, a certain excitement in putting such matters into a book:
+there is a minor exhilaration even in petty crime. At first such things
+look so odd in print that you go on reading them to see what they look
+like; but you soon give up. What is disenchanting or even disgusting
+in reality does not become enchanting or endurable in delineation. You
+are more angry at it in literature than in life; there is much which is
+barbarous and animal in reality that we could wish away; we endure it
+because we cannot help it, because we did not make it and cannot alter
+it, because it is an inseparable part of this inexplicable world. But why
+we should put this coarse alloy, this dross of life, into the _optional_
+world of literature, which we can make as we please, it is impossible
+to say. The needless introduction of accessory ugliness is always a sin
+in art, and is not at all less so when such ugliness is disgusting and
+improper. _Tristram Shandy_ is incurably tainted with a pervading vice;
+it dwells at length on, it seeks after, it returns to, it gloats over,
+the most unattractive part of the world.
+
+There is another defect in _Tristram Shandy_ which would of itself
+remove it from the list of first-rate books, even if those which we
+have mentioned did not do so. It contains eccentric characters only.
+Some part of this defect may be perhaps explained by one peculiarity of
+its origin. Sterne was so sensitive to the picturesque parts of life,
+that he wished to paint the picturesque parts of the people he hated.
+Country-towns in those days abounded in odd characters. They were out
+of the way of the great opinion of the world, and shaped themselves to
+little opinions of their own. They regarded the customs which the place
+had inherited as the customs which were proper for it, and which it would
+be foolish, if not wicked, to try to change. This gave English country
+life a motley picturesqueness then, which it wants now, when London ideas
+shoot out every morning, and carry on the wings of the railway a uniform
+creed to each cranny of the kingdom, north and south, east and west.
+These little public opinions of little places wanted, too, the crushing
+power of the great public opinion of our own day; at the worst, a man
+could escape from them into some different place which had customs and
+doctrines that suited him better. We now may fly into another ‘city,’ but
+it is all the same Roman empire; the same uniform justice, the one code
+of heavy laws presses us down and makes us—the sensible part of us at
+least—as like other people as we can make ourselves. The public opinion
+of county towns yielded soon to individual exceptions; it had not the
+confidence in itself which the opinion of each place now receives from
+the accordant and simultaneous echo of a hundred places. If a man chose
+to be queer, he was bullied for a year or two, then it was settled that
+he was ‘queer;’ that was the fact about him, and must be accepted. In a
+year or so he became an ‘institution’ of the place, and the local pride
+would have been grieved if he had amended the oddity which suggested
+their legends and added a flavour to their life. Of course, if a man was
+rich and influential, he might soon disregard the mere opinion of the
+petty locality. Every place has wonderful traditions of old rich men
+who did exactly as they pleased, because they could set at naught the
+opinions of the neighbours, by whom they were feared; and who did not,
+as now, dread the unanimous conscience which does not fear even a squire
+of 2000_l._ a year, or a banker of 8000_l._, because it is backed by the
+wealth of London and the magnitude of all the country. There is little
+oddity in county towns now; they are detached scraps of great places; but
+in Sterne’s time there was much, and he used it unsparingly.
+
+Much of the delineation is of the highest merit. Sterne knew how to
+describe eccentricity, for he showed its relation to our common human
+nature: he showed how we were related to it, how in some sort and
+in some circumstances we might ourselves become it. He reduced the
+abnormal formation to the normal rules. Except upon this condition,
+eccentricity is no fit subject for literary art. Every one must have
+known characters which, if they were put down in books, barely and as
+he sees them, would seem monstrous and disproportioned,—which would
+disgust all readers,—which every critic would term unnatural. While
+characters are monstrous, they should be kept out of books; they are
+ugly unintelligibilities, foreign to the realm of true art. But as soon
+as they can be explained to us, as soon as they are shown in their union
+with, in their outgrowth from common human nature, they are the best
+subjects for great art—for they are new subjects. They teach us, not the
+old lesson which our fathers knew, but a new lesson which will please us
+and make us better than they. Hamlet is an eccentric character, one of
+the most eccentric in literature; but because, by the art of the poet,
+we are made to understand that he is a possible, a _vividly_ possible
+man, he enlarges our conceptions of human nature; he takes us out of the
+bounds of commonplace. He ‘instructs us by means of delight.’ Sterne does
+this too. Mr. Shandy, Uncle Toby, Corporal Trim, Mrs. Shandy,—for in
+strictness she too is eccentric from her abnormal commonplaceness,—are
+beings of which the possibility is brought home to us, which we feel
+we could under circumstances and by influences become; which, though
+contorted and twisted, are yet spun out of the same elementary nature,
+the same thread as we are. Considering how odd these characters are, the
+success of Sterne is marvellous, and his art in this respect consummate.
+But yet on a point most nearly allied it is very faulty. Though each
+individual character is shaded off into human nature, the whole is not
+shaded off into the world. This society of originals and oddities is
+left to stand by itself, as if it were a natural and ordinary society,—a
+society easily conceivable and needing no explanation. Such is not the
+manner of the great masters; in their best works a constant atmosphere
+of half commonplace personages surrounds and shades off, illustrates and
+explains every central group of singular persons.
+
+On the whole, therefore, the judgment of criticism on _Tristram Shandy_
+is concise and easy. It is immortal because of certain scenes suggested
+by Sterne’s curious experience, detected by his singular sensibility,
+and heightened by his delineative and discriminative imagination. It
+is defective because its style is fantastic, its method illogical and
+provoking; because its indecency is of the worst sort, as far as in
+such matters an artistic judgment can speak of worst and best; because
+its world of characters forms an incongruous group of singular persons
+utterly dissimilar to, and irreconcilable with the world in which we
+live. It is a great work of art, but of barbarous art. Its mirth is
+boisterous. It is _provincial_. It is redolent of an inferior society;
+of those who think crude animal spirits in themselves delightful; who do
+not know that, without wit to point them, or humour to convey them, they
+are disagreeable to others; who like disturbing transitions, blank pages,
+and tricks of style; who do not know that a simple and logical form of
+expression is the most effective, if not the easiest—the least laborious
+to readers, if not always the most easily attained by writers.
+
+The oddity of _Tristram Shandy_ was, however, a great aid to its
+immediate popularity. If an author were to stand on his head now and
+then in Cheapside, his eccentricity would bring him into contact with
+the police, but it would advertise his writings; they would sell better:
+people would like to see what was said by a great author who was so
+odd as to stand so. Sterne put his eccentricity into his writings, and
+therefore came into collision with the critics; but he attained the
+same end. His book sold capitally. As with all popular authors, he went
+to London; he was fêted. ‘The _man_ Sterne,’ growled Dr. Johnson, ‘has
+dinner engagements for three months.’ The upper world—ever desirous of
+novelty, ever tired of itself, ever anxious to be amused—was in hopes of
+a new wit. It naturally hoped that the author of _Tristram Shandy_ would
+talk well, and it sent for him to talk.
+
+He did talk well, it appears, though not always very correctly, and never
+very clerically. His appearance was curious, but yet refined. Eager eyes,
+a wild look, a long lean frame, and what he called a cadaverous bale
+of goods for a body, made up an odd exterior, which attracted notice,
+and did not repel liking. He looked like a scarecrow with bright eyes.
+With a random manner, but not without a nice calculation, he discharged
+witticisms at London parties. His keen nerves told him which were fit
+witticisms; _they_ took, and _he_ was applauded.
+
+He published some sermons too. That tolerant age liked, it is instructive
+as well as amusing to think, sermons by the author of _Tristram Shandy_.
+People wonder at the rise of Methodism; but ought they to wonder? If
+a clergyman publishes his sermons because he has written an indecent
+novel—a novel which is purely pagan—which is outside the ideas of
+Christianity, whose author can scarcely have been inside of them—if a man
+so made and so circumstanced is _as such_ to publish Christian sermons,
+surely Christianity is a joke and a dream. Wesley was right in this at
+least; if Christianity be true, the upper-class life of the last century
+was based on rotten falsehood. A world which is really secular, which
+professes to be Christian, is the worst of worlds.
+
+The only point in which Sterne resembles a clergyman of our own time is,
+that he lost his voice. That peculiar affection of the chest and throat,
+which is hardly known among barristers, but which inflicts such suffering
+upon parsons, attacked him also. Sterne too, as might be expected, went
+abroad for it. He ‘spluttered French,’ he tells us, with success in
+Paris; the accuracy of the grammar some phrases in his letters would lead
+us to doubt; but few, very few Yorkshire parsons could then talk French
+at all, and there was doubtless a fine tact and sensibility in what he
+said. A literary phenomenon wishing to enjoy society, and able to amuse
+society, has ever been welcome in the Parisian world. After Paris, Sterne
+went to the south of France, and on to Italy, lounging easily in pretty
+places, and living comfortably, as far as one can see, upon the profits
+of _Tristram Shandy_. Literary success has seldom changed more suddenly
+and completely the course of a man’s life. For years Sterne resided in
+a country parsonage, and the sources of his highest excitement were a
+country town full of provincial oddities, and a ‘Crazy Castle’ full of
+the license and the whims of a country squire. On a sudden London, Paris,
+and Italy were opened to him. From a few familiar things he was suddenly
+transferred to many unfamiliar things. He was equal to them, though the
+change came so suddenly in middle life—though the change from a secluded
+English district to the great and interesting scenes was far greater,
+far fuller of unexpected sights and unforeseen phenomena, than it can
+be now—when travelling is common—when the newspaper is ‘abroad’—when
+every one has in his head some feeble image of Europe and the world.
+Sterne showed the delicate docility which belongs to a sensitive and
+experiencing nature. He understood and enjoyed very much of this new and
+strange life, if not the whole.
+
+The proof of this remains written in the _Sentimental Journey_. There is
+no better painting of first and easy impressions than that book. After
+all which has been written on the _ancien régime_, an Englishman at least
+will feel a fresh instruction on reading these simple observations. They
+are instructive _because_ of their simplicity. The old world at heart
+was not like that; there were depths and realities, latent forces and
+concealed results, which were hidden from Sterne’s eye, which it would
+have been quite out of his way to think of or observe. But the old world
+_seemed_ like that. This was the spectacle of it as it was seen by an
+observing stranger; and we take it up, not to know what was the truth,
+but to know what we should have thought to be the truth if we had lived
+in those times. People say _Eöthen_ is not like the real East; very
+likely it is not, but it is like what an imaginative young Englishman
+would _think_ the East. Just so, the _Sentimental Journey_ is not the
+true France of the old monarchy, but it is exactly what an observant
+quick-eyed Englishman might fancy that France to be. This has given it
+popularity; this still makes it a valuable relic of the past. It is not
+true to the outward nature of real life, but it is true to the reflected
+image of that life in an imaginative and sensitive man.
+
+Here is the actual description of the old chivalry of France; the ‘cheap
+defence of nations,’ as Mr. Burke called it a little while afterwards:
+
+ ‘When states and empires have their periods of declension, and
+ feel in their turns what distress and poverty is—I stop not
+ to tell the causes which gradually brought the house d’E—— in
+ Brittany into decay. The Marquis d’E—— had fought up against
+ his condition with great firmness; wishing to preserve, and
+ still show to the world, some little fragments of what his
+ ancestors had been—their indiscretions had put it out of his
+ power. There was enough left for the little exigencies of
+ _obscurity_. But he had two boys who look’d up to him for
+ _light_—he thought they deserved it. He had tried his sword—it
+ could not open the way—the _mounting_ was too expensive—and
+ simple economy was not a match for it—there was no resource
+ but commerce.
+
+ ‘In any other province in France, save Brittany, this was
+ smiting the root for ever of the little tree his pride and
+ affection wish’d to see reblossom. But in Brittany, there
+ being a provision for this, he avail’d himself of it; and
+ taking an occasion when the states were assembled at Rennes,
+ the Marquis, attended with his two boys, entered the court;
+ and having pleaded the right of an ancient law of the duchy,
+ which, though seldom claim’d, he said, was no less in force,
+ he took his sword from his side—Here, said he, take it; and be
+ trusty guardians of it, till better times put me in condition
+ to reclaim it.
+
+ ‘The president accepted the Marquis’s sword—he stayed a few
+ minutes to see it deposited in the archives of his house—and
+ departed.
+
+ ‘The Marquis and his whole family embarked the next day for
+ Martinico, and in about nineteen or twenty years of successful
+ application to business, with some unlook’d-for bequests from
+ distant branches of his house, return’d home to reclaim his
+ nobility and to support it.
+
+ ‘It was an incident of good fortune which will never happen
+ to any traveller but a sentimental one, that I should be at
+ Rennes at the very time of this solemn requisition: I call it
+ solemn—it was so to me.
+
+ ‘The Marquis enter’d the court with his whole family: he
+ supported his lady—his eldest son supported his sister, and
+ his youngest was at the other extreme of the line next his
+ mother—he put his handkerchief to his face twice—
+
+ ‘—There was a dead silence. When the Marquis had approach’d
+ within six paces of the tribunal, he gave the Marchioness
+ to his youngest son, and advancing three steps before his
+ family—he reclaim’d his sword. His sword was given him; and the
+ moment he got it into his hand he drew it almost out of the
+ scabbard—’twas the shining face of a friend he had once given
+ up—he look’d attentively along it, beginning at the hilt, as
+ if to see whether it was the same—when observing a little rust
+ which it had contracted near the point he brought it near his
+ eye, and bending his head down over it—I think I saw a tear
+ fall upon the place: I could not be deceived by what followed.
+
+ ‘“I shall find,” said he, “some _other way_ to get it off.”
+
+ ‘When the Marquis had said this, he return’d his sword into its
+ scabbard, made a bow to the guardians of it—and with his wife
+ and daughter, and his two sons following him, walk’d out.
+
+ ‘O how I envied him his feelings!’
+
+It shows a touching innocence of the imagination to believe—for probably
+Sterne did believe—or to expect his readers to believe, in a _noblesse_
+at once so honourable and so theatrical.
+
+In two points the _Sentimental Journey_, viewed with the critic’s eye,
+and as a mere work of art, is a great improvement upon _Tristram Shandy_.
+The style is simpler and better; it is far more connected; it does not
+jump about, or leave a topic _because_ it is interesting; it does not
+worry the reader with fantastic transitions, with childish contrivances
+and rhetorical intricacies. Highly elaborate the style certainly is,
+and in a certain sense artificial; it is full of nice touches, which
+must have come only upon reflection—a careful polish and judicious
+enhancement, in which the critic sees many a trace of time and toil. But
+a style delicately adjusted and exquisitely polished belongs to such
+a subject. Sterne undertook to write, _not_ of the coarse business of
+life—very strong common sort of words are best for that—_not_ even of
+interesting outward realities, which may be best described in a nice
+and simple style; but of the passing moods of human nature, of the
+impressions which a sensitive nature receives from the world without;
+and it is only the nicest art and the most dexterous care which can
+fit an obtuse language to such fine employment. How language was first
+invented and made we may not know; but beyond doubt it was shaped and
+fashioned into its present state by common ordinary men and women using
+it for common and ordinary purposes. They wanted a carving-knife, not a
+razor or lancet. And those great artists who have to use language for
+more exquisite purposes, who employ it to describe changing sentiments
+and momentary fancies and the fluctuating and indefinite inner world,
+must use curious nicety, and hidden but effectual artifice, else they
+cannot duly punctuate their thoughts, and slice the fine edges of their
+reflections. A hair’s-breadth is as important to them as a yard’s-breadth
+to a common workman. Sterne’s style has been criticised as artificial;
+but it is justly and rightly artificial, because language used in its
+natural and common mode was not framed to delineate, cannot delineate,
+the delicate subjects with which he occupies himself.
+
+That contact with the world, and with the French world especially,
+should teach Sterne to abandon the arbitrary and fantastic structure of
+_Tristram Shandy_ is most natural. French prose may be unreasonable in
+its meaning, but is ever rational in its structure; it is logic itself.
+It will not endure that the reader’s mind should be jarred by rough
+transitions, or distracted by irrelevant oddities. _Antics_ in style
+are prohibited by its severe code, just as eccentricities in manner are
+kept down by the critical tone of a fastidious society. In a barbarous
+country oddity may be attractive; in the great world it never is, except
+for a moment; it is on trial to see whether it is really oddity, to see
+if it does not contain elements which may be useful to, which may be
+naturalised in society at large. But inherent eccentricity, oddity _pur
+et simple_, is _immiscible_ in the great ocean of universal thought; it
+is apart from it, even when it floats in and is contained in it; very,
+very soon it is cast out from the busy waters, and left alone upon the
+beach. Sterne had the sense to be taught by the sharp touch of the world;
+he threw aside the ‘player’s garb’ which he had been tempted to assume.
+He discarded too, as was equally natural, the ugly indecency of _Tristram
+Shandy_. We will not undertake to defend the morality of certain scenes
+in the _Sentimental Journey_; there are several which might easily do
+much harm; but there is nothing displeasing to the natural man in them.
+They are nice enough; to those whose æsthetic nature has not been laid
+waste by their moral nature, they are attractive. They have a dangerous
+prettiness, which may easily incite to practical evil; but in itself,
+and separated from its censurable consequences, such prettiness is an
+artistic perfection. It was natural that the aristocratic world should
+easily teach Sterne that separation between the laws of beauty and the
+laws of morality which has been familiar to it during many ages—which
+makes so much of its essence.
+
+Mrs. Sterne did not prosper all this time. She went abroad and stayed
+at Montpellier with her husband; but it is not wonderful that a mere
+‘wife,’ taken out of Yorkshire, should be unfit for the great world. The
+domestic appendices of men who rise much hardly ever suit the high places
+at which they arrive. Mrs. Sterne was no exception. She seems to have
+been sensible, but it was _domestic_ sense. It was of the small world,
+small: it was fit to regulate the Yorkshire parsonage, it was suitable
+to a small _ménage_ even at Montpellier. But there was a deficiency in
+general mind. She did not, we apprehend, comprehend or appreciate the new
+thoughts and feelings which a new and great experience had awakened in
+her husband’s mind. His mind moved, but hers could not; she was anchored,
+but he was at sea.
+
+To fastidious writers who will only use very dignified words, there is
+much difficulty in describing Sterne’s life in his celebrity. But to
+humbler persons, who can only describe the things of society in the
+words of society, the case is simple. Sterne was ‘an old flirt.’ These
+are short and expressive words, and they tell the whole truth. There
+is no good reason to suspect his morals, but he dawdled about pretty
+women. He talked at fifty with the admiring tone of twenty; pretended
+to ‘freshness’ of feeling; though he had become mature, did not put
+away immature things. That he had any real influence over women is
+very unlikely; he was a celebrity, and they liked to exhibit him; he
+was amusing, and they liked him to amuse them. But they doubtless felt
+that he too was himself a joke. Women much respect real virtue; they
+much admire strong and successful immorality; but they neither admire
+nor respect the timid age which affects the forms of vice without its
+substance; which preserves the exterior of youth, though the reality
+is departed; which is insidious but not dangerous, sentimental but not
+passionate. Of this sort was Sterne, and he had his reward. Women of the
+world are willing to accept any admiration, but this sort they accept
+with suppressed and latent sarcasm. They ridiculed his imbecility while
+they accepted his attentions and enjoyed his society.
+
+Many men have lived this life with but minor penalties, and justly; for
+though perhaps a feeble and contemptible, it is not a bad or immoral
+life. But Sterne has suffered a very severe though a delayed and
+posthumous penalty. He was foolish enough to write letters to some of his
+friends, and after his death, to get money, his family published them.
+This is the sort of thing:
+
+ ‘Eliza will receive my books with this. The sermons came all
+ hot from the heart: I wish that I could give them any title to
+ be offered to yours.—The others came from the head—I am more
+ indifferent about their reception.
+
+ ‘I know not how it comes about, but I am half in love with
+ you—I ought to be wholly so; for I never valued (or saw more
+ good qualities to value) or thought more of one of your sex
+ than of you; so adieu.
+
+ ‘Yours faithfully,
+
+ ‘if not affectionately,
+
+ ‘L. STERNE.’
+
+ ‘I cannot rest, Eliza, though I shall call on you at half-past
+ twelve, till I know how you do.—May thy dear face smile,
+ as thou risest, like the sun of this morning. I was much
+ grieved to hear of your alarming indisposition yesterday; and
+ disappointed too, at not being let in. Remember, my dear, that
+ a friend has the same right as a physician. The etiquettes
+ of this town (you’ll say) say otherwise.—No matter! Delicacy
+ and propriety do not always consist in observing their frigid
+ doctrines.
+
+ ‘I am going out to breakfast, but shall be at my lodgings by
+ eleven, when I hope to read a single line under thy own hand,
+ that thou art better, and wilt be glad to see thy Bramin.’
+
+This Eliza was a Mrs. Draper, the wife of a judge in India, ‘much
+respected in that part of the world.’ We know little of Eliza, except
+that there is a stone in Bristol cathedral—
+
+ SACRED
+ TO THE MEMORY
+ OF
+ MRS. ELIZABETH DRAPER,
+ IN WHOM
+ GENIUS AND BENEVOLENCE
+ WERE UNITED.
+ SHE DIED AUGUST 3, 1778, AGED 35.
+
+Let us hope she possessed, in addition to genius and benevolence, the
+good sense to laugh at Sterne’s letters.
+
+In truth, much of the gloss and delicacy of Sterne’s pagan instinct had
+faded away by this time. He still retained his fine sensibility, his
+exquisite power of entering into and of delineating plain human nature.
+But the world had produced its inevitable effect on that soft and
+voluptuous disposition. It is not, as we have said, that he was guilty of
+grave offences or misdeeds; he made what he would have called a ‘splutter
+of vice,’ but he would seem to have committed very little. Yet, as with
+most minds which have exempted themselves from rigid principle, there was
+a diffused texture of general laxity. The fibre had become imperfect; the
+moral constitution was impaired; the high colour of rottenness had come
+at last out, and replaced the delicate bloom and softness of the early
+fruit. There is no need to write commonplace sermons on an ancient text.
+The beauty and charm of natural paganism will not endure the stress and
+destruction of this rough and complicated world. An instinctive purity
+will preserve men for a brief time, but hardly through a long and varied
+life of threescore and ten years.
+
+Sterne, however, did not live so long. In 1768 he came to London for
+the last time, and enjoyed himself much. He dined with literary friends
+and supped with fast friends. He liked both. But the end was at hand.
+His chest had long been delicate; he got a bad cold which became a
+pleurisy, and died in a London lodging—a footman sent by ‘some gentlemen
+who were dining,’ and a hired nurse, being the only persons present.
+His family were away; and he had devoted himself to intellectual and
+luxurious enjoyments, which are at least as sure to make a lonely
+death-bed as a refined and cultivated life. ‘Self-scanned, self-centred,
+self-secure,’ a man may perhaps live, but even so by _himself_ he will
+be sure to die. For self-absorbed men the world at large cares little;
+as soon as they cease to amuse, or to be useful, it flings them aside,
+and they die alone. Even Sterne’s grave, they say, was so obscure and
+neglected that the corpse-stealers ventured to open it, and his body was
+dissected without being recognised. The life of literary men is often a
+kind of sermon in itself; for the pursuit of fame, when it is contrasted
+with the grave realities of life, seems more absurd and trifling than
+most pursuits, and to leave less behind it. Mere _amusers_ are never
+respected. It would be harsh to call Sterne a mere amuser, he is much
+more; but so the contemporary world regarded him. They laughed at his
+jests, disregarded his death-bed, and neglected his grave.
+
+What, it may be asked, is there in such a career, or such a character
+as this, to remind us of the great writer whom we have just lost? In
+externals there seems little resemblance, or rather there seems to be
+great contrast. On the one side a respected manhood, a long industry, an
+honoured memory; on the other hand a life lax, if not dissolute, little
+labour, and a dishonoured grave. Mr. Thackeray, too, has written a most
+severe criticism on Sterne’s character. Can we, then, venture to compare
+the two? We do so venture; and we allege, and that in spite of many
+superficial differences, that there was one fundamental and ineradicable
+resemblance between the two.
+
+Thackeray, like Sterne, looked at everything—at nature, at life, at
+art—from a _sensitive_ aspect. His mind was, to some considerable extent,
+like a woman’s mind. It could comprehend abstractions when they were
+unrolled and explained before it, but it never naturally created them;
+never of itself, and without external obligation, devoted itself to them.
+The visible scene of life—the streets, the servants, the clubs, the
+gossip, the West End—fastened on his brain. These were to him reality.
+They burnt in upon his brain; they pained his nerves; their influence
+reached him through many avenues, which ordinary men do not feel much,
+or to which they are altogether impervious. He had distinct and rather
+painful sensations where most men have but confused and blurred ones.
+Most men have felt the _instructive_ headache, during which they are more
+acutely conscious than usual of all which goes on around them,—during
+which everything seems to pain them, and in which they understand it,
+because it pains them, and they cannot get their imagination away from
+it. Thackeray had a nerve-ache of this sort always. He acutely felt
+every possible passing fact—every trivial interlude in society. Hazlitt
+used to say of himself, and used to say truly, that he could not enjoy
+the society in a drawing-room for thinking of the opinion which the
+footman formed of his odd appearance as he went upstairs. Thackeray
+had too healthy and stable a nature to be thrown so wholly off his
+balance; but the footman’s view of life was never out of his head. The
+obvious facts which suggest it to the footman poured it in upon him;
+he could not exempt himself from them. As most men say that the earth
+_may_ go round the sun, but in fact, when we look at the sun, we cannot
+help believing it goes round the earth,—just so this most impressible,
+susceptible genius could not help half accepting, half believing the
+common ordinary sensitive view of life, although he perfectly knew in his
+inner mind and deeper nature that this apparent and superficial view of
+life was misleading, inadequate, and deceptive. He could not help seeing
+everything, and what he saw made so near and keen an impression upon him,
+that he could not again exclude it from his understanding; it stayed
+there, and disturbed his thoughts.
+
+If, he often says, ‘people could write about that of which they are
+really thinking, how interesting books would be!’ More than most writers
+of fiction, he felt the difficulty of abstracting his thoughts and
+imagination from near facts which _would_ make themselves felt. The
+sick wife in the next room, the unpaid baker’s bill, the lodging-house
+keeper who doubts your solvency; these, and such as these,—the usual
+accompaniments of an early literary life,—are constantly alluded to
+in his writings. Perhaps he could never take a grand enough view of
+literature, or accept the truth of ‘high art,’ because of his natural
+tendency to this stern and humble realism. He knew that he was writing
+a tale which would appear in a green magazine (with others) on the 1st
+of March, and would be paid for perhaps on the 11th, by which time,
+probably, ‘Mr. Smith’ would have to ‘make up a sum,’ and would again
+present his ‘little account.’ There are many minds besides his who feel
+an interest in these realities, though they yawn over ‘high art’ and
+elaborate judgments.
+
+A painfulness certainly clings like an atmosphere round Mr. Thackeray’s
+writings, in consequence of his inseparable and ever-present realism. We
+hardly know where it is, yet we are all conscious of it less or more.
+A free and bold writer, like Sir Walter Scott, throws himself far away
+into fictitious worlds, and soars there without effort, without pain,
+and with unceasing enjoyment. You see as it were between the lines of
+Mr. Thackeray’s writings, that his thoughts were never long away from
+the close proximate scene. His writings might be better if it had been
+otherwise; but they would have been less peculiar, less individual; they
+would have wanted their character, their flavour, if he had been able
+while writing them to forget for many moments the ever-attending, the
+ever-painful sense of himself.
+
+Hence have arisen most of the censures upon him, both as he seemed to be
+in society and as he was in his writings. He was certainly uneasy in the
+common and general world, and it was natural that he should be so. The
+world poured in upon him, and _inflicted_ upon his delicate sensibility
+a number of petty pains and impressions which others do not feel at all,
+or which they feel but very indistinctly. As he sat he seemed to read
+off the passing thoughts—the base, common, ordinary impressions—of every
+one else. Could such a man be at ease? Could even a quick intellect
+be asked to set in order with such velocity so many data? Could any
+temper, however excellent, be asked to bear the contemporaneous influx
+of innumerable minute annoyances? Men of ordinary nerves who feel a
+little of the pains of society, who perceive what really passes, who are
+not absorbed in the petty pleasures of sociability, could well observe
+how keen was Thackeray’s _sensation_ of common events, could easily
+understand how difficult it must have been for him to keep mind and
+temper undisturbed by a miscellaneous tide at once so incessant and so
+forcible.
+
+He could not emancipate himself from such impressions even in a case
+where most men hardly feel them. Many people have—it is not difficult
+to have—some vague sensitive perception of what is passing in the minds
+of the guests, of the ideas of such as sit at meat; but who remembers
+that there are also nervous apprehensions, also a latent mental life
+among those who ‘stand and wait’—among the floating figures which pass
+and carve? But there was no impression to which Mr. Thackeray was more
+constantly alive, or which he was more apt in his writings to express. He
+observes:
+
+ ‘Between me and those fellow-creatures of mine who are sitting
+ in the room below, how strange and wonderful is the partition!
+ We meet at every hour of the daylight, and are indebted to
+ each other for a hundred offices of duty and comfort of life;
+ and we live together for years, and don’t know each other.
+ John’s voice to me is quite different from John’s voice when
+ it addresses his mates below. If I met Hannah in the street
+ with a bonnet on, I doubt whether I should know her. And all
+ these good people, with whom I may live for years and years,
+ have cares, interests, dear friends and relatives, mayhap
+ schemes, passions, longing hopes, tragedies of their own, from
+ which a carpet and a few planks and beams utterly separate me.
+ When we were at the sea-side, and poor Ellen used to look so
+ pale, and run after the postman’s bell, and seize a letter in
+ a great scrawling hand, and read it, and cry in a corner, how
+ should we know that the poor little thing’s heart was breaking?
+ She fetched the water, and she smoothed the ribbons, and she
+ laid out the dresses, and brought the early cup of tea in the
+ morning, just as if she had had no cares to keep her awake.
+ Henry (who lived out of the house) was the servant of a friend
+ of mine who lived in chambers. There was a dinner one day,
+ and Henry waited all through the dinner. The champagne was
+ properly iced, the dinner was excellently served; every guest
+ was attended to; the dinner disappeared; the dessert was set;
+ the claret was in perfect order, carefully decanted, and more
+ ready. And then Henry said, “If you please, sir, may I go
+ home?” He had received word that his house was on fire; and,
+ having seen through his dinner, he wished to go and look after
+ his children and little sticks of furniture. Why, such a man’s
+ livery is a uniform of honour. The crest on his button is a
+ badge of bravery.’
+
+Nothing in itself could be more admirable than this instinctive sympathy
+with humble persons; not many things are rarer than this nervous
+apprehension of what humble persons think. Nevertheless it cannot, we
+think, be effectually denied that it coloured Mr. Thackeray’s writings
+and the more superficial part of his character—that part which was most
+obvious in common and current society—with very considerable defects. The
+pervading idea of the ‘Snob Papers’ is too frequent, too recurring, too
+often insisted on, even in his highest writings; there was a slight shade
+of similar feeling even in his occasional society, and though it was
+certainly unworthy of him, it was exceedingly natural that it should be
+so, with such a mind as his and in a society such as ours.
+
+There are three methods in which a society may be constituted. There
+is the equal system, which, with more or less of variation, prevails
+in France and in the United States. The social presumption in these
+countries always is that every one is on a level with every one else.
+In America, the porter at the station, the shopman at the counter,
+the boots at the hotel, when neither a Negro nor an Irishman, is your
+equal. In France _égalité_ is a political first principle. The whole
+of Louis Napoleon’s _régime_ depends upon it: remove that feeling, and
+the whole fabric of the Empire will pass away. We once heard a great
+French statesman illustrate this. He was giving a dinner to the clergy
+of his neighbourhood, and was observing that he had now no longer the
+power to help or hurt them, when an eager _curé_ said, with simple-minded
+joy, ‘_Oui, monsieur, maintenant personne ne peut rien, ni le comte,
+ni le prolétaire_.’ The democratic priest so rejoiced at the universal
+levelling which had passed over his nation, that he could not help
+boasting of it when silence would have been much better manners. We are
+not now able—we have no room and no inclination—to discuss the advantages
+of democratic society; but we think in England we may venture to assume
+that it is neither the best nor the highest form which a society can
+adopt, and that it is certainly fatal to that development of individual
+originality and greatness by which the past progress of the human race
+has been achieved, and from which alone, it would seem, all future
+progress is to be anticipated. If it be said that people are all alike,
+that the world is a plain with no natural valleys and no natural hills,
+the picturesqueness of existence is destroyed, and, what is worse, the
+instinctive emulation by which the dweller in the valley is stimulated to
+climb the hill is annihilated and becomes impossible.
+
+On the other hand, there is the opposite system, which prevails in the
+East,—the system of irremovable inequalities, of hedged-in castes,
+which no one can enter but by birth, and from which no born member can
+issue forth. This system likewise, in this age and country, needs no
+attack, for it has no defenders. Every one is ready to admit that it
+cramps originality, by defining our work irrespective of our qualities
+and before we were born; that it retards progress, by restraining
+the wholesome competition between class and class, and the wholesome
+migration from class to class, which are the best and strongest
+instruments of social improvement.
+
+And if both these systems be condemned as undesirable and prejudicial,
+there is no third system except that which we have—the system of
+_removable inequalities_, where many people are inferior to and
+worse off than others, but in which each may _in theory_ hope to be
+on a level with the highest below the throne, and in which each may
+reasonably, and without sanguine impracticability, hope to gain one
+step in social elevation, to be at last on a level with those who at
+first were just above them. But, from the mere description of such a
+society, it is evident that, taking man as he is, with the faults which
+we know he has, and the tendencies which he invariably displays, some
+poison of ‘snobbishness’ is inevitable. Let us define it as the habit
+of ‘pretending to be higher in the social scale than you really are.’
+Everybody will admit that such pretension is a fault and a vice, yet
+every observant man of the world would also admit that, considering
+what other misdemeanours men commit, this offence is not inconceivably
+heinous; and that, if people never did any thing worse, they might be
+let off with a far less punitive judgment than in the actual state of
+human conduct would be just or conceivable. How are we to hope men will
+pass their lives in putting their best foot foremost, and yet will never
+boast that their better foot is farther advanced and more perfect than in
+fact it is? Is boasting to be made a capital crime? Given social ambition
+as a propensity of human nature; given a state of society like ours,
+in which there are prizes which every man may seek, degradations which
+every one may erase, inequalities which every one may remove,—it is idle
+to suppose that there will not be all sorts of striving to cease to be
+last and to begin to be first, and it is equally idle to imagine that all
+such strivings will be of the highest kind. This effort will be, like
+all the efforts of our mixed and imperfect human nature, partly good and
+partly bad, with much that is excellent and beneficial in it, and much
+also which is debasing and pernicious. The bad striving after unpossessed
+distinction is snobbishness, which from the mere definition cannot be
+defended, but which may be excused as a natural frailty in an emulous
+man who is not distinguished, who hopes to be distinguished, and who
+perceives that a valuable means of gaining distinction is a judicious,
+though false pretension that it has already been obtained.
+
+Mr. Thackeray, as we think, committed two errors in this matter. He
+lacerates ‘snobs’ in his books as if they had committed an unpardonable
+outrage and inexpiable crime. That man, he says, is anxious ‘to know
+lords; and he pretends to know more of lords than he really does know.
+What a villain! what a disgrace to our common nature; what an irreparable
+reproach to human reason!’ Not at all; it is a fault which satirists
+should laugh at, and which moralists condemn and disapprove, but which
+yet does not destroy the whole vital excellence of him who possesses
+it,—which may leave him a good citizen, a pleasant husband, a warm
+friend; ‘a fellow,’ as the undergraduate said, ‘_up_ in his _morals_.’
+
+In transient society it is possible, we think, that Mr. Thackeray thought
+too much of social inequalities. They belonged to that common, plain,
+perceptible world which filled his mind, and which left him at times, and
+at casual moments, no room for a purely intellectual and just estimate of
+men as they really are in themselves, and apart from social perfection
+or defect. He could gauge a man’s reality as well as any observer, and
+far better than most: his attainments were great, his perception of men
+instinctive, his knowledge of casual matters enormous; but he had a
+greater difficulty than other men in relying only upon his own judgment.
+‘What the footman—what Mr. Yellowplush Jeames would think and say,’ could
+not but occur to his mind, and would modify, not his settled judgment,
+but his transient and casual opinion of the poet or philosopher. By the
+constitution of his mind he thought much of social distinctions; and yet
+he was in his writings too severe on those who, in cruder and baser ways,
+showed that they also were thinking much.
+
+Those who perceive that this irritable sensibility was the basis of
+Thackeray’s artistic character, that it gave him his materials, his
+implanted knowledge of things and men, and gave him also that keen
+and precise style which hit in description the nice edges of all
+objects,—those who trace these great qualities back to their real source
+in a somewhat painful organisation, must have been vexed or amused,
+according to their temperament, at the common criticism which associates
+him with Fielding. Fielding’s essence was the very reverse; it was a
+bold spirit of bounding happiness. No just observer could talk to Mr.
+Thackeray, or look at him, without seeing that he had deeply felt many
+sorrows—perhaps that he was a man _likely_ to feel sorrows—that he was
+of an anxious temperament. Fielding was a reckless enjoyer. He saw the
+world—wealth and glory, the best dinner and the worst dinner, the gilded
+_salon_ and the low sponging-house—and he saw that they were good. Down
+every line of his characteristic writings there runs this elemental
+energy of keen delight. There is no trace of such a thing in Thackeray.
+A musing fancifulness is far more characteristic of him than a joyful
+energy.
+
+Sterne had all this sensibility also, but—and this is the cardinal
+discrepancy—it did not make him irritable. He was not hurried away, like
+Fielding, by buoyant delight; he stayed and mused on painful scenes.
+But they did not make him angry. He was not irritated at the ‘foolish
+fat scullion.’ He did not vex himself because of the vulgar. He did not
+amass petty details to prove that tenth-rate people were ever striving to
+be ninth-rate people. He had no tendency to rub the bloom off life. He
+accepted pretty-looking things, even the French aristocracy, and he owes
+his immortality to his making them prettier than they are. Thackeray was
+pained by things, and exaggerated their imperfections; Sterne brooded
+over things with joy or sorrow, and he idealised their sentiment—their
+pathetic or joyful characteristics. This is why the old lady said, ‘Mr.
+Thackeray was an uncomfortable writer,’—and an uncomfortable writer he is.
+
+Nor had Sterne a trace of Mr. Thackeray’s peculiar and characteristic
+scepticism. He accepted simply the pains and pleasures, the sorrows and
+the joys of the world; he was not perplexed by them, nor did he seek to
+explain them, or account for them. There is a tinge—a mitigated, but
+perceptible tinge—of Swift’s philosophy in Thackeray. ‘Why is all this?
+Surely this is very strange? Am I right in sympathising with such stupid
+feelings, such petty sensations? Why are these things? Am I not a fool
+to care about or think of them? The world is dark, and the great curtain
+hides from us all.’ This is not a steady or an habitual feeling, but it
+is never quite absent for many pages. It was inevitable, perhaps, that in
+a sceptical and inquisitive age like this, some vestiges of puzzle and
+perplexity should pass into the writings of our great sentimentalist. He
+would not have fairly represented the moods of his time if he omitted
+that pervading one.
+
+We had a little more to say of these great men, but our limits are
+exhausted, and we must pause. Of Thackeray it is too early to speak at
+length. A certain distance is needful for a just criticism. The present
+generation have learned too much from him to be able to judge him
+rightly. We do not know the merit of those great pictures which have sunk
+into our minds, and which have coloured our thoughts, which are become
+habitual memories. In the books we know best, as in the people we know
+best, small points, sometimes minor merits, sometimes small faults, have
+an undue prominence. When the young critics of this year have gray hairs,
+their children will tell them what is the judgment of posterity upon Mr.
+Thackeray.
+
+
+
+
+_THE WAVERLEY NOVELS._[9]
+
+(1858.)
+
+
+It is not commonly on the generation which was contemporary with the
+production of great works of art that they exercise their most magical
+influence. Nor is it on the distant people whom we call posterity.
+Contemporaries bring to new books formed minds and stiffened creeds;
+posterity, if it regard them at all, looks at them as old subjects,
+worn-out topics, and hears a disputation on their merits with languid
+impartiality, like aged judges in a court of appeal. Even standard
+authors exercise but slender influence on the susceptible minds of a
+rising generation; they are become ‘papa’s books;’ the walls of the
+library are adorned with their regular volumes; but no hand touches them.
+Their fame is itself half an obstacle to their popularity; a delicate
+fancy shrinks from employing so great a celebrity as the companion of an
+idle hour. The generation which is really most influenced by a work of
+genius is commonly that which is still young when the first controversy
+respecting its merits arises; with the eagerness of youth they read and
+re-read; their vanity is not unwilling to adjudicate: in the process
+their imagination is formed; the creations of the author range themselves
+in the memory; they become part of the substance of the very mind. The
+works of Sir Walter Scott can hardly be said to have gone through this
+exact process. Their immediate popularity was unbounded. No one—a few
+most captious critics apart—ever questioned their peculiar power. Still
+they are subject to a transition, which is in principle the same. At the
+time of their publication mature contemporaries read them with delight.
+Superficial the reading of grown men in some sort must be; it is only
+once in a lifetime that we can know the passionate reading of youth;
+men soon lose its eager learning power. But from peculiarities in their
+structure, which we shall try to indicate, the novels of Scott suffered
+less than almost any book of equal excellence from this inevitable
+superficiality of perusal. Their plain, and, so to say, cheerful merits
+suit the occupied man of genial middle life. Their appreciation was to
+an unusual degree coincident with their popularity. The next generation,
+hearing the praises of their fathers in their earliest reading time,
+seized with avidity on the volumes; and there is much in very many of
+them which is admirably fitted for the delight of boyhood. A third
+generation has now risen into at least the commencement of literary
+life, which is quite removed from the unbounded enthusiasm with which
+the Scotch novels were originally received, and does not always share
+the still more eager partiality of those who, in the opening of their
+minds, first received the tradition of their excellence. New books have
+arisen to compete with these; new interests distract us from them. The
+time, therefore, is not perhaps unfavourable for a slight criticism of
+these celebrated fictions; and their continual republication, without any
+criticism for many years, seems almost to demand it.
+
+There are two kinds of fiction which, though in common literature they
+may run very much into one another, are yet in reality distinguishable
+and separate. One of these, which we may call the _ubiquitous_, aims
+at describing the whole of human life in all its spheres, in all its
+aspects, with all its varied interests, aims, and objects. It searches
+through the whole life of man; his practical pursuits, his speculative
+attempts, his romantic youth, and his domestic age. It gives an entire
+picture of all these; or if there be any lineaments which it forbears to
+depict, they are only such as the inevitable repression of a regulated
+society excludes from the admitted province of literary art. Of this
+kind are the novels of Cervantes and Le Sage, and, to a certain extent,
+of Smollett or Fielding. In our own time, Mr. Dickens is an author whom
+nature intended to write to a certain extent with this aim. He should
+have given us _not_ disjointed novels, with a vague attempt at a romantic
+plot, but sketches of diversified scenes, and the obvious life of varied
+mankind. The literary fates, however, if such beings there are, allotted
+otherwise. By a very terrible example of the way in which in this world
+great interests are postponed to little ones, the genius of authors is
+habitually sacrificed to the tastes of readers. In this age, the great
+readers of fiction are young people. The ‘addiction’ of these is to
+romance; and accordingly a kind of novel has become so familiar to us as
+almost to engross the name, which deals solely with the passion of love;
+and if it uses other parts of human life for the occasions of its art,
+it does so only cursorily and occasionally, and with a view of throwing
+into a stronger or more delicate light those sentimental parts of earthly
+affairs which are the special objects of delineation. All prolonged
+delineation of other parts of human life is considered ‘dry,’ stupid, and
+distracts the mind of the youthful generation from the ‘fantasies’ which
+peculiarly charm it. Mr. Olmstead has a story of some deputation of the
+Indians, at which the American orator harangued the barbarian audience
+about the ‘great spirit,’ and ‘the land of their fathers,’ in the style
+of Mr. Cooper’s novels; during a moment’s pause in the great stream, an
+old Indian asked the deputation, ‘Why does your chief speak thus to us?
+We did not wish great instruction or fine words; we desire brandy and
+tobacco.’ No critic in a time of competition will speak uncourteously
+of any reader of either sex; but it is indisputable that the old kind
+of novel, full of ‘great instruction’ and varied pictures, does not
+afford to some young gentlemen and some young ladies either the peculiar
+stimulus or the peculiar solace which they desire.
+
+The Waverley Novels were published at a time when the causes that thus
+limit the sphere of fiction were coming into operation, but when they had
+not yet become so omnipotent as they are now. Accordingly, these novels
+everywhere bear marks of a state of transition. They are not devoted with
+anything like the present exclusiveness to the sentimental part of human
+life. They describe great events, singular characters, strange accidents,
+strange states of society; they dwell with a peculiar interest—and as if
+for their own sake—on antiquarian details relating to a past society.
+Singular customs, social practices, even political institutions which
+existed once in Scotland, and even elsewhere, during the middle ages, are
+explained with a careful minuteness. At the same time the sentimental
+element assumes a great deal of prominence. The book is in fact, as well
+as in theory, a narrative of the feelings and fortunes of the hero and
+heroine. An attempt more or less successful has been made to insert an
+interesting love-story in each novel. Sir Walter was quite aware that the
+best delineation of the oddest characters, or the most quaint societies,
+or the strangest incidents, would not in general satisfy his readers. He
+has invariably attempted an account of youthful, sometimes of decidedly
+juvenile, feelings and actions. The difference between Sir Walter’s
+novels and the specially romantic fictions of the present day is, that
+in the former the love-story is always, or nearly always, connected with
+some great event, or the fortunes of some great historical character, or
+the peculiar movements and incidents of some strange state of society;
+and that the author did not suppose or expect that his readers would
+be so absorbed in the sentimental aspect of human life as to be unable
+or unwilling to be interested in, or to attend to, any other. There is
+always a _locus in quo_, if the expression may be pardoned, in the
+Waverley Novels. The hero and heroine walk among the trees of the forest
+according to rule, but we are expected to take an interest in the forest
+as well as in them.
+
+No novel, therefore, of Sir Walter Scott’s can be considered to come
+exactly within the class which we have called the ubiquitous. None of
+them in any material degree attempts to deal with human affairs in all
+their spheres—to delineate as a whole the life of man. The canvas has a
+large background, in some cases too large either for artistic effect or
+the common reader’s interest; but there are always real boundaries—Sir
+Walter had no _thesis_ to maintain. Scarcely any writer will set himself
+to delineate the whole of human life, unless he has a doctrine concerning
+human life to put forth and inculcate. The effort is _doctrinaire_.
+Scott’s imagination was strictly conservative. He could understand (with
+a few exceptions) any considerable movement of human life and action,
+and could always describe with easy freshness everything which he did
+understand; but he was not obliged by stress of fanaticism to maintain
+a dogma concerning them, or to show their peculiar relation to the
+general sphere of life. He described vigorously and boldly the peculiar
+scene and society which in every novel he had selected as the theatre of
+romantic action. Partly from their fidelity to nature, and partly from a
+consistency in the artist’s mode of representation, these pictures group
+themselves from the several novels in the imagination, and an habitual
+reader comes to think of and understand what is meant by ‘Scott’s world;’
+but the writer had no such distinct object before him. No one novel was
+designed to be a delineation of the world as Scott viewed it. We have
+vivid and fragmentary histories; it is for the slow critic of after-times
+to piece together their teaching.
+
+From this intermediate position of the Waverley Novels, or at any rate
+in exact accordance with its requirements, is the special characteristic
+for which they are most remarkable. We may call this in a brief phrase
+their _romantic sense_; and perhaps we cannot better illustrate it than
+by a quotation from the novel to which the series owes its most usual
+name. It occurs in the description of the Court ball which Charles Edward
+is described as giving at Holyrood House the night before his march
+southward on his strange adventure. The striking interest of the scene
+before him, and the peculiar position of his own sentimental career, are
+described as influencing the mind of the hero.
+
+ ‘Under the influence of these mixed sensations, and cheered
+ at times by a smile of intelligence and approbation from the
+ Prince as he passed the group, Waverley exerted his powers of
+ fancy, animation, and eloquence, and attracted the general
+ admiration of the company. The conversation gradually assumed
+ the line best qualified for the display of his talents and
+ acquisitions. The gaiety of the evening was exalted in
+ character, rather than checked, by the approaching dangers of
+ the morrow. All nerves were strung for the future, and prepared
+ to enjoy the present. This mood is highly favourable for the
+ exercise of the powers of imagination, for poetry, and for that
+ eloquence which is allied to poetry.’
+
+Neither ‘eloquence’ nor ‘poetry’ are the exact words with which it would
+be appropriate to describe the fresh style of the Waverley Novels; but
+the imagination of their author was stimulated by a fancied mixture of
+sentiment and fact, very much as he describes Waverley’s to have been
+by a real experience of the two at once. The second volume of Waverley
+is one of the most striking illustrations of this peculiarity. The
+character of Charles Edward, his adventurous undertaking, his ancestral
+rights, the mixed selfishness and enthusiasm of the Highland chiefs,
+the fidelity of their hereditary followers, their striking and strange
+array, the contrast with the Baron of Bradwardine and the Lowland gentry;
+the collision of the motley and half-appointed host with the formed and
+finished English society, its passage by the Cumberland mountains and
+the blue lake of Ullswater—are unceasingly and without effort present
+to the mind of the writer, and incite with their historical interest
+the susceptibility of his imagination. But at the same time the mental
+struggle, or rather transition, in the mind of Waverley—for his mind
+was of the faint order which scarcely struggles—is never for an instant
+lost sight of. In the very midst of the inroad and the conflict, the
+acquiescent placidity with which the hero exchanges the service of the
+imperious for the appreciation of the ‘nice’ heroine, is kept before
+us, and the imagination of Scott wandered without effort from the great
+scene of martial affairs to the natural but rather unheroic sentiments
+of a young gentleman not very difficult to please. There is no trace of
+effort in the transition, as is so common in the inferior works of later
+copyists. Many historical novelists, especially those who with care and
+pains have ‘read up’ their detail, are often evidently in a strait how
+to pass from their history to their sentiment. The fancy of Sir Walter
+could not help connecting the two. If he had given us the English side of
+the race to Derby, he would have described the Bank of England paying in
+sixpences, and also the loves of the cashier.
+
+It is not unremarkable in connection with this, the special
+characteristic of the ‘Scotch novels,’ that their author began his
+literary life by collecting the old ballads of his native country. Ballad
+poetry is, in comparison at least with many other kinds of poetry, a
+sensible thing. It describes not only romantic events, but historical
+ones, incidents in which there is a form and body and consistence—events
+which have a result. Such a poem as ‘Chevy Chace,’ we need not explain,
+has its prosaic side. The latest historian of Greece has nowhere been
+more successful than in his attempt to derive from Homer, the greatest of
+ballad poets, a thorough and consistent account of the political working
+of the Homeric state of society. The early natural imagination of men
+seizes firmly on all which interests the minds and hearts of natural
+men. We find in its delineations the council as well as the marriage;
+the harsh conflict as well as the deep love-affair. Scott’s own poetry
+is essentially a modernised edition of the traditional poems which his
+early youth was occupied in collecting. The _Lady of the Lake_ is a sort
+of _boudoir_ ballad, yet it contains its element of common sense and
+broad delineation. The exact position of Lowlander and Highlander would
+not be more aptly described in a set treatise than in the well-known
+lines:
+
+ ‘Saxon, from yonder mountain high
+ I marked thee send delighted eye
+ Far to the south and east, where lay,
+ Extended in succession gay,
+ Deep waving fields and pastures green,
+ With gentle slopes and groves between:
+ These fertile plains, that softened vale,
+ Were once the birthright of the Gael.
+ The stranger came with iron hand,
+ And from our fathers reft the land.
+ Where dwell we now! See, rudely swell
+ Crag over crag, and fell o’er fell.
+ Ask we this savage hill we tread,
+ For fattened steer or household bread;
+ Ask we for flocks these shingles dry,—
+ And well the mountain might reply:
+ To you, as to your sires of yore,
+ Belong the target and claymore;
+ I give you shelter in my breast,
+ Your own good blades must win the rest.
+ Pent in this fortress of the North,
+ Think’st thou we will not sally forth
+ To spoil the spoiler as we may,
+ And from the robber rend the prey?
+ Ay, by my soul! While on yon plain
+ The Saxon rears one shock of grain;
+ While of ten thousand herds there strays
+ But one along yon river’s maze;
+ The Gael, of plain and river heir,
+ Shall with strong hand redeem his share.’
+
+We need not search the same poem for specimens of the romantic element,
+for the whole poem is full of them. The incident in which Ellen
+discovers who Fitz-James really is, is perhaps excessively romantic. At
+any rate the lines,—
+
+ ‘To him each lady’s look was lent;
+ On him each courtier’s eye was bent;
+ Midst furs and silks and jewels sheen,
+ He stood in simple Lincoln green,
+ The centre of the glittering ring,
+ And Snowdoun’s knight is Scotland’s king,’—
+
+may be cited as very sufficient example of the sort of sentimental
+incident which is separable from extreme feeling. When Scott, according
+to his own half-jesting but half-serious expression, was ‘beaten out of
+poetry’ by Byron, he began to express in more pliable prose the same
+combination which his verse had been used to convey. As might have
+been expected, the sense became in the novels more free, vigorous,
+and flowing, because it is less cramped by the vehicle in which it is
+conveyed. The range of character which can be adequately delineated in
+narrative verse is much narrower than that which can be described in
+the combination of narrative with dramatic prose; and perhaps even the
+sentiment of the novels is manlier and freer; a delicate unreality hovers
+over the _Lady of the Lake_.
+
+The sensible element, if we may so express it, of the Waverley Novels
+appears in various forms. One of the most striking is in the delineation
+of great political events and influential political institutions. We
+are not by any means about to contend that Scott is to be taken as an
+infallible or an impartial authority for the parts of history which
+he delineates. On the contrary, we believe all the world now agrees
+that there are many deductions to be made from, many exceptions to be
+taken to, the accuracy of his delineations. Still, whatever period or
+incident we take, we shall always find in the error a great, in one or
+two cases perhaps an extreme, mixture of the mental element which we term
+common sense. The strongest _un_sensible feeling in Scott was perhaps
+his Jacobitism, which crept out even in small incidents and recurring
+prejudice throughout the whole of his active career, and was, so to say,
+the emotional aspect of his habitual Toryism. Yet no one can have given
+a more sensible delineation, we might say a more statesmanlike analysis,
+of the various causes which led to the momentary success, and to the
+speedy ruin, of the enterprise of Charles Edward. Mr. Lockhart says,
+that notwithstanding Scott’s imaginative readiness to exalt Scotland at
+the expense of England, no man would have been more willing to join in
+emphatic opposition to an anti-English party, if any such had presented
+itself with a practical object. Similarly his Jacobitism, though not
+without moments of real influence, passed away when his mind was directed
+to broad masses of fact, and general conclusions of political reasoning.
+A similar observation may be made as to Scott’s Toryism; although it is
+certain that there was an enthusiastic, and, in the malicious sense,
+poetical element in Scott’s Toryism, yet quite as indisputably it partook
+largely of two other elements, which are in common repute prosaic. He
+shared abundantly in the love of administration and organisation, common
+to all men of great active powers. He liked to contemplate method at
+work and order in action. Everybody hates to hear that the Duke of
+Wellington asked ‘how the king’s government was to be carried on.’ No
+amount of warning wisdom will bear so fearful a repetition. Still he
+_did_ say it, and Scott had a sympathising foresight of the oracle
+before it was spoken. One element of his conservatism is his sympathy
+with the administrative arrangement, which is confused by the objections
+of a Whiggish opposition and is liable to be altogether destroyed by
+uprisings of the populace. His biographer, while pointing out the strong
+contrast between Scott and the argumentative and parliamentary statesmen
+of his age, avows his opinion that in other times, and with sufficient
+opportunities, Scott’s ability in managing men would have enabled him to
+‘play the part of Cecil or of Gondomar.’ We may see how much a suppressed
+enthusiasm for such abilities breaks out, not only in the description of
+hereditary monarchs, where the sentiment might be ascribed to a different
+origin, but also in the delineation of upstart rulers, who could have
+no hereditary sanctity in the eyes of any Tory. Roland Græme, in the
+_Abbot_, is well described as losing in the presence of the Regent Murray
+the natural impertinence of his disposition. ‘He might have braved with
+indifference the presence of an earl merely distinguished by his belt
+and coronet; but he felt overawed in that of the soldier and statesman,
+the wielder of a nation’s power, and the leader of her armies.’ It is
+easy to perceive that the author shares the feeling of his hero by the
+evident pleasure with which he dwells on the Regent’s demeanour: ‘He then
+turned slowly round toward Roland Græme, and the marks of gaiety, real or
+assumed, disappeared from his countenance as completely as the passing
+bubbles leave the dark mirror of a still profound lake into which the
+traveller has cast a stone; in the course of a minute his noble features
+had assumed their natural expression of melancholy gravity,’ &c. In real
+life, Scott used to say, that he never remembered feeling abashed in any
+one’s presence except the Duke of Wellington’s. Like that of the hero of
+his novel, his imagination was very susceptible to the influence of great
+achievements and prolonged success in wide-spreading affairs.
+
+The view which Scott seems to have taken of democracy indicates exactly
+the same sort of application of a plain sense to the visible parts of
+the subject. His imagination was singularly penetrated with the strange
+varieties and motley composition of human life. The extraordinary
+multitude and striking contrast of the characters in his novels show this
+at once. And even more strikingly is the same habit of mind indicated
+‘by a tendency never to omit an opportunity of describing those varied
+crowds and assemblages,’ which concentrate for a moment into a unity the
+scattered and unlike varieties of mankind. Thus, but a page or two before
+the passage which we alluded to in the _Abbot_, we find the following:
+
+ ‘It was indeed no common sight to Roland, the vestibule of a
+ palace, traversed by its various groups,—some radiant with
+ gaiety—some pensive, and apparently weighed down by affairs
+ concerning the State, or concerning themselves. Here the
+ hoary statesman, with his cautious yet commanding look, his
+ furred cloak and sable pantoufles; there the soldier in buff
+ and steel, his long sword jarring against the pavement, and
+ his whiskered upper lip and frowning brow looking an habitual
+ defiance of danger, which perhaps was not always made good;
+ there again passed my lord’s serving-man, high of heart
+ and bloody of hand, humble to his master and his master’s
+ equals, insolent to all others. To these might be added the
+ poor suitor, with his anxious look and depressed mien—the
+ officer, full of his brief authority, elbowing his betters, and
+ possibly his benefactors, out of the road—the proud priest,
+ who sought a better benefice—the proud baron, who sought a
+ grant of church lands—the robber chief, who came to solicit a
+ pardon for the injuries he had inflicted on his neighbours—the
+ plundered franklin, who came to seek vengeance for that which
+ he had himself received. Besides, there was the mustering
+ and disposition of guards and soldiers—the despatching of
+ messengers, and the receiving them—the trampling and neighing
+ of horses without the gate—the flashing of arms, and rustling
+ of plumes, and jingling of spurs within it. In short, it was
+ that gay and splendid confusion, in which the eye of youth sees
+ all that is brave and brilliant, and that of experience much
+ that is doubtful, deceitful, false, and hollow—hopes that will
+ never be gratified—promises which will never be fulfilled—pride
+ in the disguise of humility—and insolence in that of frank and
+ generous bounty.’
+
+As in the imagination of Shakespeare, so in that of Scott, the principal
+form and object were the structure—that is a hard word—the undulation
+and diversified composition of human society; the picture of this stood
+in the centre, and everything else was accessory and secondary to it.
+The old ‘rows of books,’ in which Scott so peculiarly delighted, were
+made to contribute their element to this varied imagination of humanity.
+From old family histories, odd memoirs, old law-trials, his fancy
+elicited new traits to add to the motley assemblage. His objection to
+democracy—an objection of which we can only appreciate the emphatic
+force, when we remember that his youth was contemporary with the first
+French Revolution, and the controversy as to the uniform and stereotyped
+rights of man—was, that it would sweep away this entire picture, level
+prince and peasant in a common _égalité_,—substitute a scientific
+rigidity for the irregular and picturesque growth of centuries,—replace
+an abounding and genial life by a symmetrical but lifeless mechanism. All
+the descriptions of society in the novels,—whether of feudal society,
+of modern Scotch society, or of English society,—are largely coloured
+by this feeling. It peeps out everywhere, and liberal critics have
+endeavoured to show that it was a narrow Toryism; but in reality, it is
+a subtle compound of the natural instinct of the artist with the plain
+sagacity of the man of the world.
+
+It would be tedious to show how clearly the same sagacity appears in his
+delineation of the various great events and movements in society which
+are described in the Scotch novels. There is scarcely one of them which
+does not bear it on its surface. Objections may, as we shall show, be
+urged to the delineation which Scott has given of the Puritan resistance
+and rebellions, yet scarcely any one will say there is not a worldly
+sense in it. On the contrary, the very objection is, that it is too
+worldly, and far too exclusively sensible.
+
+The same thoroughly well-grounded sagacity and comprehensive appreciation
+of human life is shown in the treatment of what we may call _anomalous_
+characters. In general, monstrosity is no topic for art. Every one has
+known in real life characters which if, apart from much experience,
+he had found described in books, he would have thought unnatural and
+impossible. Scott, however, abounds in such characters. Meg Merrilies,
+Edie Ochiltree, Radcliffe, are more or less of that description. That of
+Meg Merrilies especially is as distorted and eccentric as anything can
+be. Her appearance is described as making Mannering ‘start;’ and well it
+might.
+
+ ‘She was full six feet high, wore a man’s greatcoat over the
+ rest of her dress, had in her hand a goodly sloethorn cudgel,
+ and in all points of equipment except her petticoats seemed
+ rather masculine than feminine. Her dark elf-locks shot out
+ like the snakes of the gorgon between an old-fashioned bonnet
+ called a bongrace, heightening the singular effect of her
+ strong and weather-beaten features, which they partly shadowed,
+ while her eye had a wild roll that indicated something of
+ insanity.’
+
+Her career in the tale corresponds with the strangeness of her exterior.
+‘Harlot, thief, witch, and gipsy,’ as she describes herself, the hero
+is preserved by her virtues; half-crazed as she is described to be, he
+owes his safety on more than one occasion to her skill in stratagem, and
+ability in managing those with whom she is connected, and who are most
+likely to be familiar with her weakness and to detect her craft. Yet on
+hardly any occasion is the natural reader conscious of this strangeness.
+Something is of course attributable to the skill of the artist; for no
+other power of mind could produce the effect, unless it were aided by the
+unconscious tact of detailed expression. But the fundamental explanation
+of this remarkable success is the distinctness with which Scott saw how
+such a character as Meg Merrilies arose and was produced out of the
+peculiar circumstances of gipsy life in the localities in which he has
+placed his scene. He has exhibited this to his readers not by lengthy
+or elaborate description, but by chosen incidents, short comments, and
+touches of which he scarcely foresaw the effect. This is the only way
+in which the fundamental objection to making eccentricity the subject
+of artistic treatment can be obviated. Monstrosity ceases to be such
+when we discern the laws of nature which evolve it: when a real science
+explains its phenomena, we find that it is in strict accordance with what
+we call the natural type, but that some rare adjunct or uncommon casualty
+has interfered and distorted a nature which is really the same, into
+a phenomenon which is altogether different. Just so with eccentricity
+in human character; it becomes a topic of literary art only when its
+identity with the ordinary principles of human nature is exhibited in
+the midst of, and as it were by means of, the superficial unlikeness.
+Such a skill, however, requires an easy careless familiarity with usual
+human life and common human conduct. A writer must have a sympathy
+with health before he can show us how, and where, and to what extent,
+that which is unhealthy deviates from it; and it is this consistent
+acquaintance with regular life which makes the irregular characters of
+Scott so happy a contrast to the uneasy distortions of less sagacious
+novelists.
+
+A good deal of the same criticism may be applied to the delineation which
+Scott has given us of the _poor_. In truth, poverty is an anomaly to
+rich people. It is very difficult to make out why people who want dinner
+do not ring the bell. One half of the world, according to the saying,
+do not know how the other half live. Accordingly, nothing is so rare
+in fiction as a good delineation of the poor. Though perpetually with
+us in reality, we rarely meet them in our reading. The requirements of
+the case present an unusual difficulty to artistic delineation. A good
+deal of the character of the poor is an unfit topic for continuous art,
+and yet we wish to have in our books a lifelike exhibition of the whole
+of that character. Mean manners and mean vices are unfit for prolonged
+delineation; the every-day pressure of narrow necessities is too petty
+a pain and too anxious a reality to be dwelt upon. We can bear the mere
+description of the _Parish Register_—
+
+ ‘But this poor farce has neither truth nor art
+ To please the fancy or to touch the heart.
+ Dark but not awful, dismal but yet mean,
+ With anxious bustle moves the cumbrous scene;
+ Presents no objects tender or profound,
+ But spreads its cold unmeaning gloom around;’—
+
+but who could bear to have a long narrative of fortunes ‘dismal but yet
+mean,’ with characters ‘dark but not awful,’ and no objects ‘tender or
+profound’? Mr. Dickens has in various parts of his writings been led
+by a sort of pre-Raphaelite _cultus_ of reality into an error of this
+species. His poor people have taken to their poverty very thoroughly;
+they are poor talkers and poor livers, and in all ways poor people
+to read about. A whole array of writers have fallen into an opposite
+mistake. Wishing to preserve their delineations clear from the defects
+of meanness and vulgarity, they have attributed to the poor a fancied
+happiness and Arcadian simplicity. The conventional shepherd of ancient
+times was scarcely displeasing: that which is by everything except
+express avowal removed from the sphere of reality does not annoy us by
+its deviations from reality; but the fictitious poor of sentimental
+novelists are brought almost into contact with real life, half claim
+to be copies of what actually exists at our very doors, are introduced
+in close proximity to characters moving in a higher rank, over whom no
+such ideal charm is diffused, and who are painted with as much truth as
+the writer’s ability enables him to give. Accordingly, the contrast is
+evident and displeasing: the harsh outlines of poverty will not bear the
+artificial rose-tint; they are seen through it, like high cheek-bones
+through the delicate colours of artificial youth; we turn away with
+some disgust from the false elegance and undeceiving art; we prefer the
+rough poor of nature to the petted poor of the refining describer. Scott
+has most felicitously avoided both these errors. His poor people are
+never coarse and never vulgar; their lineaments have the rude traits
+which a life of conflict will inevitably leave on the minds and manners
+of those who are to lead it; their notions have the narrowness which
+is inseparable from a contracted experience; their knowledge is not
+more extended than their restricted means of attaining it would render
+possible. Almost alone among novelists Scott has given a thorough,
+minute, lifelike description of poor persons, which is at the same time
+genial and pleasing. The reason seems to be, that the firm sagacity of
+his genius comprehended the industrial aspect of poor people’s life
+thoroughly and comprehensively, his experience brought it before him
+easily and naturally, and his artist’s mind and genial disposition
+enabled him to dwell on those features which would be most pleasing to
+the world in general. In fact, his own mind of itself and by its own
+nature dwelt on those very peculiarities. He could not remove his firm
+and instructed genius into the domain of Arcadian unreality, but he was
+equally unable to dwell principally, peculiarly, or consecutively, on
+those petty, vulgar, mean details in which such a writer as Crabbe lives
+and breathes. Hazlitt said that Crabbe described a poor man’s cottage
+like a man who came to distrain for rent; he catalogued every trivial
+piece of furniture, defects and cracks and all. Scott describes it as
+a cheerful but most sensible landlord would describe a cottage on his
+property: he has a pleasure in it. No detail, or few details, in the
+life of the inmates escape his experienced and interested eye; but he
+dwells on those which do not displease him. He sympathises with their
+rough industry and plain joys and sorrows. He does not fatigue himself or
+excite their wondering smile by theoretical plans of impossible relief.
+He makes the best of the life which is given, and by a sanguine sympathy
+makes it still better. A hard life many characters in Scott seem to lead;
+but he appreciates, and makes his reader appreciate, the full value of
+natural feelings, plain thoughts, and applied sagacity.
+
+His ideas of political economy are equally characteristic of his strong
+sense and genial mind. He was always sneering at Adam Smith, and telling
+many legends of that philosopher’s absence of mind and inaptitude for
+the ordinary conduct of life. A contact with the Edinburgh logicians
+had, doubtless, not augmented his faith in the formal deductions of
+abstract economy; nevertheless, with the facts before him, he could give
+a very plain and satisfactory exposition of the genial consequences of
+old abuses, the distinct necessity for stern reform, and the delicate
+humanity requisite for introducing that reform temperately and with
+feeling:
+
+ ‘Even so the Laird of Ellangowan ruthlessly commenced his
+ magisterial reform, at the expense of various established
+ and superannuated pickers and stealers, who had been his
+ neighbours for half a century. He wrought his miracles like a
+ second Duke Humphrey; and by the influence of the beadle’s rod,
+ caused the lame to walk, the blind to see, and the palsied to
+ labour. He detected poachers, black-fishers, orchard-breakers,
+ and pigeon-shooters; had the applause of the bench for his
+ reward, and the public credit of an active magistrate.
+
+ ‘All this good had its rateable proportion of evil. Even an
+ admitted nuisance, of ancient standing, should not be abated
+ without some caution. The zeal of our worthy friend now
+ involved in great distress sundry personages whose idle and
+ mendicant habits his own _lâchesse_ had contributed to foster,
+ until these habits had become irreclaimable, or whose real
+ incapacity for exertion rendered them fit objects, in their
+ own phrase, for the charity of all well-disposed Christians.
+ The “long-remembered beggar,” who for twenty years had made
+ his regular rounds within the neighbourhood, received rather
+ as an humble friend than as an object of charity, was sent to
+ the neighbouring workhouse. The decrepit dame, who travelled
+ round the parish upon a hand-barrow, circulating from house
+ to house like a bad shilling, which every one is in haste to
+ pass to his neighbour; she who used to call for her bearers as
+ loud, or louder, than a traveller demands post-horses, even she
+ shared the same disastrous fate. The “daft Jock,” who, half
+ knave, half idiot, had been the sport of each succeeding race
+ of village children for a good part of a century, was remitted
+ to the county bridewell, where, secluded from free air and
+ sunshine, the only advantages he was capable of enjoying, he
+ pined and died in the course of six months. The old sailor, who
+ had so long rejoiced the smoky rafters of every kitchen in the
+ country, by singing _Captain Ward_ and _Bold Admiral Benbow_,
+ was banished from the county for no better reason than that
+ he was supposed to speak with a strong Irish accent. Even the
+ annual rounds of the pedlar were abolished by the Justice, in
+ his hasty zeal for the administration of rural police.
+
+ ‘These things did not pass without notice and censure. We
+ are not made of wood or stone, and the things which connect
+ themselves with our hearts and habits cannot, like bark or
+ lichen, be rent away without our missing them. The farmer’s
+ dame lacked her usual share of intelligence, perhaps also
+ the self-applause which she had felt while distributing the
+ _awmous_ (alms), in shape of a _gowpen_ (handful) of oatmeal,
+ to the mendicant who brought the news. The cottage felt
+ inconvenience from interruption of the petty trade carried on
+ by the itinerant dealers. The children lacked their supply of
+ sugar-plums and toys; the young women wanted pins, ribbons,
+ combs, and ballads; and the old could no longer barter their
+ eggs for salt, snuff, and tobacco. All these circumstances
+ brought the busy Laird of Ellangowan into discredit, which was
+ the more general on account of his former popularity. Even his
+ lineage was brought up in judgment against him. They thought
+ “naething of what the like of Greenside, or Burnville, or
+ Viewforth, might do, that were strangers in the country; but
+ Ellangowan! that had been a name amang them since the mirk
+ Monanday, and lang before—_him_ to be grinding the puir at
+ that rate!—They ca’d his grandfather the Wicked Laird; but,
+ though he was whiles fractious aneuch, when he got into roving
+ company, and had ta’en the drap drink, he would have scorned to
+ gang on at this gate. Na, na, the muckle chumlay in the Auld
+ Place reeked like a killogie in his time, and there were as
+ mony puir folk riving at the banes in the court and about the
+ door, as there were gentles in the ha’. And the leddy, on ilka
+ Christmas night as it came round, gae twelve siller pennies to
+ ilka puir body about, in honour of the twelve apostles like.
+ They were fond to ca’ it papistrie; but I think our great folk
+ might take a lesson frae the papists whiles. They gie another
+ sort o’ help to puir folk than just dinging down a saxpence
+ in the brod on the Sabbath, and kilting, and scourging, and
+ drumming them a’ the sax days o’ the week besides.”’
+
+Many other indications of the same healthy and natural sense, which
+gives so much of their characteristic charm to the Scotch novels, might
+be pointed out, if it were necessary to weary our readers by dwelling
+longer on a point we have already laboured so much. One more, however,
+demands notice because of its importance, and perhaps also because,
+from its somewhat less obvious character, it might otherwise escape
+without notice. There has been frequent controversy as to the penal
+code, if we may so call it, of fiction; that is, as to the apportionment
+of reward and punishment respectively to the good and evil personages
+therein delineated; and the practice of authors has been as various
+as the legislation of critics. One school abandons all thought on the
+matter, and declares that in the real life we see around us, good people
+often fail, and wicked people continually prosper; and would deduce the
+precept, that it is unwise in an art which should hold the ‘mirror up
+to nature,’ not to copy the uncertain and irregular distribution of
+its sanctions. Another school, with an exactness which savours at times
+of pedantry, apportions the success and the failure, the pain and the
+pleasure of fictitious life to the moral qualities of those who are
+living in it—does not think at all, or but little, of any other quality
+in those characters, and does not at all care whether the penalty and
+reward are evolved in natural sequence from the circumstances and
+characters of the tale, or are owing to some monstrous accident far
+removed from all relation of cause or consequence to those facts and
+people. Both these classes of writers produce works which jar on the
+natural sense of common readers, and are at issue with the analytic
+criticism of the best critics. One school leaves an impression of an
+uncared-for world, in which there is no right and no wrong; the other,
+of a sort of Governesses’ Institution of a world, where all praise and
+all blame, all good and all pain, are made to turn on special graces
+and petty offences, pesteringly spoken of and teasingly watched for.
+The manner of Scott is thoroughly different; you can scarcely lay down
+any novel of his without a strong feeling that the world in which the
+fiction has been laid, and in which your imagination has been moving,
+is one subject to laws of retribution which, though not apparent on a
+superficial glance, are yet in steady and consistent operation, and will
+be quite sure to work their due effect, if time is only given to them.
+Sagacious men know that this is in its best aspect the condition of
+life. Certain of the ungodly may, notwithstanding the Psalmist, flourish
+even through life like a green bay-tree; for providence, in external
+appearance (far differently from the real truth of things, as we may one
+day see it), works by a scheme of averages. Most people who ought to
+succeed, do succeed; most people who do fail, ought to fail. But there
+is no exact adjustment of ‘mark’ to merit; the competitive examination
+system appears to have an origin more recent than the creation of
+the world;—‘on the whole,’ ‘speaking generally,’ ‘looking at life as
+a whole,’ are the words in which we must describe the providential
+adjustment of visible good and evil to visible goodness and badness.
+And when we look more closely, we see that these general results are
+the consequences of certain principles which work half unseen, and
+which are effectual in the main, though thwarted here and there. It
+is this comprehensive though inexact distribution of good and evil,
+which is suited to the novelist, and it is exactly this which Scott
+instinctively adopted. Taking a firm and genial view of the common facts
+of life,—seeing it as an experienced observer and tried man of action,—he
+could not help giving the representation of it which is insensibly borne
+in on the minds of such persons. He delineates it as a world moving
+according to laws which are always producing their effect, never _have_
+produced it; sometimes fall short a little; are always nearly successful.
+Good sense produces its effect, as well as good intention; ability is
+valuable as well as virtue. It is this peculiarity which gives to his
+works, more than anything else, the life-likeness which distinguishes
+them; the average of the copy is struck on the same scale as that of
+reality; an unexplained, uncommented-on adjustment works in the one, just
+as a hidden, imperceptible principle of apportionment operates in the
+other.
+
+The romantic susceptibility of Scott’s imagination is as obvious in his
+novels as his matter-of-fact sagacity. We can find much of it in the
+place in which we should naturally look first for it,—his treatment of
+his heroines. We are no indiscriminate admirers of these young ladies,
+and shall shortly try to show how much they are inferior as imaginative
+creations to similar creations of the very highest artists. But the mode
+in which the writer speaks of them everywhere indicates an imagination
+continually under the illusion which we term romance. A gentle tone
+of manly admiration pervades the whole delineation of their words and
+actions. If we look carefully at the narratives of some remarkable
+female novelists—it would be invidious to give the instances by name—we
+shall be struck at once with the absence of this; they do not half like
+their heroines. It would be satirical to say that they were jealous of
+them; but it is certain that they analyse the mode in which their charms
+produce their effects, and the _minutiæ_ of their operation, much in the
+same way in which a slightly jealous lady examines the claims of the
+heroines of society. The same writers have invented the atrocious species
+of plain heroines. Possibly none of the frauds which are now so much the
+topic of common remark are so irritating, as that to which the purchaser
+of a novel is a victim on finding that he has only to peruse a narrative
+of the conduct and sentiments of an ugly lady. ‘Two-and-sixpence to
+know the heart which has high cheek-bones!’ Was there ever such an
+imposition? Scott would have recoiled from such a conception. Even
+Jeanie Deans, though no heroine, like Flora Macivor, is described as
+‘comely,’ and capable of looking almost pretty when required, and she
+has a compensating set-off in her sister, who is beautiful as well as
+unwise. Speaking generally, as is the necessity of criticism, Scott makes
+his heroines, at least by profession, attractive, and dwells on their
+attractiveness, though not with the wild ecstasy of insane youth, yet
+with the tempered and mellow admiration common to genial men of this
+world. Perhaps at times we are rather displeased at his explicitness,
+and disposed to hang back and carp at the admirable qualities displayed
+to us. But this is only a stronger evidence of the peculiarity which
+we speak of,—of the unconscious sentiments inseparable from Scott’s
+imagination.
+
+The same romantic tinge undeniably shows itself in Scott’s pictures of
+the past. Many exceptions have been taken to the detail of mediæval
+life as it is described to us in _Ivanhoe_; but one merit will always
+remain to it, and will be enough to secure to it immense popularity. It
+describes the middle ages as we should have wished them to have been. We
+do not mean that the delineation satisfies those accomplished admirers of
+the old Church system who fancy that they have found among the prelates
+and barons of the fourteenth century a close approximation to the
+theocracy which they would recommend for our adoption. On the contrary,
+the theological merits of the middle ages are not prominent in Scott’s
+delineation. ‘Dogma’ was not in his way: a cheerful man of the world is
+not anxious for a precise definition of peculiar doctrines. The charm of
+_Ivanhoe_ is addressed to a simpler sort of imagination, to that kind
+of boyish fancy which idolises mediæval society as the ‘fighting time.’
+Every boy has heard of tournaments, and has a firm persuasion that in
+an age of tournaments life was thoroughly well understood. A martial
+society, where men fought hand to hand on good horses with large lances,
+in peace for pleasure, and in war for business, seems the very ideal of
+perfection to a bold and simply fanciful boy. _Ivanhoe_ spreads before
+him the full landscape of such a realm, with Richard Cœur-de-Lion, a
+black horse, and the passage of arms at Ashby. Of course he admires it,
+and thinks there was never such a writer, and will never more be such a
+world. And a mature critic will share his admiration, at least to the
+extent of admitting that nowhere else have the elements of a martial
+romance been so gorgeously accumulated without becoming oppressive; their
+fanciful charm been so powerfully delineated, and yet so constantly
+relieved by touches of vigorous sagacity. One single fact shows how great
+the romantic illusion is. The pressure of painful necessity is scarcely
+so great in this novel, as in novels of the same writer in which the
+scene is laid in modern times. Much may be said in favour of the mediæval
+system as contradistinguished from existing society; much has been said.
+But no one can maintain that general comfort was as much diffused as
+it is now. A certain ease pervades the structure of later society. Our
+houses may not last so long, are not so picturesque, will leave no such
+ruins behind them; but they are warmed with hot water, have no draughts,
+and contain sofas instead of rushes. A slight daily unconscious luxury
+is hardly ever wanting to the dwellers in civilisation; like the gentle
+air of a genial climate, it is a perpetual minute enjoyment. The absence
+of this marks a rude barbaric time. We may avail ourselves of rough
+pleasures, stirring amusements, exciting actions, strange rumours; but
+life is hard and harsh. The cold air of the keen North may brace and
+invigorate, but it cannot soothe us. All sensible people know that the
+middle ages must have been very uncomfortable; there was a difficulty
+about ‘good food;’—almost insuperable obstacles to the cultivation of
+nice detail and small enjoyment. No one knew the abstract facts on which
+this conclusion rests better than Scott; but his delineation gives
+no general idea of the result. A thoughtless reader rises with the
+impression that the middle ages had the same elements of happiness which
+we have at present, and that they had fighting besides. We do not assert
+that this tenet is explicitly taught; on the contrary, many facts are
+explained, and many customs elucidated from which a discriminating and
+deducing reader would infer the meanness of poverty and the harshness of
+barbarism. But these less imposing traits escape the rapid, and still
+more the boyish reader. His general impression is one of romance; and
+though, when roused, Scott was quite able to take a distinct view of the
+opposing facts, he liked his own mind to rest for the most part in the
+same pleasing illusion.
+
+The same sort of historical romance is shown likewise in Scott’s picture
+of remarkable historical characters. His Richard I. is the traditional
+Richard, with traits heightened and ennobled in perfect conformity to
+the spirit of tradition. Some illustration of the same quality might be
+drawn from his delineations of the Puritan rebellions and the Cavalier
+enthusiasm. We might show that he ever dwells on the traits and incidents
+most attractive to a genial and spirited imagination. But the most
+remarkable instance of the power which romantic illusion exercised over
+him, is his delineation of Mary Queen of Scots. He refused at one time
+of his life to write a biography of that princess ‘because his opinion
+was contrary to his feeling.’ He evidently considered her guilt to be
+clearly established, and thought, with a distinguished lawyer, that
+he should ‘direct a jury to find her guilty;’ but his fancy, like that
+of most of his countrymen, took a peculiar and special interest in the
+beautiful lady who, at any rate, had suffered so much and so fatally at
+the hands of a queen of England. He could not bring himself to dwell with
+nice accuracy on the evidence which substantiates her criminality, or on
+the still clearer indications of that unsound and over-crafty judgment,
+which was the fatal inheritance of the Stuart family, and which, in spite
+of advantages that scarcely any other family in the world has enjoyed,
+has made their name an historical by-word for misfortune. The picture in
+the _Abbot_, one of the best historical pictures which Scott has given
+us, is principally the picture of the Queen as the fond tradition of his
+countrymen exhibited her. Her entire innocence, it is true, is never
+alleged: but the enthusiasm of her followers is dwelt on with approving
+sympathy; their confidence is set forth at large; her influence over
+them is skilfully delineated; the fascination of charms chastened by
+misfortune is delicately indicated. We see a complete picture of the
+beautiful queen, of the suffering and sorrowful, but yet not insensible
+woman. Scott could not, however, as a close study will show us, quite
+conceal the unfavourable nature of his fundamental opinion. In one
+remarkable passage the struggle of the judgment is even conspicuous,
+and in others the sagacity of the practised lawyer,—the ‘thread of the
+attorney,’ as he used to call it, in his nature,—qualifies and modifies
+the sentiment hereditary in his countrymen, and congenial to himself.
+
+This romantic imagination is a habit or power (as we may choose to call
+it) of mind, which is almost essential to the highest success in the
+historical novel. The aim, at any rate the effect, of this class of
+works seems to be to deepen and confirm the received view of historical
+personages. A great and acute writer may, from an accurate study of
+original documents, discover that those impressions are erroneous, and
+by a process of elaborate argument substitute others which he deems more
+accurate. But this can only be effected by writing a regular history.
+The essence of the achievement is the proof. If Mr. Froude had put
+forward his view of Henry the Eighth’s character in a professed novel, he
+would have been laughed at. It is only by a rigid adherence to attested
+facts and authentic documents, that a view so original could obtain even
+a hearing. We start back with a little anger from a representation which
+is avowedly imaginative, and which contradicts our impressions. We do not
+like to have our opinions disturbed by reasoning; but it is impertinent
+to attempt to disturb them by fancies. A writer of the historical novel
+is bound by the popular conception of his subject; and commonly it will
+be found that this popular impression is to some extent a romantic one.
+An element of exaggeration clings to the popular judgment: great vices
+are made greater, great virtues greater also; interesting incidents
+are made more interesting, softer legends more soft. The novelist who
+disregards this tendency will do so at the peril of his popularity. His
+business is to make attraction more attractive, and not to impair the
+pleasant pictures of ready-made romance by an attempt at grim reality.
+
+We may therefore sum up the indications of this characteristic excellence
+of Scott’s novels by saying, that more than any novelist he has given us
+fresh pictures of practical human society, with its cares and troubles,
+its excitements and its pleasures; that he has delineated more distinctly
+than any one else the framework in which this society inheres, and by
+the boundaries of which it is shaped and limited; that he has made more
+clear the way in which strange and eccentric characters grow out of that
+ordinary and usual system of life; that he has extended his view over
+several periods of society, and given an animated description of the
+external appearance of each, and a firm representation of its social
+institutions; that he has shown very graphically what we may call the
+worldly laws of moral government; and that over all these he has spread
+the glow of sentiment natural to a manly mind, and an atmosphere of
+generosity congenial to a cheerful one. It is from the collective effect
+of these causes, and from the union of sense and sentiment which is the
+principle of them all, that Scott derives the peculiar healthiness which
+distinguishes him. There are no such books as his for the sick-room, or
+for freshening the painful intervals of a morbid mind. Mere sense is
+dull, mere sentiment unsubstantial; a sensation of genial healthiness is
+only given by what combines the solidity of the one and the brightening
+charm of the other.
+
+Some guide to Scott’s defects, or to the limitations of his genius, if
+we would employ a less ungenial and perhaps more correct expression, is
+to be discovered, as usual, from the consideration of his characteristic
+excellence. As it is his merit to give bold and animated pictures of
+this world, it is his defect to give but insufficient representations of
+qualities which this world does not exceedingly prize,—of such as do not
+thrust themselves very forward in it,—of such as are in some sense above
+it. We may illustrate this in several ways.
+
+One of the parts of human nature which are systematically omitted in
+Scott, is the searching and abstract intellect. This did not lie in his
+way. No man had a stronger sagacity, better adapted for the guidance of
+common men, and the conduct of common transactions. Few could hope to
+form a more correct opinion on things and subjects which were brought
+before him in actual life; no man had a more useful intellect. But on the
+other hand, as will be generally observed to be the case, no one was less
+inclined to that probing and seeking and anxious inquiry into things in
+general which is the necessity of some minds, and a sort of intellectual
+famine in their nature. He had no call to investigate the theory of
+the universe, and he would not have been able to comprehend those who
+did. Such a mind as Shelley’s would have been entirely removed from his
+comprehension. He had no call to mix ‘awful talk and asking looks’ with
+his love of the visible scene. He could not have addressed the universe:
+
+ ‘I have watched
+ Thy shadow, and the darkness of thy steps;
+ And my heart ever gazes on the depth
+ Of thy deep mysteries. I have made my bed
+ In charnels and on coffins, where black death
+ Keeps record of the trophies won from thee,
+ Hoping to still these obstinate questionings
+ Of thee and thine, by forcing some lone ghost,
+ Thy messenger, to render up the tale
+ Of what we are.’
+
+Such thoughts would have been to him ‘thinking without an object,’
+‘abstracted speculations,’ ‘cobwebs of the unintelligible brain.’ Above
+all minds, his had the Baconian propensity to work upon ‘stuff.’ At
+first sight, it would not seem that this was a defect likely to be very
+hurtful to the works of a novelist. The labours of the searching and
+introspective intellect, however needful, absorbing, and in some degree
+delicious, to the seeker himself, are not in general very delightful
+to those who are not seeking. Genial men in middle life are commonly
+intolerant of that philosophising which their prototype, in old times,
+classed side by side with the lisping of youth. The theological novel,
+which was a few years ago so popular, and which is likely to have a
+recurring influence in times when men’s belief is unsettled, and persons
+who cannot or will not read large treatises have thoughts in their minds
+and inquiries in their hearts, suggests to those who are accustomed to it
+the absence elsewhere of what is necessarily one of its most distinctive
+and prominent subjects. The desire to attain a belief, which has become
+one of the most familiar sentiments of heroes and heroines, would have
+seemed utterly incongruous to the plain sagacity of Scott, and also to
+his old-fashioned art. Creeds are _data_ in his novels; people have
+different creeds, but each keeps his own. Some persons will think that
+this is not altogether amiss; nor do we particularly wish to take up the
+defence of the dogmatic novel. Nevertheless, it will strike those who
+are accustomed to the youthful generation of a cultivated time, that
+the passion of intellectual inquiry is one of the strongest impulses in
+many of them, and one of those which give the predominant colouring to
+the conversation and exterior mind of many more. And a novelist will not
+exercise the most potent influence over those subject to that passion, if
+he entirely omit the delineation of it. Scott’s works have only one merit
+in this relation: they are an excellent rest to those who have felt this
+passion, and have had something too much of it.
+
+The same indisposition to the abstract exercises of the intellect
+shows itself in the reflective portions of Scott’s novels, and perhaps
+contributes to their popularity with that immense majority of the world
+who strongly share in that same indisposition: it prevents, however,
+their having the most powerful intellectual influence on those who have
+at any time of their lives voluntarily submitted themselves to this acute
+and refining discipline. The reflections of a practised thinker have a
+peculiar charm, like the last touches of the accomplished artist. The
+cunning exactitude of the professional hand leaves a trace in the very
+language. A nice discrimination of thought makes men solicitous of the
+most apt expressions to diffuse their thoughts. Both words and meaning
+gain a metallic brilliancy, like the glittering precision of the pure
+Attic air. Scott’s is a healthy and genial world of reflection, but it
+wants the charm of delicate exactitude.
+
+The same limitation of Scott’s genius shows itself in a very different
+portion of art—in his delineation of his heroines. The same blunt
+sagacity of imagination, which fitted him to excel in the rough
+description of obvious life, rather unfitted him for delineating the
+less substantial essence of the female character. The nice _minutiæ_
+of society, by means of which female novelists have been so successful
+in delineating their own sex, were rather too small for his robust and
+powerful mind. Perhaps, too, a certain unworldliness of _imagination_
+is necessary to enable men to comprehend or delineate that essence:
+unworldliness of _life_ is no doubt not requisite; rather, perhaps,
+worldliness is necessary to the acquisition of a sufficient experience.
+But an absorption in the practical world does not seem favourable to a
+comprehension of anything which does not precisely belong to it. Its
+interests are too engrossing; its excitements too keen; it modifies the
+fancy, and in the change unfits it for everything else. Something, too,
+in Scott’s character and history made it more difficult for him to give a
+representation of women than of men. Goethe used to say, that his idea of
+woman was not drawn from his experience, but that it came to him before
+experience, and that he explained his experience by a reference to it.
+And though this is a German, and not very happy, form of expression, yet
+it appears to indicate a very important distinction. Some efforts of the
+imagination are made so early in life, just as it were at the dawn of
+the conscious faculties, that we are never able to fancy ourselves as
+destitute of them. They are part of the mental constitution with which,
+so to speak, we awoke to existence. These are always far more firm,
+vivid, and definite, than any other images of our fancy; and we apply
+them, half unconsciously, to any facts and sentiments and actions which
+may occur to us later in life, whether arising from within or thrust upon
+us from the outward world. Goethe doubtless meant that the idea of the
+female character was to him one of these first elements of imagination;
+not a thing puzzled out, or which he remembered having conceived, but a
+part of the primitive conceptions which, being coeval with his memory,
+seemed inseparable from his consciousness. The descriptions of women
+likely to be given by this sort of imagination will probably be the
+best descriptions. A mind which would arrive at this idea of the female
+character by this process, and so early, would be one obviously of more
+than usual susceptibility. The early imagination does not commonly take
+this direction; it thinks most of horses and lances, tournaments and
+knights; only a mind with an unusual and instinctive tendency to this
+kind of thought, would be borne thither so early or so effectually. And
+even independently of this probable peculiarity of the individual, the
+primitive imagination in general is likely to be the most accurate which
+men can form; not, of course, of the external manifestations and detailed
+manners, but of the inner sentiment and characteristic feeling of women.
+The early imagination conceives what it does conceive very justly; fresh
+from the facts, stirred by the new aspect of things, undimmed by the
+daily passage of constantly forgotten images, not misled by the irregular
+analogies of a dislocated life,—the early mind sees what it does see with
+a spirit and an intentness never given to it again. A mind like Goethe’s,
+of very strong imagination, aroused at the earliest age,—not of course by
+passions, but by an unusual strength in that undefined longing which is
+the prelude to our passions,—will form the best idea of the inmost female
+nature which masculine nature can form. The difference is evident between
+the characters of women formed by Goethe’s imagination or Shakespeare’s,
+and those formed by such an imagination as that of Scott. The latter seem
+so external. We have traits, features, manners; we know the heroine as
+she appeared in the street; in some degree we know how she talked, but
+we never know how she felt—least of all what she was: we always feel
+there is a world behind, unanalysed, unrepresented, which we cannot
+attain to. Such a character as Margaret in _Faust_ is known to us to the
+very soul; so is Imogen; so is Ophelia. Edith Bellenden, Flora Macivor,
+Miss Wardour, are young ladies who, we are told, were good-looking, and
+well-dressed (according to the old fashion), and sensible; but we feel
+we know but very little of them, and they do not haunt our imaginations.
+The failure of Scott in this line of art is more conspicuous, because he
+had not in any remarkable degree the later experience of female detail,
+with which some minds have endeavoured to supply the want of the early
+essential imagination, and which Goethe possessed in addition to it. It
+was rather late, according to his biographer, before Scott set up for
+a ‘squire of dames;’ he was a ‘lame young man, very enthusiastic about
+ballad poetry;’ he was deeply in love with a young lady, supposed to
+be imaginatively represented by Flora Macivor, but he was unsuccessful.
+It would be over-ingenious to argue, from his failing in a single
+love-affair, that he had no peculiar interest in young ladies in general;
+but the whole description of his youth shows that young ladies exercised
+over him a rather more divided influence than is usual. Other pursuits
+intervened, much more than is common with persons of the imaginative
+temperament, and he never led the life of flirtation from which Goethe
+believed that he derived so much instruction. Scott’s heroines,
+therefore, are, not unnaturally, faulty, since from a want of the very
+peculiar instinctive imagination he could not give us the essence of
+women, and from the habits of his life he could not delineate to us their
+detailed life with the appreciative accuracy of habitual experience.
+Jeanie Deans is probably the best of his heroines, and she is so because
+she is the least of a heroine. The plain matter of-fact element in the
+peasant-girl’s life and circumstances suited a robust imagination. There
+is little in the part of her character that is very finely described
+which is characteristically feminine. She is not a masculine, but she
+is an epicene heroine. Her love-affair with Butler, a single remarkable
+scene excepted, is rather commonplace than otherwise.
+
+A similar criticism might be applied to Scott’s heroes. Everyone feels
+how commonplace they are—Waverley excepted, whose very vacillation
+gives him a sort of character. They have little personality. They are
+all of the same type;—excellent young men—rather strong—able to ride
+and climb and jump. They are always said to be sensible, and bear out
+the character by being not unwilling sometimes to talk platitudes. But
+we know nothing of their inner life. They are said to be in love; but
+we have no special account of their individual sentiments. People show
+their character in their love more than in anything else. These young
+gentlemen all love in the same way—in the vague commonplace way of this
+world. We have no sketch or dramatic expression of the life within. Their
+souls are quite unknown to us. If there is an exception, it is Edgar
+Ravenswood. But if we look closely, we may observe that the notion which
+we obtain of his character, unusually broad as it is, is not a notion
+of him in his capacity of hero, but in his capacity of distressed peer.
+His proud poverty gives a distinctness which otherwise his lineaments
+would not have. We think little of his love; we think much of his narrow
+circumstances and compressed haughtiness.
+
+The same exterior delineation of character shows itself in his treatment
+of men’s religious nature. A novelist is scarcely, in the notion of
+ordinary readers, bound to deal with this at all; if he does, it will be
+one of his great difficulties to indicate it graphically, yet without
+dwelling on it. Men who purchase a novel do not wish a stone or a sermon.
+All lengthened reflections must be omitted; the whole armoury of pulpit
+eloquence. But no delineation of human nature can be considered complete
+which omits to deal with man in relation to the questions which occupy
+him as man, with his convictions as to the theory of the universe and
+his own destiny; the human heart throbs on few subjects with a passion
+so intense, so peculiar, and so typical. From an artistic view, it is
+a blunder to omit an element which is so characteristic of human life,
+which contributes so much to its animation, and which is so picturesque.
+A reader of a more simple mind, little apt to indulge in such criticism,
+feels ‘a want of depth,’ as he would speak, in delineations from which
+so large an element of his own most passionate and deepest nature is
+omitted. It can hardly be said that there is an omission of the religious
+nature in Scott. But, at the same time, there is no adequate delineation
+of it. If we refer to the facts of his life, and the view of his
+character which we collect from them, we shall find that his religion was
+of a qualified and double sort. He was a genial man of the world, and had
+the easy faith in the kindly _Dieu des bons gens_ which is natural to
+such a person; and he had also a half-poetic principle of superstition in
+his nature, inclining him to believe in ghosts, legends, fairies, and
+elves, which did not affect his daily life, or possibly his superficial
+belief, but was nevertheless very constantly present to his fancy, and
+which affected, as is the constitution of human nature, through that
+frequency, the undefined, half-expressed, inexpressible feelings which
+are at the root of that belief. Superstition was a kind of Jacobitism in
+his religion; as a sort of absurd reliance on the hereditary principle
+modified insensibly his leanings in the practical world, so a belief
+in the existence of unevidenced, and often absurd, supernatural beings
+qualified his commonest speculations on the higher world. Both these
+elements may be thought to enter into the highest religion; there is a
+principle of cheerfulness which will justify in its measure a genial
+enjoyment, and also a principle of fear which those who think only of
+that enjoyment will deem superstition, and which will really become
+superstition in the over-anxious and credulous acceptor of it. But in a
+true religion these two elements will be combined. The character of God
+images itself very imperfectly in any human soul; but in the highest it
+images itself as a whole; it leaves an abiding impression which will
+justify anxiety and allow of happiness. The highest aim of the religious
+novelist would be to show how this operates in human character; to
+exhibit in their curious modification our religious love, and also our
+religious fear. In the novels of Scott the two elements appear in a state
+of separation, as they did in his own mind. We have the superstition
+of the peasantry in the _Antiquary_, in _Guy Mannering_, everywhere
+almost; we have likewise a pervading tone of genial easy reflection
+characteristic of the man of the world who produced, and agreeable to
+the people of the world who read, these works. But we have no picture
+of the two in combination. We are scarcely led to think on the subject
+at all, so much do other subjects distract our interest; but if we do
+think, we are puzzled at the contrast. We do not know which is true, the
+uneasy belief of superstition, or the easy satisfaction of the world; we
+waver between the two, and have no suggestion even hinted to us of the
+possibility of a reconciliation. The character of the Puritans certainly
+did not in general embody such a reconciliation, but it might have been
+made by a sympathising artist the vehicle for a delineation of a struggle
+after it. The two elements of love and fear ranked side by side in their
+minds with an intensity which is rare even in minds that feel only one
+of them. The delineation of Scott is amusing, but superficial. He caught
+the ludicrous traits which tempt the mirthful imagination, but no other
+side of the character pleased him. The man of the world was displeased
+with their obstinate interfering zeal; their intensity of faith was an
+opposition force in the old Scotch polity, of which he liked to fancy
+the harmonious working. They were superstitious enough; but nobody likes
+other people’s superstitions. Scott’s were of a wholly different kind.
+He made no difficulty as to the observance of Christmas-day, and would
+have eaten potatoes without the faintest scruple, although their name
+does not occur in Scripture. Doubtless also his residence in the land
+of Puritanism did not incline him to give anything except a satirical
+representation of that belief. You must not expect from a Dissenter a
+faithful appreciation of the creed from which he dissents. You cannot be
+impartial on the religion of the place in which you live; you may believe
+it, or you may dislike it; it crosses your path in too many forms for
+you to be able to look at it with equanimity. Scott had rather a rigid
+form of Puritanism forced upon him in his infancy; it is asking too much
+to expect him to be partial to it. The aspect of religion which Scott
+delineates best is that which appears in griefs, especially in the grief
+of strong characters. His strong _natural_ nature felt the power of
+death. He has given us many pictures of rude and simple men subdued, if
+only for a moment, into devotion by its presence.
+
+On the whole, and speaking roughly, these defects in the delineation
+which Scott has given us of human life are but two. He omits to give us
+a delineation of the soul. We have mind, manners, animation, but it is
+the stir of this world. We miss the consecrating power; and we miss
+it not only in its own peculiar sphere, which, from the difficulty of
+introducing the deepest elements into a novel, would have been scarcely
+matter for a harsh criticism, but in the place in which a novelist
+might most be expected to delineate it. There are perhaps such things
+as the love affairs of immortal beings, but no one would learn it from
+Scott. His heroes and heroines are well dressed for this world, but not
+for another; there is nothing even in their love which is suitable for
+immortality. As has been noticed, Scott also omits any delineation of the
+abstract side of unworldly intellect. This too might not have been so
+severe a reproach, considering its undramatic, unanimated nature, if it
+had stood alone; but taken in connection with the omission which we have
+just spoken of, it is most important. As the union of sense and romance
+makes the world of Scott so characteristically agreeable,—a fascinating
+picture of this world in the light in which we like best to dwell on it;
+so the deficiency in the attenuated, striving intellect, as well as in
+the supernatural soul, gives to the ‘world’ of Scott the cumbrousness
+and temporality—in short, the materialism—which is characteristic of the
+world.
+
+We have dwelt so much on what we think are the characteristic features of
+Scott’s imaginative representations, that we have left ourselves no room
+to criticise the two most natural points of criticism in a novelist—plot
+and style. This is not, however, so important in Scott’s case as it would
+commonly be. He used to say, ‘It was of no use having a plot; you could
+not keep to it.’ He modified and changed his thread of story from day
+to day,—sometimes even from bookselling reasons, and on the suggestion
+of others. An elaborate work of narrative art could not be produced in
+this way, every one will concede; the highest imagination, able to look
+far over the work, is necessary for that task. But the plots produced,
+so to say, by the pen of the writer as he passes over the events are
+likely to have a freshness and a suitableness to those events, which
+is not possessed by the inferior writers who make up a mechanical plot
+before they commence. The procedure of the highest genius doubtless is
+scarcely a procedure: the view of the whole story comes at once upon its
+imagination like the delicate end and the distinct beginning of some long
+vista. But all minds do not possess the highest mode of conception; and
+among lower modes, it is doubtless better to possess the vigorous fancy
+which creates each separate scene in succession as it goes, than the
+pedantic intellect which designs everything long before it is wanted.
+There is a play in unconscious creation which no voluntary elaboration
+and preconceived fitting of distinct ideas can ever hope to produce. If
+the whole cannot be created by one bounding effort, it is better that
+each part should be created separately and in detail.
+
+The style of Scott would deserve the highest praise if M. Thiers could
+establish his theory of narrative language. He maintains that an
+historian’s language approaches perfection in proportion as it aptly
+communicates what is meant to be narrated without drawing any attention
+to itself. Scott’s style fulfils this condition. Nobody rises from his
+works without a most vivid idea of what is related, and no one is able
+to quote a single phrase in which it has been narrated. We are inclined,
+however, to differ from the great French historian, and to oppose to
+him a theory derived from a very different writer. Coleridge used to
+maintain that all good poetry was untranslatable into words of the same
+language without injury to the sense: the meaning was, in his view, to
+be so inseparably intertwined even with the shades of the language,
+that the change of a single expression would make a difference in the
+accompanying feeling, if not in the bare signification: consequently, all
+good poetry must be remembered exactly,—to change a word is to modify
+the essence. Rigidly this theory can only be applied to a few kinds
+of poetry, or special passages in which the imagination is exerting
+itself to the utmost, and collecting from the whole range of associated
+language the very expressions which it requires. The highest excitation
+of feeling is necessary to this peculiar felicity of choice. In calmer
+moments the mind has either a less choice, or less acuteness of selective
+power. Accordingly, in prose it would be absurd to expect any such
+nicety. Still, on great occasions in imaginative fiction, there should be
+passages in which the words seem to cleave to the matter. The excitement
+is as great as in poetry. The words should become part of the sense. They
+should attract our attention, as this is necessary to impress them on
+the memory; but they should not in so doing distract attention from the
+meaning conveyed. On the contrary, it is their inseparability from their
+meaning which gives them their charm and their power. In truth, Scott’s
+language, like his sense, was such as became a bold, sagacious man of
+the world. He used the first sufficient words which came uppermost, and
+seems hardly to have been sensible, even in the works of others, of that
+exquisite accuracy and inexplicable appropriateness of which we have been
+speaking.
+
+To analyse in detail the faults and merits of even a few of the greatest
+of the Waverley Novels would be impossible in the space at our command on
+the present occasion. We have only attempted a general account of a few
+main characteristics. Every critic must, however, regret to have to leave
+topics so tempting to remark upon as many of Scott’s stories, and a yet
+greater number of his characters.
+
+
+
+
+_CHARLES DICKENS._[10]
+
+(1858.)
+
+
+It must give Mr. Dickens much pleasure to look at the collected series of
+his writings. He has told us of the beginnings of _Pickwick_.
+
+ ‘I was,’ he relates in what is now the preface to that work,
+ ‘a young man of three-and-twenty, when the present publishers,
+ attracted by some pieces I was at that time writing in the
+ _Morning Chronicle_ newspaper (of which one series had lately
+ been collected and published in two volumes, illustrated by
+ my esteemed friend Mr. George Cruikshank), waited upon me
+ to propose a something that should be published in shilling
+ numbers—then only known to me, or I believe to anybody else,
+ by a dim recollection of certain interminable novels in that
+ form, which used, some five-and-twenty years ago, to be
+ carried about the country by pedlars, and over some of which
+ I remember to have shed innumerable tears, before I served my
+ apprenticeship to Life. When I opened my door in Furnival’s Inn
+ to the managing partner who represented the firm, I recognised
+ in him the person from whose hands I had bought, two or three
+ years previously, and whom I had never seen before or since, my
+ first copy of the magazine in which my first effusion—dropped
+ stealthily one evening at twilight, with fear and trembling,
+ into a dark letter-box, in a dark office, up a dark court in
+ Fleet Street—appeared in all the glory of print; on which
+ occasion, by the bye,—how well I recollect it!—I walked down to
+ Westminster Hall, and turned into it for half-an-hour, because
+ my eyes were so dimmed with joy and pride, that they could not
+ bear the street, and were not fit to be seen there. I told my
+ visitor of the coincidence, which we both hailed as a good
+ omen; and so fell to business.’
+
+After such a beginning, there must be great enjoyment in looking at
+the long series of closely printed green volumes, in remembering their
+marvellous popularity, in knowing that they are a familiar literature
+wherever the English language is spoken,—that they are read with
+admiring appreciation by persons of the highest culture at the centre of
+civilisation,—that they amuse, and are fit to amuse, the roughest settler
+in Vancouver’s Island.
+
+The penetrating power of this remarkable genius among all classes
+at home is not inferior to its diffusive energy abroad. The phrase
+‘household book’ has, when applied to the works of Mr. Dickens, a
+peculiar propriety. There is no contemporary English writer, whose works
+are read so generally through the whole house, who can give pleasure
+to the servants as well as to the mistress, to the children as well as
+to the master. Mr. Thackeray without doubt exercises a more potent and
+plastic fascination within his sphere, but that sphere is limited. It is
+restricted to that part of the middle class which gazes inquisitively
+at the ‘Vanity Fair’ world. The delicate touches of our great satirist
+have, for such readers, not only the charm of wit, but likewise the
+interest of valuable information; he tells them of the topics which they
+want to know. But below this class there is another and far larger,
+which is incapable of comprehending the idling world, or of appreciating
+the accuracy of delineations drawn from it,—which would not know the
+difference between a picture of Grosvenor Square by Mr. Thackeray and the
+picture of it in a Minerva-Press novel,—which only cares for or knows of
+its own multifarious, industrial, fig-selling world,—and over these also
+Mr. Dickens has power.
+
+It cannot be amiss to take this opportunity of investigating, even
+slightly, the causes of so great a popularity. And if, in the course of
+our article, we may seem to be ready with over-refining criticism, or to
+be unduly captious with theoretical objections, we hope not to forget
+that so great and so diffused an influence is a _datum_ for literary
+investigation,—that books which have been thus _tried_ upon mankind and
+have thus succeeded, must be books of immense genius,—and that it is
+our duty as critics to explain, as far as we can, the nature and the
+limits of that genius, but never for one moment to deny or question its
+existence.
+
+Men of genius may be divided into regular and irregular. Certain minds,
+the moment we think of them, suggest to us the ideas of symmetry and
+proportion. Plato’s name, for example, calls up at once the impression
+of something ordered, measured, and settled: it is the exact contrary of
+everything eccentric, immature, or undeveloped. The opinions of such a
+mind are often erroneous, and some of them may, from change of time, of
+intellectual _data_, or from chance, seem not to be quite worthy of it;
+but the mode in which those opinions are expressed, and (as far as we can
+make it out) the mode in which they are framed, affect us, as we have
+said, with a sensation of symmetricalness. It is not very easy to define
+exactly to what peculiar internal characteristic this external effect is
+due: the feeling is distinct, but the cause is obscure; it lies hid in
+the peculiar constitution of great minds, and we should not wonder that
+it is not very easy either to conceive or to describe. On the whole,
+however, the effect seems to be produced by a peculiar proportionateness,
+in each instance, of the mind to the tasks which it undertakes, amid
+which we see it, and by which we measure it. Thus we feel that the powers
+and tendencies of Plato’s mind and nature were more fit than those of any
+other philosopher for the due consideration and exposition of the highest
+problems of philosophy, of the doubts and difficulties which concern man
+as man. His genius was adapted to its element; any change would mar the
+delicacy of the thought, or the polished accuracy of the expression. The
+weapon was fitted to its aim. Every instance of proportionateness does
+not, however, lead us to attribute this peculiar symmetry to the whole
+mind we are observing. The powers must not only be suited to the task
+undertaken, but the task itself must also be suited to a human being,
+and employ all the marvellous faculties with which he is endowed. The
+neat perfection of such a mind as Talleyrand’s is the antithesis to the
+symmetry of genius; the niceties neither of diplomacy nor of conversation
+give scope to the entire powers of a great nature. We may lay down as the
+condition of a regular or symmetrical genius, that it should have the
+exact combination of powers suited to graceful and easy success in an
+exercise of mind great enough to task the whole intellectual nature.
+
+On the other hand, men of irregular or unsymmetrical genius are eminent
+either for some one or some few peculiarities of mind, have possibly
+special defects on other sides of their intellectual nature, at any rate
+want what the scientific men of the present day would call the _definite
+proportion_ of faculties and qualities suited to the exact work they
+have in hand. The foundation of many criticisms of Shakespeare is, that
+he is deficient in this peculiar proportion. His overteeming imagination
+gives at times, and not unfrequently, a great feeling of irregularity:
+there seems to be confusion. We have the tall trees of the forest,
+the majestic creations of the highest genius; but we have, besides,
+a bushy second growth, an obtrusion of secondary images and fancies,
+which prevent our taking an exact measure of such grandeur. We have not
+the sensation of intense simplicity, which must probably accompany the
+highest conceivable greatness. Such is also the basis of Mr. Hallam’s
+criticism on Shakespeare’s language, which Mr. Arnold has lately revived.
+‘His expression is often faulty,’ because his illustrative imagination,
+somewhat predominating over his other faculties, diffuses about the main
+expression a supplement of minor metaphors which sometimes distract the
+comprehension, and almost always deprive his style of the charm that
+arises from undeviating directness. Doubtless this is an instance of the
+very highest kind of irregular genius, in which all the powers exist in
+the mind in a very high, and almost all of them in the very highest
+measure, but in which from a slight excess in a single one, the charm
+of proportion is lessened. The most ordinary cases of irregular genius
+are those in which single faculties are abnormally developed, and call
+off the attention from all the rest of the mind by their prominence and
+activity. Literature, as the ‘fragment of fragments,’ is so full of the
+fragments of such minds that it is needless to specify instances.
+
+Possibly it may be laid down that one of two elements is essential to a
+symmetrical mind. It is evident that such a mind must either apply itself
+to that which is theoretical or that which is practical, to the world of
+abstraction or to the world of objects and realities. In the former case
+the deductive understanding, which masters first principles, and makes
+deductions from them, the thin ether of the intellect,—the ‘mind itself
+by itself,’—must evidently assume a great prominence. To attempt to
+comprehend principles without it, is to try to swim without arms, or to
+fly without wings. Accordingly, in the mind of Plato, and in others like
+him, the abstract and deducing understanding fills a great place; the
+imagination seems a kind of eye to descry its data; the artistic instinct
+an arranging impulse, which sets in order its inferences and conclusions.
+On the other hand, if a symmetrical mind busy itself with the active
+side of human life, with the world of concrete men and real things, its
+principal quality will be a practical sagacity, which forms with ease a
+distinct view and just appreciation of all the mingled objects that the
+world presents,—which allots to each its own place, and its intrinsic and
+appropriate rank. Possibly no mind gives such an idea of this sort of
+symmetry as Chaucer’s. Every thing in it seems in its place. A healthy
+sagacious man of the world has gone through the world; he loves it, and
+knows it; he dwells on it with a fond appreciation; every object of the
+old life of ‘merry England’ seems to fall into its precise niche in his
+ordered and symmetrical comprehension. The _Prologue to the Canterbury
+Tales_ is in itself a series of memorial tablets to mediæval society;
+each class has its tomb, and each its apt inscription. A man without
+such an apprehensive and broad sagacity must fail in every extensive
+delineation of various life; he might attempt to describe what he did not
+penetrate, or if by a rare discretion he avoided that mistake, his works
+would want the _binding element_; he would be deficient in that distinct
+sense of relation and combination which is necessary for the depiction
+of the whole of life, which gives to it unity at first, and imparts to
+it a mass in the memory ever afterwards. And eminence in one or other of
+these marking faculties,—either in the deductive abstract intellect, or
+the practical seeing sagacity,—seems essential to the mental constitution
+of a symmetrical genius, at least in man. There are, after all, but two
+principal all-important spheres in human life—thought and action; and we
+can hardly conceive of a masculine mind symmetrically developed, which
+did not evince its symmetry by an evident perfection in one or other of
+those pursuits, which did not leave the trace of its distinct reflection
+upon the one, or of its large insight upon the other of them. Possibly
+it may be thought that in the sphere of pure art there may be room for
+a symmetrical development different from these; but it will perhaps be
+found, on examination of such cases, either that under peculiar and
+appropriate disguises one of these great qualities is present, or that
+the apparent symmetry is the narrow perfection of a limited nature, which
+may be most excellent in itself, as in the stricter form of sacred art,
+but which, as we explained, is quite opposed to that broad perfection of
+the thinking being, to which we have applied the name of the symmetry of
+genius.
+
+If this classification of men of genius be admitted, there can be no
+hesitation in assigning to Mr. Dickens his place in it. His genius
+is essentially irregular and unsymmetrical. Hardly any English
+writer perhaps is much more so. His style is an example of it. It is
+descriptive, racy, and flowing; it is instinct with new imagery and
+singular illustration; but it does not indicate that due proportion of
+the faculties to one another which is a beauty in itself, and which
+cannot help diffusing beauty over every happy word and moulded clause. We
+may choose an illustration at random. The following graphic description
+will do:
+
+ ‘If Lord George Gordon had appeared in the eyes of Mr. Willet,
+ overnight, a nobleman of somewhat quaint and odd exterior,
+ the impression was confirmed this morning, and increased a
+ hundredfold. Sitting bolt upright upon his bony steed, with
+ his long, straight hair dangling about his face and fluttering
+ in the wind; his limbs all angular and rigid, his elbows stuck
+ out on either side ungracefully, and his whole frame jogged and
+ shaken at every motion of his horse’s feet; a more grotesque
+ or more ungainly figure can hardly be conceived. In lieu of
+ whip, he carried in his hand a great gold-headed cane, as
+ large as any footman carries in these days; and his various
+ modes of holding this unwieldy weapon—now upright before his
+ face like the sabre of a horse-soldier, now over his shoulder
+ like a musket, now between his finger and thumb, but always
+ in some uncouth and awkward fashion—contributed in no small
+ degree to the absurdity of his appearance. Stiff, lank, and
+ solemn, dressed in an unusual manner, and ostentatiously
+ exhibiting—whether by design or accident—all his peculiarities
+ of carriage, gesture, and conduct, all the qualities, natural
+ and artificial, in which he differed from other men, he might
+ have moved the sternest looker-on to laughter, and fully
+ provoked the smiles and whispered jests which greeted his
+ departure from the Maypole Inn.
+
+ ‘Quite unconscious, however, of the effect he produced, he
+ trotted on beside his secretary, talking to himself nearly all
+ the way, until they came within a mile or two of London, when
+ now and then some passenger went by who knew him by sight, and
+ pointed him out to some one else, and perhaps stood looking
+ after him, or cried in jest or earnest as it might be, “Hurrah,
+ Geordie! No Popery!” At which he would gravely pull off his
+ hat, and bow. When they reached the town and rode along the
+ streets, these notices became more frequent; some laughed, some
+ hissed, some turned their heads and smiled, some wondered who
+ he was, some ran along the pavement by his side and cheered.
+ When this happened in a crush of carts and chairs and coaches,
+ he would make a dead stop, and pulling off his hat, cry,
+ “Gentlemen, No Popery!” to which the gentlemen would respond
+ with lusty voices, and with three times three; and then, on he
+ would go again with a score or so of the raggedest, following
+ at his horse’s heels, and shouting till their throats were
+ parched.
+
+ ‘The old ladies too—there were a great many old ladies in the
+ streets, and these all knew him. Some of them—not those of the
+ highest rank, but such as sold fruit from baskets and carried
+ burdens—clapped their shrivelled hands, and raised a weazen,
+ piping, shrill “Hurrah, my lord.” Others waved their hands or
+ handkerchiefs, or shook their fans or parasols, or threw up
+ windows, and called in haste to those within, to come and see.
+ All these marks of popular esteem he received with profound
+ gravity and respect; bowing very low, and so frequently that
+ his hat was more off his head than on; and looking up at the
+ houses as he passed along, with the air of one who was making a
+ public entry, and yet was not puffed-up or proud.’
+
+No one would think of citing such a passage as this, as exemplifying the
+proportioned beauty of finished writing; it is not the writing of an
+evenly developed or of a highly cultured mind; it abounds in jolts and
+odd turns; it is full of singular twists and needless complexities: but,
+on the other hand, no one can deny its great and peculiar merit. It is an
+odd style, and it is very odd how much you read it. It is the overflow of
+a copious mind, though not the chastened expression of an harmonious one.
+
+The same quality characterises the matter of his works. His range is
+very varied. He has attempted to describe every kind of scene in English
+life, from quite the lowest to almost the highest. He has not endeavoured
+to secure success by confining himself to a single path, nor wearied
+the public with repetitions of the subjects by the delineation of which
+he originally obtained fame. In his earlier works he never writes long
+without saying something well; something which no other man would have
+said; but even in them it is the characteristic of his power that it
+is apt to fail him at once; from masterly strength we pass without
+interval to almost infantine weakness,—something like disgust succeeds
+in a moment to an extreme admiration. Such is the natural fate of an
+unequal mind employing itself on a vast and variegated subject. In
+writing on the ‘Waverley Novels,’ we ventured to make a division of
+novels into the ubiquitous,—it would have been perhaps better to say
+the miscellaneous,—and the sentimental: the first, as its name implies,
+busying itself with the whole of human life, the second restricting
+itself within a peculiar and limited theme. Mr. Dickens’s novels are
+all of the former class. They aim to delineate nearly all that part of
+our national life which can be delineated,—at least, within the limits
+which social morality prescribes to social art; but you cannot read
+his delineation of any part without being struck with its singular
+incompleteness. An artist once said of the best work of another artist,
+‘Yes, it is a pretty patch.’ If we might venture on the phrase, we should
+say that Mr. Dickens’s pictures are graphic scraps; his best books are
+compilations of them.
+
+The truth is, that Mr. Dickens wholly wants the two elements which we
+have spoken of, as one or other requisite for a symmetrical genius. He
+is utterly deficient in the faculty of reasoning. ‘Mamma, what shall
+I think about?’ said the small girl. ‘My dear, don’t think,’ was the
+old-fashioned reply. We do not allege that in the strict theory of
+education this was a correct reply; modern writers think otherwise;
+but we wish some one would say it to Mr. Dickens. He is often troubled
+with the idea that he must reflect, and his reflections are perhaps the
+worst reading in the world. There is a sentimental confusion about them;
+we never find the consecutive precision of mature theory, or the cold
+distinctness of clear thought. Vivid facts stand out in his imagination;
+and a fresh illustrative style brings them home to the imagination of
+his readers; but his continuous philosophy utterly fails in the attempt
+to harmonise them,—to educe a theory or elaborate a precept from them.
+Of his social thinking we shall have a few words to say in detail; his
+didactic humour is very unfortunate: no writer is less fitted for an
+excursion to the imperative mood. At present, we only say, what is so
+obvious as scarcely to need saying, that his abstract understanding is so
+far inferior to his picturesque imagination as to give even to his best
+works the sense of jar and incompleteness, and to deprive them altogether
+of the crystalline finish which is characteristic of the clear and
+cultured understanding.
+
+Nor has Mr. Dickens the easy and various sagacity which, as has been
+said, gives a unity to all which it touches. He has, indeed, a quality
+which is near allied to it in appearance. His shrewdness in some things,
+especially in traits and small things, is wonderful. His works are
+full of acute remarks on petty doings, and well exemplify the telling
+power of minute circumstantiality. But the minor species of perceptive
+sharpness is so different from diffused sagacity, that the two scarcely
+ever are to be found in the same mind. There is nothing less like the
+great lawyer, acquainted with broad principles and applying them with
+distinct deduction, than the attorney’s clerk who catches at small points
+like a dog biting at flies. ‘Over-sharpness’ in the student is the most
+unpromising symptom of the logical jurist. You must not ask a horse in
+blinkers for a large view of a landscape. In the same way, a detective
+ingenuity in microscopic detail is of all mental qualities most unlike
+the broad sagacity by which the great painters of human affairs have
+unintentionally stamped the mark of unity on their productions. They show
+by their treatment of each case that they understand the whole of life;
+the special delineator of fragments and points shows that he understands
+them only. In one respect the defect is more striking in Mr. Dickens than
+in any other novelist of the present day. The most remarkable deficiency
+in modern fiction is its omission of the business of life, of all those
+countless occupations, pursuits, and callings in which most men live and
+move, and by which they have their being. In most novels money _grows_.
+You have no idea of the toil, the patience, and the wearing anxiety by
+which men of action provide for the day, and lay up for the future,
+and support those that are given into their care. Mr. Dickens is not
+chargeable with this omission. He perpetually deals with the pecuniary
+part of life. Almost all his characters have determined occupations, of
+which he is apt to talk even at too much length. When he rises from the
+toiling to the luxurious classes, his genius in most cases deserts him.
+The delicate refinement and discriminating taste of the idling orders
+are not in his way; he knows the dry arches of London Bridge better than
+Belgravia. He excels in inventories of poor furniture, and is learned in
+pawnbrokers’ tickets. But, although his creative power lives and works
+among the middle class and industrial section of English society, he has
+never painted the highest part of their daily intellectual life. He made,
+indeed, an attempt to paint specimens of the apt and able man of business
+in _Nicholas Nickleby_; but the Messrs. Cheeryble are among the stupidest
+of his characters. He forgot that breadth of platitude is rather
+different from breadth of sagacity. His delineations of middle-class
+life have in consequence a harshness and meanness which do not belong to
+that life in reality. He omits the relieving element. He describes the
+figs which are sold, but not the talent which sells figs well. And it is
+the same want of diffused sagacity in his own nature which has made his
+pictures of life so odd and disjointed, and which has deprived them of
+symmetry and unity.
+
+The _bizarrerie_ of Mr. Dickens’s genius is rendered more remarkable by
+the inordinate measure of his special excellences. The first of these is
+his power of observation in detail. We have heard,—we do not know whether
+correctly or incorrectly,—that he can go down a crowded street, and tell
+you all that is in it, what each shop was, what the grocer’s name was,
+how many scraps of orange-peel there were on the pavement. His works give
+you exactly the same idea. The amount of detail which there is in them is
+something amazing,—to an ordinary writer something incredible. There are
+single pages containing telling _minutiæ_, which other people would have
+thought enough for a volume. Nor is his sensibility to external objects,
+though omnivorous, insensible to the artistic effect of each. There are
+scarcely anywhere such pictures of London as he draws. No writer has
+equally comprehended the artistic material which is given by its extent,
+its aggregation of different elements, its mouldiness, its brilliancy.
+
+Nor does his genius—though, from some idiosyncrasy of mind or accident of
+external situation, it is more especially directed to City life—at all
+stop at the Citywall. He is especially at home in the picturesque and
+obvious parts of country life, particularly in the comfortable and (so to
+say) mouldering portion of it. The following is an instance; if not the
+best that could be cited, still one of the best:—
+
+ ‘They arranged to proceed upon their journey next evening, as a
+ stage-wagon, which travelled for some distance on the same road
+ as they must take, would stop at the inn to change horses, and
+ the driver for a small gratuity would give Nell a place inside.
+ A bargain was soon struck when the wagon came; and in due time
+ it rolled away; with the child comfortably bestowed among the
+ softer packages, her grandfather and the schoolmaster walking
+ on beside the driver, and the landlady and all the good folks
+ of the inn screaming out their good wishes and farewells.
+
+ ‘What a soothing, luxurious, drowsy way of travelling, to lie
+ inside that slowly-moving mountain, listening to the tinkling
+ of the horses’ bells, the occasional smacking of the carter’s
+ whip, the smooth rolling of the great broad wheels, the rattle
+ of the harness, the cheery goodnights of passing travellers
+ jogging past on little short-stepped horses—all made pleasantly
+ indistinct by the thick awning, which seemed made for lazy
+ listening under, till one fell asleep! The very going to sleep,
+ still with an indistinct idea, as the head jogged to and fro
+ upon the pillow, of moving onward with no trouble or fatigue,
+ and hearing all these sounds like dreamy music, lulling to the
+ senses—and the slow waking up, and finding one’s self staring
+ out through the breezy curtain half-opened in the front, far up
+ into the cold bright sky with its countless stars, and downward
+ at the driver’s lantern dancing on like its namesake Jack of
+ the swamps and marshes, and sideways at the dark grim trees,
+ and forward at the long bare road rising up, up, up, until it
+ stopped abruptly at a sharp high ridge as if there were no more
+ road, and all beyond was sky—and the stopping at the inn to
+ bait, and being helped out, and going into a room with fire
+ and candles and winking very much, and being agreeably reminded
+ that the night was cold, and anxious for very comfort’s sake to
+ think it colder than it was! What a delicious journey was that
+ journey in the wagon!
+
+ ‘Then the going on again—so fresh at first, and shortly
+ afterwards so sleepy. The waking from a sound nap as the mail
+ came dashing past like a highway comet, with gleaming lamps
+ and rattling hoofs, and visions of a guard behind, standing up
+ to keep his feet warm, and of a gentleman in a fur cap opening
+ his eyes and looking wild and stupefied—the stopping at the
+ turnpike, where the man was gone to bed, and knocking at the
+ door until he answered with a smothered shout from under the
+ bed-clothes in the little room above, where the faint light was
+ burning, and presently came down, night-capped and shivering,
+ to throw the gate wide open, and wish all wagons off the road
+ except by day. The cold sharp interval between night and
+ morning—the distant streak of light widening and spreading,
+ and turning from grey to white, and from white to yellow, and
+ from yellow to burning red—the presence of day, with all its
+ cheerfulness and life—men and horses at the plough—birds in
+ the trees and hedges, and boys in solitary fields frightening
+ them away with rattles. The coming to a town—people busy in
+ the market; light carts and chaises round the tavern yard;
+ tradesmen standing at their doors; men running horses up and
+ down the streets for sale; pigs plunging and grunting in the
+ dirty distance, getting off with long strings at their legs,
+ running into clean chemists’ shops and being dislodged with
+ brooms by ’prentices; the night-coach changing horses—the
+ passengers cheerless, cold, ugly, and discontented, with
+ three months’ growth of hair in one night—the coachmen fresh
+ as from a bandbox, and exquisitely beautiful by contrast:—so
+ much bustle, so many things in motion, such a variety of
+ incidents—when was there a journey with so many delights as
+ that journey in the wagon!’
+
+Or, as a relief from a very painful series of accompanying characters, it
+is pleasant to read and remember the description of the fine morning on
+which Mr. Jonas Chuzzlewit does not reflect. Mr. Dickens has, however,
+no feeling analogous to the nature-worship of some other recent writers.
+There is nothing Wordsworthian in his bent; the interpreting inspiration
+(as that school speak) is not his. Nor has he the erudition in difficult
+names which has filled some pages in late novelists with mineralogy and
+botany. His descriptions of nature are fresh and superficial; they are
+not sermonic or scientific.
+
+Nevertheless, it may be said that Mr. Dickens’s genius is especially
+suited to the delineation of City life. London is like a newspaper.
+Everything is there, and everything is disconnected. There is every
+kind of person in some houses; but there is no more connection between
+the houses than between the neighbours in the lists of ‘births,
+marriages, and deaths.’ As we change from the broad leader to the squalid
+police-report, we pass a corner and we are in a changed world. This is
+advantageous to Mr. Dickens’s genius. His memory is full of instances
+of old buildings and curious people, and he does not care to piece
+them together. On the contrary, each scene, to his mind, is a separate
+scene,—each street a separate street. He has, too, the peculiar alertness
+of observation that is observable in those who live by it. He describes
+London like a special correspondent for posterity.
+
+A second most wonderful special faculty which Mr. Dickens possesses
+is what we may call his _vivification_ of character, or rather of
+characteristics. His marvellous power of observation has been exercised
+upon men and women even more than upon town or country; and the store
+of human detail, so to speak, in his books is endless and enormous. The
+boots at the inn, the pickpockets in the street, the undertaker, the
+Mrs. Gamp, are all of them at his disposal; he knows each trait and
+incident, and he invests them with a kind of perfection in detail which
+in reality they do not possess. He has a very peculiar power of taking
+hold of some particular traits, and making a character out of them. He
+is especially apt to incarnate particular professions in this way. Many
+of his people never speak without some allusion to their occupation. You
+cannot separate them from it. Nor does the writer ever separate them.
+What would Mr. Mould be if not an undertaker? or Mrs. Gamp if not a
+nurse? or Charley Bates if not a pickpocket? Not only is human nature in
+them subdued to what it works in, but there seems to be no nature to
+subdue; the whole character is the idealisation of a trade, and is not
+in fancy or thought distinguishable from it. Accordingly, of necessity,
+such delineations become caricatures. We do not in general contrast them
+with reality; but as soon as we do, we are struck with the monstrous
+exaggerations which they present. You could no more fancy Sam Weller,
+or Mark Tapley, or the Artful Dodger really existing, walking about
+among common ordinary men and women, than you can fancy a talking duck
+or a writing bear. They are utterly beyond the pale of ordinary social
+intercourse. We suspect, indeed, that Mr. Dickens does not conceive his
+characters to himself as mixing in the society he mixes in. He sees
+people in the street, doing certain things, talking in a certain way,
+and his fancy petrifies them in the act. He goes on fancying hundreds
+of reduplications of that act and that speech; he frames an existence
+in which there is nothing else but that aspect which attracted his
+attention. Sam Weller is an example. He is a man-servant, who makes a
+peculiar kind of jokes, and is wonderfully felicitous in certain similes.
+You see him at his first introduction:—
+
+ ‘“My friend,” said the thin gentleman.
+
+ ‘“You’re one o’ the adwice gratis order,” thought Sam, “or
+ you wouldn’t be so werry fond o’ me all at once.” But he only
+ said—“Well, sir?”
+
+ ‘“My friend,” said the thin gentlemen, with a conciliatory
+ hem—“Have you got many people stopping here, now? Pretty busy?
+ Eh?”
+
+ ‘Sam stole a look at the inquirer. He was a little high-dried
+ man, with a dark squeezed-up face, and small restless black
+ eyes, that kept winking and twinkling on each side of his
+ little inquisitive nose, as if they were playing a perpetual
+ game of peep-bo with that feature. He was dressed all in black,
+ with boots as shiny as his eyes, a low white neckcloth, and a
+ clean shirt with a frill to it. A gold watch-chain, and seals,
+ depended from his fob. He carried his black kid gloves _in_
+ his hands, not _on_ them; and as he spoke, thrust his wrists
+ beneath his coat-tails, with the air of a man who was in the
+ habit of propounding some regular posers.
+
+ ‘“Pretty busy, eh?” said the little man.
+
+ ‘“Oh, werry well, sir,” replied Sam, “we shan’t be bankrupts,
+ and we shan’t make our fort’ns. We eats our biled mutton
+ without capers, and don’t care for horse-radish ven ve can get
+ beef?”
+
+ ‘“Ah,” said the little man, “you’re a wag, ain’t you?”
+
+ ‘“My eldest brother was troubled with that complaint,” said
+ Sam, “it may be catching—I used to sleep with him.”
+
+ ‘“This is a curious old house of yours,” said the little man,
+ looking round him.
+
+ ‘“If you’d sent word you was a coming, we’d ha’ had it
+ repaired,” replied the imperturbable Sam.
+
+ ‘The little man seemed rather baffled by these several
+ repulses, and a short consultation took place between him and
+ the two plump gentlemen. At its conclusion, the little man took
+ a pinch of snuff from an oblong silver box, and was apparently
+ on the point of renewing the conversation, when one of the
+ plump gentlemen, who, in addition to a benevolent countenance,
+ possessed a pair of spectacles and a pair of black gaiters,
+ interfered—
+
+ ‘“The fact of the matter is,” said the benevolent gentleman,
+ “that my friend here” (pointing to the other plump gentleman)
+ “will give you half a guinea, if you’ll answer one or two—”
+
+ ‘“Now, my dear sir—my dear sir,” said the little man, “pray
+ allow me—my dear sir, the very first principle to be observed
+ in these cases is this: if you place a matter in the hands of a
+ professional man, you must in no way interfere in the progress
+ of the business; you must repose implicit confidence in him.
+ Really, Mr. (he turned to the other plump gentleman, and
+ said)—I forget your friend’s name.”
+
+ ‘“Pickwick,” said Mr. Wardle, for it was no other than that
+ jolly personage.
+
+ ‘“Ah, Pickwick—really Mr. Pickwick, my dear sir, excuse me—I
+ shall be happy to receive any private suggestions of yours,
+ as _amicus curiæ_, but you must see the impropriety of your
+ interfering with my conduct in this case, with such an _ad
+ captandum_ argument as the offer of half a guinea. Really, my
+ dear sir, really,” and the little man took an argumentative
+ pinch of snuff, and looked very profound.
+
+ ‘“My only wish, sir,” said Mr. Pickwick, “was to bring this
+ very unpleasant matter to as speedy a close as possible.”
+
+ ‘“Quite right—quite right,” said the little man.
+
+ ‘“With which view,” continued Mr. Pickwick, “I made use of the
+ argument which my experience of men has taught me is the most
+ likely to succeed in any case.”
+
+ ‘“Ay, ay,” said the little man, “very good, very good indeed;
+ but you should have suggested it to _me_. My dear sir,
+ I’m quite certain you cannot be ignorant of the extent of
+ confidence which must be placed in professional men. If any
+ authority can be necessary on such a point, my dear sir, let me
+ refer you to the well-known case in Barnwell and—”
+
+ ‘“Never mind George Barnwell,” interrupted Sam, who had
+ remained a wondering listener during this short colloquy;
+ “everybody knows vat sort of a case his was, tho’ it’s always
+ been my opinion, mind you, that the young ’ooman deserved
+ scragging a precious sight more than he did. Hows’ever, that’s
+ neither here nor there. You want me to except of half a guinea.
+ Werry well, I’m agreeable: I can’t say no fairer than that, can
+ I, sir? (Mr. Pickwick smiled.) Then the next question is, what
+ the devil do you want with me, as the man said wen he see the
+ ghost?”
+
+ ‘“We want to know—” said Mr. Wardle.
+
+ ‘“Now, my dear sir—my dear sir,” interposed the busy little man.
+
+ ‘Mr. Wardle shrugged his shoulders, and was silent.
+
+ ‘“We want to know,” said the little man, solemnly; “and we
+ ask the question of you, in order that we may not awaken
+ apprehensions inside—we want to know who you’ve got in this
+ house at present.”
+
+ ‘“Who there is in the house!” said Sam, in whose mind the
+ inmates were always represented by that particular article of
+ their costume, which came under his immediate superintendence.
+ “There’s a wooden leg in number six; there’s a pair of Hessians
+ in thirteen; there’s two pair of halves in the commercial;
+ there’s these here painted tops in the snuggery inside the bar;
+ and five more tops in the coffee-room.”
+
+ ‘“Nothing more?” said the little man.
+
+ ‘“Stop a bit,” replied Sam, suddenly recollecting himself.
+ “Yes; there’s a pair of Wellingtons a good deal worn, and a
+ pair o’ lady’s shoes, in number five.”
+
+ ‘“What sort of shoes?” hastily inquired Wardle, who, together
+ with Mr. Pickwick, had been lost in bewilderment at the
+ singular catalogue of visitors.
+
+ ‘“Country make,” replied Sam.
+
+ ‘“Any maker’s name?”
+
+ ‘“Brown.”
+
+ ‘“Where of?”
+
+ ‘“Muggleton.”
+
+ ‘“It _is_ them,” exclaimed Wardle. “By Heavens, we’ve found
+ them.”
+
+ ‘“Hush!” said Sam. “The Wellingtons has gone to Doctors
+ Commons.”
+
+ ‘“No,” said the little man.
+
+ ‘“Yes, for a license.”
+
+ ‘“We’re in time,” exclaimed Wardle. “Show us the room; not a
+ moment is to be lost.”
+
+ ‘“Pray, my dear sir—pray,” said the little man; “caution,
+ caution.” He drew from his pocket a red silk purse, and looked
+ very hard at Sam as he drew out a sovereign.
+
+ ‘Sam grinned expressively.
+
+ ‘“Show us into the room at once, without announcing us,” said
+ the little man, “and it’s yours.”’
+
+One can fancy Mr. Dickens hearing a dialogue of this sort,—not nearly
+so good, but something like it,—and immediately setting to work to make
+it better and put it in a book; then changing a little the situation,
+putting the boots one step up in the scale of service, engaging him as
+footman to a stout gentleman (but without for a moment losing sight of
+the peculiar kind of professional conversation and humour which his first
+dialogue presents), and astonishing all his readers by the marvellous
+fertility and magical humour with which he maintains that style. Sam
+Weller’s father is even a stronger and simpler instance. He is simply
+nothing but an old coachman of the stout and extinct sort: you cannot
+separate him from the idea of that occupation. But how amusing he is! We
+dare not quote a single word of his talk; because we should go on quoting
+so long, and every one knows it so well. Some persons may think that this
+is not a very high species of delineative art. The idea of personifying
+traits and trades may seem to them poor and meagre. Anybody, they may
+fancy, can do that. But how would they do it? Whose fancy would not break
+down in a page—in five lines? Who could carry on the vivification with
+zest and energy and humour for volume after volume? Endless fertility in
+laughter-causing detail is Mr. Dickens’s most astonishing peculiarity. It
+requires a continuous and careful reading of his works to be aware of his
+enormous wealth. Writers have attained the greatest reputation for wit
+and humour, whose whole works do not contain so much of either as are to
+be found in a very few pages of his.
+
+Mr. Dickens’s humour is indeed very much a result of the two
+peculiarities of which we have been speaking. His power of detailed
+observation and his power of idealising individual traits of
+character—sometimes of one or other of them, sometimes of both of them
+together. His similes on matters of external observation are so admirable
+that everybody appreciates them, and it would be absurd to quote
+specimens of them; nor is it the sort of excellence which best bears to
+be paraded for the purposes of critical example. Its off-hand air and
+natural connection with the adjacent circumstances are inherent parts of
+its peculiar merit. Every reader of Mr. Dickens’s works knows well what
+we mean. And who is not a reader of them?
+
+But his peculiar humour is even more indebted to his habit of vivifying
+external traits, than to his power of external observation. He, as we
+have explained, expands traits into people; and it is a source of true
+humour to place these, when so expanded, in circumstances in which only
+people—that is complete human beings—can appropriately act. The humour
+of Mr. Pickwick’s character is entirely of this kind. He is a kind of
+incarnation of simple-mindedness and what we may call obvious-mindedness.
+The conclusion which each occurrence or position in life most immediately
+presents to the unsophisticated mind is that which Mr. Pickwick is sure
+to accept. The proper accompaniments are given to him. He is a stout
+gentleman in easy circumstances, who is irritated into originality by
+no impulse from within, and by no stimulus from without. He is stated
+to have ‘retired from business.’ But no one can fancy what he was in
+business. Such guileless simplicity of heart and easy impressibility
+of disposition would soon have induced a painful failure amid the
+harsh struggles and the tempting speculations of pecuniary life. As
+he is represented in the narrative, however, nobody dreams of such
+antecedents. Mr. Pickwick moves easily over all the surface of English
+life from Goswell Street to Dingley Dell, from Dingley Dell to the
+Ipswich elections, from drinking milk-punch in a wheelbarrow to sleeping
+in the approximate pound, and no one ever thinks of applying to him the
+ordinary maxims which we should apply to any common person in life, or
+to any common personage in a fiction. Nobody thinks it is wrong in Mr.
+Pickwick to drink too much milk-punch in a wheelbarrow, to introduce
+worthless people of whom he knows nothing to the families of people for
+whom he really cares; nobody holds him responsible for the consequences;
+nobody thinks there is anything wrong in his taking Mr. Bob Sawyer and
+Mr. Benjamin Allen to visit Mr. Winkle, senior, and thereby almost
+irretrievably offending him with his son’s marriage. We do not reject
+moral remarks such as these, but they never occur to us. Indeed, the
+indistinct consciousness that such observations are possible, and that
+they are hovering about our minds, enhances the humour of the narrative.
+We are in a conventional world, where the mere maxims of common life do
+not apply, and yet which has all the amusing detail, and picturesque
+elements, and singular eccentricities of common life. Mr. Pickwick is
+a personified ideal; a kind of amateur in life, whose course we watch
+through all the circumstances of ordinary existence, and at whose follies
+we are amused just as really skilled people are at the mistakes of an
+amateur in their art. His being in the pound is not wrong; his being the
+victim of Messrs. Dodson is not foolish. ‘Always shout with the mob,’
+said Mr. Pickwick. ‘But suppose there are two mobs,’ said Mr. Snodgrass.
+‘Then shout with the loudest,’ said Mr. Pickwick. This is not in him
+weakness or time-serving, or want of principle, as in most even of
+fictitious people it would be. It is his way. Mr. Pickwick was expected
+to say something, so he said ‘Ah!’ in a grave voice. This is not pompous
+as we might fancy, or clever as it might be, if intentionally devised; it
+is simply his way. Mr. Pickwick gets late at night over the wall behind
+the back-door of a young-ladies’ school, is found in that sequestered
+place by the schoolmistress and the boarders and the cook, and there is
+a dialogue between them. There is nothing out of possibility in this; it
+is his way. The humour essentially consists in treating as a moral agent
+a being who really is not a moral agent. We treat a vivified accident as
+a man, and we are surprised at the absurd results. We are reading about
+an acting thing, and we wonder at its scrapes, and laugh at them as if
+they were those of the man. There is something of this humour in every
+sort of farce. Everybody knows these are not real beings acting in real
+life, though they talk as if they were, and want us to believe that they
+are. Here, as in Mr. Dickens’s books, we have exaggerations pretending to
+comport themselves as ordinary beings, caricatures acting as if they were
+characters.
+
+At the same time it is essential to remember, that however great may be
+and is the charm of such exaggerated personifications, the best specimens
+of them are immensely less excellent, belong to an altogether lower range
+of intellectual achievements, than the real depiction of actual living
+men. It is amusing to read of beings _out_ of the laws of morality, but
+it is more profoundly interesting, as well as more instructive, to read
+of those whose life in its moral conditions resembles our own. We see
+this most distinctly when both representations are given by the genius
+of one and the same writer. Falstaff is a sort of sack-holding paunch,
+an exaggerated over-development which no one thinks of holding down to
+the commonplace rules of the ten commandments and the statute-law. We
+do not think of them in connection with him. They belong to a world
+apart. Accordingly, we are vexed when the king discards him and reproves
+him. Such a fate was a necessary adherence on Shakespeare’s part to the
+historical tradition; he never probably thought of departing from it, nor
+would his audience have perhaps endured his doing so. But to those who
+look at the historical plays as pure works of imaginative art, it seems
+certainly an artistic misconception to have developed so marvellous an
+_un_moral impersonation, and then to have subjected it to an ethical
+and punitive judgment. Still, notwithstanding this error, which was very
+likely inevitable, Falstaff is probably the most remarkable specimen
+of caricature-representation to be found in literature. And its very
+excellence of execution only shows how inferior is the kind of art
+which creates only such representations. Who could compare the genius,
+marvellous as must be its fertility, which was needful to create a
+Falstaff with that shown in the higher productions of the same mind
+in Hamlet, Ophelia, and Lear? We feel instantaneously the difference
+between the aggregating accident which rakes up from the externalities
+of life other accidents analogous to itself, and the central ideal of
+a real character which cannot show itself wholly in any accidents,
+but which exemplifies itself partially in many, which unfolds itself
+gradually in wide spheres of action, and yet, as with those we know best
+in life, leaves something hardly to be understood, and after years of
+familiarity is a problem and a difficulty to the last. In the same way,
+the embodied characteristics and grotesque exaggerations of Mr. Dickens,
+notwithstanding all their humour and all their marvellous abundance, can
+never be for a moment compared with the great works of the real painters
+of essential human nature.
+
+There is one class of Mr. Dickens’s pictures which may seem to form an
+exception to this criticism. It is the delineation of the outlaw, we
+might say the anti-law, world in _Oliver Twist_. In one or two instances
+Mr. Dickens has been so fortunate as to hit on characteristics which,
+by his system of idealisation and continual repetition, might really
+be brought to look like a character. A man’s trade or profession in
+regular life can only exhaust a very small portion of his nature; no
+approach is made to the essence of humanity by the exaggeration of the
+traits which typify a beadle or an undertaker. With the outlaw world it
+is somewhat different. The bare fact of a man belonging to that world
+is so important to his nature, that if it is artistically developed
+with coherent accessories, some approximation to a distinctly natural
+character will be almost inevitably made. In the characters of Bill
+Sykes and Nancy this is so. The former is the skulking ruffian who may
+be seen any day at the police-courts, and whom anyone may fancy he sees
+by walking through St. Giles’s. You cannot attempt to figure to your
+imagination the existence of such a person without being thrown into
+the region of the passions, the will, and the conscience; the mere fact
+of his maintaining, as a condition of life and by settled profession,
+a struggle with regular society necessarily brings these deep parts of
+his nature into prominence; great crime usually proceeds from abnormal
+impulses or strange effort. Accordingly, Mr. Sykes is the character
+most approaching to a coherent man who is to be found in Mr. Dickens’s
+works. We do not say that even here there is not some undue heightening
+admixture of caricature,—but this defect is scarcely thought of amid the
+general coherence of the picture, the painful subject, and the wonderful
+command of strange accessories. Miss Nancy is a still more delicate
+artistic effort. She is an idealisation of the girl who may also be seen
+at the police-courts and St. Giles’s; as bad, according to occupation and
+common character, as a woman can be, yet retaining a tinge of womanhood,
+and a certain compassion for interesting suffering, which under favouring
+circumstances might be the germ of a regenerating influence. We need
+not stay to prove how much the imaginative development of such a
+personage must concern itself with our deeper humanity; how strongly,
+if excellent, it must be contrasted with everything conventional or
+casual or superficial. Mr. Dickens’s delineation is in the highest degree
+excellent. It possesses not only the more obvious merits belonging to the
+subject, but also that of a singular delicacy of expression and idea.
+Nobody fancies for a moment that they are reading about anything beyond
+the pale of ordinary propriety. We read the account of the life which
+Miss Nancy leads with Bill Sykes without such an idea occurring to us:
+yet, when we reflect upon it, few things in literary painting are more
+wonderful than the depiction of a professional life of sin and sorrow,
+so as not even to startle those to whom the deeper forms of either are
+but names and shadows. Other writers would have given as vivid a picture:
+Defoe would have poured out even a more copious measure of telling
+circumstantiality, but he would have narrated his story with an inhuman
+distinctness, which if not impure is _un_pure; French writers, whom we
+need not name, would have enhanced the interest of their narrative by
+trading on the excitement of stimulating scenes. It would be injustice
+to Mr. Dickens to say that he has surmounted these temptations; the
+unconscious evidence of innumerable details proves that, from a certain
+delicacy of imagination and purity of spirit, he has not even experienced
+them. Criticism is the more bound to dwell at length on the merits of
+these delineations, because no artistic merit can make _Oliver Twist_ a
+pleasing work. The squalid detail of crime and misery oppresses us too
+much. If it is to be read at all, it should be read in the first hardness
+of the youthful imagination, which no touch can move too deeply, and
+which is never stirred with tremulous suffering at the ‘still sad music
+of humanity.’ The coldest critic in later life may never hope to have
+again the apathy of his boyhood.
+
+It perhaps follows from what has been said of the characteristics of
+Mr. Dickens’s genius, that it would be little skilled in planning plots
+for his novels. He certainly is not so skilled. He says in his preface
+to the _Pickwick Papers_ ‘that they were designed for the introduction
+of diverting characters and incidents; that no ingenuity of plot was
+attempted, or even at that time considered feasible by the author in
+connection with the desultory plan of publication adopted;’ and he adds
+an expression of regret that ‘these chapters had not been strung together
+on a thread of more general interest.’ It is extremely fortunate that no
+such attempt was made. In the cases in which Mr. Dickens has attempted
+to make a long connected story, or to develop into scenes or incidents
+a plan in any degree elaborate, the result has been a complete failure.
+A certain consistency of genius seems necessary for the construction
+of a consecutive plot. An irregular mind naturally shows itself in
+incoherency of incident and aberration of character. The method in
+which Mr. Dickens’s mind works, if we are correct in our criticism upon
+it, tends naturally to these blemishes. Caricatures are necessarily
+isolated; they are produced by the exaggeration of certain conspicuous
+traits and features; each being is enlarged on its greatest side; and
+we laugh at the grotesque grouping and the startling contrast. But that
+connection between human beings on which a plot depends is rather severed
+than elucidated by the enhancement of their diversities. Interesting
+stories are founded on the intimate relations of men and women. These
+intimate relations are based not on their superficial traits, or common
+occupations, or most visible externalities, but on the inner life of
+heart and feeling. You simply divert attention from that secret life
+by enhancing the perceptible diversities of common human nature, and
+the strange anomalies into which it may be distorted. The original
+germ of _Pickwick_ was a ‘Club of Oddities.’ The idea was professedly
+abandoned; but traces of it are to be found in all Mr. Dickens’s books.
+It illustrates the professed grotesqueness of the characters as well as
+their slender connection.
+
+The defect of plot is heightened by Mr. Dickens’s great, we might say
+complete, inability to make a love-story. A pair of lovers is by custom
+a necessity of narrative fiction, and writers who possess a great
+general range of mundane knowledge, and but little knowledge of the
+special sentimental subject, are often in amusing difficulties. The
+watchful reader observes the transition from the hearty description of
+well-known scenes, of prosaic streets, or journeys by wood and river, to
+the pale colours of ill-attempted poetry, to such sights as the novelist
+evidently wishes that he need not try to see. But few writers exhibit
+the difficulty in so aggravated a form as Mr. Dickens. Most men by
+taking thought can make a lay figure to look not so very unlike a young
+gentleman, and can compose a telling schedule of ladylike charms. Mr.
+Dickens has no power of doing either. The heroic character—we do not
+mean the form of character so called in life and action, but that which
+is hereditary in the heroes of novels—is not suited to his style of
+art. Hazlitt wrote an essay to inquire ‘Why the heroes of romances are
+insipid;’ and without going that length it may safely be said that the
+character of the agreeable young gentleman who loves and is loved should
+not be of the most marked sort. Flirtation ought not to be an exaggerated
+pursuit. Young ladies and their admirers should not express themselves in
+the heightened and imaginative phraseology suited to Charley Bates and
+the Dodger. Humour is of no use, for no one makes love in jokes: a tinge
+of insidious satire may perhaps be permitted as a rare and occasional
+relief, but it will not be thought ‘a pretty book,’ if so malicious an
+element be at all habitually perceptible. The broad farce in which Mr.
+Dickens indulges is thoroughly out of place. If you caricature a pair of
+lovers ever so little, by the necessity of their calling you make them
+ridiculous. One of Sheridan’s best comedies is remarkable for having no
+scene in which the hero and heroine are on the stage together; and Mr.
+Moore suggests that the shrewd wit distrusted his skill in the light
+dropping love-talk which would have been necessary. Mr. Dickens would
+have done well to imitate so astute a policy; but he has none of the
+managing shrewdness which those who look at Sheridan’s career attentively
+will probably think not the least remarkable feature in his singular
+character. Mr. Dickens, on the contrary, pours out painful sentiments
+as if he wished the abundance should make up for the inferior quality.
+The excruciating writing which is expended on Miss Ruth Pinch passes
+belief. Mr. Dickens is not only unable to make lovers talk, but to
+describe heroines in mere narrative. As has been said, most men can make
+a jumble of blue eyes and fair hair and pearly teeth, that does very well
+for a young lady, at least for a good while; but Mr. Dickens will not,
+probably cannot, attain even to this humble measure of descriptive art.
+He vitiates the repose by broad humour, or disenchants the delicacy by
+an unctuous admiration.
+
+This deficiency is probably nearly connected with one of Mr. Dickens’s
+most remarkable excellences. No one can read Mr. Thackeray’s writings
+without feeling that he is perpetually treading as close as he dare
+to the border-line that separates the world which may be described in
+books from the world which it is prohibited so to describe. No one knows
+better than this accomplished artist where that line is, and how curious
+are its windings and turns. The charge against him is that he knows it
+but too well; that with an anxious care and a wistful eye he is ever
+approximating to its edge, and hinting with subtle art how thoroughly
+he is familiar with, and how interesting he could make, the interdicted
+region on the other side. He never violates a single conventional rule;
+but at the same time the shadow of the immorality that is not seen is
+scarcely ever wanting to his delineation of the society that is seen.
+Every one may perceive what is passing in his fancy. Mr. Dickens is
+chargeable with no such defect: he does not seem to feel the temptation.
+By what we may fairly call an instinctive purity of genius, he not only
+observes the conventional rules, but makes excursions into topics which
+no other novelist could safely handle, and, by a felicitous instinct,
+deprives them of all impropriety. No other writer could have managed
+the humour of Mrs. Gamp without becoming unendurable. At the same time
+it is difficult not to believe that this singular insensibility to the
+temptations to which many of the greatest novelists have succumbed is
+in some measure connected with his utter inaptitude for delineating the
+portion of life to which their art is specially inclined. He delineates
+neither the love-affairs which ought to be, nor those which ought not to
+be.
+
+Mr. Dickens’s indisposition to ‘make capital’ out of the most commonly
+tempting part of human sentiment is the more remarkable because he
+certainly does not show the same indisposition in other cases. He has
+naturally great powers of pathos; his imagination is familiar with the
+common sort of human suffering; and his marvellous conversancy with the
+detail of existence enables him to describe sick-beds and death-beds
+with an excellence very rarely seen in literature. A nature far more
+sympathetic than that of most authors has familiarised him with such
+subjects. In general, a certain apathy is characteristic of book-writers,
+and dulls the efficacy of their pathos. Mr. Dickens is quite exempt
+from this defect; but, on the other hand, is exceedingly prone to a
+very ostentatious exhibition of the opposite excellence. He dwells on
+dismal scenes with a kind of fawning fondness; and he seems unwilling to
+leave them, long after his readers have had more than enough of them.
+He describes Mr. Dennis the hangman as having a professional fondness
+for his occupation: he has the same sort of fondness apparently for the
+profession of death-painter. The painful details he accumulates are a
+very serious drawback from the agreeableness of his writings. Dismal
+‘light literature’ is the dismallest of reading. The reality of the
+police reports is sufficiently bad, but a fictitious police report would
+be the most disagreeable of conceivable compositions. Some portions of
+Mr. Dickens’s books are liable to a good many of the same objections.
+They are squalid from noisome trivialities, and horrid with terrifying
+crime. In his earlier books this is commonly relieved at frequent
+intervals by a graphic and original mirth. As we will not say age, but
+maturity, has passed over his powers, this counteractive element has
+been lessened; the humour is not so happy as it was, but the wonderful
+fertility in painful _minutiæ_ still remains.
+
+Mr. Dickens’s political opinions have subjected him to a good deal
+of criticism, and to some ridicule. He has shown, on many occasions,
+the desire—which we see so frequent among able and influential men—to
+start as a political reformer. Mr. Spurgeon said, with an application
+to himself, ‘If you’ve got the ear of the public, _of course_ you must
+begin to tell it its faults.’ Mr. Dickens has been quite disposed to
+make this use of his popular influence. Even in _Pickwick_ there are
+many traces of this tendency; and the way in which it shows itself in
+that book and in others is very characteristic of the time at which
+they appeared. The most instructive political characteristic of the
+years from 1825 to 1845 is the growth and influence of the scheme of
+opinion which we call Radicalism. There are several species of creeds
+which are comprehended under this generic name, but they all evince a
+marked reaction against the worship of the English constitution and the
+affection for the English _status quo_, which were then the established
+creed and sentiment. All Radicals are anti-Eldonites. This is equally
+true of the Benthamite or philosophical radicalism of the early period,
+and the Manchester, or ‘definite-grievance radicalism,’ among the
+last vestiges of which we are now living. Mr. Dickens represents a
+species different from either. His is what we may call the ‘sentimental
+radicalism;’ and if we recur to the history of the time, we shall find
+that there would not originally have been any opprobrium attaching to
+such a name. The whole course of the legislation, and still more of the
+administration, of the first twenty years of the nineteenth century was
+marked by a harsh unfeelingness which is of all faults the most contrary
+to any with which we are chargeable now. The world of the ‘Six Acts,’
+of the frequent executions, of the Draconic criminal law, is so far
+removed from us that we cannot comprehend its having ever existed. It is
+more easy to understand the recoil which has followed. All the social
+speculation, and much of the social action of the few years succeeding
+the Reform Bill, bear the most marked traces of the reaction. The spirit
+which animates Mr. Dickens’s political reasonings and observations
+expresses it exactly. The vice of the then existing social authorities,
+and of the then existing public, had been the forgetfulness of the pain
+which their own acts evidently produced,—an unrealising habit which
+adhered to official rules and established maxims, and which would not
+be shocked by the evident consequences, by proximate human suffering.
+The sure result of this habit was the excitement of the habit precisely
+opposed to it. Mr. Carlyle, in his _Chartism_, we think, observes of
+the poor-law reform: ‘It was then, above all things, necessary that
+outdoor relief should cease. But how? What means did great Nature take
+for accomplishing that most desirable end? She created a race of men who
+believed the cessation of outdoor relief to be the one thing needful.’
+In the same way, and by the same propensity to exaggerated opposition
+which is inherent in human nature, the unfeeling obtuseness of the
+early part of this century was to be corrected by an extreme, perhaps
+an excessive, sensibility to human suffering in the years which have
+followed. There was most adequate reason for the sentiment in its origin,
+and it had a great task to perform in ameliorating harsh customs and
+repealing dreadful penalties; but it has continued to repine at such
+evils long after they ceased to exist, and when the only facts that at
+all resemble them are the necessary painfulness of due punishment and the
+necessary rigidity of established law. Mr. Dickens is an example both
+of the proper use and of the abuse of the sentiment. His earlier works
+have many excellent descriptions of the abuses which had descended to the
+present generation from others whose sympathy with pain was less tender.
+Nothing can be better than the description of the poor debtors’ gaol in
+_Pickwick_, or of the old parochial authorities in _Oliver Twist_. No
+doubt these descriptions are caricatures, all his delineations are so;
+but the beneficial use of such art can hardly be better exemplified.
+Human nature endures the aggravation of vices and foibles in written
+description better than that of excellences. We cannot bear to hear even
+the hero of a book for ever called ‘just;’ we detest the recurring praise
+even of beauty, much more of virtue. The moment you begin to exaggerate a
+character of true excellence, you spoil it; the traits are too delicate
+not to be injured by heightening, or marred by over-emphasis. But a
+beadle is made for caricature. The slight measure of pomposity that
+humanises his unfeelingness introduces the requisite comic element; even
+the turnkeys of a debtors’ prison may by skilful hands be similarly
+used. The contrast between the destitute condition of Job Trotter and Mr.
+Jingle and their former swindling triumph is made comic by a rarer touch
+of unconscious art. Mr. Pickwick’s warm heart takes so eager an interest
+in the misery of his old enemies, that our colder nature is tempted
+to smile. We endure the over-intensity, at any rate the unnecessary
+aggravation, of the surrounding misery; and we endure it willingly,
+because it brings out better than anything else could have done the
+half-comic intensity of a sympathetic nature.
+
+It is painful to pass from these happy instances of well-used power to
+the glaring abuses of the same faculty in Mr. Dickens’s later books. He
+began by describing really removable evils in a style which would induce
+all persons, however insensible, to remove them if they could; he has
+ended by describing the natural evils and inevitable pains of the present
+state of being, in such a manner as must tend to excite discontent and
+repining. The result is aggravated, because Mr. Dickens never ceases
+to hint that these evils are removable, though he does not say by what
+means. Nothing is easier than to show the evils of anything. Mr. Dickens
+has not unfrequently spoken, and what is worse, he has taught a great
+number of parrot-like imitators to speak, in what really is, if they knew
+it, a tone of objection to the necessary constitution of human society.
+If you will only write a description of it, any form of government will
+seem ridiculous. What is more absurd than a despotism, even at its best?
+A king of ability or an able minister sits in an orderly room filled
+with memorials, and returns, and documents, and memoranda. These are his
+world; among these he of necessity lives and moves. Yet how little of
+the real life of the nation he governs can be represented in an official
+form! How much of real suffering is there that statistics can never tell!
+how much of obvious good is there that no memorandum to a minister will
+ever mention! how much deception is there in what such documents contain!
+how monstrous must be the ignorance of the closet statesman, after all
+his life of labour, of much that a ploughman could tell him of! A free
+government is almost worse, as it must read in a written delineation.
+Instead of the real attention of a laborious and anxious statesman,
+we have now the shifting caprices of a popular assembly—elected for
+one object, deciding on another; changing with the turn of debate;
+shifting in its very composition; one set of men coming down to vote
+to-day, to-morrow another and often unlike set, most of them eager for
+the dinner-hour, actuated by unseen influences, by a respect for their
+constituents, by the dread of an attorney in a far-off borough. What
+people are these to control a nation’s destinies, and wield the power
+of an empire, and regulate the happiness of millions! Either way we are
+at fault. Free government seems an absurdity, and despotism is so too.
+Again, every form of law has a distinct expression, a rigid procedure,
+customary rules and forms. It is administered by human beings liable to
+mistake, confusion, and forgetfulness, and in the long run, and on the
+average, is sure to be tainted with vice and fraud. Nothing can be easier
+than to make a case, as we may say, against any particular system, by
+pointing out with emphatic caricature its inevitable miscarriages, and
+by pointing out nothing else. Those who so address us may assume a tone
+of philanthropy, and for ever exult that they are not so unfeeling as
+other men are; but the real tendency of their exhortations is to make men
+dissatisfied with their inevitable condition, and, what is worse, to make
+them fancy that its irremediable evils can be remedied, and indulge in a
+succession of vague strivings and restless changes. Such, however,—though
+in a style of expression somewhat different,—is very much the tone with
+which Mr. Dickens and his followers have in later years made us familiar.
+To the second-hand repeaters of a cry so feeble, we can have nothing
+to say; if silly people cry because they think the world is silly,
+let them cry; but the founder of the school cannot, we are persuaded,
+peruse without mirth the lachrymose eloquence which his disciples have
+perpetrated. The soft moisture of irrelevant sentiment cannot have
+entirely entered into his soul. A truthful genius must have forbidden
+it. Let us hope that his pernicious example may incite some one of equal
+genius to preach with equal efficiency a sterner and a wiser gospel; but
+there is no need just now for us to preach it without genius.
+
+There has been much controversy about Mr. Dickens’s taste. A great many
+cultivated people will scarcely concede that he has any taste at all;
+a still larger number of fervent admirers point, on the other hand, to
+a hundred felicitous descriptions and delineations which abound in apt
+expressions and skilful turns and happy images,—in which it would be
+impossible to alter a single word without altering for the worse; and
+naturally inquire whether such excellences in what is written do not
+indicate good taste in the writer. The truth is, that Mr. Dickens has
+what we may call creative taste; that is to say, the habit or faculty,
+whichever we may choose to call it, which at the critical instant of
+artistic production offers to the mind the right word, and the right
+word only. If he is engaged on a good subject for caricature, there will
+be no defect of taste to preclude the caricature from being excellent.
+But it is only in moments of imaginative production that he has any
+taste at all. His works nowhere indicate that he possesses in any degree
+the passive taste which decides what is good in the writings of other
+people, and what is not, and which performs the same critical duty upon a
+writer’s own efforts when the confusing mists of productive imagination
+have passed away. Nor has Mr. Dickens the gentlemanly instinct which in
+many minds supplies the place of purely critical discernment, and which,
+by constant association with those who know what is best, acquires a
+second-hand perception of that which is best. He has no tendency to
+conventionalism for good or for evil; his merits are far removed from the
+ordinary path of writers, and it was not probably so much effort to him
+as to other men to step so far out of that path: he scarcely knew how far
+it was. For the same reason, he cannot tell how faulty his writing will
+often be thought, for he cannot tell what people will think.
+
+A few pedantic critics have regretted that Mr. Dickens had not received
+what they call a regular education. And if we understand their meaning,
+we believe they mean to regret that he had not received a course of
+discipline which would probably have impaired his powers. A regular
+education should mean that ordinary system of regulation and instruction
+which experience has shown to fit men best for the ordinary pursuits of
+life. It applies the requisite discipline to each faculty in the exact
+proportion in which that faculty is wanted in the pursuits of life; it
+develops understanding, and memory, and imagination, each in accordance
+with the scale prescribed. To men of ordinary faculties this is nearly
+essential; it is the only mode in which they can be fitted for the
+inevitable competition of existence. To men of regular and symmetrical
+genius also, such a training will often be beneficial. The world knows
+pretty well what are the great tasks of the human mind, and has learnt in
+the course of ages with some accuracy what is the kind of culture likely
+to promote their exact performance. A man of abilities extraordinary
+in degree but harmonious in proportion will be the better for having
+submitted to the kind of discipline which has been ascertained to fit a
+man for the work to which powers in that proportion are best fitted; he
+will do what he has to do better and more gracefully; culture will add
+a touch to the finish of nature. But the case is very different with
+men of irregular and anomalous genius, whose excellences consist in
+the aggravation of some special faculty, or at the most of one or two.
+The discipline which will fit such a man for the production of great
+literary works is that which will most develop the peculiar powers in
+which he excels; the rest of the mind will be far less important; it
+will not be likely that the culture which is adapted to promote this
+special development will also be that which is most fitted for expanding
+the powers of common men in common directions. The precise problem is to
+develop the powers of a strange man in a strange direction. In the case
+of Mr. Dickens, it would have been absurd to have shut up his observant
+youth within the walls of a college. They would have taught him nothing
+about Mrs. Gamp there; Sam Weller took no degree. The kind of early life
+fitted to develop the power of apprehensive observation is a brooding
+life in stirring scenes; the idler in the streets of life knows the
+streets; the bystander knows the picturesque effect of life better than
+the player; and the meditative idler amid the hum of existence is much
+more likely to know its sound and to take in and comprehend its depths
+and meanings than the scholastic student intent on books, which, if they
+represent any world, represent one which has long passed away,—which
+commonly try rather to develop the reasoning understanding than the
+seeing observation,—which are written in languages that have long been
+dead. You will not train by such discipline a caricaturist of obvious
+manners.
+
+Perhaps, too, a regular instruction and daily experience of the searching
+ridicule of critical associates would have detracted from the pluck
+which Mr. Dickens shows in all his writings. It requires a great deal
+of courage to be a humorous writer; you are always afraid that people
+will laugh at you instead of with you: undoubtedly there is a certain
+eccentricity about it. You take up the esteemed writers, Thucydides and
+the _Saturday Review_; after all, they do not make you laugh. It is not
+the function of really artistic productions to contribute to the mirth of
+human beings. All sensible men are afraid of it, and it is only with an
+extreme effort that a printed joke attains to the perusal of the public:
+the chances are many to one that the anxious producer loses heart in the
+correction of the press, and that the world never laughs at all. Mr.
+Dickens is quite exempt from this weakness. He has what a Frenchman might
+call the courage of his faculty. The real daring which is shown in the
+_Pickwick Papers_, in the whole character of Mr. Weller senior, as well
+as in that of his son, is immense, far surpassing any which has been
+shown by any other contemporary writer. The brooding irregular mind is in
+its first stage prone to this sort of courage. It perhaps knows that its
+ideas are ‘out of the way;’ but with the infantine simplicity of youth,
+it supposes that originality is an advantage. Persons more familiar with
+the ridicule of their equals in station (and this is to most men the
+great instructress of the college time) well know that of all qualities
+this one most requires to be clipped and pared and measured. Posterity,
+we doubt not, will be entirely perfect in every conceivable element of
+judgment; but the existing generation like what they have heard before—it
+is much easier. It required great courage in Mr. Dickens to write what
+his genius has compelled them to appreciate.
+
+We have throughout spoken of Mr. Dickens as he was, rather than as he
+is; or, to use a less discourteous phrase, and we hope a truer, of his
+early works rather than of those which are more recent. We could not do
+otherwise consistently with the true code of criticism. A man of great
+genius, who has written great and enduring works, must be judged mainly
+by them; and not by the inferior productions which, from the necessities
+of personal position, a fatal facility of composition, or other cause, he
+may pour forth at moments less favourable to his powers. Those who are
+called on to review these inferior productions themselves, must speak of
+them in the terms they may deserve; but those who have the more pleasant
+task of estimating as a whole the genius of the writer, may confine their
+attention almost wholly to those happier efforts which illustrate that
+genius. We should not like to have to speak in detail of Mr. Dickens’s
+later works, and we have not done so. There are, indeed, peculiar reasons
+why a genius constituted as his is (at least if we are correct in the
+view which we have taken of it) would not endure without injury during a
+long life the applause of the many, the temptations of composition, and
+the general excitement of existence. Even in his earlier works it was
+impossible not to fancy that there was a weakness of fibre unfavourable
+to the longevity of excellence. This was the effect of his deficiency in
+those masculine faculties of which we have said so much,—the reasoning
+understanding and firm far-seeing sagacity. It is these two component
+elements which stiffen the mind, and give a consistency to the creed and
+a coherence to its effects,—which enable it to protect itself from the
+rush of circumstances. If to a deficiency in these we add an extreme
+sensibility to circumstances,—a mobility, as Lord Byron used to call it,
+of emotion, which is easily impressed, and still more easily carried
+away by impression,—we have the idea of a character peculiarly unfitted
+to bear the flux of time and chance. A man of very great determination
+could hardly bear up against them with such slight aids from within and
+with such peculiar sensibility to temptation. A man of merely ordinary
+determination would succumb to it; and Mr. Dickens has succumbed. His
+position was certainly unfavourable. He has told us that the works of
+his later years, inferior as all good critics have deemed them, have
+yet been more read than those of his earlier and healthier years. The
+most characteristic part of his audience, the lower middle-class, were
+ready to receive with delight the least favourable productions of his
+genius. Human nature cannot endure this; it is too much to have to endure
+a coincident temptation both from within and from without. Mr. Dickens
+was too much inclined by natural disposition to lachrymose eloquence
+and exaggerated caricature. Such was the kind of writing which he wrote
+most easily. He found likewise that such was the kind of writing that
+was read most readily; and of course he wrote that kind. Who would have
+done otherwise? No critic is entitled to speak very harshly of such
+degeneracy, if he is not sure that he could have coped with difficulties
+so peculiar. If that rule is to be observed, who is there that will not
+be silent? No other Englishman has attained such a hold on the vast
+populace; it is little, therefore, to say that no other has surmounted
+its attendant temptations.
+
+
+
+
+_THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY._[11]
+
+(1856.)
+
+
+This is a marvellous book. Everybody has read it, and every one has read
+it with pleasure. It has little advantage of subject. When the volumes
+came out, an honest man said, ‘I suppose something happened between the
+years 1689 and 1697; but what happened I do not know.’ Every one knows
+now. No period with so little obvious interest will henceforth be so
+familiarly known. Only a most felicitous and rather curious genius could
+and would shed such a light on such an age. If in the following pages we
+seem to cavil and find fault, let it be remembered, that the business of
+a critic is criticism; that it is _not_ his business to be thankful; that
+he must attempt an estimate rather than a eulogy.
+
+Macaulay seems to have in a high degree the temperament most likely to
+be that of a historian. This may be summarily defined as the temperament
+which inclines men to take an interest in actions as contrasted with
+objects, and in past actions in preference to present actions. We should
+expand our meaning. Some people are unfortunately born scientific. They
+take much interest in the objects of nature. They feel a curiosity
+about shells, snails, horses, butterflies. They are delighted at an
+ichthyosaurus, and excited at a polyp; they are learned in minerals,
+vegetables, animals; they have skill in fishes, and attain renown in
+pebbles: in the highest cases they know the great causes of grand
+phenomena, can indicate the courses of the stars or the current of the
+waves; but in every case their minds are directed not to the actions of
+man, but to the scenery amidst which he lives; not to the inhabitants
+of this world, but to the world itself; not to what most resembles
+themselves, but to that which is most unlike. What compels men to take
+an interest in what they do take an interest in, is commonly a difficult
+question—for the most part, indeed, it is an insoluble one; but in this
+case it would seem to have a negative cause—to result from the absence
+of an intense and vivid nature. The inclination of mind which abstracts
+the attention from that in which it can feel sympathy to that in which it
+cannot, seems to arise from a want of sympathy. A tendency to devote the
+mind to trees and stones as much as, or in preference to, men and women,
+appears to imply that the intellectual qualities, the abstract reason,
+and the inductive scrutiny which can be applied equally to trees and to
+men, to stones and to women, predominate over the more special qualities
+solely applicable to our own race,—the keen love, the eager admiration,
+the lasting hatred, the lust of rule which fastens men’s interests on
+people and to people. As a confirmation of this, we see that, even in
+the greatest cases, scientific men have been calm men. Their actions
+are unexceptionable; scarcely a spot stains their excellence: if a
+doubt is to be thrown on their character, it would be rather that they
+were insensible to the temptations than that they were involved in the
+offences of ordinary men. An aloofness and abstractedness cleave to their
+greatness. There is a coldness in their fame. We think of Euclid as of
+fine ice; we admire Newton as we admire the Peak of Teneriffe. Even the
+intensest labours, the most remote triumphs of the abstract intellect,
+seem to carry us into a region different from our own—to be in a _terra
+incognita_ of pure reasoning, to cast a chill on human glory.
+
+We know that the taste of most persons is quite opposite. The tendency
+of man is to take an interest in man, and almost in man only. The world
+has a vested interest in itself. Analyse the minds of the crowd of men,
+and what will you find? Something of the outer earth, no doubt,—odd
+geography, odd astronomy, doubts whether Scutari is in the Crimea,
+investigations whether the moon is less or greater than Jupiter; some
+idea of herbs, more of horses; ideas, too, more or less vague, of the
+remote and supernatural,—notions which the tongue cannot speak, which
+it would seem the world would hardly bear if thoroughly spoken. Yet,
+setting aside these which fill the remote corners and lesser outworks
+of the brain, the whole stress and vigour of the ordinary faculties is
+expended on their possessor and his associates, on the man and on his
+fellows. In almost all men, indeed, this is not simply an intellectual
+contemplation; we not only look on, but act. The impulse to busy
+ourselves with the affairs of men goes further than the simple attempt to
+know and comprehend them: it warms us with a further life; it incites us
+to stir and influence those affairs; its animated energy will not rest
+till it has hurried us into toil and conflict. At this stage the mind
+of the historian, as we abstractedly fancy it, naturally breaks off: it
+has more interest in human affairs than the naturalist; it instinctively
+selects the actions of man for occupation and scrutiny, in preference to
+the habits of fishes or the structure of stones; but it has not so much
+vivid interest in them as the warm and active man. To know is sufficient
+for it; it can bear not to take a part. A want of impulse seems born with
+the disposition. To be constantly occupied about the actions of others;
+to have constantly presented to your contemplation and attention events
+and occurrences memorable only as evincing certain qualities of mind and
+will, which very qualities in a measure you feel within yourself, and yet
+to be without an impulse to exhibit them in the real world, ‘which is the
+world of all of us;’ to contemplate, yet never act; ‘to have the House
+before you,’ and yet to be content with the reporters’ gallery,—shows a
+chill impassiveness of temperament, a sluggish insensibility to ardent
+impulse, a heavy immobility under ordinary emotion. The image of the
+stout Gibbon placidly contemplating the animated conflicts, the stirring
+pleadings of Fox and Burke, watching a revolution and heavily taking no
+part in it, gives an idea of the historian as he is likely to be. ‘Why,’
+it is often asked, ‘is history dull? It is a narrative of life, and life
+is of all things the most interesting.’ The answer is, that it is written
+by men too dull to take the common interest in life, in whom languor
+predominates over zeal, and sluggishness over passion.
+
+Macaulay is not dull, and it may seem hard to attempt to bring him within
+the scope of a theory which is so successful in explaining dulness. Yet,
+in a modified and peculiar form, we can perhaps find in his remarkable
+character unusually distinct traces of the insensibility which we ascribe
+to the historian. The means of scrutiny are ample. Macaulay has not spent
+his life in a corner; if posterity should refuse—of course they will not
+refuse—to read a line of his writings, they would yet be sought out by
+studious inquirers, as those of a man of high political position, great
+notoriety, and greater oratorical power. We are not therefore obliged, as
+in so many cases even among contemporaries, to search for the author’s
+character in his books alone; we are able from other sources to find
+out his character, and then apply it to explain the peculiarities of
+his works. Macaulay has exhibited many high attainments, many dazzling
+talents, much singular and well-trained power; but the quality which
+would most strike the observers of the interior man is what may be called
+his _in_experiencing nature. Men of genius are in general distinguished
+by their extreme susceptibility to external experience. Finer and softer
+than other men, every exertion of their will, every incident of their
+lives, influences them more deeply than it would others. Their essence
+is at once finer and more impressible; it receives a distincter mark,
+and receives it more easily than the souls of the herd. From a peculiar
+sensibility, the man of genius bears the stamp of life commonly more
+clearly than his fellows; even casual associations make a deep impression
+on him: examine his mind, and you may discern his fortunes. Macaulay has
+nothing of this. You could not tell what he has been. His mind shows no
+trace of change. What he is, he was; and what he was, he is. He early
+attained a high development, but he has not increased it since; years
+have come, but they have whispered little; as was said of the second
+Pitt, ‘He never grew, he was cast.’ The volume of ‘speeches’ which he
+has published places the proof of this in every man’s hand. His first
+speeches are as good as his last; his last scarcely richer than his
+first. He came into public life at an exciting season; he shared of
+course in that excitement, and the same excitement still quivers in his
+mind. He delivered marvellous rhetorical exercises on the Reform Bill
+when it passed; he speaks of it with rhetorical interest even now. He is
+still the man of ’32. From that era he looks on the past. He sees ‘Old
+Sarum’ in the seventeenth century, and Gatton in the civil wars. You may
+fancy an undertone. The Norman barons commenced the series of reforms
+which ‘_we_ consummated;’ Hampden was ‘preparing for the occasion in
+which I had a part;’ William ‘for the debate in which I took occasion to
+observe.’ With a view to that era everything begins; up to that moment
+everything ascends. That was the ‘fifth act’ of the human race; the
+remainder of history is only an afterpiece. All this was very natural at
+the moment; nothing could be more probable than that a young man of the
+greatest talents, entering at once into important life at a conspicuous
+opportunity, should exaggerate its importance; he would fancy it was
+the ‘crowning achievement,’ the greatest ‘in the tide of time.’ But the
+singularity is, that he should retain the idea now; that years have
+brought no influence, experience no change. The events of twenty years
+have been full of rich instruction on the events of twenty years ago;
+but they have not instructed him. His creed is a fixture. It is the same
+on his peculiar topic—on India. Before he went there he made a speech on
+the subject; Lord Canterbury, who must have heard a million speeches,
+said it was the best he had ever heard. It is difficult to fancy that so
+much vivid knowledge could be gained from books—from horrible Indian
+treatises; that such imaginative mastery should be possible without
+actual experience. Not forgetting, or excepting, the orations of Burke,
+it was perhaps as remarkable a speech as was ever made on India by an
+Englishman who had not been in India. Now he has been there he speaks no
+better—rather worse; he spoke excellently without experience, he speaks
+no better with it,—if anything, it rather puts him out. His speech on the
+Indian charter a year or two ago was not finer than that on the charter
+of 1833. Before he went to India he recommended that writers should be
+examined in the classics; after being in India he recommended that they
+should be examined in the same way. He did not say he had seen the place
+in the meantime; he did not think that had anything to do with it. You
+could never tell from any difference in his style what he had seen, or
+what he had not seen. He is so insensible to passing objects, that they
+leave no distinctive mark, no intimate peculiar trace.
+
+Such a man would naturally think literature more instructive than life.
+Hazlitt said of Mackintosh, ‘He might like to read an _account_ of India;
+but India itself, with its burning, shining face, was a mere blank, an
+endless waste to him. Persons of this class have no more to say to a
+plain matter of fact staring them in the face than they have to say to
+a _hippopotamus_.’ This was a keen criticism on Sir James, savouring of
+the splenetic mind from which it came. As a complete estimate, it would
+be a most unjust one of Macaulay; but we know that there is a whole class
+of minds which prefers the literary delineation of objects to the actual
+eyesight of them. To some life is difficult. An insensible nature, like a
+rough hide, resists the breath of passing things; an unobserving retina
+in vain depicts whatever a quicker eye does not explain. But any one can
+understand a book; the work is done, the facts observed, the formulæ
+suggested, the subjects classified. Of course it needs labour, and a
+following fancy, to peruse the long lucubrations and descriptions of
+others; but a fine detective sensibility is unnecessary; type is plain,
+an earnest attention will follow it and know it. To this class Macaulay
+belongs: and he has characteristically maintained that dead authors are
+more fascinating than living people.
+
+ ‘Those friendships,’ he tells us, ‘are exposed to no danger
+ from the occurrences by which other attachments are weakened
+ or dissolved. Time glides by; fortune is inconstant; tempers
+ are soured; bonds which seemed indissoluble are daily sundered
+ by interest, by emulation, or by caprice. But no such cause
+ can affect the silent converse which we hold with the highest
+ of human intellects. That placid intercourse is disturbed by
+ no jealousies or resentments. These are the old friends who
+ are never seen with new faces; who are the same in wealth and
+ in poverty, in glory and in obscurity. With the dead there is
+ no rivalry. In the dead there is no change. Plato is never
+ sullen. Cervantes is never petulant. Demosthenes never comes
+ unseasonably. Dante never stays too long. No difference of
+ political opinion can alienate Cicero. No heresy can excite the
+ horror of Bossuet.’
+
+But Bossuet is dead; and Cicero was a Roman; and Plato wrote in Greek.
+Years and manners separate us from the great. After dinner, Demosthenes
+_may_ come unseasonably; Dante _might_ stay too long. _We_ are alienated
+from the politician, and have a horror of the theologian. Dreadful
+idea, having Demosthenes for an intimate friend! He had pebbles in his
+mouth; he was always urging action; he spoke such good Greek; we cannot
+dwell on it,—it is too much. Only a mind impassive to our daily life,
+unalive to bores and evils, to joys and sorrows, incapable of the deepest
+sympathies, a prey to print, could imagine it. The mass of men have
+stronger ties and warmer hopes. The exclusive devotion to books tires. We
+require to love and hate, to act and live.
+
+It is not unnatural that a person of this temperament should preserve a
+certain aloofness even in the busiest life. Macaulay has ever done so. He
+has been in the thick of political warfare, in the van of party conflict.
+Whatever a keen excitability would select for food and opportunity, has
+been his; but he has not been excited. He has never thrown himself upon
+action, he has never followed trivial details with an anxious passion.
+He has ever been a man for a great occasion. He was by nature a _deus
+ex machinâ_. Somebody has had to fetch him. His heart was in Queen
+Anne’s time. When he came, he spoke as Lord Halifax might have spoken.
+Of course, it may be contended that this is the _eximia ars_; that this
+solitary removed excellence is particularly and essentially sublime.
+But, simply and really, greater men have been more deeply ‘immersed
+in matter.’ The highest eloquence quivers with excitement; there is
+life-blood in the deepest action; a man like Strafford seems flung upon
+the world. An orator should never talk like an observatory; no coldness
+should strike upon the hearer.
+
+It is characteristic also that Macaulay should be continually thinking
+of posterity. In general, that expected authority is most ungrateful;
+those who think of it most, it thinks of least. The way to secure its
+favour is, to give vivid essential pictures of the life before you; to
+leave a fresh glowing delineation of the scene to which you were born,
+of the society to which you have peculiar access. This is gained, not by
+thinking of your posterity, but by living in society; not by poring on
+what is to be, but by enjoying what is. That spirit of thorough enjoyment
+which pervades the great delineators of human life and human manners,
+was not caused by ‘being made after supper, out of a cheese-paring;’
+it drew its sustenance from a relishing, enjoying, sensitive life, and
+the flavour of the description is the reality of that enjoyment. Of
+course, this is not so in science. You may leave a name by an abstract
+discovery, without having led a vigorous existence; yet what a name is
+this! Taylor’s theorem will go down to posterity,—possibly its discoverer
+was for ever dreaming and expecting it would; but what does posterity
+know of the deceased Taylor? _Nominis umbra_ is rather a compliment; for
+it is not substantial enough to have a shadow. But in other walks,—say in
+political oratory, which is the part of Macaulay’s composition in which
+his value for posterity’s opinion is most apparent,—the way to interest
+posterity is to think but little of it. What gives to the speeches of
+Demosthenes the interest they have? The intense, vivid, glowing interest
+of the speaker in all that he is speaking about. Philip is not a person
+whom ‘posterity will censure,’ but the man ‘whom I hate:’ the matter
+in hand not one whose interest depends on the memory of men, but in
+which an eager intense nature would have been absorbed if there had
+been no posterity at all, on which he wished to deliver his own soul. A
+_casual_ character, so to speak, is natural to the most intense words;
+externally, even, they will interest the ‘after world’ more for having
+interested the present world; they must have a life of _some_ place
+and _some_ time before they can have one of all space and all time.
+Macaulay’s oratory is the very opposite of this. School-boyish it is
+not, for it is the oratory of a very sensible man; but the theme of a
+schoolboy is not more devoid of the salt of circumstance. The speeches on
+the Reform Bill have been headed, ‘Now, a man came up from college and
+spoke thus;’ and, like a college man, he spoke rather to the abstract
+world than to the present. He knew no more of the people who actually did
+live in London than of people who would live in London, and there was
+therefore no reason for speaking to one more than to the other. After
+years of politics, he speaks so still. He looks on a question (he says)
+as posterity will look on it; he appeals from this to future generations;
+he regards existing men as painful prerequisites of great-grandchildren.
+This seems to proceed, as has been said, from a distant and unimpressible
+nature. But it is impossible to deny that it has one great advantage:
+it has made him take pains. A man who speaks to people a thousand years
+off will naturally speak carefully: he tries to be heard over the clang
+of ages, over the rumours of myriads. Writing for posterity is like
+writing on foreign post paper: you cannot say to a man at Calcutta what
+you would say to a man at Hackney; you think ‘the yellow man is a very
+long way off; this is fine paper, it will go by a ship;’ so you try to
+say something worthy of the ship, something noble, which will keep and
+travel. Writers like Macaulay, who think of future people, have a respect
+for future people. Each syllable is solemn, each word distinct. No author
+trained to periodical writing has so little of its slovenliness and its
+imperfection.
+
+This singularly constant contemplation of posterity has coloured his
+estimate of social characters. He has no toleration for those great men
+in whom a lively sensibility to momentary honours has prevailed over a
+consistent reference to the posthumous tribunal. He is justly severe on
+Lord Bacon:
+
+ ‘In his library all his rare powers were under the guidance of
+ an honest ambition, of an enlarged philanthropy, of a sincere
+ love of truth. There no temptation drew him away from the
+ right course. Thomas Aquinas could pay no fees, Duns Scotus
+ could confer no peerages. The “Master of the Sentences” had no
+ rich reversions in his gift. Far different was the situation
+ of the great philosopher when he came forth from his study
+ and his laboratory to mingle with the crowd which filled the
+ galleries of Whitehall. In all that crowd there was no man
+ equally qualified to render great and lasting services to
+ mankind. But in all that crowd there was not a heart more set
+ on things which no man ought to suffer to be necessary to his
+ happiness,—on things which can often be obtained only by the
+ sacrifice of integrity and honour. To be the leader of the
+ human race in the career of improvement, to found on the ruins
+ of ancient intellectual dynasties a more prosperous and more
+ enduring empire, to be revered to the latest generations as
+ the most illustrious among the benefactors of mankind,—all
+ this was within his reach. But all this availed him nothing,
+ while some quibbling special pleader was promoted before him to
+ the Bench,—while some heavy country gentleman took precedence
+ of him by virtue of a purchased coronet,—while some pander,
+ happy in a fair wife, could obtain a more cordial salute from
+ Buckingham,—while some buffoon, versed in all the latest
+ scandal of the Court, could draw a louder laugh from James.’
+
+Yet a less experience, or a less opportunity of experience, would have
+warned a mind more observant that the bare desire for long posthumous
+renown is but a feeble principle in common human nature. Bacon had
+as much of it as most men. The keen excitability to this world’s
+temptations must be opposed by more exciting impulses, by more retarding
+discouragements, by conscience, by religion, by fear. If you would
+vanquish earth, you must ‘invent heaven.’ It is the fiction of a cold
+abstractedness that the possible respect of unseen people can commonly be
+more desired than the certain homage of existing people.
+
+In a more conspicuous manner the chill nature of the most brilliant
+among English historians is shown in his defective dealing with the
+passionate eras of our history. He has never been attracted, or not
+proportionally attracted, by the singular mixture of heroism and
+slavishness, of high passion and base passion, which mark the Tudor
+period. The defect is apparent in his treatment of a period on which
+he has written powerfully—the time of the civil wars. He has never in
+the highest manner appreciated either of the two great characters—the
+Puritan and the Cavalier—which are the form and life of those years.
+What historian, indeed, has ever estimated the Cavalier character?
+There is Clarendon—the grave, rhetorical, decorous lawyer—piling words,
+congealing arguments,—very stately, a little grim. There is Hume—the
+Scotch metaphysician—who has made out the best case for such people as
+never were, for a Charles who never died, for a Strafford who would
+never have been attainted,—a saving, calculating North-countryman,—fat,
+impassive,—who lived on eightpence a day. What have these people to do
+with an enjoying English gentleman? It is easy for a _doctrinaire_ to
+bear a _post-mortem_ examination,—it is much the same whether he be
+alive or dead; but not so with those who live during their life, whose
+essence is existence, whose being is in animation. There seem to be
+some characters who are not made for history, as there are some who
+are not made for old age. A Cavalier is always young. The buoyant life
+arises before us rich in hope, strong in vigour, irregular in action;
+men young and ardent, framed in the ‘prodigality of nature;’ open to
+every enjoyment, alive to every passion; eager, impulsive; brave without
+discipline; noble without principle; prizing luxury, despising danger,
+capable of high sentiment, but in each of whom the
+
+ ‘Addiction was to courses vain;
+ His companies unlettered, rude and shallow,
+ His hours filled up with riots, banquets, sports,
+ And never noted in him any study,
+ Any retirement, any sequestration
+ From open haunts and popularity.’
+
+We see these men setting forth or assembling to defend their King and
+Church; and we see it without surprise; a rich daring loves danger; a
+deep excitability likes excitement. If we look around us, we may see
+what is analogous. Some say that the battle of the Alma was won by the
+‘uneducated gentry;’ the ‘uneducated gentry’ would be Cavaliers now. The
+political sentiment is part of the character. The essence of Toryism
+is enjoyment. Talk of the ways of spreading a wholesome Conservatism
+throughout this country: give painful lectures, distribute weary tracts
+(and perhaps this is as well—you may be able to give an argumentative
+answer to a few objections, you may diffuse a distinct notion of
+the dignified dulness of politics); but as far as communicating and
+establishing your creed are concerned—try a little pleasure. The way to
+keep up old customs is, to enjoy old customs; the way to be satisfied
+with the present state of things is, to enjoy that state of things. Over
+the ‘Cavalier’ mind this world passes with a thrill of delight; there
+is an exultation in a daily event, zest in the ‘regular thing,’ joy
+at an old feast. Sir Walter Scott is an example of this. Every habit
+and practice of old Scotland was inseparably in his mind associated
+with genial enjoyment. To propose to touch one of her institutions, to
+abolish one of those practices, was to touch a personal pleasure—a point
+on which his mind reposed, a thing of memory and hope. So long as this
+world is this world, will a buoyant life be the proper source of an
+animated Conservatism. The ‘Church-and-King’ enthusiasm has even a deeper
+connection with the Cavaliers. Carlyle has said, in his vivid way, ‘Two
+or three young gentlemen have said, “Go to, I will _make_ a religion.”’
+This is the exact opposite of what the irregular, enjoying man can think
+or conceive. What! is he, with his untrained mind and his changeful
+heart and his ruleless practice, to create a creed? Is the gushing life
+to be asked to construct a cistern? Is the varying heart to be its own
+master, the evil practice its own guide? Sooner will a ship invent its
+own rudder, devise its own pilot, than the eager being will find out the
+doctrine which is to restrain him. The very intellect is a type of the
+confusion of the soul. It has little arguments on a thousand subjects,
+hearsay sayings, original flashes, small and bright, struck from the
+heedless mind by the strong impact of the world. And it has nothing else.
+It has no systematic knowledge; it has a hatred of regular attention.
+What can an understanding of this sort do with refined questioning or
+subtle investigation? It is obliged in a sense by its very nature to take
+what comes; it is overshadowed in a manner by the religion to which it
+is born; its conscience tells it that it owes obedience to something;
+it craves to worship something; that something, in both cases, it takes
+from the past. ‘Thou hast not chosen me, but I have chosen thee,’ might
+his faith say to a believer of this kind. A certain bigotry is altogether
+natural to him. His creed seems to him a primitive fact, as certain and
+evident as the stars. The political faith (for it is a faith) of these
+persons is of a kind analogous. The virtue of loyalty assumes in them a
+passionate aspect, and overflows, as it were, all the intellect which
+belongs to the topic. This virtue, this need of our nature, arises, as
+political philosophers tell us, from the conscious necessity which man is
+under of obeying an external moral rule. We feel that we are by nature
+and by the constitution of all things under an obligation to conform to
+a certain standard, and we seek to find or to establish in the sphere
+without, an authority which shall enforce it, shall aid us in compelling
+others and also in mastering ourselves. When a man impressed with this
+principle comes in contact with the institution of civil government as
+it now exists and as it has always existed, he finds what he wants—he
+discovers an authority; and he feels bound to submit to it. We do not, of
+course, mean that all this takes place distinctly and consciously in the
+mind of the person; on the contrary, the class of minds most subject to
+its influence are precisely those which have in general the least defined
+and accurate consciousness of their own operations, or of what befalls
+them. In matter of fact, they find themselves under the control of laws
+and of a polity from the earliest moment that they can remember, and they
+obey it from habit and custom years before they know why. Only in later
+life, when distinct thought is from an outward occurrence forced upon
+them, do they feel the necessity of some such power; and in proportion to
+their passionate and impulsive disposition they feel it the more. The law
+has in a less degree on them the same effect which military discipline
+has in a greater. It braces them to defined duties, and subjects them
+to a known authority. Quieter minds find this authority in an internal
+conscience; but in riotous natures its still small voice is lost if it be
+not echoed in loud harsh tones from the firm and outer world:
+
+ ‘Their breath is agitation, and their life
+ A storm whereon they ride.’
+
+From without they crave a bridle and a curb. The doctrine of
+non-resistance is no _accident_ of the Cavalier character, though it
+seems at first sight singular in an eager, tumultuous disposition. So
+inconsistent is human nature, that it proceeds from the very extremity
+of that tumult. They know that they cannot allow themselves to question
+the authority which is upon them; they feel its necessity too acutely,
+their intellect is untrained in subtle disquisitions, their conscience
+fluctuating, their passions rising. They are sure that if they once
+depart from that authority, their whole soul will be in anarchy. As a
+riotous state tends to fall under a martial tyranny, a passionate mind
+tends to subject itself to an extrinsic law—to enslave itself to an
+outward discipline. ‘That is what the king says, boy, and that was ever
+enough for Sir Henry Lee.’ An hereditary monarch is, indeed, the very
+embodiment of this principle. The authority is so defined, so clearly
+vested, so evidently intelligible; it descends so distinctly from the
+past, it is imposed so conspicuously from without. Anything free refers
+to the people; anything elected seems self-chosen. ‘The divinity that
+doth hedge a king’ consists in his evidently representing an unmade,
+unchosen, hereditary duty.
+
+The greatness of this character is not in Macaulay’s way, and its faults
+are. Its license affronts him; its riot alienates him. He is for ever
+contrasting the dissoluteness of Prince Rupert’s horse with the restraint
+of Cromwell’s pikemen. A deep enjoying nature finds no sympathy. The
+brilliant style passes forward: we dwell on its brilliancy, but it is
+cold. Macaulay has no tears for that warm life, no tenderness for that
+extinct joy. The ignorance of the Cavalier, too, moves his wrath: ‘They
+were ignorant of what every schoolgirl knows.’ Their loyalty to their
+sovereign is the devotion of the Egyptians to the god Apis, who selected
+‘a calf to adore.’ Their non-resistance offends the philosopher: their
+license is commented on with the tone of a precisian. Their indecorum
+does not suit the dignity of the narrator. Their rich free nature is
+unappreciated; the tingling intensity of their joy is unnoticed. In a
+word, there is something of the schoolboy about the Cavalier—there is
+somewhat of a schoolmaster about the historian.
+
+It might be thought, at first sight, that the insensibility and
+coldness which are unfavourable to the appreciation of the Cavalier
+would be particularly favourable to that of the Puritan. Some may say
+that a natural aloofness from things earthly would dispose a man to
+the doctrines of a sect which enjoins above all other commandments
+abstinence and aloofness _from_ those things. In Macaulay’s case it
+certainly has had no such consequence. He was bred up in the circle
+which more than any other has resembled that of the greatest and best
+Puritans—in the circle which has presented the evangelical doctrine in
+its most influential and celebrated, and not its least genial form. Yet
+he has revolted against it. The bray of ‘Exeter Hall’ is a phrase which
+has become celebrated: it is an odd one for his father’s son. The whole
+course of his personal fortunes, the entire scope of his historical
+narrative, show an utter want of sympathy with the Puritan disposition.
+It would be idle to quote passages; it will be enough to recollect the
+contrast between the estimate—say, of Cromwell—by Carlyle and that by
+Macaulay, to be aware of the enormous discrepancy. The one’s manner
+evinces an instinctive sympathy, the other’s an instinctive aversion.
+
+We believe that this is but a consequence of the same impassibility
+of nature which we have said so much of. M. de Montalembert, in a
+striking _éloge_ on a French historian—a man of the Southey type—after
+speaking of his life in Paris during youth (a youth cast in the early
+and exciting years of the first Revolution, and of the prelude to it),
+and graphically portraying a man subject to scepticism, but not given
+to vice; staid in habits, but unbelieving in opinion; without faith and
+without irregularity,—winds up the whole by the sentence, that ‘_he was
+hardened at once against good and evil_.’ In his view, the insensibility
+which was a guard against exterior temptation was also a hindrance to
+inward belief: and there is a philosophy in this. The nature of man
+is not two things, but one thing. We have not one set of affections,
+hopes, sensibilities, to be affected by the present world, and another
+and a different to be affected by the invisible world: we are moved by
+grandeur, or we are not; we are stirred by sublimity, or we are not; we
+hunger after righteousness, or we do not; we hate vice, or we do not;
+we are passionate, or not passionate; loving, or not loving; cold, or
+not cold; our heart is dull, or it is wakeful; our soul is alive, or it
+is dead. Deep under the surface of the intellect lies the _stratum_ of
+the passions, of the intense, peculiar, simple impulses which constitute
+the heart of man; there is the eager essence, the primitive desiring
+being. What stirs this latent being we know. In general it is stirred
+by everything. Sluggish natures are stirred little, wild natures are
+stirred much; but all are stirred somewhat. It is not important whether
+the object be in the visible or invisible world: whoso loves what he
+has seen, will love what he has not seen; whoso hates what he has seen,
+will hate what he has not seen. Creation is, as it were, but the garment
+of the Creator: whoever is blind to the beauty on its surface, will be
+insensible to the beauty beneath; whoso is dead to the sublimity before
+his senses, will be dull to that which he imagines; whoso is untouched by
+the visible man, will be unmoved by the invisible God. These are no new
+ideas; and the conspicuous evidence of history confirms them. Everywhere
+the deep religious organisation has been deeply sensitive to this world.
+If we compare what are called sacred and profane literatures, the depth
+of human affection is deepest in the sacred. A warmth as of life is on
+the Hebrew, a chill as of marble is on the Greek. In Jewish history the
+most tenderly religious character is the most sensitive to earth. Along
+every lyric of the Psalmist thrills a deep spirit of human enjoyment; he
+was alive as a child to the simple aspects of the world; the very errors
+of his mingled career are but those to which the open, enjoying character
+is most prone; its principle, so to speak, was a tremulous passion for
+that which he had seen, as well as that which he had not seen. There is
+no paradox, therefore, in saying that the same character which least
+appreciates the impulsive and ardent Cavalier is also the most likely not
+to appreciate the warm zeal of an overpowering devotion.
+
+Some years ago it would have been necessary to show at length that
+the Puritans had such a devotion. The notion had been that they were
+fanatics, who simulated zeal, and hypocrites, who misquoted the Old
+Testament. A new era has arrived; one of the great discoveries which the
+competition of authors has introduced into historical researches has
+attained a singular popularity. Times are changed. We are rather now, in
+general, in danger of holding too high an estimate of the puritanical
+character than a too low or contemptuous one. Among the disciples of
+Carlyle it is considered that having been a Puritan is the next best
+thing to having been in Germany. But though we cannot sympathise with
+everything that the expounders of the new theory allege, and though we
+should not select for praise the exact peculiarities most agreeable to
+the slightly grim ‘gospel of earnestness,’ we acknowledge the great
+service which they have rendered to English history. No one will now ever
+overlook, that in the greater, in the original Puritans—in Cromwell, for
+example—the whole basis of the character was a passionate, deep, rich,
+religious organisation.
+
+This is not in Macaulay’s way. It is not that he is sceptical; far
+from it. ‘Divines of all persuasions,’ he tells us, ‘are agreed that
+there is a religion;’ and he acquiesces in their teaching. But he
+has no passionate self-questionings, no indomitable fears, no asking
+perplexities. He is probably pleased at the exemption. He has praised
+Bacon for a similar want of interest. ‘Nor did he ever meddle with those
+enigmas which have puzzled hundreds of generations, and will puzzle
+hundreds more. He said nothing about the grounds of moral obligation, or
+the freedom of the human will. He had no inclination to employ himself
+in labours resembling those of the damned in the Grecian Tartarus—to
+spin for ever on the same wheel round the same pivot. He lived in an
+age in which disputes on the most subtle points of divinity excited an
+intense interest throughout Europe; and nowhere more than in England.
+He was placed in the very thick of the conflict. He was in power at the
+time of the Synod of Dort, and must for months have been daily deafened
+with talk about election, reprobation, and final perseverance. Yet we
+do not remember a line in his works from which it can be inferred that
+he was either a Calvinist or an Arminian. While the world was resounding
+with the noise of a disputatious philosophy and a disputatious theology,
+the Baconian school, like Allworthy seated between Square and Thwackum,
+preserved a calm neutrality,—half-scornful, half-benevolent,—and, content
+with adding to the sum of practical good, left the war of words to those
+who liked it.’ This may be the writing of good sense, but it is not the
+expression of an anxious or passionate religious nature.
+
+Such is the explanation of Macaulay’s not prizing so highly as he should
+prize the essential excellences of the Puritan character. He is defective
+in the one point in which they were very great; he is eminent in the very
+point in which they were most defective. A spirit of easy cheerfulness
+pervades his writings, a pleasant geniality overflows his history: the
+rigid asceticism, the pain for pain’s sake, of the Puritan is altogether
+alien to him. Retribution he would deny; sin is hardly a part of his
+creed. His religion is one of thanksgiving. His notion of philosophy—it
+would be a better notion of his own writing—is _illustrans commoda vitæ_.
+
+The English Revolution is the very topic for a person of this character.
+It is eminently an unimpassioned movement. It requires no appreciation
+of the Cavalier or of the zealot; no sympathy with the romance of this
+world; no inclination to pass beyond, and absorb the mind’s energies
+in another. It had neither the rough enthusiasm of barbarism nor the
+delicate grace of high civilisation; the men who conducted it had neither
+the deep spirit of Cromwell’s Puritans nor the chivalric loyalty of the
+enjoying English gentleman. They were hard-headed sensible men, who knew
+that politics were a kind of business, that the essence of business is
+compromise, of practicality concession. They drove no theory to excess;
+for they had no theory. Their passions did not hurry them away; for
+their temperament was still, their reason calculating and calm. Locke
+is the type of the best character of his era. There is nothing in him
+which a historian such as we have described could fail to comprehend,
+or could not sympathise with when he did comprehend. He was the very
+reverse of a Cavalier; he came of a Puritan stock; he retained through
+life a kind of chilled Puritanism; he had nothing of its excessive,
+overpowering, interior zeal, but he retained the formal decorum which
+it had given to the manners, the solid earnestness of its intellect,
+the heavy respectability of its character. In all the nations across
+which Puritanism has passed you may notice something of its indifference
+to this world’s lighter enjoyments; no one of them has been quite able
+to retain its singular interest in what is beyond the veil of time and
+sense. The generation to which we owe our Revolution was in the first
+stage of the descent. Locke thought a zealot a dangerous person, and
+a poet little better than a rascal. It has been said, with perhaps an
+allusion to Macaulay, that our historians have held that ‘all the people
+who lived before 1688 were either knaves or fools.’ This is, of course,
+an exaggeration; but those who have considered what sort of person a
+historian is likely to be, will not be surprised at his preference for
+the people of that era. They had the equable sense which he appreciates;
+they had not the deep animated passions to which his nature is insensible.
+
+Yet, though Macaulay shares in the common temperament of historians,
+and in the sympathy with, and appreciation of, the characters most
+congenial to that temperament, he is singularly contrasted with them
+in one respect—he has a vivid fancy, they have a dull one. History is
+generally written on the principle that human life is a transaction;
+that people come to it with defined intentions and a calm self-possessed
+air, as stockjobbers would buy ‘omnium,’ as timber-merchants buy ‘best
+middling;’ people are alike, and things are alike; everything is a
+little dull, every one a little slow; manners are not depicted, traits
+are not noticed; the narrative is confined to those great transactions
+which can be understood without any imaginative delineation of their
+accompaniments. There are two kinds of things—those which you need only
+to _understand_, and those which you need also to _imagine_. That a man
+bought nine hundredweight of hops is an intelligible idea—you do not
+want the hops delineated or the man described; that he went into society
+suggests an inquiry—you want to know what the society was like, and how
+far he was fitted to be there. The great business transactions of the
+political world are of the intelligible description. Macaulay has himself
+said:
+
+ ‘A history, in which every particular incident may be true,
+ may on the whole be false. The circumstances which have
+ most influence on the happiness of mankind, the changes of
+ manners and morals, the transition of communities from poverty
+ to wealth, from knowledge to ignorance, from ferocity to
+ humanity,—these are, for the most part, noiseless revolutions.
+ Their progress is rarely indicated by what historians are
+ pleased to call important events. They are not achieved by
+ armies, or enacted by senates. They are sanctioned by no
+ treaties, and recorded in no archives. They are carried on in
+ every school, in every church, behind ten thousand counters, at
+ ten thousand firesides. The upper current of society presents
+ no certain criterion by which we can judge of the direction
+ in which the under current flows. We read of defeats and
+ victories; but we know that nations may be miserable amidst
+ victories, and prosperous amidst defeats. We read of the fall
+ of wise ministers, and of the rise of profligate favourites;
+ but we must remember how small a proportion the good or evil
+ effected by a single statesman can bear to the good or evil of
+ a great social system.’
+
+But of this sluggishness of imagination he has certainly no trace
+himself. He is willing to be ‘behind ten thousand counters,’ to be a
+guest ‘at ten thousand firesides.’ He is willing to see ‘ordinary men as
+they appear in their ordinary business and in their ordinary pleasures.’
+He has no objection to ‘mingle in the crowds of the Exchange and the
+coffee-house.’ He would ‘obtain admittance to the convivial table and
+the domestic hearth.’ So far as his dignity will permit, ‘he will bear
+with vulgar expressions.’ And a singular efficacy of fancy gives him the
+power to do so. Some portion of the essence of human nature is concealed
+from him; but all its accessories are at his command. He delineates any
+trait; he can paint, and justly paint, any manners he chooses.
+
+ ‘A perfect historian,’ he tells us, ‘is he in whose work the
+ character and spirit of an age is exhibited in miniature. He
+ relates no fact, he attributes no expression to his characters,
+ which is not authenticated by sufficient testimony; but, by
+ judicious selection, rejection, and arrangement, he gives to
+ truth those attractions which have been usurped by fiction. In
+ his narrative a due subordination is observed—some transactions
+ are prominent, others retire; but the scale on which he
+ represents them is increased or diminished, not according to
+ the dignity of the persons concerned in them, but according to
+ the degree in which they elucidate the condition of society
+ and the nature of man. He shows us the court, the camp, and
+ the senate; but he shows us also the nation. He considers no
+ anecdote, no peculiarity of manner, no familiar saying, as too
+ insignificant for his notice, which is not too insignificant
+ to illustrate the operation of laws, of religion, and of
+ education, and to mark the progress of the human mind. Men will
+ not merely be described, but will be made intimately known
+ to us. The changes of manners will be indicated, not merely
+ by a few general phrases, or a few extracts from statistical
+ documents, but by appropriate images presented in every line.
+ If a man, such as we are supposing, should write the history of
+ England, he would assuredly not omit the battles, the sieges,
+ the negotiations, the seditions, the ministerial changes; but
+ with these he would intersperse the details which are the
+ charm of historical romances. At Lincoln Cathedral there is
+ a beautiful painted window, which was made by an apprentice
+ out of the pieces of glass which had been rejected by his
+ master. It is so far superior to every other in the church,
+ that, according to the tradition, the vanquished artist killed
+ himself from mortification. Sir Walter Scott, in the same
+ manner, has used those fragments of truth which historians have
+ scornfully thrown behind them in a manner which may well excite
+ their envy. He has constructed out of their gleanings works
+ which, even considered as histories, are scarcely less valuable
+ than theirs. But a truly great historian would reclaim those
+ materials which the novelist has appropriated. The history
+ of the Government, and the history of the people, would be
+ exhibited in that mode in which alone they can be exhibited
+ justly, in inseparable conjunction and intermixture. We should
+ not then have to look for the wars and votes of the Puritans in
+ Clarendon, and for their phraseology in _Old Mortality_; for
+ one half of King James in Hume, and for the other half in the
+ _Fortunes of Nigel_.’
+
+So far as the graphic description of exterior life goes, he has
+completely realised his idea.
+
+This union of a flowing fancy with an insensible organisation is very
+rare. In general, a delicate fancy is joined with a poetic organisation.
+Exactly why, it would be difficult to explain. It is for metaphysicians
+in large volumes to explain the genesis of the human faculties; but,
+as a fact, it seems to be clear that, for the most part, imaginative
+men are the most sensitive to the poetic side of human life and natural
+scenery. They are drawn by a strong instinct to what is sublime, grand,
+and beautiful. They do not care for the coarse business of life. They
+dislike to be cursed with its ordinary cares. Their nature is vivid; it
+is interested by all which naturally interests; it dwells on the great,
+the graceful, and the grand. On this account it naturally runs away from
+history. The very name of it is too oppressive. Are not all such works
+written in the _Index Expurgatorius_ of the genial satirist as works
+which it was impossible to read? The coarse and cumbrous matter revolts
+the soul of the fine and fanciful voluptuary. Take it as you will, human
+life is like the earth on which man dwells. There are exquisite beauties,
+grand imposing objects, scattered here and there; but the spaces between
+these are wide; the mass of common clay is huge; the dead level of vacant
+life, of commonplace geography, is immense. The poetic nature cannot bear
+the preponderance; it seeks relief in selected scenes, in special topics,
+in favourite beauties. History, which is the record of human existence,
+is a faithful representative of it, at least in this: the poetic mind
+cannot bear the weight of its narrations and the commonplaceness of its
+events.
+
+This peculiarity of character gives to Macaulay’s writing one of its
+most curious characteristics. He throws over matters which are in their
+nature dry and dull,—transactions—budgets—bills,—the charm of fancy which
+a poetical mind employs to enhance and set forth the charm of what is
+beautiful. An attractive style is generally devoted to what is in itself
+specially attractive; here it is devoted to subjects which are often
+unattractive, are sometimes even repelling, at the best are commonly
+neutral, not inviting attention, if they do not excite dislike. In these
+new volumes there is a currency reform, pages on Scotch Presbyterianism,
+a heap of Parliamentary debates. Who could be expected to make anything
+interesting of such topics? It is not cheerful to read in the morning
+papers the debates of yesterday, though they happened last night; one
+cannot like a Calvinistic divine when we see him in the pulpit; it is
+awful to read on the currency, even when it concerns the bank-notes
+which we use. How, then, can we care for a narrative when the divine is
+dead, the shillings extinct, the whole topic of the debate forgotten
+and passed away? Yet such is the power of style, so great is the charm
+of very skilful words, of narration which is always passing forward,
+of illustration which always hits the mark, that such subjects as
+these not only become interesting, but very interesting. The proof is
+evident. No book is so sought after. The Chancellor of the Exchequer
+said, ‘all members of Parliament had read it.’ What other books could
+ever be fancied to have been read by them? A county member—a real county
+member—hardly reads two volumes _per_ existence. Years ago Macaulay said
+a History of England might become more in demand at the circulating
+libraries than the last novel. He has actually made his words true. It is
+no longer a phrase of rhetoric, it is a simple fact.
+
+The explanation of this remarkable notoriety is, the contrast of the
+topic and the treatment. Those who read for the sake of entertainment
+are attracted by the one; those who read for the sake of instruction are
+attracted by the other. Macaulay has something that suits the readers
+of Mr. Hallam; he has something which will please the readers of Mr.
+Thackeray. The first wonder to find themselves reading such a style;
+the last are astonished at reading on such topics—at finding themselves
+studying by casualty. This marks the author. Only a buoyant fancy and
+an impassive temperament could produce a book so combining weight with
+levity.
+
+Something similar may be remarked of the writings of a still
+greater man—of Edmund Burke. The contrast between the manner of his
+characteristic writings and their matter is very remarkable. He too threw
+over the detail of business and of politics those graces and attractions
+of manner which seem in some sort inconsistent with them; which are
+adapted for topics more intrinsically sublime and beautiful. It was for
+this reason that Hazlitt asserted that ‘no woman ever cared for Burke’s
+writings.’ The matter, he said, was ‘hard and dry,’ and no superficial
+glitter or eloquence could make it agreeable to those who liked what is,
+in its very nature, fine and delicate. The charm of exquisite narration
+has, in a great degree, in Macaulay’s case, supplied the deficiency; but
+it may be _perhaps_ remarked, that some trace of the same phenomenon has
+again occurred, from similar causes, and that his popularity, though
+great among both sexes, is in some sense more masculine than feminine.
+The absence of this charm of narration, to which accomplished women are,
+it would seem, peculiarly sensitive, is very characteristic of Burke.
+His mind was the reverse of historical. Although he had rather a coarse,
+incondite temperament, not finely susceptible to the best influences, to
+the most exquisite beauties of the world in which he lived, he yet lived
+in that world thoroughly and completely. He did not take an interest,
+as a poet does, in the sublime because it is sublime, in the beautiful
+because it is beautiful; but he had the passions of more ordinary men in
+a degree, and of an intensity, which ordinary men may be most thankful
+that they have not. In no one has the intense faculty of intellectual
+hatred—the hatred which the absolute dogmatist has for those in whom he
+incarnates and personifies the opposing dogma—been fiercer or stronger;
+in no one has the intense ambition to rule and govern,—in scarcely any
+one has the daily ambition of the daily politician been fiercer and
+stronger: he, if any man, cast himself upon his time. After one of his
+speeches, peruse one of Macaulay’s: you seem transported to another
+sphere. The fierce living interest of the one contrasts with the cold
+rhetorical interest of the other; you are in a different part of the
+animal kingdom; you have left the viviparous intellect; you have left
+products warm and struggling with hasty life; you have reached the
+oviparous, and products smooth and polished, cold and stately.
+
+In addition to this impassive nature, inclining him to write on
+past transactions—to this fancy, enabling him to adorn and describe
+them—Macaulay has a marvellous memory to recall them; and what we may
+call the Scotch intellect, enabling him to conceive them. The memory
+is his most obvious power. An enormous reading seems always present to
+him. No effort seems wanted—no mental excogitation. According to his
+own description of a like faculty, ‘it would have been strange indeed
+if you had asked for anything that was not to be found in that immense
+storehouse. The article you required was not only there, it was ready. It
+was in its own compartment. In a moment it was brought down, unpacked,
+and explained.’ He has a literary illustration for everything; and his
+fancy enables him to make a skilful use of his wealth. He always selects
+the exact likeness of the idea which he wishes to explain. And though
+it be less obvious, yet his writing would have been deficient in one
+of its most essential characteristics if it had not been for what we
+have called his Scotch intellect, which is a curious matter to explain.
+It may be thought that Adam Smith had little in common with Sir Walter
+Scott. Sir Walter was always making fun of him; telling odd tales of
+his abstraction and singularity; not obscurely hinting, that a man who
+could hardly put on his own coat, and certainly could not buy his own
+dinner, was scarcely fit to decide on the proper course of industry and
+the mercantile dealings of nations. Yet, when Sir Walter’s own works
+come to be closely examined, they will be found to contain a good deal
+of political economy of a certain sort,—and not a very bad sort. Any one
+who will study his description of the Highland clans in _Waverley_; his
+observations on the industrial side (if so it is to be called) of the
+Border-life; his plans for dealing with the poor of his own time,—will be
+struck not only with a plain sagacity, which we could equal in England,
+but with the digested accuracy and theoretical completeness which they
+show. You might cut paragraphs, even from his lighter writings, which
+would be thought acute in the _Wealth of Nations_. There appears to be
+in the genius of the Scotch people—fostered, no doubt, by the abstract
+metaphysical education of their Universities, but also, by way of natural
+taste, supporting that education, and rendering it possible and popular—a
+power of reducing human actions to formulæ or principles. An instance
+is now in a high place. People who are not lawyers,—rural people, who
+have sense of their own, but have no access to the general repute and
+opinion which expresses the collective sense of the great world,—never
+can be brought to believe that Lord Campbell is a great man. They read
+his speeches in the House of Lords—his occasional flights of eloquence
+on the bench—his attempts at pathos—his stupendous _gaucheries_—and they
+cannot be persuaded that a person guilty of such things can have really
+first-rate talent. If you ask them how he came to be Chief Justice of
+England, they mutter something angry, and say ‘Well, Scotchmen _do_ get
+on somehow.’ This is really the true explanation. In spite of a hundred
+defects, Lord Campbell has the Scotch faculties in perfection. He reduces
+legal matters to a sound broad principle better than any man who is now
+a judge. He has a steady, comprehensive, abstract, distinct consistency,
+which elaborates a formula and adheres to a formula; and it is this
+which has raised him from a plain—a very plain—Scotch lawyer to be Lord
+Chief Justice of England. Macaulay has this too. Among his more brilliant
+qualities, it has escaped the attention of critics; the more so, because
+his powers of exposition and expression make it impossible to conceive
+for a moment that the amusing matter we are reading is really Scotch
+economy.
+
+ ‘During the interval,’ he tells us, ‘between the Restoration
+ and the Revolution, the riches of the nation had been rapidly
+ increasing. Thousands of busy men found every Christmas that,
+ after the expenses of the year’s housekeeping had been defrayed
+ out of the year’s income, a surplus remained; and how that
+ surplus was to be employed was a question of some difficulty.
+ In our time, to invest such a surplus, at something more than
+ three per cent., on the best security that has ever been
+ known in the world, is the work of a few minutes. But in the
+ seventeenth century, a lawyer, a physician, a retired merchant,
+ who had saved some thousands, and who wished to place them
+ safely and profitably, was often greatly embarrassed. Three
+ generations earlier, a man who had accumulated wealth in a
+ profession generally purchased real property, or lent his
+ savings on mortgage. But the number of acres in the kingdom
+ had remained the same; and the value of those acres, though
+ it had greatly increased, had by no means increased so fast
+ as the quantity of capital which was seeking for employment.
+ Many, too, wished to put their money where they could find
+ it at an hour’s notice, and looked about for some species of
+ property which could be more readily transferred than a house
+ or a field. A capitalist might lend on bottomry or on personal
+ security; but, if he did so, he ran a great risk of losing
+ interest and principal. There were a few joint-stock companies,
+ among which the East India Company held the foremost place;
+ but the demand for the stock of such companies was far greater
+ than the supply. Indeed, the cry for a new East India Company
+ was chiefly raised by persons who had found difficulty in
+ placing their savings at interest on good security. So great
+ was that difficulty, that the practice of hoarding was common.
+ We are told that the father of Pope the poet, who retired from
+ business in the City about the time of the Revolution, carried
+ to a retreat in the country a strong box containing nearly
+ twenty thousand pounds, and took out from time to time what
+ was required for household expenses; and it is highly probable
+ that this was not a solitary case. At present the quantity of
+ coin which is hoarded by private persons is so small, that it
+ would, if brought forth, make no perceptible addition to the
+ circulation. But in the earlier part of the reign of William
+ the Third, all the greatest writers on currency were of opinion
+ that a very considerable mass of gold and silver was hidden in
+ secret drawers and behind wainscots.
+
+ ‘The natural effect of this state of things was, that a crowd
+ of projectors, ingenious and absurd, honest and knavish,
+ employed themselves in devising new schemes for the employment
+ of redundant capital. It was about the year 1688 that the
+ word stockjobber was first heard in London. In the short
+ space of four years a crowd of companies, every one of which
+ confidently held out to subscribers the hope of immense gains,
+ sprang into existence: the Insurance Company, the Paper
+ Company, the Lutestring Company, the Pearl-Fishery Company,
+ the Glass-Bottle Company, the Alum Company, the Blythe Coal
+ Company, the Swordblade Company. There was a Tapestry Company,
+ which would soon furnish pretty hangings for all the parlours
+ of the middle class and for all the bedchambers of the higher.
+ There was a Copper Company, which proposed to explore the
+ mines of England, and held out a hope that they would prove
+ not less valuable than those of Potosi. There was a Diving
+ Company, which undertook to bring up precious effects from
+ shipwrecked vessels, and which announced that it had laid in
+ a stock of wonderful machines, resembling complete suits of
+ armour. In front of the helmet was a huge glass eye, like that
+ of a Cyclop; and out of the crest went a pipe, through which
+ the air was to be admitted. The whole process was exhibited
+ on the Thames. Fine gentlemen and fine ladies were invited
+ to the show, were hospitably regaled, and were delighted by
+ seeing the divers in their panoply descend into the river,
+ and return laden with old iron and ship’s tackle. There was a
+ Greenland Fishing Company, which could not fail to drive the
+ Dutch whalers and herring-busses out of the Northern Ocean.
+ There was a Tanning Company, which promised to furnish leather
+ superior to the best that was brought from Turkey or Russia.
+ There was a society which undertook the office of giving
+ gentlemen a liberal education on low terms, and which assumed
+ the sounding name of the Royal Academies Company. In a pompous
+ advertisement it was announced that the directors of the
+ Royal Academies Company had engaged the best masters in every
+ branch of knowledge, and were about to issue twenty thousand
+ tickets at twenty shillings each. There was to be a lottery:
+ two thousand prizes were to be drawn; and the fortunate
+ holders of the prizes were to be taught, at the charge of the
+ Company, Latin, Greek, Hebrew, French, Spanish, conic sections,
+ trigonometry, heraldry, japanning, fortification, bookkeeping,
+ and the art of playing the theorbo. Some of these companies
+ took large mansions, and printed their advertisements in gilded
+ letters. Others, less ostentatious, were content with ink,
+ and met at coffee-houses in the neighbourhood of the Royal
+ Exchange. Jonathan’s and Garraway’s were in a constant ferment
+ with brokers, buyers, sellers, meetings of directors, meetings
+ of proprietors. Time-bargains soon came into fashion. Extensive
+ combinations were formed, and monstrous fables were circulated,
+ for the purpose of raising or depressing the price of shares.
+ Our country witnessed for the first time those phenomena with
+ which a long experience has made us familiar. A mania, of which
+ the symptoms were essentially the same with those of the mania
+ of 1720, of the mania of 1825, of the mania of 1845, seized the
+ public mind. An impatience to be rich, a contempt for those
+ slow but sure gains which are the proper reward of industry,
+ patience, and thrift, spread through society. The spirit of
+ the cogging dicers of Whitefriars took possession of the grave
+ senators of the City, wardens of trades, deputies, aldermen.
+ It was much easier and much more lucrative to put forth a
+ lying prospectus announcing a new stock, to persuade ignorant
+ people that the dividends could not fall short of twenty per
+ cent., and to part with five thousand pounds of this imaginary
+ wealth for ten thousand solid guineas, than to load a ship
+ with a well-chosen cargo for Virginia or the Levant. Every day
+ some new bubble was puffed into existence, rose buoyant, shone
+ bright, burst, and was forgotten.’
+
+You will not find the cause of panics so accurately explained in the
+dryest of political economists—in the Scotch M’Culloch.
+
+These peculiarities of character and mind may be very conspicuously
+traced through the _History of England_, and in the _Essays_. Their first
+and most striking quality is the _intellectual entertainment_ which they
+afford. This, as practical readers know, is a kind of sensation which
+is not very common, and which is very productive of great and healthy
+enjoyment. It is quite distinct from the amusement which is derived from
+common light works. The latter is very great; but it is passive. The
+mind of the reader is not awakened to any independent action: you see
+the farce, but you see it without effort; not simply without painful
+effort, but without any perceptible mental activity whatever. Again,
+entertainment of intellect is contrasted with the high enjoyment of
+consciously following pure and difficult reasoning; such a sensation is
+a sort of sublimated pain. The highest and most intense action of the
+intellectual powers is like the most intense action of the bodily on a
+high mountain. We climb and climb: we have a thrill of pleasure, but
+we have also a sense of effort and anguish. Nor is the sensation to be
+confounded with that which we experience from the best and purest works
+of art. The pleasure of high tragedy is also painful: the whole soul
+is stretched; the spirit pants; the passions scarcely breathe: it is
+a rapt and eager moment, too intense for continuance—so overpowering,
+that we scarcely know whether it be joy or pain. The sensation of
+intellectual entertainment is altogether distinguished from these by not
+being accompanied by any pain, and yet being consequent on, or being
+contemporaneous with, a high and constant exercise of mind. While we read
+works which so delight us, we are conscious that we are delighted, and
+are conscious that we are not idle. The opposite pleasures of indolence
+and exertion seem for a moment combined. A sort of elasticity pervades
+us; thoughts come easily and quickly; we seem capable of many ideas;
+we follow cleverness till we fancy that we are clever. This feeling is
+only given by writers who stimulate the mind just to the degree which is
+pleasant, and who do not stimulate it more; who exact a moderate exercise
+of mind, and who seduce us to it insensibly. This can only be, of
+course, by a charm of style; by the inexplicable _je ne sais quoi_ which
+attracts our attention; by constantly raising and constantly satisfying
+our curiosity. And there seems to be a further condition. A writer who
+wishes to produce this constant effect must not appeal to any single,
+separate faculty of mind, but to the whole mind at once. The fancy tires,
+if you appeal only to the fancy; the understanding is aware of its
+dulness, if you appeal only to the understanding; the curiosity is soon
+satiated unless you pique it with variety. This is the very opportunity
+for Macaulay. He has fancy, sense, abundance; he appeals to both fancy
+and understanding. There is no sense of effort. His books read like an
+elastic dream. There is a continual sense of instruction; for who had
+an idea of the transactions before? The emotions, too, which he appeals
+to are the easy admiration, the cool disapprobation, the gentle worldly
+curiosity, which quietly excite us, never fatigue us,—which we could bear
+for ever. To read Macaulay for a day, would be to pass a day of easy
+thought, of pleasant placid emotion.
+
+Nor is this a small matter. In a state of high civilisation it is no
+simple matter to give multitudes a large and healthy enjoyment. The old
+bodily enjoyments are dying out; there is no room for them any more;
+the complex apparatus of civilisation cumbers the ground. We are thrown
+back upon the mind, and the mind is a barren thing. It can spin little
+from itself: few that describe what they see are in the way to discern
+much. Exaggerated emotions, violent incidents, monstrous characters,
+crowd our canvas; they are the resource of a weakness which would obtain
+the fame of strength. Reading is about to become a series of collisions
+against aggravated breakers, of beatings with imaginary surf. In such
+times a book of sensible attraction is a public benefit; it diffuses a
+sensation of vigour through the multitude. Perhaps there is a danger
+that the extreme popularity of the manner may make many persons fancy
+they understand the matter more perfectly than they do: some readers may
+become conceited; several boys believe that they too are Macaulays. Yet,
+duly allowing for this defect, it is a great good that so many people
+should learn so much on such topics so agreeably; that they should feel
+that they _can_ understand them; that their minds should be stimulated
+by a consciousness of health and power.
+
+The same peculiarities influence the style of the narrative. The art of
+narration is the art of writing in hooks-and-eyes. The principle consists
+in making the appropriate thought follow the appropriate thought, the
+proper fact the proper fact; in first preparing the mind for what is to
+come, and then letting it come. This can only be achieved by keeping
+continually and insensibly before the mind of the reader some one object,
+character, or image, whose variations are the events of the story, whose
+unity is the unity of it. Scott, for example, keeps before you the mind
+of some one person,—that of Morton in _Old Mortality_, of Rebecca in
+_Ivanhoe_, of Lovel in _The Antiquary_,—whose fortunes and mental changes
+are the central incidents, whose personality is the string of unity.
+It is the defect of the great Scotch novels that their central figure
+is frequently not their most interesting topic,—that their interest is
+often rather in the accessories than in the essential principle—rather
+in that which surrounds the centre of narration than in the centre
+itself. Scott tries to meet this objection by varying the mind which he
+selects for his unit; in one of his chapters it is one character, in
+the next a different; he shifts the scene from the hero to the heroine,
+from the ‘Protector of the settlement’ of the story to the evil being
+who mars it perpetually: but when narrowly examined, the principle of
+his narration will be found nearly always the same,—the changes in the
+position—external or mental—of some one human being. The most curiously
+opposite sort of narration is that of Hume. He seems to carry a _view_,
+as the moderns call it, through everything. He forms to himself a
+metaphysical—that perhaps is a harsh word—an intellectual conception
+of the time and character before him; and the gradual working out or
+development of that view is the principle of his narration. He tells the
+story of the conception. You rise from his pages without much remembrance
+of or regard for the mere people, but with a clear notion of an
+elaborated view, skilfully abstracted and perpetually impressed upon you.
+A critic of detail should scarcely require a better task than to show how
+insensibly and artfully the subtle historian infuses his doctrine among
+the facts, indicates somehow—you can scarcely say how—their relation to
+it; strings them, as it were, upon it, concealing it in seeming beneath
+them, while in fact it altogether determines their form, their grouping,
+and their consistency. The style of Macaulay is very different from
+either of these. It is a diorama of political pictures. You seem to begin
+with a brilliant picture,—its colours are distinct, its lines are firm;
+on a sudden it changes, at first gradually, you can scarcely tell how
+or in what, but truly and unmistakably,—a slightly different picture is
+before you; then the second vision seems to change,—it too is another and
+yet the same; then the third shines forth and fades; and so without end.
+The unity of this delineation is the identity—the apparent identity—of
+the picture; in no two moments does it seem quite different, in no two is
+it identically the same. It grows and alters as our bodies would appear
+to alter and grow, if you could fancy any one watching them, and being
+conscious of their daily little changes. The events are picturesque
+variations; the unity is a unity of political painting, of represented
+external form. It is evident how suitable this is to a writer whose
+understanding is solid, whose sense is political, whose fancy is fine and
+delineative.
+
+To this merit of Macaulay is to be added another. No one describes
+so well what we may call the _spectacle_ of a character. The art of
+delineating character by protracted description is one which grows in
+spite of the critics. In vain is it alleged that the character should
+be shown dramatically; that it should be illustrated by events; that it
+should be exhibited in its actions. The truth is, that these homilies are
+excellent, but incomplete; true, but out of season. There is a utility
+in verbal portrait, as Lord Stanhope says there is in painted. Goethe
+used to observe, that in society—in a _tête-à-tête_, rather—you often
+thought of your companion as if he was his portrait: you were silent;
+you did not care what he said; but you considered him as a picture, as
+a whole, especially as regards yourself and your relations towards him.
+You require something of the same kind in literature; _some_ description
+of a man is clearly necessary as an introduction to the story of his
+life and actions. But more than this is wanted; you require to have the
+object placed before you as a whole, to have the characteristic traits
+mentioned, the delicate qualities drawn out, the firm features gently
+depicted. As the practice which Goethe hints at is, of all others,
+the most favourable to a just and calm judgment of character, so the
+literary substitute is essential as a steadying element, as a summary,
+to bring together and give a unity to our views. We must see the man’s
+face. Without it, we seem to have heard a great deal about the person,
+but not to have known him; to be aware that he had done a good deal,
+but to have no settled, ineradicable notion what manner of man he was.
+This is the reason why critics like Macaulay, who sneer at the practice
+when estimating the works of others, yet make use of it at great length,
+and, in his case, with great skill, when they come to be historians
+themselves. The kind of characters whom Macaulay can describe is
+limited—at least we think so—by the bounds which we indicated just now.
+There are some men whom he is too impassive to comprehend; but he can
+always tell us of such as he does comprehend, what they looked like, and
+what they were.
+
+A great deal of this vividness Macaulay of course owes to his style.
+Of its effectiveness there can be no doubt; its agreeableness no one
+who has just been reading it is likely to deny. Yet it has a defect. It
+is not, as Bishop Butler would have expressed it, such a style as ‘is
+suitable to such a being as man, in such a world as the present one.’ It
+is too omniscient. Everything is too plain. All is clear; nothing is
+doubtful. Instead of probability being, as the great thinker expressed
+it, ‘the very guide of life,’ it has become a rare exception—an uncommon
+phenomenon. You rarely come across anything which is not decided; and
+when you do come across it, you seem to wonder that the positiveness,
+which has accomplished so much, should have been unwilling to decide
+everything. This is hardly the style for history. The data of historical
+narratives, especially of modern histories, are a heap of confusion.
+No one can tell where they lie, or where they do not lie; what is in
+them, or what is not in them. Literature is called the ‘fragment of
+fragments;’ little has been written, and but little of that little has
+been preserved. So history is a vestige of vestiges; few facts leave any
+trace of themselves, any witness of their occurrence; of fewer still
+is that witness preserved; a slight track is all anything leaves, and
+the confusion of life, the tumult of change, sweeps even that away in
+a moment. It is not possible that these data can be very fertile in
+certainties. Few people would make anything of them: a memoir here,
+a MS. there—two letters in a magazine—an assertion by a person whose
+veracity is denied,—these are the sort of evidence out of which a flowing
+narrative is to be educed; and of course it ought not to be too flowing.
+‘If you please, sir, tell me what you do _not_ know,’ was the inquiry of
+a humble pupil addressed to a great man of science. It would have been a
+relief to the readers of Macaulay if he had shown a little the outside of
+uncertainties, which there must be—the gradations of doubt, which there
+ought to be—the singular accumulation of difficulties, which must beset
+the extraction of a very easy narrative from very confused materials.
+
+This defect in style is, indeed, indicative of a defect in understanding.
+Macaulay’s mind is eminently gifted, but there is a want of graduation in
+it. He has a fine eye for probabilities, a clear perception of evidence,
+a shrewd guess at missing links of fact; but each probability seems to
+him a certainty, each piece of evidence conclusive, each analogy exact.
+The heavy Scotch intellect is a little prone to this: one figures it as a
+heap of formulæ, and if fact _b_ is reducible to formula B, that is all
+which it regards; the mathematical mill grinds with equal energy at flour
+perfect and imperfect—at matter which is quite certain and at matter
+which is only a little probable. But the great cause of this error is,
+an abstinence from practical action. Life is a school of probability.
+In the writings of every man of patient practicality, in the midst of
+whatever other defects, you will find a careful appreciation of the
+degrees of likelihood; a steady balancing of them one against another;
+a disinclination to make things too clear, to overlook the debit side
+of the account in mere contemplation of the enormousness of the credit.
+The reason is obvious: action is a business of risk; the real question
+is the magnitude of that risk. Failure is ever impending; success is
+ever uncertain; there is always, in the very best of affairs, a slight
+probability of the former, a contingent possibility of the non-occurrence
+of the latter. For practical men, the problem ever is to test the amount
+of these inevitable probabilities; to make sure that no one increases too
+far; that by a well-varied choice the number of risks may in itself be
+a protection—be an insurance to you, as it were, against the capricious
+result of any one. A man like Macaulay, who stands aloof from life, is
+not so instructed; he sits secure: nothing happens in his study: he does
+not care to test probabilities; he loses the detective sensation.
+
+Macaulay’s so-called inaccuracy is likewise a phase of this defect.
+Considering the enormous advantages which a picturesque style gives to
+ill-disposed critics; the number of points of investigation which it
+suggests; the number of assertions it makes, sentence by sentence; the
+number of ill-disposed critics that there are in the world; remembering
+Macaulay’s position,—set on a hill to be spied at by them,—he can
+scarcely be thought an inaccurate historian. Considering all things,
+they have found few certain blunders, hardly any direct mistakes. Every
+sentence of his style requires minute knowledge; the vivid picture has
+a hundred details; each of those details must have an evidence, an
+authority, a proof. An historian like Hume passes easily over a period;
+his chart is large; if he gets the conspicuous headlands, the large
+harbours, duly marked, he does not care. Macaulay puts in the depth of
+each wave, every remarkable rock, every tree on the shore. Nothing gives
+a critic so great an advantage. It is difficult to do this for a volume;
+simple for a page. It is easy to select a particular event, and learn all
+which any one can know about it; examine Macaulay’s descriptions, say he
+is wrong, that X is not buried where he asserts, that a little boy was
+one year older than he states. But how would the critic manage, if he had
+to work out all this for a million facts, for a whole period? Few men, we
+suspect, would be able to make so few errors of simple and provable fact.
+On the other hand, few men would arouse a sleepy critic by such startling
+assertion. If Macaulay finds a new theory, he states it as a fact. Very
+likely it really is the most probable theory; at any rate, we know of
+no case in which his theory is not one among the most plausible. If it
+had only been so stated, it would have been well received. His view of
+Marlborough’s character, for instance, is a specious one; it has a good
+deal of evidence, a large amount of real probability, but it has scarcely
+more. Marlborough _may_ have been as bad as is said, but we can hardly be
+_sure_ of it at this time.
+
+Macaulay’s ‘party-spirit’ is another consequence of his positiveness.
+When he inclines to a side, he inclines to it too much. His opinions are
+a shade too strong; his predilections some degrees at least too warm.
+William is too perfect, James too imperfect. The Whigs are a trifle
+like angels; the Tories like, let us say, ‘our inferiors.’ Yet this is
+evidently an honest party-spirit. It does not lurk in the corners of
+sentences, it is not insinuated without being alleged; it does not,
+like the unfairness of Hume, secrete itself so subtly in the turns of
+the words, that when you look to prove it, it is gone. On the contrary,
+it rushes into broad day. William is loaded with panegyric; James is
+always spoken evil of. Hume’s is the artful pleading of a hired advocate;
+Macaulay’s the bold eulogy of a sincere friend. As far as effect goes,
+this is an error. The very earnestness of the affection leads to a
+reaction; we are tired of having William called the ‘just;’ we cannot
+believe so many pages; ‘all that’ can scarcely be correct. As we said, if
+the historian’s preference for persons and parties had been duly tempered
+and mitigated, if the probably good were only said to be probably good,
+if the rather bad were only alleged to be rather bad, the reader would
+have been convinced, and the historian would have escaped the savage
+censure of envious critics.
+
+The one thing which detracts from the pleasure of reading these
+volumes, is the doubt whether they should have been written. Should not
+these great powers be reserved for great periods? Is this abounding,
+picturesque style suited for continuous history? Are small men to be so
+largely described? Should not admirable delineation be kept for admirable
+people? We think so. You do not want Raphael to paint sign-posts, or
+Palladio to build dirt-pies. Much of history is necessarily of little
+value,—the superficies of circumstance, the scum of events. It is very
+well to have it described, indeed you must have it described; the chain
+must be kept complete; the narrative of a country’s fortunes will not
+allow of breaks or gaps. Yet all things need not be done equally well.
+The life of a great painter is short. Even the industry of Macaulay will
+not complete this history. It is a pity to spend such powers on such
+events. It would have been better to have some new volumes of essays
+solely on great men and great things. The diffuseness of the style
+would have been then in place; we could have borne to hear the smallest
+_minutiæ_ of magnificent epochs. If an inferior hand had executed
+the connecting-links, our notions would have acquired an insensible
+perspective; the works of the great artist, the best themes, would have
+stood out from the canvas. They are now confused by the equal brilliancy
+of the adjacent inferiorities.
+
+Much more might be said on this narrative. As it will be read for very
+many years, it will employ the critics for very many years. It would be
+unkind to make all the best observations. Something, as Mr. Disraeli said
+in a budget-speech, something should be left for ‘future statements of
+this nature.’ There will be an opportunity. Whatever those who come after
+may say against this book, it will be, and remain, the ‘Pictorial History
+of England.’
+
+
+
+
+_BERANGER._[12]
+
+(1857.)
+
+
+The invention of books has at least one great advantage. It has
+half-abolished one of the worst consequences of the diversity of
+languages. Literature enables nations to understand one another. Oral
+intercourse hardly does this. In English a distinguished foreigner
+says not what he thinks, but what he can. There is a certain intimate
+essence of national meaning which is as untranslatable as good poetry.
+Dry thoughts are cosmopolitan; but the delicate associations of language
+which express character, the traits of speech which mark the man, differ
+in every tongue, so that there are not even cumbrous circumlocutions
+that are equivalent in another. National character is a deep thing—a shy
+thing; you cannot exhibit much of it to people who have a difficulty in
+understanding your language; you are in strange society, and you feel you
+will not be understood. ‘Let an English gentleman,’ writes Mr. Thackeray,
+‘who has dwelt two, four, or ten years in Paris, say at the end of any
+given period how much he knows of French society, how many French houses
+he has entered, and how many French friends he has made. Intimacy there
+is none; we see but the outsides of the people. Year by year we live in
+France, and grow grey and see no more. We play _écarté_ with Monsieur
+de Trêfle every night; but what do we know of the heart of the man—of
+the inward ways, thoughts, and customs of Trêfle? We have danced with
+Countess Flicflac Tuesdays and Thursdays ever since the peace; and how
+far are we advanced in her acquaintance since we first twirled her round
+a room? We know her velvet gown and her diamonds; we know her smiles and
+her simpers and her rouge; but the real, rougeless, _intime_ Flicflac we
+know not.’[13] Even if our words did not stutter, as they do stutter on
+our tongue, she would not tell us what she is. Literature has half mended
+this. Books are exportable; the essence of national character lies flat
+on a printed page. Men of genius with the impulses of solitude produce
+works of art, whose words can be read and re-read and partially taken in
+by foreigners to whom they could never be uttered, the very thought of
+whose unsympathising faces would freeze them on the surface of the mind.
+Alexander Smith has accused poetical reviewers of beginning as far as
+possible from their subject. It may seem to some, though it is not so
+really, that we are exemplifying this saying in commencing as we have
+commenced an article on Béranger.
+
+There are two kinds of poetry—which one may call poems of this world,
+and poems not of this world. We see a certain society on the earth held
+together by certain relations, performing certain acts, exhibiting
+certain phenomena, calling forth certain emotions. The millions of
+human beings who compose it have their various thoughts, feelings, and
+desires. They hate, act, and live. The social bond presses them closely
+together; and from their proximity new sentiments arise which are half
+superficial and do not touch the inmost soul, but which nevertheless are
+unspeakably important in the actual constitution of human nature, and
+work out their effects for good and for evil on the characters of those
+who are subjected to their influence. These sentiments of the world, as
+one may speak, differ from the more primitive impulses and emotions of
+our inner nature as the superficial phenomena of the material universe
+from what we fancy is its real essence. Passing hues, transient changes
+have their course before our eyes; a multiplex diorama is for ever
+displayed; underneath it all we fancy—such is the inevitable constitution
+of our thinking faculty—a primitive immovable essence, which is modified
+into all the ever-changing phenomena we see, which is the grey granite
+whereon they lie, the primary substance whose _débris_ they all are.
+Just so from the original and primitive emotions of man, society—the
+evolving capacity of combined action—brings out desires which seem new,
+in a sense are new, which have no existence out of the society itself,
+are coloured by its customs at the moment, change with the fashions of
+the age. Such a principle is what we may call social gaiety: the love of
+combined amusement which all men feel and variously express, and which
+is to the higher faculties of the soul what a gay running stream is to
+the everlasting mountain—a light, altering element which beautifies
+while it modifies. Poetry does not shrink from expressing such feelings;
+on the contrary, their renovating cheerfulness blends appropriately
+with her inspiriting delight. Each age and each form of the stimulating
+imagination has a fashion of its own. Sir Walter sings in his modernised
+chivalry:
+
+ ‘Waken, lords and ladies gay,
+ On the mountain dawns the day;
+ All the jolly chase is here,
+ With hawk and horse and hunting-spear.
+ Hounds are in their couples yelling,
+ Hawks are whistling, horns are knelling,
+ Merrily, merrily, mingle they:
+ Waken, lords and ladies gay.
+
+ ‘Louder, louder chant the lay,
+ Waken, lords and ladies gay;
+ Tell them youth and mirth and glee
+ Run a course as well as we.
+ Time, stern huntsman, who can balk?
+ Stanch as hound and fleet as hawk;
+ Think of this, and rise with day,
+ Gentle lords and ladies gay.’
+
+The poet of the people, ‘_vilain et très vilain_,’ sings with the pauper
+Bohemian:
+
+ ‘Voir, c’est avoir. Allons courir!
+ Vie errante
+ Est chose enivrante.
+ Voir, c’est avoir. Allons courir!
+ Car tout voir, c’est tout conquérir.
+
+ ‘Nous n’avons donc, exempts d’orgueil,
+ De lois vaines,
+ De lourdes chaines;
+ Nous n’avons donc, exempts d’orgueil,
+ Ni berceau, ni toit, ni cercueil.
+ Mais croyez-en notre gaîté,
+ Noble ou prêtre,
+ Valet ou maître;
+ Mais, croyez-en notre gaîté,
+ Le bonheur, c’est la liberté.
+
+ ‘Oui, croyez-en notre gaîté,
+ Noble ou prêtre,
+ Valet ou maître;
+ Oui, croyez-en notre gaîté,
+ Le bonheur, c’est la liberté.’
+
+The forms of these poems of social amusement are, in truth, as various
+as the social amusement itself. The variety of the world, singularly
+various as it everywhere is, is nowhere so various as in that. Men have
+more ways of amusing themselves than of doing anything else they do. But
+the essence—the characteristic—of these poems everywhere is, that they
+express more or less well the lighter desires of human nature;—those that
+have least of unspeakable depth, partake most of what is perishable and
+earthly, and least of the immortal soul. The objects of these desires
+are social accidents; excellent, perhaps, essential, possibly—so is
+human nature made—in one form and variety or another, to the well-being
+of the soul, yet in themselves transitory, fleeting, and in other moods
+contemptible. The old saying was, that to endure solitude a man must
+either be a beast or a god. It is in the lighter play of social action,
+in that which is neither animal nor divine, which in its half-way
+character is so natural to man, that these poems of society, which we
+have called poems of amusement, have their place.
+
+This species does not, however, exhaust the whole class. Society gives
+rise to another sort of poems, differing from this one as contemplation
+differs from desire. Society may be thought of as an object. The varied
+scene of men,—their hopes, fears, anxieties, maxims, actions,—presents
+a sight more interesting to man than any other which has ever existed,
+or which can exist; and it may be viewed in all moods of mind, and with
+the change of inward emotion as the external object seems to change: not
+that it really does so, but that some sentiments are more favourable to
+clear-sightedness than others are; and some bring before us one aspect
+of the subject, and fix our attention upon it, others a different one,
+and bind our minds to that likewise. Among the most remarkable of these
+varied views is the world’s view of itself. The world, such as it is,
+has made up its mind what it is. Childishly deceivable by charlatans
+on every other subject,—imposed on by pedantry, by new and unfounded
+science, by ancient and unfounded reputation, a prey to pomposity,
+overrun with recondite fools, ignorant of all else,—society knows itself.
+The world knows a man of the world. A certain tradition pervades it; a
+_disciplina_ of the market-place teaches what the collective society of
+men has ever been, and what, so long as the nature of man is the same, it
+cannot and will not cease to be. Literature, the written expression of
+human nature in every variety, takes up this variety likewise. Ancient
+literature exhibits it from obvious causes in a more simple manner
+than modern literature can. Those who are brought up in times like the
+present necessarily hear a different set of opinions, fall in with
+other words, are under the shadow of a higher creed. In consequence,
+they cannot have the simple _naïveté_ of the old world; they cannot
+speak with easy equanimity of the fugitiveness of life, the necessity of
+death, of goodness as a mean, of sin as an extreme. The theory of the
+universe has ceased to be an open question. Still the spirit of Horace
+is alive, and as potent as that of any man. His tone is that of prime
+ministers; his easy philosophy is that of courts and parliaments; you
+may hear his words where no other foreign words are ever heard. He is
+but the extreme and perfect type of a whole class of writers, some of
+whom exist in every literary age, and who give an expression to what we
+may call the poetry of equanimity, that is, the world’s view of itself;
+its self-satisfaction, its conviction that you must bear what comes,
+not hope for much, think _some_ evil, never be excited, admire little,
+and then you will be at peace. This creed does not sound attractive in
+description. Nothing, it has been said, is so easy as to be ‘religious
+on paper:’ on the other hand, it is rather difficult to be worldly in
+speculation; the mind of man, when its daily maxims are put before
+it, revolts from anything so stupid, so mean, so poor. It requires a
+consummate art to reconcile men in print to that moderate and insidious
+philosophy which creeps into all hearts, colours all speech, influences
+all action. We may not stiffen common sense into a creed; our very
+ambition forbids:—
+
+ ‘It hears a voice within us tell
+ Calm’s not life’s crown, though calm is well:
+ ’Tis all perhaps which man acquires;
+ But ’tis not what our youth desires.’
+
+Still a great artist may succeed in making ‘calm’ interesting. Equanimity
+has its place in literature; the poetry of equipoise is possible. Poems
+of society have, thus, two divisions: that which we mentioned first,
+the expression of the feelings which are called out by the accidents
+of society; next, the harmonised expression of that philosophy of
+indifference with which the world regards the fortunes of individuals and
+its own.
+
+We have said that no modern nation can produce literature embodying
+this kind of cool reflection and delineation as it was once produced.
+By way of compensation, however, it may be, it no doubt is, easier now
+to produce the lyrical kind of poems of society—the light expression
+of its light emotions—than it was in ancient times. Society itself is
+better. There is something hard in Paganism, which is always felt even
+in the softest traits of the most delicate society in antiquity. The
+social influence of women in modern times gives an interest, a little
+pervading excitement, to social events. Civilisation, besides, has made
+comfort possible; it has, at least in part, created a scene in which
+society can be conducted. Its petty conveniences may or may not be
+great benefits according to a recondite philosophy; but there can be
+no doubt that for actual men and women in actual conversation it is of
+the greatest importance that their feet should not be cold; that their
+eyes and mouths should not be troubled with smoke; that sofas should be
+good, and attractive chairs many. Modern times have the advantage of the
+ancient in the scenery of flirtation. The little boy complained that you
+could not find ‘drawing-room’ in the dictionary. Perhaps even because our
+reflections are deeper, our inner life less purely pagan, our apparent
+life is softer and easier. Some have said, that one reason why physical
+science made so little progress in ancient times was, that people were in
+doubt about more interesting things; men must have, it has been alleged,
+a settled creed as to human life and human hopes, before they will
+attend to shells and snails and pressure. And whether this be so or not,
+perhaps a pleasant society is only possible to persons at ease as to what
+is beyond society. Those only can lie on the grass who fear no volcano
+underneath, and can bear to look at the blue vault above.
+
+Among modern nations it is not difficult to say where we should look for
+success in the art of social poetry. ‘Wherever,’ said Mr. Lewes the other
+day, ‘the French go, they take what they call their civilisation—that
+is, a _café_ and a theatre.’ And though this be a trifle severe, yet in
+its essence its meaning is correct. The French have in some manner or
+other put their mark on all the externals of European life. The essence
+of every country remains little affected by their teaching; but in all
+the superficial embellishments of society they have enjoined the fashion;
+and the very language in which those embellishments are spoken of, shows
+at once whence they were derived. Something of this is doubtless due to
+the accidents of a central position, and an early and prolonged political
+influence; but more to a certain neatness of nature, a certain finish of
+the senses, which enables them more easily than others to touch lightly
+the light things of society, to see the _comme-il-faut_. ‘I like,’ said a
+good judge, ‘to hear a Frenchman talk; he strikes a light.’ On a hundred
+topics he gives the bright sharp edge, where others have only a blunt
+approximation.
+
+Nor is this anticipation disappointed. Reviewers do not advance such
+theories unless they correspond with known results. For many years the
+French have not been more celebrated for memoirs which professedly
+describe a real society than they have been for the light social song
+which embodies its sentiments and pours forth its spirit. The principle
+on which such writings are composed is the taking some incident—not
+voluntarily (for the incident doubtless of itself takes a hold on the
+poet’s mind)—and out of that incident developing all which there is in
+it. A grave form is of course inconsistent with such art. The spirit
+of such things is half-mirthful; a very profound meaning is rarely to
+be expected; but little incidents are not destitute of meaning, and a
+delicate touch will delineate it in words. A profound excitement likewise
+such poems cannot produce; they do not address the passions or the
+intuitions, the heart or the soul, but a gentle pleasure, half sympathy,
+half amusement, is that at which they aim. They do not please us equally
+in all moods of mind: sometimes they seem nothing and nonsense, like
+society itself. We must not be too active or too inactive, to like them;
+the tension of mind must not be too great; in our highest moods the
+littlenesses of life are petty; the mind must not be obtusely passive;
+light touches will not stimulate a sluggish inaction. This dependence on
+the mood of mind of the reader makes it dangerous to elucidate this sort
+of art by quotation; Béranger has, however, the following:—
+
+ ‘_Laideur et Beauté._
+
+ ‘Sa trop grande beauté m’obsède;
+ C’est un masque aisément trompeur.
+ Oui, je voudrais qu’elle fût laide,
+ Mais laide, laide à faire peur.
+ Belle ainsi faut-il que je l’aime!
+ Dieu, reprends ce don éclatant;
+ Je le demande à l’enfer même:
+ Qu’elle soit laide et que je l’aime autant.
+
+ ‘A ces mots m’apparaît le diable;
+ C’est le père de la laideur.
+ “Rendons-la,” dit-il, “effroyable,
+ De tes rivaux trompons l’ardeur.
+ J’aime assez ces métamorphoses.
+ Ta belle ici vient en chantant;
+ Perles, tombez; fanez-vous, roses:
+ La voilà laide, et tu l’aimes autant.”
+
+ ‘—Laide! moi? dit-elle étonnée.
+ Elle s’approche d’un miroir,
+ Doute d’abord, puis, consternée,
+ Tombe en un morne désespoir.
+ “Pour moi seul tu jurais de vivre,”
+ Lui dis-je, à ses pieds me jetant;
+ “A mon seul amour il te livre.
+ Plus laide encore, je t’aimerais autant.”
+
+ ‘Ses yeux éteints fondent en larmes,
+ Alors sa douleur m’attendrit.
+ “Ah! rendez, rendez-lui ses charmes.”
+ “—Soit!” répond Satan, qui sourit.
+ Ainsi que naît la fraîche aurore,
+ Sa beauté renaît à l’instant.
+ Elle est, je crois, plus belle encore:
+ Elle est plus belle, et moi je l’aime autant.
+
+ ‘Vite au miroir elle s’assure
+ Qu’on lui rend bien tous ses appas;
+ Des pleurs restent sur sa figure,
+ Qu’elle essuie en grondant tout bas.
+ Satan s’envole, et la cruelle
+ Fuit et s’écrie en me quittant:
+ “Jamais fille que Dieu fit belle
+ Ne doit aimer qui peut l’aimer autant.”’
+
+And this is even a more characteristic specimen:
+
+ ‘_La Mouche._
+
+ ‘Au bruit de notre gaîté folle,
+ Au bruit des verres, des chansons,
+ Quelle mouche murmure et vole,
+ Et revient quand nous la chassons? (_bis._)
+ C’est quelque dieu, je le soupçonne,
+ Qu’un peu de bonheur rend jaloux.
+ Ne souffrons point qu’elle bourdonne, }
+ Qu’elle bourdonne autour de nous. } (_bis._)
+
+ ‘Transformée en mouche hideuse,
+ Amis, oui, c’est, j’en suis certain,
+ La Raison, déité grondeuse,
+ Qu’irrite un si joyeux festin.
+ L’orage approche, le ciel tonne,
+ Voilà ce que dit son courroux.
+ Ne souffrons point qu’elle bourdonne,
+ Qu’elle bourdonne autour de nous.
+
+ ‘C’est la Raison qui vient me dire:
+ “A ton âge on vit en reclus.
+ Ne bois plus tant, cesse de rire,
+ Cesse d’aimer, ne chante plus.”
+ Ainsi son beffroi toujours sonne
+ Aux lueurs des feux les plus doux.
+ Ne souffrons point qu’elle bourdonne,
+ Qu’elle bourdonne autour de nous.
+
+ ‘C’est la Raison, gare à Lisette!
+ Son dard la menace toujours.
+ Dieux! il perce la collerette:
+ Le sang coule! accourez, Amours!
+ Amours! poursuivez la félonne;
+ Qu’elle expire enfin sous vos coups.
+ Ne souffrons point qu’elle bourdonne,
+ Qu’elle bourdonne autour de nous.
+
+ ‘Victoire! amis, elle se noie
+ Dans l’aï que Lise a versé.
+ Victoire! et qu’aux mains de la Joie
+ Le sceptre enfin soit replacé. (_bis._)
+ Un souffle ébranle sa couronne;
+ Une mouche nous troublait tous.
+ Ne craignons plus qu’elle bourdonne, }
+ Qu’elle bourdonne autour de nous.’ } (_bis._)
+
+To make poetry out of a fly is a difficult operation. It used to be said
+of the Lake school of criticism, in Mr. Wordsworth’s early and more rigid
+days, that there was no such term as ‘elegant’ in its nomenclature. The
+reason is that, dealing, or attempting to deal, only with the essential
+aboriginal principles of human nature, that school had no room and no
+occasion for those minor contrivances of thought and language which are
+necessary to express the complex accumulation of little feelings, the
+secondary growth of human emotion. The underwood of nature is ‘elegant;’
+the bare ascending forest-tree despises what is so trivial,—it is grave
+and solemn. To such verses, on the other hand, as have been quoted,
+‘elegance’ is essential; the delicate finish of fleeting forms is the
+only excellence they can have.
+
+The characteristic deficiencies of French literature have no room to
+show themselves in this class of art. ‘Though France herself denies,’
+says a recent writer, ‘yet all other nations with one voice proclaim
+her inferiority to her rivals in poetry and romance, and in all the
+other elevated fields of fiction. A French Dante, or Michael Angelo,
+or Cervantes, or Murillo, or Goethe, or Shakespeare, or Milton, we at
+once perceive to be a mere anomaly; a supposition which may, indeed,
+be proposed in terms, but which in reality is inconceivable and
+impossible.’ In metaphysics, the reason seems to be that the French
+character is incapable of being mastered by an unseen idea, without being
+so tyrannised over by it as to be incapable of artistic development.
+Such a character as Robespierre’s may explain what we mean. His entire
+nature was taken up and absorbed in certain ideas; he had almost a vanity
+in them; he was of them, and they were of him. But they appear in his
+mind, in his speeches, in his life, in their driest and barest form;
+they have no motion, life, or roundness. We are obliged to use many
+metaphors remotely and with difficulty to indicate the procedure of the
+imagination. In one of these metaphors we figure an idea of imagination
+as a living thing, a kind of growing plant, with a peculiar form, and
+ever preserving its identity, but absorbing from the earth and air all
+kindred, suitable, and, so to say, annexable materials. In a mind such
+as Robespierre’s, in the type of the fanatic mind, there is no such
+thing. The ideas seem a kind of dry hard capsules, never growing, never
+enlarging, never uniting. Development is denied them; they cannot expand,
+or ripen, or mellow. Dogma is a dry hard husk; poetry has the soft down
+of the real fruit. Ideas seize on the fanatic mind just as they do on
+the poetical; they have the same imperious ruling power. The difference
+is, that in the one the impelling force is immutable, iron, tyrannical;
+in the other the rule is expansive, growing, free, taking up from all
+around it moment by moment whatever is fit, as in the political world a
+great constitution arises through centuries, with a shape that does not
+vary, but with movement for its essence and the fluctuation of elements
+for its vitality. A thin poor mind like Robespierre’s seems pressed and
+hampered by the bony fingers of a skeleton hand; a poet’s is expanded
+and warmed at the same time that it is impelled by a pure life-blood of
+imagination. The French, as we have said, are hardly capable of this.
+When great remote ideas seize upon them at all, they become fanatics.
+The wild, chimerical, revolutionary, mad Frenchman has the stiffest of
+human minds. He is under the law of his creed; he has not attained to
+the higher freedom of the impelling imagination. The prosing rhetoric
+of the French tragedy shows the same defect in another form. The ideas
+which should have become living realities, remain as lean abstractions.
+The characters are speaking officials, jets of attenuated oratory. But
+exactly on this very account the French mind has a genius for the poetry
+of society. Unable to remove itself into the higher region of imagined
+forms, it has the quickest detective insight into the exact relation
+of surrounding superficial phenomena. There are two ways of putting
+it: either, being fascinated by the present, they cannot rise to what
+is not present; or being by defect of nature unable to rise to what is
+not present, they are concentrated and absorbed in that which is so. Of
+course there ought not to be, but there is, a world of _bonbons_, of
+_salons_, of _esprit_. Living in the present, they have the poetry of the
+present. The English genius is just the opposite. Our cumbrous intellect
+has no call to light artificialities. We do not excel in punctuated
+detail or nicely-squared elaboration. It puts us out of patience that
+others should. A respectable Englishman murmured in the _Café de Paris_,
+‘I wish I had a hunch of mutton.’ He could not bear the secondary
+niceties with which he was surrounded. Our art has the same principle.
+We excel in strong, noble imagination, in solid stuff. Shakespeare is
+tough work; he has the play of the rising energy, the buoyant freedom
+of the unbounded mind; but no writer is so destitute of the simplifying
+dexterities of the manipulating intellect.
+
+It is dangerous for a foreigner to give an opinion on _minutiæ_ of style,
+especially on points affecting the characteristic excellences of national
+style. The French language is always neat; all French styles somehow seem
+good. But Béranger appears to have a peculiar neatness. He tells us that
+all his songs are the production of a painful effort. If so, the reader
+should be most grateful; _he_ suffers no pain. The delicate elaboration
+of the writer has given a singular currency to the words. Difficult
+writing is rarely easy reading. It can never be so when the labour is
+spent in piecing together elements not joined by an insensible touch of
+imagination. The highest praise is due to a writer whose ideas are more
+delicately connected by unconscious genius than other men’s are, and
+yet who spends labour and toil in giving the production a yet cunninger
+finish, a still smoother connection. The characteristic aloofness of the
+Gothic mind, its tendency to devote itself to what is not present, is
+represented in composition by a want of care in the pettinesses of style.
+A certain clumsiness pervades all tongues of German origin. Instead of
+the language having been sharpened and improved by the constant keenness
+of attentive minds, it has been habitually used obtusely and crudely.
+Light, loquacious Gaul has for ages been the contrast. If you take up a
+pen just used by a good writer, for a moment you seem to write rather
+well. A language long employed by a delicate and critical society is
+a treasure of dexterous felicities. It is not, according to the fine
+expression of Mr. Emerson, ‘fossil poetry;’ it is crystallised _esprit_.
+
+A French critic has praised Béranger for having retained the _refrain_,
+or burden, ‘_la rime de l’air_,’ as he calls it. Perhaps music is more
+necessary as an accompaniment to the poetry of society than it is to
+any other poetry. Without a sensuous reminder, we might forget that it
+was poetry; especially in a sparkling, glittering, attenuated language,
+we might be absorbed as in the defined elegances of prose. In half
+trivial compositions we easily forget the little central fancy. The
+music prevents this: it gives oneness to the parts, pieces together the
+shavings of the intellect, makes audible the flow of imagination.
+
+The poetry of society tends to the poetry of love. All poetry tends that
+way. By some very subtle links, which no metaphysician has skilfully
+tracked, the imagination, even in effects and employments which seem
+remote, is singularly so connected. One smiles to see the feeling
+recur. Half the poets can scarcely keep away from it: in the high and
+dry epic you may see the poet return to it. And perhaps this is not
+unaccountable. The more delicate and stealing the sensuous element, the
+more the mind is disposed to brood upon it; the more we dwell on it in
+stillness, the more it influences the wandering, hovering faculty which
+we term imagination. The first constructive effort of imagination is
+beyond the limit of consciousness; the faculty works unseen. But we
+know that it works in a certain soft leisure only: and this in ordinary
+minds is almost confined to, in the highest is most commonly accompanied
+by, the subtlest emotion of reverie. So insinuating is that feeling,
+that no poet is alive to all its influences; so potent is it, that the
+words of a great poet, in our complex modern time, are rarely ever free
+from its traces. The phrase ‘stealing calm,’ which most naturally and
+graphically describes the state of soul in which the imagination works,
+quite equally expresses, it is said, the coming in and continuance of the
+not uncommon emotion. Passing, however, from such metaphysics, there is
+no difficulty in believing that the poetry of society will tend to the
+most romantic part of society,—away from aunts and uncles, antiquaries
+and wigs, to younger and pleasanter elements. The talk of society does
+so, probably its literature will do so likewise. There are, nevertheless,
+some limiting considerations, which make this tendency less all-powerful
+than we might expect it to be. In the first place, the poetry of society
+cannot deal with passion. Its light touch is not competent to express
+eager, intense emotion. Rather, we should say, the essential nature
+of the poetry of amusement is inconsistent with those rugged, firm,
+aboriginal elements which passion brings to the surface. The volcano is
+inconsistent with careless talk; you cannot comfortably associate with
+lava. Such songs as those of Burns are the very antithesis to the levity
+of society. A certain explicitness pervades them:
+
+ ‘Come, let me take thee to my breast,
+ And pledge we ne’er shall sunder;
+ And I shall spurn as vilest dust
+ The warld’s wealth and grandeur.’
+
+There is a story of his having addressed a lady in society, some time
+after he came to Edinburgh, in this direct style, and being offended that
+she took notice of it. The verses were in English, and were not intended
+to mean anything particular, only to be an elegant attention; but you
+might as well ask a young lady to take brandy with you as compliment
+her in this intense manner. The eager peasant-poet was at fault in
+the polished refinements of the half-feeling drawing-room. Again, the
+poetry of society can scarcely deal with affection. No poetry, except
+in hints, and for moments, perhaps ever can. You might as well tell
+secrets to the town-crier. The essence of poetry somehow is publicity.
+It is very odd when one reads many of the sentiments which are expressed
+there,—the brooding thought, the delicate feeling, the high conception.
+What is the use of telling these to the mass of men? Will the grocer feel
+them?—will the greasy butcher in the blue coat feel them? Are there not
+some emphatic remarks by Lord Byron on Mr. Sanders (‘the d—d saltfish
+seller’ of Venice), who could not appreciate _Don Juan_? Nevertheless,
+for some subtle reason or other, poets do crave, almost more than other
+men, the public approbation. To have a work of art in your imagination,
+and that no one else should know of it, is a great pain. But even this
+craving has its limits. Art can only deal with the universal. Characters,
+sentiments, actions, must be described in what in the old language
+might be called their conceptual shape. There must always be an idea in
+them. If one compares a great character in fiction, say that of Hamlet,
+with a well-known character in life, we are struck almost at once by
+the typical and representative nature of the former. We seem to have a
+more _summary_ conception of it, if the phrase may be allowed, than we
+have of the people we know best in reality. Indeed, our notion of the
+fictitious character rather resembles a notion of actual persons of whom
+we know a little, and but a little,—of a public man, suppose, of whom
+from his speeches and writings we know something, but with whom we never
+exchanged a word. We generalise a few traits; we do what the historian
+will have to do hereafter; we _make_ a man, so to speak, resembling the
+real one, but more defined, more simple and comprehensible. The objects
+on which affection turns are exactly the opposite. In their essence
+they are individual, peculiar. Perhaps they become known under a kind
+of confidence; but even if not, nature has hallowed the details of near
+life by an inevitable secrecy. You cannot expect other persons to feel
+them; you cannot tell your own intellect what they are. An individuality
+lurks in our nature. Each soul (as the divines speak) clings to each
+soul. Poetry is impossible on such points as these: they seem too sacred,
+too essential. The most that it can do is, by hints and little marks in
+the interstices of a universalised delineation, to suggest that there is
+something more than what is stated, and more inward and potent than what
+is stated. Affection as a settled subject is incompatible with art. And
+thus the poetry of society is limited on its romantic side in two ways:
+first, by the infinite, intense nature of passion, which forces the voice
+of art beyond the social tone; and by the confidential, incomprehensible
+nature of affection, which will not bear to be developed for the public
+by the fancy in any way.
+
+Being so bounded within the ordinary sphere of their art, poets of this
+world have contrived or found a substitute. In every country there is a
+society which is no society. The French, which is the most worldly of
+literatures, has devoted itself to the delineation of this outside world.
+There is no form, comic or serious, dramatic or lyrical, in which the
+subject has not been treated: the burden is—
+
+ ‘Lisette, ma Lisette,
+ Tu m’as trompé toujours;
+ Mais vive la grisette!
+ Je veux, Lisette,
+ Boire à nos amours.’
+
+There is obviously no need of affection in _this_ society. The whole
+plot of the notorious novel, _La Dame aux Camélias_,—and a very
+remarkable one it is,—is founded on the incongruity of real feeling
+with this world, and the singular and inappropriate consequences which
+result, if, by any rare chance, it does appear there. Passion is almost
+_à fortiori_ out of the question. The depths of human nature have nothing
+to do with this life. On this account, perhaps, it is that it harmonises
+so little with the English literature and character. An Englishman can
+scarcely live on the surface; his passions are too strong, his power
+of _finesse_ too little. Accordingly, since Defoe, who treated the
+subject with a coarse matter-of-factness, there has been nothing in our
+literature of this kind—nothing at least professedly devoted to it. How
+far this is due to real excellence, how far to the _bourgeois_ and not
+very outspoken temper of our recent writers, we need not in this place
+discuss. There is no occasion to quote in this country the early poetry
+of Béranger, at least not the sentimental part of it. We may take, in
+preference, one of his poems written in old, or rather in middle age:
+
+ ‘_Cinquante Ans._
+
+ ‘Pourquoi ces fleurs? est-ce ma fête?
+ Non; ce bouquet vient m’annoncer
+ Qu’un demi-siècle sur ma tête
+ Achève aujourd’hui de passer.
+ Oh! combien nos jours sont rapides!
+ Oh! combien j’ai perdu d’instants!
+ Oh! combien je me sens de rides!
+ Hélas! hélas! j’ai cinquante ans.
+
+ ‘A cet âge, tout nous échappe;
+ Le fruit meurt sur l’arbre jauni.
+ Mais à ma porte quelqu’un frappe;
+ N’ouvrons point: mon rôle est fini.
+ C’est, je gage, un docteur qui jette
+ Sa carte, où s’est logé le Temps.
+ Jadis, j’aurais dit: C’est Lisette.
+ Hélas! hélas! j’ai cinquante ans.
+
+ ‘En maux cuisants vieillesse abonde:
+ C’est la goutte qui nous meurtrit;
+ La cécité, prison profonde;
+ La surdité, dont chacun rit.
+ Puis la raison, lampe qui baisse,
+ N’a plus que des feux tremblotants.
+ Enfants, honorez la vieillesse!
+ Hélas! hélas! j’ai cinquante ans!
+
+ ‘Ciel! j’entends la Mort, qui, joyeuse,
+ Arrive en se frottant les mains.
+ A ma porte la fossoyeuse
+ Frappe; adieu, messieurs les humains!
+ En bas, guerre, famine et peste;
+ En haut, plus d’astres éclatants.
+ Ouvrons, tandis que Dieu me reste.
+ Hélas! hélas! j’ai cinquante ans.
+
+ ‘Mais non; c’est vous! vous, jeune amie,
+ Sœur de charité des amours!
+ Vous tirez mon âme endormie
+ Du cauchemar des mauvais jours.
+ Semant les roses de votre âge
+ Partout, comme fait le printemps,
+ Parfumez les rêves d’un sage.
+ Hélas! hélas! j’ai cinquante ans.’
+
+This is the last scene of the _grisette_, of whom we read in so many
+songs sparkling with youth and gaiety.
+
+A certain intellectuality, however, pervades Béranger’s love-songs.
+You seem to feel, to see, not merely the emotion, but the mind, in the
+background viewing that emotion. You are conscious of a considerateness
+qualifying and contrasting with the effervescing champagne of the
+feelings described. Desire is rarefied; sense half becomes an idea. You
+may trace a similar metamorphosis in the poetry of passion itself. If
+we contrast such a poem as Shelley’s _Epipsychidion_ with the natural
+language of common passion, we see how curiously the intellect can take
+its share in the dizziness of sense. In the same way, in the lightest
+poems of Béranger we feel that it may be infused, may interpenetrate the
+most buoyant effervescence.
+
+Nothing is more odd than to contrast the luxurious and voluptuous nature
+of much of Béranger’s poetry with the circumstances of his life. He never
+in all his productive time had more than 80_l._ a year; the smallest
+party of pleasure made him live, he tells us himself, most ascetically
+for a week; so far from leading the life of a Sybarite, his youth was
+one of anxiety and privation. A more worldly poet has probably never
+written, but no poet has shown in life so philosophic an estimate of
+this world’s goods. His origin is very unaristocratic. He was born in
+August 1780, at the house of his grandfather, a poor old tailor. Of his
+mother we hear nothing. His father was a speculative, sanguine man, who
+never succeeded. His principal education was given him by an aunt, who
+taught him to read and to write, and perhaps generally incited his mind.
+His school-teaching tells of the philosophy of the revolutionary time.
+By way of primary school for the town of Péronne, a patriotic member of
+the National Assembly had founded an _institut d’enfants_. ‘It offered,’
+we are told, ‘at once the image of a club and that of a camp; the boys
+wore a military uniform; at every public event they named deputations,
+delivered orations, voted addresses: letters were written to the citizen
+Robespierre and the citizen Tallien.’ Naturally, amid such great affairs
+there was no time for mere grammar; they did not teach _Latin_. Nor did
+Béranger ever acquire any knowledge of that language; and he may be said
+to be destitute of what is in the usual sense called culture. Accordingly
+it has in these days been made a matter of wonder by critics, whom we
+may think pedantic, that one so destitute should be able to produce such
+works. But a far keener judge has pronounced the contrary. Goethe, who
+certainly did not undervalue the most elaborate and artful cultivation,
+at once pronounced Béranger to have ‘a nature most happily endowed,
+firmly grounded in himself, purely developed from himself, and quite
+in harmony with himself.’ In fact, as these words mean, Béranger, by
+happiness of nature or self-attention, has that _centrality_ of mind,
+which is the really valuable result of colleges and teaching. He puts
+things together; he refers things to a principle; rather, they group
+themselves in his intelligence insensibly round a principle. There is
+nothing _distrait_ in his genius; the man has attained to be himself;
+a cool oneness, a poised personality pervades him. ‘The unlearned,’ it
+has been said, ‘judge at random.’ Béranger is not unlearned in this
+sense. There is no one who judges more simply, smoothly, and uniformly.
+His ideas refer to an exact measure. He has mastered what comes before
+him. And though doubtless unacquainted with foreign and incongruous
+literatures, he has mastered his own literature, which was shaped by
+kindred persons, and has been the expression of analogous natures; and
+this has helped him in expressing himself.
+
+In the same way, his poor youth and boyhood have given a reality to his
+productions. He seems to have had this in mind in praising the ‘practical
+education which I have received.’ He was bred a printer; and the highest
+post he attained was a clerkship at the university, worth, as has been
+said, 80_l._ per annum. Accordingly he has everywhere a sympathy with the
+common people, an unsought familiarity with them and their life. Sybarite
+poetry commonly wants this. The aristocratic nature is superficial; it
+relates to a life protected from simple wants, depending on luxurious
+artifices. ‘Mamma,’ said the simple-minded nobleman, ‘when poor people
+have no bread, why do not they eat buns? they are much better.’ An
+over-perfumed softness pervades the poetry of society. You see this in
+the songs of Moore, the best of the sort we have; all is beautiful, soft,
+half-sincere. There is a little falsetto in the tone, everything reminds
+you of the drawing-room and the _pianoforte_; and not only so—for all
+poetry of society must in a measure do this—but it seems fit for no other
+scene. Naturalness is the last word of praise that would be suitable. In
+the scented air we forget that there is a _pavé_ and a multitude. Perhaps
+France is of all countries which have ever existed the one in which
+we might seek an exception from this luxurious limitation. A certain
+_égalité_ may pervade its art as its society. There is no such difference
+as with us between the shoeblack and the gentleman. A certain refinement
+is very common; an extreme refinement possibly rare. Béranger was able to
+write his poems in poverty: they are popular with the poor.
+
+A success even greater than what we have described as having been
+achieved by Béranger in the first class of the poems of society—that of
+amusement—has been attained by him in the second class, expressive of
+epicurean speculation. Perhaps it is one of his characteristics that
+the two are for ever running one into another. There is animation in
+his thinking; there is meaning in his gaiety. It requires no elaborate
+explanation to make evident the connection between scepticism and
+luxuriousness. Every one thinks of the Sadducee as in cool halls and soft
+robes; no one supposes that the Sybarite believes. Pain not only purifies
+the mind, but deepens the nature. A simple, happy life is animal; it
+is pleasant, and it perishes. All writers who have devoted themselves
+to the explanation of this world’s view of itself are necessarily in a
+certain measure Sadducees. The world is Sadducee itself; it cannot be
+anything else without recognising a higher creed, a more binding law,
+a more solemn reality—without ceasing to be the world. Equanimity is
+incredulous; impartiality does not care; an indifferent politeness is
+sceptical. Though not a single speculative opinion is expressed, we may
+feel this in _Roger Bontemps_:—
+
+ ‘_Roger Bontemps._
+
+ ‘Aux gens atrabilaires
+ Pour exemple donné,
+ En un temps de misères
+ Roger Bontemps est né.
+ ‘Vivre obscur à sa guise,
+ Narguer les mécontents:
+ Eh gai! c’est la devise
+ Du gros Roger Bontemps.
+
+ ‘Du chapeau de son père
+ Coiffé dans les grands jours,
+ De roses ou de lierre
+ Le rajeunir toujours;
+ Mettre un manteau de bure,
+ Vieil ami de vingt ans:
+ Eh gai! c’est la parure
+ Du gros Roger Bontemps.
+
+ ‘Posséder dans sa hutte
+ Une table, un vieux lit,
+ Des cartes, une flûte,
+ Un broc que Dieu remplit,
+ Un portrait de maîtresse,
+ Un coffre et rien dedans:
+ Eh gai! c’est la richesse
+ Du gros Roger Bontemps.
+
+ ‘Aux enfans de la ville
+ Montrer de petits jeux;
+ Etre un faiser habile
+ De contes graveleux;
+ Ne parler que de danse
+ Et d’almanachs chantants:
+ Eh gai! c’est la science
+ Du gros Roger Bontemps.
+
+ ‘Faute de vin d’élite,
+ Sabler ceux du canton;
+ Préférer Marguerite
+ Aux dames du grand ton;
+ De joie et de tendresse
+ Remplir tous ses instants:
+ Eh gai! c’est la sagesse
+ Du gros Roger Bontemps.
+
+ ‘Dire au Ciel: Je me fie,
+ Mon père, à ta bonté;
+ De ma philosophie
+ Pardonne la gaîté;
+ Que ma saison dernière
+ Soit encore un printemps:
+ Eh gai! c’est la prière
+ Du gros Roger Bontemps.
+
+ ‘Vous, pauvres pleins d’envie,
+ Vous, riches désireux,
+ Vous, dont le char dévie
+ Après un cours heureux;
+ Vous, qui perdrez peut-être
+ Des titres éclatants,
+ Eh gai! prenez pour maître
+ Le gros Roger Bontemps.’
+
+At the same time, in Béranger the scepticism is not extreme. The
+skeleton is not paraded. That the world is a passing show, a painted
+scene, is admitted; you seem to know that it is all acting and rouge and
+illusion: still the pleasantness of the acting is dwelt on, the rouge
+is never rubbed off, the dream runs lightly and easily. No nightmare
+haunts you, you have no uneasy sense that you are about to awaken.
+Persons who require a sense of reality may complain; pain is perhaps
+necessary to sharpen their nerves, a tough effort to harden their
+consciousness: but if you pass by this objection of the threshold, if
+you admit the possibility of a superficial and fleeting world, you will
+not find a better one than Béranger’s world. Suppose all the world
+were a _restaurant_, his is a good _restaurant_; admit that life is an
+effervescing champagne, his is the best for the moment.
+
+In several respects Béranger contrasts with Horace, the poet whom in
+general he most resembles. The song of _Roger Bontemps_ suggests one of
+the most obvious differences. It is essentially democratic. As we have
+said before, Béranger is the poet of the people; he himself says, _Le
+peuple c’est ma muse_. Throughout Horace’s writings, however much he may
+speak, and speak justly, of the simplicity of his tastes, you are always
+conscious that his position is exceptional. Everybody cannot be the
+friend of Mæcenas; every cheerful man of the world cannot see the springs
+of the great world. The intellect of most self-indulgent men must satisfy
+itself with small indulgences. Without a hard ascent you can rarely see
+a great view. Horace had the almost unequalled felicity of watching the
+characters and thoughts and tendencies of the governors of the world, the
+nicest manipulation of the most ingenious statesmen, the inner tastes and
+predilections which are the origin of the most important transactions;
+and yet had the ease and pleasantness of the common and effortless life.
+So rare a fortune cannot be a general model; the gospel of Epicureanism
+must not ask a close imitation of one who had such very special
+advantages. Béranger gives the acceptors of that creed a commoner type.
+Out of nothing but the most ordinary advantages—the garret, the almost
+empty purse, the not over-attired _grisette_—he has given them a model of
+the sparkling and quick existence for which their fancy is longing. You
+cannot imagine commoner materials. In another respect Horace and Béranger
+are remarkably contrasted. Béranger, sceptical and indifferent as he is,
+has a faith in, and zeal for, liberty. It seems odd that he should care
+for that sort of thing; but he does care for it. Horace probably had a
+little personal shame attaching to such ideas. No regimental officer of
+our own time can have ‘joined’ in a state of more crass ignorance, than
+did the stout little student from Athens in all probability join the
+army of Brutus; the legionaries must have taken the measure of him, as
+the sergeants of our living friends. Anyhow he was not partial to such
+reflections; zeal for political institutions is quite as foreign to him
+as any other zeal. A certain hope in the future is characteristic of
+Béranger—
+
+ ‘Qui découvrit un nouveau monde?
+ Un fou qu’on raillait en tout lieu.’
+
+Modern faith colours even bystanding scepticism. Though probably with no
+very accurate ideas of the nature of liberty, Béranger believes that it
+is a great good, and that France will have it.
+
+The point in which Béranger most resembles Horace is that which is the
+most essential in the characters of them both—their geniality. This
+is the very essence of the poems of society; it springs in the verses
+of amusement, it harmonises with acquiescing sympathy the poems of
+indifference. And yet few qualities in writing are so rare. A certain
+malevolence enters into literary ink; the point of the pen pricks. Pope
+is the very best example of this. With every desire to imitate Horace,
+he cannot touch any of his subjects, or any kindred subjects, without
+infusing a bitter ingredient. It is not given to the children of men to
+be philosophers without envy. Lookers-on can hardly bear the spectacle
+of the great world. If you watch the carriages rolling down to the House
+of Lords, you will try to depreciate the House of Lords. Idleness is
+cynical. Both Béranger and Horace are exceptions to this. Both enjoy
+the roll of the wheels; both love the glitter of the carriages; neither
+is angry at the sun. Each knows that he is as happy as he can be—that
+he is all that he can be in his contemplative philosophy. In his means
+of expression for the purpose in hand, the Frenchman has the advantage.
+The Latin language is clumsy. Light pleasure was an exotic in the Roman
+world; the terms in which you strive to describe it suit rather the
+shrill camp and droning law-court. In English, as we hinted just now,
+we have this too. Business is in our words; a too heavy sense clogs our
+literature; even in a writer so apt as Pope at the _finesse_ of words,
+you feel that the solid Gothic roots impede him. It is difficult not
+to be cumbrous. The horse may be fleet and light, but the wheels are
+ponderous and the road goes heavily. Béranger certainly has not this
+difficulty; nobody ever denied that a Frenchman could be light, that the
+French language was adapted for levity.
+
+When we ascribed an absence of bitterness and malevolence to Béranger,
+we were far from meaning that he is not a satirist. Every light writer
+in a measure must be so. Mirth is the imagery of society; and mirth must
+make fun of somebody. The nineteenth century has not had many shrewder
+critics than its easy natured poet. Its intense dulness particularly
+strikes him. He dreads the dreariness of the Academy; pomposity bores
+him; formalism tires him; he thinks, and may well think, it dreary to have
+
+ ‘Pour grands hommes des journalistes,
+ Pour amusement l’Opéra.’
+
+But skilful as is the mirth, its spirit is genial and good-natured. ‘You
+have been making fun of me, Sydney, for twenty years,’ said a friend to
+the late Canon of St. Paul’s, ‘and I do not think you have said a single
+thing I should have wished you not to say.’ So far as its essential
+features are concerned, the nineteenth century may say the same of its
+musical satirist. Perhaps, however, the Bourbons might a little object.
+Clever people have always a _little_ malice against the stupid.
+
+There is no more striking example of the degree in which the gospel of
+good works has penetrated our modern society, than that Béranger has
+talked of ‘utilising his talent.’ The epicurean poet considers that he
+has been a political missionary. Well may others be condemned to the
+penal servitude of industry, if the lightest and idlest of skilful men
+boasts of being subjected to it. If Béranger thinks it necessary to
+think that he has been useful, others may well think so too; let us
+accept the heavy doctrine of hard labour; there is no other way to heave
+off the rubbish of this world. The mode in which Béranger is anxious
+to prove that he made his genius of use, is by diffusing a taste for
+liberty, and expressing an enthusiasm for it; and also, as we suppose,
+by quizzing those rulers of France who have not shared either the taste
+or the enthusiasm. Although, however, such may be the idea of the poet
+himself, posterity will scarcely confirm it. Political satire is the
+most ephemeral kind of literature. The circumstances to which it applies
+are local and temporary; the persons to whom it applies die. A very few
+months will make unintelligible what was at first strikingly plain.
+Béranger has illustrated this by an admission. There was a delay in
+publishing the last volume of his poems, many of which relate to the
+years or months immediately preceding the Revolution of 1830; the delay
+was not long, as the volume appeared in the first month of 1833, yet he
+says that many of the songs relate to the passing occurrences of a period
+‘_déjà loin de nous_.’ On so shifting a scene as that of French political
+life, the jests of each act are forgotten with the act itself; the eager
+interest of each moment withdraws the mind from thinking of or dwelling
+on anything past. And in all countries administration is ephemeral; what
+relates to it is transitory. Satires on its detail are like the jests of
+a public office; the clerks change, oblivion covers their peculiarities;
+the point of the joke is forgotten. There are some considerable
+exceptions to the saying that foreign literary opinion is a ‘contemporary
+posterity’; but in relation to satires on transitory transactions it is
+exactly expressive. No Englishman will now care for many of Béranger’s
+songs which were once in the mouths of all his countrymen, which coloured
+the manners of revolutions, perhaps influenced their course. The fame
+of a poet may have a reference to politics; but it will be only to the
+wider species, to those social questions which never die, the elements of
+that active human nature which is the same age after age. Béranger can
+hardly hope for this. Even the songs which relate to liberty can hardly
+hope for this immortality. They have the vagueness which has made French
+aspirations for freedom futile. So far as they express distinct feeling,
+their tendency is rather anti-aristocratic than in favour of simple real
+liberty. And an objection to mere rank, though a potent, is neither a
+very agreeable nor a very poetical sentiment. Moreover, when the love of
+liberty is to be imaginatively expressed, it requires to an Englishman’s
+ear a sound bigger and more trumpet-tongued than the voice of Béranger.
+
+On a deeper view, however, an attentive student will discover a great
+deal that is most instructive in the political career of the not very
+business-like poet. His life has been contemporaneous with the course
+of a great change; and throughout it the view which he has taken of the
+current events is that which sensible men took at the time, and which
+a sensible posterity (and these events will from their size attract
+attention enough to insure their being viewed sensibly) is likely to
+take. Béranger was present at the taking of the Bastille, but he was then
+only nine years old; the accuracy of opinion which we are claiming for
+him did not commence so early. His mature judgment begins with the career
+of Napoleon; and no one of the thousands who have written on that subject
+has viewed it perhaps more justly. He had no love for the despotism of
+the Empire, was alive to the harshness of its administration, did not
+care too much for its glory, must have felt more than once the social
+exhaustion. At the same time, no man was penetrated more profoundly, no
+literary man half so profoundly, with the popular admiration for the
+genius of the Empire. His own verse has given the truest and most lasting
+expression of it:
+
+ ‘_Les Souvenirs du Peuple._
+
+ ‘On parlera de sa gloire
+ Sous le chaume bien longtemps.
+ L’humble toit, dans cinquante ans,
+ Ne connaîtra plus d’autre histoire.
+ Là viendront les villageois,
+ Dire alors à quelque vieille:
+ “Par des récits d’autrefois,
+ Mère, abrégez notre veille.
+ Bien, dit-on, qu’il nous ait nui,
+ Le peuple encor le révère,
+ Oui, le révère.
+ Parlez-nous de lui, grand’mère;
+ Parlez-nous de lui.” (_bis._)
+
+ ‘“Mes enfants, dans ce village,
+ Suivi de rois, il passa.
+ Voilà bien longtemps de ça:
+ Je venais d’entrer en ménage.
+ A pied grimpant le coteau
+ Où pour voir je m’étais mise,
+ Il avait petit chapeau
+ Avec redingote grise.
+ Près de lui je me troublai;
+ Il me dit: ‘Bonjour, ma chère,
+ Bonjour, ma chère.’”
+ —“Il vous a parlé, grand’mère!
+ Il vous a parlé!”
+
+ ‘“L’an d’après, moi, pauvre femme,
+ A Paris étant un jour,
+ Je le vis avec sa cour:
+ Il se rendait à Notre-Dame.
+ Tous les cœurs étaient contents;
+ On admirait son cortége.
+ Chacun disait: ‘Quel beau temps!
+ Le ciel toujours le protége.’
+ Son sourire était bien doux,
+ D’un fils Dieu le rendait père,
+ Le rendait père.”
+ —“Quel beau jour pour vous, grand’mère!
+ Quel beau jour pour vous!”
+
+ ‘“Mais, quand la pauvre Champagne
+ Fut en proie aux étrangers,
+ Lui, bravant tous les dangers,
+ Semblait seul tenir la campagne.
+ Un soir, tout comme aujourd’hui,
+ J’entends frapper à la porte.
+ J’ouvre. Bon Dieu! c’était lui,
+ Suivi d’une faible escorte.
+ Il s’asseoit où me voilà,
+ S’écriant: ‘Oh! quelle guerre!
+ Oh! quelle guerre!”
+ —“Il s’est assis là, grand’mère!
+ Il s’est assis là!”
+
+ ‘“‘J’ai faim,’ dit-il; et bien vite
+ Je sers piquette et pain bis;
+ Puis il sèche ses habits,
+ Même à dormir le feu l’invite.
+ Au réveil, voyant mes pleurs,
+ Il me dit: ‘Bonne espérance!
+ Je cours, de tous ses malheurs,
+ Sous Paris, venger la France.’
+ Il part; et, comme un trésor,
+ J’ai depuis gardé son verre,
+ Gardé son verre.”
+ “Vous l’avez encor, grand’mère!
+ Vous l’avez encor!”
+
+ ‘“Le voici. Mais à sa perte
+ Le héros fut entraîné.
+ Lui, qu’un pape a couronné,
+ Est mort dans une île déserte.
+ Longtemps aucun ne l’a cru;
+ On disait: ‘Il va paraître;
+ Par mer il est accouru;
+ L’étranger va voir son maître.’
+ Quand d’erreur on nous tira,
+ Ma douleur fut bien amère!
+ Fut bien amère!”
+ —“Dieu vous bénira, grand’mère;
+ Dieu vous bénira.”’
+
+This is a great exception to the transitoriness of political poetry. Such
+a character as that of Napoleon displayed on so large a stage, so great a
+genius amid such scenery of action, insures an immortality. ‘The page of
+universal history’ which he was always coveting, he has attained; and it
+is a page which, from its singularity and its errors, its shame and its
+glory, will distract the attention from other pages. No one who has ever
+had in his mind the idea of Napoleon’s character can forget it. Nothing
+too can be more natural than that the French should remember it. His
+character possessed the primary imagination, the elementary conceiving
+power, in which they are deficient. So far from being restricted to the
+poetry of society, he would not have even appreciated it. A certain
+bareness marks his mind; his style is curt; the imaginative product is
+left rude; there is the distinct abstraction of the military diagram. The
+tact of light and passing talk, the detective imagination which is akin
+to that tact, and discovers the quick essence of social things,—he never
+had. In speaking of his power over popular fancies, Béranger has called
+him ‘the greatest poet of modern times.’ No genius can be more unlike his
+own, and therefore perhaps it is that he admires it so much. During the
+Hundred Days, Béranger says he was never under the illusion, then not
+rare, that the Emperor could become a constitutional monarch. The lion,
+he felt, would not change his skin. After the return of the Bourbons,
+he says, doubtless with truth, that his ‘_instinct du peuple_’ told him
+they could never ally themselves with liberal principles, or unite with
+that new order of society which, though dating from the Revolution, had
+acquired in five-and-twenty years a half-prescriptive right. They and
+their followers came in to _take_ possession, and it was impossible they
+could unite with what _was_ in possession. During the whole reign of the
+hereditary Bourbon dynasty, Béranger was in opposition. Representing the
+natural sentiments of the new Frenchman, he could not bear the natural
+tendency of the ruling power to the half-forgotten practices of old
+France. The legitimate Bourbons were by their position the chieftains of
+the party advocating their right by birth; they could not be the kings of
+a people; and the poet of the people was against them. After the genius
+of Napoleon, all other governing minds would seem tame and contracted;
+and Charles X. was not a man to diminish the inevitable feeling. Béranger
+despised him. As the poet warred with the weapons of poetry, the
+Government retorted with the penalties of State. He was turned out of his
+petty clerkship, he was twice imprisoned; but these things only increased
+his popularity; and a firm and genial mind, so far from being moved, sang
+songs at La Force itself. The Revolution of 1830 was willing to make his
+fortune.
+
+ ‘Je l’ai traitée,’ he says, ‘comme une puissance qui peut avoir
+ des caprices auxquels il faut être en mesure de résister. Tous
+ ou presque tous mes amis ont passé au ministère: j’en ai même
+ encore un ou deux qui restent suspendus à ce mât de cocagne. Je
+ me plais à croire qu’ils y sont accrochés par la basque, malgré
+ les efforts qu’ils font pour descendre. J’aurais donc pu avoir
+ part à la distribution des emplois. Malheureusement je n’ai
+ pas l’amour des sinécures, et tout travail obligé m’est devenu
+ insupportable, hors peut-être encore celui d’expéditionnaire.
+ Des médisants out prétendu que je faisais de la vertu. Fi donc!
+ je faisais de la paresse. Ce défaut m’a tenu lieu de bien des
+ qualités; aussi je le recommande à beaucoup de nos honnêtes
+ gens. Il expose pourtant à de singuliers reproches. C’est à
+ cette paresse si douce, que des censeurs rigides ont attribué
+ l’éloignement où je me suis tenu de ceux de mes honorables
+ amis qui ont eu le malheur d’arriver au pouvoir. Faisant trop
+ d’honneur à ce qu’ils veulent bien appeler ma bonne tête, et
+ oubliant trop combien il y a loin du simple bon sens à la
+ science des grandes affaires, ces censeurs prétendent que mes
+ conseils eussent éclairé plus d’un ministre. A les croire,
+ tapi derrière le fauteuil de velours de nos hommes d’état,
+ j’aurais conjuré les vents, dissipé les orages, et fait nager
+ la France dans un océan de délices. Nous aurions tous de la
+ liberté à revendre ou plutôt à donner, car nous n’en savons
+ pas bien encore le prix. Eh! messieurs mes deux ou trois amis,
+ qui prenez un chansonnier pour un magicien, on ne vous a donc
+ pas dit que le pouvoir est une cloche qui empêche ceux qui la
+ mettent en branle d’entendre aucun autre son? Sans doute des
+ ministres consultent quelquefois ceux qu’ils ont sous la main:
+ consulter est un moyen de parler de soi qu’on néglige rarement.
+ Mais il ne suffirait pas de consulter de bonne foi des gens
+ qui conseilleraient de même. Il faudrait encore exécuter: ceci
+ est la part du caractère. Les intentions les plus pures, le
+ patriotisme le plus éclairé ne le donnent pas toujours. Qui
+ n’a vu de hauts personnages quitter un donneur d’avis avec une
+ pensée courageuse, et, l’instant d’après, revenir vers lui,
+ de je ne sais quel lieu de fascination, avec l’embarras d’un
+ démenti donné aux résolutions les plus sages? “Oh!” disent-ils,
+ “nous n’y serons plus repris! quelle galère!” Le plus honteux
+ ajoute: “Je voudrais bien vous voir à ma place!” Quand un
+ ministre dit cela, soyez sûr qu’il n’a plus la tête à lui.
+ Cependant il en est un, mais un seul, qui, sans avoir perdu la
+ tête, a répété souvent ce mot de la meilleure foi du monde;
+ aussi ne l’adressait-il jamais à un ami.’
+
+The statesman alluded to in the last paragraph is Manuel, his intimate
+friend, from whom he declares he could never have been separated, but
+whose death prevented his obtaining political honours. Nobody can
+read the above passage without feeling its tone of political sense.
+An enthusiasm for, yet half distrust of, the Revolution of July seems
+as sound a sentiment as could be looked for even in the most sensible
+contemporary. What he has thought of the present dynasty we do not know.
+He probably has as little concurred in the silly encomiums of its mere
+partisans as in the wild execrations of its disappointed enemies. His
+opinion could not have been either that of the English who _fêted_ Louis
+Napoleon in 1855, or of those who despised him in 1851. The political
+fortunes of France during the last ten years must have been a painful
+scene of observation to one who remembered the taking of the Bastille. If
+there be such a thing as failure in the world, this looks like it.
+
+Although we are very far from thinking that Béranger’s claims on
+posterity are founded on his having utilised his talent in favour of
+liberty, it is very natural that he should think or half-think himself
+that it is so. His power over the multitude must have given him great
+pleasure; it is something to be able to write mottoes for a revolution;
+to write words for people to use, and hear people use those words.
+The same sort of pleasure which Horace derived from his nearness to
+the centre of great action, Béranger has derived from the power which
+his thorough sympathy with his countrymen has given him over them.
+A political satire may be ephemeral from the rapid oblivion of its
+circumstances; but it is not unnatural that the author, inevitably proud
+of its effect, may consider it of higher worth than mere verses of
+society.
+
+This shrewd sense gives a solidity to the verses of Béranger which the
+social and amusing sort of poetry commonly wants; but nothing can redeem
+it from the reproach of wanting _back_ thought. This is inevitable in
+such literature; as it professes to delineate for us the light essence
+of a fugitive world, it cannot be expected to dwell on those deep and
+eternal principles on which that world is based. It ignores them as
+light talk ignores them. The most opposite thing to the poetry of
+society is the poetry of inspiration. There exists, of course, a kind
+of imagination which detects the secrets of the universe—which fills
+us sometimes with dread, sometimes with hope—which awakens the soul,
+which makes pure the feelings, which explains nature, reveals what is
+above nature, chastens ‘the deep heart of man.’ Our senses teach us
+what the world is; our intuitions where it is. We see the blue and
+gold of the world, its lively amusements, its gorgeous if superficial
+splendour, its currents of men; we feel its light spirits, we enjoy its
+happiness; we enjoy it, and we are puzzled. What is the object of all
+this? Why do we do all this? What is the universe _for_? Such a book as
+Béranger’s suggests this difficulty in its strongest form. It embodies
+the essence of all that pleasure-loving, pleasure-giving, unaccountable
+world in which men spend their lives,—which they are compelled to live
+in, but which the moment you get out of it seems so odd that you can
+hardly believe it is real. On this account, as we were saying before,
+there is no book the impression of which varies so much in different
+moods of mind. Sometimes no reading is so pleasant; at others you
+half-despise and half-hate the idea of it; it seems to sum up and make
+clear the littleness of your own nature. Few can bear the theory of their
+amusements; it is essential to the pride of man to believe that he is
+industrious. We are irritated at literary laughter, and wroth at printed
+mirth. We turn angrily away to that higher poetry which gives the outline
+within which all these light colours are painted. From the capital of
+levity, and its self-amusing crowds; from the elastic _vaudeville_ and
+the grinning actors; from _chansons_ and _cafés_ we turn away to the
+solemn in nature, to the blue over-arching sky: the one remains, the many
+pass; no number of seasons impairs the bloom of those hues, they are as
+soft to-morrow as to-day. The immeasurable depth folds us in. ‘Eternity,’
+as the original thinker said, ‘is everlasting.’ We breathe a deep breath.
+And perhaps we have higher moments. We comprehend the ‘unintelligible
+world;’ we see into ‘the life of things;’ we fancy we know whence we
+come and whither we go; words we have repeated for years have a meaning
+for the first time; texts of old Scripture seem to apply to _us_....
+And—and—Mr. Thackeray would say, You come back into the town, and order
+dinner at a _restaurant_, and read Béranger once more.
+
+And though this is true—though the author of _Le Dieu des Bonnes Gens_
+has certainly no claim to be called a profound divine—though we do not
+find in him any proper expression, scarcely any momentary recognition,
+of those intuitions which explain in a measure the scheme and idea of
+things, and form the back-thought and inner structure of such minds
+as ours,—his sense and sympathy with the people enable him, perhaps
+compel him, to delineate those essential conditions which constitute the
+structure of exterior life, and determine with inevitable certainty the
+common life of common persons. He has no call to deal with heaven or the
+universe, but he knows the earth; he is restricted to the boundaries of
+time, but he understands time. He has extended his delineations beyond
+what in this country would be considered correct; _Les Cinq Étages_ can
+scarcely be quoted here; but a perhaps higher example of the same kind of
+art may be so:
+
+ ‘_Le Vieux Vagabond._
+
+ ‘Dans ce fossé cessons de vivre;
+ Je finis vieux, infirme et las;
+ Les passants vont dire: “Il est ivre.”
+ Tant mieux! ils ne me plaindront pas.
+ J’en vois qui détournent la tête;
+ D’autres me jettent quelques sous.
+ Courez vite, allez à la fête:
+ Vieux vagabond, je puis mourir sans vous.
+
+ ‘Oui, je meurs ici de vieillesse,
+ Parce qu’on ne meurt pas de faim.
+ J’espérais voir de ma détresse
+ L’hôpital adoucir la fin;
+ Mais tout est plein dans chaque hospice,
+ Tant le peuple est infortuné.
+ La rue, hélas! fut ma nourrice:
+ Vieux vagabond, mourons où je suis né.
+
+ ‘Aux artisans, dans mon jeune âge,
+ J’ai dit: “Qu’on m’enseigne un métier.”
+ “Va, nous n’avons pas trop d’ouvrage,”
+ Répondaient-ils, “va mendier.”
+ Riches, qui me disiez: “Travaille,”
+ J’eus bien des os de vos repas;
+ J’ai bien dormi sur votre paille:
+ Vieux vagabond, je ne vous maudis pas.
+
+ ‘J’aurais pu voler, moi, pauvre homme;
+ Mais non: mieux vaut tendre la main.
+ Au plus, j’ai dérobé la pomme
+ Qui mûrit au bord du chemin.
+ Vingt fois pourtant on me verrouille
+ Dans les cachots, de par le roi.
+ De mon seul bien on me dépouille:
+ Vieux vagabond, le soleil est à moi.
+
+ ‘Le pauvre a-t-il une patrie?
+ Que me font vos vins et vos blés,
+ Votre gloire et votre industrie,
+ Et vos orateurs assemblés?
+ Dans vos murs ouverts à ses armes
+ Lorsque l’étranger s’engraissait,
+ Comme un sot j’ai versé des larmes:
+ Vieux vagabond, sa main me nourrissait.
+
+ ‘Comme un insecte fait pour nuire,
+ Hommes, que ne m’écrasiez-vous!
+ Ah! plutôt vous deviez m’instruire
+ A travailler au bien de tous.
+ Mis à l’abri du vent contraire,
+ Le ver fût devenu fourmi;
+ Je vous aurais chéris en frère:
+ Vieux vagabond, je meurs votre ennemi.’
+
+Pathos in such a song as this enters into poetry. We sympathise with
+the essential lot of man. Poems of this kind are doubtless rare in
+Béranger. His commoner style is lighter and more cheerful; but no poet
+who has painted so well the light effervescence of light society can,
+when he likes, paint so well the solid, stubborn forms with which it is
+encompassed. The genial, firm sense of a large mind sees and comprehends
+all of human life, which lies within the sphere of sense. He is an
+epicurean, as all merely sensible men by inevitable consequence are; and
+as an epicurean, he prefers to deal with the superficial and gay forms of
+life; but he can deal with others when he chooses to be serious. Indeed,
+there is no melancholy like the melancholy of the epicurean. He is alive
+to the fixed conditions of earth, but not to that which is above earth.
+He muses on the temporary, as such; he admits the skeleton, but not the
+soul. It is wonderful that Béranger is so cheerful as he is.
+
+We may conclude as we began. In all his works, in lyrics of levity, of
+politics, of worldly reflection,—Béranger, if he had not a single object,
+has attained a uniform result. He has given us an idea of the essential
+French character, such as we fancy it must be, but can never for
+ourselves hope to see that it is. We understand the nice tact, the quick
+intelligence, the gay precision; the essence of the drama we know—the
+spirit of what we have seen. We know his feeling:—
+
+ ‘J’aime qu’un Russe soit Russe,
+ Et qu’un Anglais soit Anglais;
+ Si l’on est Prussien en Prusse,
+ En France soyons Français.’
+
+He has acted accordingly: he has delineated to us the essential Frenchman.
+
+
+
+
+_MR. CLOUGH’S POEMS._[14]
+
+(1862.)
+
+
+No one can be more rigid than we are in our rules as to the publication
+of remains and memoirs. It is very natural that the friends of a
+cultivated man who seemed about to do something, but who died before
+he did it, should desire to publish to the world the grounds of their
+faith, and the little symptoms of his immature excellence. But though
+they act very naturally, they act very unwisely. In the present state
+of the world there are too many half-excellent people: there is a
+superfluity of persons who have all the knowledge, all the culture, all
+the requisite taste,—all the tools, in short, of achievement, but who
+are deficient in the latent impulse and secret vigour which alone can
+turn such instruments to account. They have all the outward and visible
+signs of future success; they want the invisible spirit, which can
+only be demonstrated by trial and victory. Nothing, therefore, is more
+tedious or more worthless than the posthumous delineation of the possible
+successes of one who did not succeed. The dreadful remains of nice young
+persons which abound among us prove almost nothing as to the future fate
+of those persons, if they had survived. We can only tell that any one
+is a man of genius by his having produced some work of genius. Young
+men must practise themselves in youthful essays; and to some of their
+friends these may seem works not only of fair promise, but of achieved
+excellence. The cold world of critics and readers will not, however,
+think so; that world well understands the distinction between promise and
+performance, and sees that these laudable _juvenilia_ differ from good
+books as much as legitimate bills of exchange differ from actual cash.
+
+If we did not believe that Mr. Clough’s poems, or at least several
+of them, had real merit, not as promissory germs, but as completed
+performances, it would not seem to us to be within our province to notice
+them. Nor, if Mr. Clough were now living among us, would he wish us to
+do so. The marked peculiarity, and, so to say, the _flavour_ of his
+mind, was a sort of truthful scepticism, which made him anxious never
+to overstate his own assurance of anything; which disinclined him to
+overrate the doings of his friends; and which absolutely compelled him
+to underrate his own past writings, as well as his capability for future
+literary success. He could not have borne to have his poems reviewed with
+‘nice remarks’ and sentimental epithets of insincere praise. He was equal
+to his precept:—
+
+ ‘Where are the great, whom thou wouldst wish to praise thee?
+ Where are the pure, whom thou wouldst choose to love thee?
+ Where are the brave, to stand supreme above thee,
+ Whose high commands would cheer, whose chiding raise thee?
+ Seek, seeker, in thyself; submit to find
+ In the stones, bread, and life in the blank mind.’
+
+To offer petty praise and posthumous compliments to a stoic of this
+temper, is like buying sugar-plums for St. Simon Stylites. We venture to
+write an article on Mr. Clough, because we believe that his poems depict
+an intellect in a state which is always natural ‘to such a being as man
+in such a world as the present,’ which is peculiarly natural to us just
+now; and because we believe that many of these poems are very remarkable
+for true vigour and artistic excellence, although they certainly have
+defects and shortcomings, which would have been lessened, if not removed,
+if their author had lived longer and had written more.
+
+In a certain sense there are two great opinions about everything. There
+are two about the universe itself. The world as we know it is this.
+There is a vast, visible, indisputable sphere, of which we never lose
+the consciousness, of which no one seriously denies the existence, about
+the most important part of which most people agree tolerably and fairly.
+On the other hand, there is the invisible world, about which men are
+not agreed at all, which all but the faintest minority admit to exist
+somehow and somewhere, but as to the nature or locality of which there
+is no efficient popular demonstration, no such compulsory argument as
+will _force_ the unwilling conviction of any one disposed to denial.
+As our minds rise, as our knowledge enlarges, as our wisdom grows, as
+our instincts deepen, our conviction of this invisible world is daily
+strengthened, and our estimate of its nature is continually improved.
+But—and this is the most striking peculiarity of the whole subject—the
+more we improve, the higher we rise, the nobler we conceive the unseen
+world which is in us and about us, in which we live and move, the more
+unlike that world becomes to the world which we _do_ see. The divinities
+of Olympus were in a very plain and intelligible sense part and parcel
+of this earth; they were better specimens than could be found below, but
+they belonged to extant species; they were better editions of visible
+existences; they were like the heroines whom young men imagine after
+seeing the young ladies of their vicinity—they were better and handsomer,
+but they were of the same sort; they had never been seen, but they
+might have been seen any day. So too of the God with whom the Patriarch
+wrestled: he might have been wrestled with even if he was not; he was
+that sort of person. If we contrast with these the God of whom Christ
+speaks—the God who has not been seen at any time, whom no man hath seen
+or can see, who is infinite in nature, whose ways are past finding out,
+the transition is palpable. We have passed from gods—from an invisible
+world which is similar to, which is a _natural appendix_ to, the world in
+which we live,—and we have come to believe in an invisible world, which
+is altogether unlike that which we see, which is certainly not opposed
+to our experience, but is altogether beyond and unlike our experience;
+which belongs to another set of things altogether; which is, as we speak,
+transcendental. The ‘possible’ of early barbarism is like the reality of
+early barbarism; the ‘may be,’ the ‘great perhaps,’ of late civilisation
+is most unlike the earth, whether barbaric or civilised.
+
+Two opinions as to the universe naturally result from this fundamental
+contrast. There are plenty of minds like that of Voltaire, who have
+simply no sense or perception of the invisible world whatever, who have
+no ear for religion, who are in the technical sense unconverted, whom no
+conceivable process could convert without altering what to bystanders
+and ordinary observers is their identity. They are, as a rule, acute,
+sensible, discerning, and humane; but the first observation which the
+most ordinary person would make as to them is, that they are ‘limited;’
+they understand palpable existence; they elaborate it, and beautify and
+improve it; but an admiring bystander, who can do none of these things,
+who can beautify nothing, who, if he tried, would only make what is ugly
+uglier, is conscious of a latent superiority, which he can hardly help
+connecting with his apparent inferiority. We cannot write Voltaire’s
+sentences; we cannot make things as clear as he made them; but we do
+not much care for our deficiency. Perhaps we think ‘things ought not
+to be so plain as all that.’ There is a hidden, secret, unknown side
+to this universe, which these picturesque painters of the visible,
+these many-handed manipulators of the palpable, are not aware of, which
+would spoil their dexterity if it were displayed to them. Sleep-walkers
+can tread safely on the very edge of a precipice; but those who see,
+cannot. On the other hand, there are those whose minds have not only
+been converted, but in some sense _inverted_. They are so occupied with
+the invisible world as to be absorbed in it entirely; they have no true
+conception of that which stands plainly before them; they never look
+coolly at it, and are cross with those who do; they are wrapt up in their
+own faith as to an unseen existence; they rush upon mankind with ‘Ah,
+there it is! there it is!—don’t you see it?’ and so incur the ridicule of
+an age.
+
+The best of us try to avoid both fates. We strive, more or less, to ‘make
+the best of both worlds.’ We know that the invisible world cannot be duly
+discerned, or perfectly appreciated. We know that we see as in a glass
+darkly; but still we look on the glass. We frame to ourselves some image
+which we know to be incomplete, which probably is in part untrue, which
+we try to improve day by day, of which we do not deny the defects,—but
+which nevertheless is our ‘all;’ which we hope, when the accounts are
+taken, may be found not utterly _unlike_ the unknown reality. This is,
+as it seems, the best religion for finite beings, living, if we may say
+so, on the very edge of two dissimilar worlds, on the very line on which
+the infinite, unfathomable sea surges up, and just where the queer little
+bay of this world ends. We count the pebbles on the shore, and image to
+ourselves as best we may the secrets of the great deep.
+
+There are, however, some minds (and of these Mr. Clough’s was one)
+which will not accept what appears to be an intellectual destiny. They
+struggle against the limitations of mortality, and will not condescend
+to use the natural and needful aids of human thought. They will not
+_make their image_. They struggle after an ‘actual abstract.’ They feel,
+and they rightly feel, that every image, every translation, every mode
+of conception by which the human mind tries to place before itself the
+Divine mind, is imperfect, halting, changing. They feel, from their own
+experience, that there is no one such mode of representation which will
+suit their own minds at all times, and they smile with bitterness at the
+notion that they could contrive an image which will suit all other minds.
+They could not become fanatics or missionaries, or even common preachers
+without forfeiting their natural dignity, and foregoing their very
+essence. To cry in the streets, to uplift their voice in Israel, to be
+‘pained with hot thoughts,’ to be ‘preachers of a dream,’ would reverse
+their whole cast of mind. It would metamorphose them into something
+which omits every striking trait for which they were remarked, and which
+contains every trait for which they were not remarked. On the other hand,
+it would be quite as opposite to their whole nature to become followers
+of Voltaire. No one knows more certainly and feels more surely that there
+is an invisible world, than those very persons who decline to make an
+image or representation of it, who shrink with a nervous horror from
+every such attempt when it is made by any others. All this inevitably
+leads to what common, practical people term a ‘curious’ sort of mind. You
+do not know how to describe these ‘universal negatives,’ as they seem to
+be. They will not fall into place in the ordinary intellectual world any
+how. If you offer them any known religion, they ‘won’t have that;’ if you
+offer them no religion, they will not have that either; if you ask them
+to accept a new and as yet unrecognised religion, they altogether refuse
+to do so. They seem not only to believe in an ‘unknown God,’ but in a God
+whom no man can ever know. Mr. Clough has expressed, in a sort of lyric,
+what may be called their essential religion:
+
+ ‘O Thou whose image in the shrine
+ Of human spirits dwells divine!
+ Which from that precinct once conveyed,
+ To be to outer day displayed,
+ Doth vanish, part, and leave behind
+ Mere blank and void of empty mind,
+ Which wilful fancy seeks in vain
+ With casual shapes to fill again!
+
+ O Thou, that in our bosom’s shrine
+ Dost dwell, unknown because divine!
+ I thought to speak, I thought to say,
+ “The light is here,” “Behold the way,”
+ “The voice was thus” and “Thus the word,”
+ And “Thus I saw,” and “That I heard,”—
+ But from the lips that half essayed
+ The imperfect utterance fell unmade.
+
+ O Thou, in that mysterious shrine
+ Enthroned, as I must say, divine!
+ I will not frame one thought of what
+ Thou mayest either be or not.
+ I will not prate of “thus” and “so,”
+ And be profane with “yes” and “no,”
+ Enough that in our soul and heart
+ Thou, whatso’er Thou mayst be, art.’
+
+It was exceedingly natural that Mr. Clough should incline to some such
+creed as this, with his character and in his circumstances. He had by
+nature, probably, an exceedingly real mind, in the good sense of that
+expression and the bad sense. The actual visible world as it was, and as
+he saw it, exercised over him a compulsory influence. The hills among
+which he had wandered, the cities he had visited, the friends whom he
+knew,—these were his world. Many minds of the poetic sort easily melt
+down these palpable facts into some impalpable ether of their own. To
+such a mind as Shelley’s the ‘solid earth’ is an immaterial fact; it
+is not even a cumbersome difficulty—it is a preposterous imposture.
+Whatever may exist, all that _clay_ does not exist; it would be too
+absurd to think so. Common persons can make nothing of this dreaminess;
+and Mr. Clough, though superficial observers set him down as a dreamer,
+could not make much either. To him, as to the mass of men, the vulgar,
+outward world was a primitive fact. ‘Taxes _is_ true,’ as the miser
+said. Reconcile what you have to say with green peas, for green peas are
+certain; such was Mr. Clough’s idea. He could not dissolve the world into
+credible ideas and then believe those ideas, as many poets have done.
+He could not catch up a creed as ordinary men do. He had a _straining_,
+inquisitive, critical mind; he scrutinised every idea before he took it
+in; he did not allow the moral forces of life to act as they should; he
+was not content to gain a belief ‘by going on living.’ He said,
+
+ ‘_Action will furnish belief_; but will that belief be the true one?
+ This is the point, you know.’
+
+He felt the coarse facts of the plain world so thoroughly that he could
+not readily take in anything, which did not seem in accordance with them
+and like them. And what common idea of the invisible world seems in the
+least in accordance with them or like them?
+
+A journal-writer in one of his poems has expressed this:
+
+ ‘Comfort has come to me here in the dreary streets of the city,
+ Comfort—how do you think?—with a barrel-organ to bring it.
+ Moping along the streets, and cursing my day as I wandered,
+ All of a sudden my ear met the sound of an English psalm-tune.
+ Comfort me it did, till indeed I was very near crying.
+ Ah, there is some great truth, partial very likely, but needful,
+ Lodged, I am strangely sure, in the tones of the English psalm-tune:
+ Comfort it was at least; and I must take without question
+ Comfort, however it come, in the dreary streets of the city.
+
+ ‘What with trusting myself, and seeking support from within me,
+ Almost I could believe I had gained a religious assurance,
+ Formed in my own poor soul a great moral basis to rest on.
+ Ah, but indeed I see, I feel it factitious entirely;
+ I refuse, reject, and put it utterly from me;
+ I will look straight out, see things, not try to evade them;
+ Fact shall be fact for me, and the Truth the Truth as ever,
+ Flexible, changeable, vague, and multiform, and doubtful.—
+ Off, and depart to the void, thou subtle, fanatical tempter!’
+
+Mr. Clough’s fate in life had been such as to exaggerate this naturally
+peculiar temper. He was a pupil of Arnold’s; one of his best, most
+susceptible and favourite pupils. Some years since there was much doubt
+and interest as to the effect of Arnold’s teaching. His sudden death, so
+to say, cut his life in the middle, and opened a tempting discussion as
+to the effect of his teaching when those taught by him should have become
+men and not boys. The interest which his own character then awakened, and
+must always awaken, stimulated the discussion, and there was much doubt
+about it. But now we need doubt no longer. The Rugby ‘men’ are _real_
+men, and the world can pronounce its judgment. Perhaps that part of the
+world which cares for such things has pronounced it. Dr. Arnold was
+almost indisputably an admirable master for a common English boy,—the
+small, apple-eating animal whom we know. He worked, he pounded, if the
+phrase may be used, into the boy a belief, or at any rate a floating,
+confused conception, that there are great subjects, that there are
+strange problems, that knowledge has an indefinite value, that life is
+a serious and solemn thing. The influence of Arnold’s teaching upon the
+majority of his pupils was probably very vague, but very good. To impress
+on the ordinary Englishman a general notion of the importance of what is
+intellectual and the reality of what is supernatural, is the greatest
+benefit which can be conferred upon him. The common English mind is too
+coarse, sluggish, and worldly to take such lessons too much to heart. It
+is improved by them in many ways, and is not harmed by them at all. But
+there are a few minds which are very likely to think too much of such
+things. A susceptible, serious, intellectual boy may be injured by the
+incessant inculcation of the awfulness of life and the magnitude of great
+problems. It is not desirable to take this world too much _au sérieux_;
+most persons will not; and the one in a thousand who will, should not.
+Mr. Clough was one of those who will. He was one of Arnold’s favourite
+pupils, because he gave heed so much to Arnold’s teaching; and exactly
+because he gave heed to it, was it bad for him. He required quite another
+sort of teaching: to be told to take things easily; not to try to be wise
+overmuch; to be ‘something beside critical;’ to go on living quietly
+and obviously, and see what truth would come to him. Mr. Clough had to
+his latest years what may be noticed in others of Arnold’s disciples,—a
+fatigued way of looking at great subjects. It seemed as if he had been
+put into them before his time, had seen through them, heard all which
+could be said about them, had been bored by them, and had come to want
+something else.
+
+A still worse consequence was, that the faith, the doctrinal teaching
+which Arnold impressed on the youths about him, was one personal
+to Arnold himself, which arose out of the peculiarities of his own
+character, which can only be explained by them. As soon as an inquisitive
+mind was thrown into a new intellectual atmosphere, and was obliged
+to naturalise itself in it, to consider the creed it had learned with
+reference to the facts which it encountered and met, much of that creed
+must fade away. There were inevitable difficulties in it, which only
+the personal peculiarities of Arnold prevented his perceiving, and
+which everyone else must soon perceive. The new intellectual atmosphere
+into which Mr. Clough was thrown was peculiarly likely to have this
+disenchanting effect. It was the Oxford of Father Newman; an Oxford
+utterly different from Oxford as it is, or from the same place as it had
+been twenty years before. A complete estimate of that remarkable thinker
+cannot be given here; it would be no easy task even now, many years after
+his influence has declined, nor is it necessary for the present purpose.
+Two points are quite certain of Father Newman, and they are the only two
+which are at present material. He was undeniably a consummate master of
+the difficulties of the creeds of other men. With a profoundly religious
+organisation which was hard to satisfy, with an imagination which could
+not help setting before itself simply and exactly what different creeds
+would come to and mean in life, with an analysing and most subtle
+intellect which was sure to detect the weak point in an argument if a
+weak point there was, with a manner at once grave and fascinating,—he was
+a nearly perfect religious disputant, whatever may be his deficiencies as
+a religious teacher. The most accomplished theologian of another faith
+would have looked anxiously to the joints of his harness before entering
+the lists with an adversary so prompt and keen. To suppose that a youth
+fresh from Arnold’s teaching, with a hasty faith in a scheme of thought
+radically inconsistent, should be able to endure such an encounter, was
+absurd. Arnold flattered himself that he was a principal opponent of Mr.
+Newman; but he was rather a principal fellow-labourer. There was but one
+quality in a common English boy which would have enabled him to resist
+such a reasoner as Mr. Newman. We have a heavy apathy on exciting topics,
+which enables us to leave dilemmas unsolved, to forget difficulties,
+to go about our pleasure or our business, and to leave the reasoner to
+pursue his logic: ‘any how he is very _long_’—_that_ we comprehend.
+But it was exactly this happy apathy, this commonplace indifference,
+that Arnold prided himself on removing. He objected strenuously to Mr.
+Newman’s creed, but he prepared anxiously the very soil in which that
+creed was sure to grow. A multitude of such minds as Mr. Clough’s, from
+being Arnoldites, became Newmanites.
+
+A second quality in Mr. Newman is at least equally clear. He was much
+better skilled in finding out the difficulties of other men’s creeds
+than in discovering and stating a distinct basis for his own. In most
+of his characteristic works he does not even attempt it. His argument
+is essentially an argument _ad hominem_; an argument addressed to the
+present creed of the person with whom he is reasoning. He says: ‘Give
+up what you hold already, or accept what I now say; for that which you
+already hold involves it.’ Even in books where he is especially called on
+to deal with matters of first principle, the result is unsatisfactory.
+We have heard it said that he has in later life accounted for the
+argumentative vehemence of his book _against_ the Church of Rome by
+saying: ‘I did it as a duty; I _put_ myself into a state of mind to write
+that book.’ And this is just the impression which his arguments give. His
+elementary principles seem _made_, not born. Very likely he would admit
+the fact, and yet defend his practice. He would say: ‘Such a being as
+man is, in such a world as this is, _must_ do so; he must make a venture
+for his religion; he may see a greater probability that the doctrine of
+the Church is true than that it is false; he may see before he believes
+in her that she has greater evidence than any other creed; but he must
+do the rest for himself. _By means of his will_ he must put himself into
+a new state of mind; he must cast in his lot with the Church here and
+hereafter; _then_ his belief will gradually strengthen; he will in time
+become sure of what she says.’ He undoubtedly, in the time of his power,
+persuaded many young men to try some such process as this. The weaker,
+the more credulous, and the more fervent, were able to persevere; those
+who had not distinct perceptions of real truth, who were dreamy and
+fanciful by nature, persevered without difficulty. But Mr. Clough could
+not do so; he felt it was ‘something factitious.’ He began to speak of
+the ‘ruinous force of the will,’ and ‘our terrible notions of duty.’ He
+ceased to be a Newmanite.
+
+Thus Mr. Clough’s career and life were exactly those most likely to
+develop and foster a morbid peculiarity of his intellect. He had, as we
+have explained, by nature an unusual difficulty in forming a creed as to
+the unseen world; he could not get the visible world out of his head; his
+strong grasp of plain facts and obvious matters was a difficulty to him.
+Too easily one great teacher inculcated a remarkable creed; then another
+great teacher took it away; then this second teacher made him believe
+for a time some of his own artificial faith; then it would not do. He
+fell back on that vague, impalpable, unembodied religion which we have
+attempted to describe.
+
+He has himself given in a poem, now first published, a very remarkable
+description of this curious state of mind. He has prefixed to it the
+characteristic motto, ‘_Il doutait de tout, même de l’amour_.’ It is the
+delineation of a certain love-passage in the life of a hesitating young
+gentleman, who was in Rome at the time of the revolution of 1848; who
+could not make up his mind about the revolution, who could not make up
+his mind whether he liked Rome, who could not make up his mind whether
+he liked the young lady, who let her go away without him, who went in
+pursuit of her, and could not make out which way to look for her,—who,
+in fine, has some sort of religion, but cannot himself tell what it is.
+The poem was not published in the author’s lifetime, and there are some
+lines which we are persuaded he would have further polished, and some
+parts which he would have improved, if he had seen them in print. It
+is written in conversational hexameters, in a tone of semi-satire and
+half-belief. Part of the commencement is a good example of them:
+
+ ‘Rome disappoints me much; I hardly as yet understand, but
+ _Rubbishy_ seems the word that most exactly would suit it.
+ AU the foolish destructions, and all the sillier savings,
+ All the incongruous things of past incompatible ages,
+ Seem to be treasured up here to make fools of present and future.
+ Would to Heaven the old Goths had made a cleaner sweep of it!
+ Would to Heaven some new ones would come and destroy these churches!
+ However, one can live in Rome as also in London.
+ Rome is better than London, because it is other than London.
+ It is a blessing, no doubt, to be rid, at least for a time, of
+ All one’s friends and relations,—yourself (forgive me!) included,—
+ All the _assujettissement_ of having been what one has been,
+ What one thinks one is, or thinks that others suppose one;
+ Yet, in despite of all, we turn like fools to the English.
+ Vernon has been my fate; who is here the same that you knew him,—
+ Making the tour, it seems, with friends of the name of Trevellyn.
+
+ ‘Rome disappoints me still; but I shrink and adapt myself to it.
+ Somehow a tyrannous sense of a superincumbent oppression
+ Still, wherever I go, accompanies ever, and makes me
+ Feel like a tree (shall I say?) buried under a ruin of brickwork.
+ Rome, believe me, my friend, is like its own Monte Testaceo,
+ Merely a marvellous mass of broken and castaway wine-pots.
+ Ye Gods! what do I want with this rubbish of ages departed,
+ Things that Nature abhors, the experiments that she has failed in?
+ What do I find in the Forum? An archway and two or three pillars.
+ Well, but St. Peter’s? Alas, Bernini has filled it with sculpture!
+ No one can cavil, I grant, at the size of the great Coliseum.
+ Doubtless the notion of grand and capacious and massive amusement,
+ This the old Romans had; but tell me, is this an idea?
+ Yet of solidity much, but of splendour little is extant:
+ “Brickwork I found thee, and marble I left thee!” their Emperor vaunted;
+ “Marble I thought thee, and brickwork I find thee!” the Tourist
+ may answer.’
+
+As he goes on, he likes Rome rather better, but hazards the following
+imprecation on the Jesuits:—
+
+ ‘Luther, they say, was unwise; he didn’t see how things were going;
+ Luther was foolish,—but, O great God! what call you Ignatius?
+ O my tolerant soul, be still! but you talk of barbarians,
+ Alaric, Attila, Genseric;—why, they came, they killed, they
+ Ravaged, and went on their way; but these vile, tyrannous Spaniards,
+ These are here still,—how long, O ye heavens, in the country of Dante?
+ These, that fanaticised Europe, which now can forget them, release not
+ This, their choicest of prey, this Italy; here you see them,—
+ Here, with emasculate pupils and gimcrack churches of Gesù,
+ Pseudo-learning and lies, confessional-boxes and postures,—
+ Here, with metallic beliefs and regimental devotions,—
+ Here, overcrusting with slime, perverting, defacing, debasing
+ Michael Angelo’s dome, that had hung the Pantheon in heaven,
+ Raphael’s Joys and Graces, and thy clear stars, Galileo!’
+
+The plot of the poem is very simple, and certainly is not very exciting.
+The moving force, as in most novels of verse or prose, is the love of the
+hero for the heroine; but this love assuredly is not of a very impetuous
+and overpowering character. The interest of this story is precisely that
+it is not overpowering. The over-intellectual hero, over-anxious to be
+composed, will not submit himself to his love; over-fearful of what is
+voluntary and factitious, he will not make an effort and cast in his lot
+with it. He states his view of the subject better than we can state it:—
+
+ ‘I am in love, meantime, you think; no doubt you would think so.
+ I am in love, you say, with those letters, of course, you would say so.
+ I am in love, you declare. I think not so; yet I grant you
+ It is a pleasure indeed to converse with this girl. Oh, rare gift,
+ Rare felicity, this! she can talk in a rational way, can
+ Speak upon subjects that really are matters of mind and of thinking,
+ Yet in perfection retain her simplicity; never, one moment,
+ Never, however you urge it, however you tempt her, consents to
+ Step from ideas and fancies and loving sensations to those vain
+ Conscious understandings that vex the minds of mankind.
+ No, though she talk, it is music; her fingers desert not the keys; ’tis
+ Song, though you hear in the song the articulate vocables sounded,
+ Syllables singly and sweetly the words of melodious meaning.
+ I am in love, you say; I do not think so, exactly.
+ There are two different kinds, I believe, of human attraction:
+ One which simply disturbs, unsettles, and makes you uneasy,
+ And another that poises, retains, and fixes and holds you.
+ I have no doubt, for myself, in giving my voice for the latter.
+ I do not wish to be moved, but growing where I was growing,
+ There more truly to grow, to live where as yet I had languished.
+ I do not like being moved: for the will is excited; and action
+ Is a most dangerous thing; I tremble for something factitious,
+ Some malpractice of heart and illegitimate process;
+ We are so prone to these things, with our terrible notions of duty.
+ Ah, let me look, let me watch, let me wait, unhurried, unprompted!
+ Bid me not venture on aught that could alter or end what is present!
+ Say not, Time flies, and Occasion, that never returns, is departing!
+ Drive me not out, ye ill angels with fiery swords, from my Eden,
+ Waiting, and watching, and looking! Let love be its own inspiration!
+ Shall not a voice, if a voice there must be, from the airs that environ,
+ Yea, from the conscious heavens, without our knowledge or effort,
+ Break into audible words? And love be its own inspiration?’
+
+It appears, however, that even this hesitating hero would have come to
+the point at last. In a book, at least, the hero has nothing else to do.
+The inevitable restrictions of a pretty story hem him in; to wind up the
+plot, he must either propose or die, and usually he prefers proposing.
+Mr. Claude—for such is the name of Mr. Clough’s hero—is evidently on his
+road towards the inevitable alternative, when his fate intercepts him by
+the help of a person who meant nothing less. There is a sister of the
+heroine, who is herself engaged to a rather quick person, and who cannot
+make out anyone’s conducting himself differently from her George Vernon.
+She writes:—
+
+ ‘Mr. Claude, you must know, is behaving a little bit better;
+ He and Papa are great friends; but he really is too _shilly-shally_,—
+ So unlike George! Yet I hope that the matter is going on fairly.
+ I shall, however, get George, before he goes, to say something.
+ Dearest Louise, how delightful to bring young people together!’
+
+As the heroine says, ‘dear Georgina’ wishes for nothing so much as to
+show her adroitness. George Vernon does interfere, and Mr. Claude may
+describe for himself the change it makes in his fate:
+
+ ‘Tibur is beautiful too, and the orchard slopes, and the Anio
+ Falling, falling yet, to the ancient lyrical cadence;
+ Tibur and Anio’s tide; and cool from Lucretilis ever,
+ With the Digentian stream, and with the Bandusian fountain,
+ Folded in Sabine recesses, the valley and villa of Horace:—
+ So not seeing I sung; so seeing and listening say I,
+ Here as I sit by the stream, as I gaze at the cell of the Sibyl,
+ Here with Albunea’s home and the grove of Tiburnus beside me;[15]
+ Tivoli beautiful is, and musical, O Teverone,
+ Dashing from mountain to plain, thy parted impetuous waters!
+ Tivoli’s waters and rocks; and fair under Monte Gennaro,
+ (Haunt even yet, I must think, as I wander and gaze, of the shadows,
+ Faded and pale, yet immortal, of Faunus, the Nymphs, and the Graces,)
+ Fair in itself, and yet fairer with human completing creations,
+ Folded in Sabine recesses, the valley and villa of Horace:—
+ So not seeing I sung; so now—Nor seeing, nor hearing,
+ Neither by waterfall lulled, nor folded in sylvan embraces,
+ Neither by cell of the Sibyl, nor stepping the Monte Gennaro,
+ Seated on Anio’s bank, nor sipping Bandusian waters,
+ But on Montorio’s height, looking down on the tile-clad streets, the
+ Cupolas, crosses, and domes, the bushes and kitchen-gardens,
+ Which, by the grace of the Tibur, proclaim themselves Rome of the Roman,—
+ But on Montorio’s height, looking forth to the vapoury mountains,
+ Cheating the prisoner Hope with illusions of vision and fancy,—
+ But on Montorio’s height, with these weary soldiers by me,
+ Waiting till Oudinot enter, to reinstate Pope and Tourist.
+ ...
+ Yes, on Montorio’s height for a last farewell of the city,—
+ So it appears; though then I was quite uncertain about it.
+ So, however, it was. And now to explain the proceeding.
+ I was to go, as I told you, I think, with the people to Florence.
+ Only the day before, the foolish family Vernon
+ Made some uneasy remarks, as we walked to our lodging together,
+ As to intentions, forsooth, and so forth. I was astounded,
+ Horrified quite; and obtaining just then, as it happened, an offer
+ (No common favour) of seeing the great Ludovisi collection,
+ Why, I made this a pretence, and wrote that they must excuse me.
+ How could I go? Great Heavens! to conduct a permitted flirtation.
+ Under those vulgar eyes, the observed of such observers!
+ Well, but I now, by a series of fine diplomatic inquiries,
+ Find from a sort of relation, a good and sensible woman,
+ Who is remaining at Rome with a brother too ill for removal,
+ That it was wholly unsanctioned, unknown,—not, I think, by Georgina:
+ She, however, ere this,—and that is the best of the story,—
+ She and the Vernon, thank Heaven, are wedded and gone—honeymooning.
+ So—on Montorio’s height for a last farewell of the city.
+ Tibur I have not seen, nor the lakes that of old I had dreamt of;
+ Tibur I shall not see, nor Anio’s waters, nor deep en-
+ Folded in Sabine recesses the valley and villa of Horace;
+ Tibur I shall not see;—but something better I shall see.
+ Twice I have tried before, and failed in getting the horses;
+ Twice I have tried and failed: this time it shall not be a failure.’
+
+But, of course, he does not reach Florence till the heroine and her
+family are gone; and he hunts after them through North Italy, not very
+skilfully, and then he returns to Rome; and he reflects, certainly not in
+a very dignified or heroic manner:
+
+ ‘I cannot stay at Florence, not even to wait for a letter.
+ Galleries only oppress me. Remembrance of hope I had cherished
+ (Almost more than as hope, when I passed through Florence the first time)
+ Lies like a sword in my soul. I am more a coward than ever,
+ Chicken-hearted, past thought. The _cafés_ and waiters distress me.
+ All is unkind, and, alas! I am ready for any one’s kindness.
+ Oh, I knew it of old, and knew it, I thought, to perfection,
+ If there is any one thing in the world to preclude all kindness,
+ It is the need of it,—it is this sad, self-defeating dependence.
+ Why is this, Eustace? Myself, were I stronger, I think I could tell you.
+ But it is odd when it comes. So plumb I the deeps of depression,
+ Daily in deeper, and find no support, no will, no purpose.
+ All my old strengths are gone. And yet I shall have to do something.
+ Ah, the key of our life, that passes all wards, opens all locks,
+ Is not _I will_, but _I must_. I must,—I must,—and I do it.
+
+ ‘After all, do I know that I really cared so about her?
+ Do whatever I will, I cannot call up her image;
+ For when I close my eyes, I see, very likely, St. Peter’s,
+ Or the Pantheon façade, or Michael Angelo’s figures,
+ Or, at a wish, when I please, the Alban hills and the Forum,—
+ But that face, those eyes,—ah no, never anything like them;
+ Only, try as I will, a sort of featureless outline,
+ And a pale blank orb, which no recollection will add to.
+ After all, perhaps there was something factitious about it;
+ I have had pain, it is true: I have wept, and so have the actors.
+
+ ‘At the last moment I have your letter, for which I was waiting;
+ I have taken my place, and see no good in inquiries.
+ Do nothing more, good Eustace, I pray you. It only will vex me.
+ Take no measures. Indeed, should we meet, I could not be certain;
+ All might be changed, you know. Or perhaps there was nothing to be
+ changed.
+ It is a curious history, this; and yet I foresaw it;
+ I could have told it before. The Fates, it is clear, are against us;
+ For it is certain enough I met with the people you mention;
+ They were at Florence the day I returned there, and spoke to me even;
+ Stayed a week, saw me often; departed, and whither I know not.
+ Great is Fate, and is best. I believe in Providence partly.
+ What is ordained is right, and all that happens is ordered.
+ Ah, no, that isn’t it. But yet I retain my conclusion.
+ I will go where I am led, and will not dictate to the chances.
+ Do nothing more, I beg. If you love me, forbear interfering.’
+
+And the heroine, like a sensible, quiet girl, sums up:
+
+ ‘You have heard nothing; of course, I know you can have heard nothing.
+ Ah, well, more than once I have broken my purpose, and sometimes,
+ Only too often, have looked for the little lake-steamer to bring him.
+ But it is only fancy,—I do not really expect it.
+ Oh, and you see I know so exactly how he would take it:
+ Finding the chances prevail against meeting again, he would banish
+ Forthwith every thought of the poor little possible hope, which
+ I myself could not help, perhaps, thinking only too much of;
+ He would resign himself, and go. I see it exactly.
+ So I also submit, although in a different manner.
+ Can you not really come? We go very shortly to England.’
+
+And there, let us hope, she found a more satisfactory lover and husband.
+
+The same defect which prevented Mr. Claude from obtaining his bride
+will prevent this poem from obtaining universal popularity. The public
+like stories which come to something; Mr. Arnold teaches that a great
+poem must be founded on a great action, and this one is founded on a
+long inaction. But Art has many mansions. Many poets, whose cast of
+thought unfits them for very diffused popularity, have yet a concentrated
+popularity which suits them and which lasts. Henry Taylor has wisely
+said ‘that a poet does not deserve the name who would not rather be read
+a thousand times by one man, than a single time by a thousand.’ This
+repeated perusal, this testing by continual repetition and close contact,
+is the very test of intellectual poetry; unless such poetry can identify
+itself with our nature, and dissolve itself into our constant thought,
+it is nothing, or less than nothing; it is an ineffectual attempt to
+confer a rare pleasure; it teazes by reminding us of that pleasure,
+and tires by the effort which it demands from us. But if a poem really
+possesses this capacity of intellectual absorption—if it really is in
+matter of fact accepted, apprehended, delighted in, and retained by a
+large number of cultivated and thoughtful minds,—its non-recognition by
+what is called the public is no more against it than its non-recognition
+by the coal-heavers. The half-educated and busy crowd, whom we call the
+public, have no more right to impose their limitations on highly educated
+and meditative thinkers, than the uneducated and yet more numerous crowd
+have to impose their still narrower limitations on the half-educated. The
+coal-heaver will not read any books whatever; the mass of men will not
+read an intellectual poem: it can hardly ever be otherwise. But timid
+thinkers must not dread to have a secret and rare faith. But little deep
+poetry is very popular, and no severe art. Such poetry as Mr. Clough’s,
+especially, can never be so; its subjects would forbid it, even if its
+treatment were perfect: but it may have a better fate; it may have a
+tenacious hold on the solitary, the meditative, and the calm. It is this
+which Mr. Clough would have wished; he did not desire to be liked by
+‘inferior people’—at least he would have distrusted any poem of his own
+which they did like.
+
+The artistic skill of these poems, especially of the poem from which we
+have extracted so much, and of a long vacation pastoral published in the
+Highlands, is often excellent, and occasionally fails when you least
+expect it. There was an odd peculiarity in Mr. Clough’s mind; you never
+could tell whether it was that he would not show himself to the best
+advantage, or whether he _could_ not; it is certain that he very often
+did not, whether in life or in books. His intellect moved with a great
+difficulty, and it had a larger inertia than any other which we have ever
+known. Probably there was an awkwardness born with him, and his shyness
+and pride prevented him from curing that awkwardness as most men would
+have done. He felt he might fail, and he knew that he hated to fail. He
+neglected, therefore, many of the thousand petty trials which fashion
+and form the accomplished man of the world. Accordingly, when at last
+he wanted to do something, or was obliged to attempt something, he had
+occasionally a singular difficulty. He could not get his matter out of
+him.
+
+In poetry he had a further difficulty, arising from perhaps an
+over-cultivated taste. He was so good a disciple of Wordsworth, he hated
+so thoroughly the common sing-song metres of Moore and Byron, that he
+was apt to try to write what will seem to many persons to have scarcely
+a metre at all. It is quite true that the metre of intellectual poetry
+should not be so pretty as that of songs, or so plain and impressive
+as that of vigorous passion. The rhythm should pervade it and animate
+it, but should not protrude itself upon the surface, or intrude itself
+upon the attention. It should be a latent charm, though a real one. Yet,
+though this doctrine is true, it is nevertheless a dangerous doctrine.
+Most writers need the strict fetters of familiar metre; as soon as they
+are emancipated from this, they fancy that _any_ words of theirs are
+metrical. If a man will read any expressive and favourite words of his
+own often enough, he will come to believe that they are rhythmical;
+probably they have a rhythm as he reads them; but no notation of pauses
+and accents could tell the reader how to read them in that manner;
+and when read in any other mode they may be prose itself. Some of Mr.
+Clough’s early poems, which are placed at the beginning of this volume,
+are perhaps examples, more or less, of this natural self-delusion. Their
+writer could read them as verse, but that was scarcely his business; and
+the common reader fails.
+
+Of one metre, however, the hexameter, we believe the most accomplished
+judges, and also common readers, agree that Mr. Clough possessed a very
+peculiar mastery. Perhaps he first showed in English its _flexibility_.
+Whether any consummate poem of great length and sustained dignity can
+be written in this metre, and in our language, we do not know. Until a
+great poet has written his poem, there are commonly no lack of plausible
+arguments that seem to prove he cannot write it; but Mr. Clough has
+certainly shown that, in the hands of a skilful and animated artist, it
+is capable of adapting itself to varied descriptions of life and manners,
+to noble sentiments, and to changing thoughts. It is perhaps the most
+flexible of English metres. Better than any others, it changes from grave
+to gay without desecrating what should be solemn, or disenchanting that
+which should be graceful. And Mr. Clough was the first to prove this, by
+writing a noble poem, in which it was done.
+
+In one principal respect Mr. Clough’s two poems in hexameters, and
+especially the Roman one, from which we made so many extracts, are very
+excellent. Somehow or other he makes you understand what the people of
+whom he is writing precisely were. You may object to the means, but
+you cannot deny the result. By fate he was thrown into a vortex of
+theological and metaphysical speculation, but his genius was better
+suited to be the spectator of a more active and moving scene. The play of
+mind upon mind; the contrasted view which contrasted minds take of great
+subjects; the odd irony of life which so often thrusts into conspicuous
+places exactly what no one would expect to find in those places,—these
+were his subjects. Under happy circumstances, he might have produced on
+such themes something which the mass of readers would have greatly liked;
+as it is, he has produced a little which meditative readers will much
+value, and which they will long remember.
+
+Of Mr. Clough’s character it would be out of place to say anything,
+except in so far as it elucidates his poems. The sort of conversation for
+which he was most remarkable rises again in the _Amours de Voyage_, and
+gives them to those who knew him in life a very peculiar charm. It would
+not be exact to call the best lines a pleasant cynicism; for cynicism
+has a bad name, and the ill-nature and other offensive qualities which
+have given it that name were utterly out of Mr. Clough’s way. Though
+without much fame, he had no envy. But he had a strong realism. He saw
+what it is considered cynical to see—the absurdities of many persons, the
+pomposities of many creeds, the splendid zeal with which missionaries
+rush on to teach what they do not know, the wonderful earnestness with
+which most incomplete solutions of the universe are thrust upon us as
+complete and satisfying. ‘_Le fond de la Providence_,’ says the French
+novelist, ‘_c’est l’ironie_.’ Mr. Clough would not have said that; but he
+knew what it meant, and what was the portion of truth contained in it.
+Undeniably this _is_ an _odd_ world, whether it should have been so or
+no; and all our speculations upon it should begin with some admission of
+its strangeness and singularity. The habit of dwelling on such thoughts
+as these will not of itself make a man happy, and may make unhappy one
+who is inclined to be so. Mr. Clough in his time felt more than most
+men the weight of the unintelligible world; but such thoughts make
+an instructive man. Several survivors may think they owe much to Mr.
+Clough’s quiet question, ‘Ah, then, you think—?’ Many pretending creeds,
+and many wonderful demonstrations, passed away before that calm inquiry.
+He had a habit of putting your own doctrine concisely before you, so that
+you might see what it came to, and that you did not like it. Even now
+that he is gone, some may feel the recollection of his society a check on
+unreal theories and half-mastered thoughts. Let us part from him in his
+own words:—
+
+ ‘Some future day, when what is now is not,
+ When all old faults and follies are forgot,
+ And thoughts of difference passed like dreams away,
+ We’ll meet again, upon some future day.
+
+ When all that hindered, all that vexed our love,
+ As tall rank weeds will climb the blade above,
+ When all but it has yielded to decay,
+ We’ll meet again, upon some future day.
+
+ When we have proved, each on his course alone,
+ The wider world, and learnt what’s now unknown,
+ Have made life clear, and worked out each a way,
+ We’ll meet again,—we shall have much to say.
+
+ With happier mood, and feelings born anew,
+ Our boyhood’s bygone fancies we’ll review,
+ Talk o’er old talks, play as we used to play,
+ And meet again, on many a future day.
+
+ Some day, which oft our hearts shall yearn to see,
+ In some far year, though distant yet to be,
+ Shall we indeed,—ye winds and waters, say!—
+ Meet yet again, upon some future day?’
+
+
+
+
+_HENRY CRABB ROBINSON._[16]
+
+(1869.)
+
+
+Perhaps I should be ashamed to confess it, but I own I opened the three
+large volumes of Mr. Robinson’s memoirs with much anxiety. Their bulk,
+in the first place, appalled me; but that was by no means my greatest
+apprehension. I knew I had a hundred times heard Mr. Robinson say, that
+he hoped something he would leave behind would ‘be published and be worth
+publishing.’ I was aware too—for it was no deep secret—that for half a
+century or more he had kept a diary, and that he had been preserving
+correspondence besides; and I was dubious what sort of things these
+would be, and what—to use Carlyle’s words—any human editor could make of
+them. Even when Mr. Robinson used to talk so, I used to shudder; for the
+men who have tried to be memoir-writers and failed, are as numerous, or
+nearly so, as those who have tried to be poets and failed. A specific
+talent is as necessary for the one as for the other. But as soon as I
+had read a little of the volumes, all these doubts passed away. I saw at
+once that Mr. Robinson had an excellent power of narrative-writing, and
+that the editor of his remains had made a most judicious use of excellent
+materials.
+
+Perhaps more than anything it was the modesty of my old friend (I think
+I may call Mr. Robinson my old friend, for though he _thought_ me a
+modern youth, I _did_ know him twenty years)—perhaps, I say, it was his
+modesty which made me nervous about his memoirs more than anything else.
+I have so often heard him say (and say it with a vigour of emphasis
+which is rarer in our generation even than in his),—‘Sir, I have no
+literary talent. I cannot write. I never _could_ write anything, and I
+never _would_ write anything,’—that being so taught, and so vehemently,
+I came to believe. And there was this to justify my creed. The notes Mr.
+Robinson used to scatter about him—and he was fond of writing rather
+elaborate ones—were not always very good. At least they were too long
+for the busy race of the present generation, and introduced Schiller
+and Goethe where they need not have appeared. But in these memoirs
+(especially in the Reminiscences and the Diary; for the moment he gets
+to a letter the style is worse) the words flow with such an effectual
+simplicity, that even Southey, the great master of such prose, could
+hardly have written better. Possibly it was his real interest in his
+old stories which preserved Mr. Robinson; in his letters he was not
+so interested and he fell into words and amplifications; but in those
+ancient anecdotes, which for years were his life and being, the style,
+as it seems to me, could scarcely be mended even in a word. And though,
+undoubtedly, the book is much too long in the latter half, I do not blame
+Dr. Sadler, the editor and biographer, for it, or indeed blame anyone.
+Mr. Robinson had led a very long and very varied life, and some of his
+old friends had an interest in one part of his reminiscences and some
+in another. An unhappy editor entrusted with ‘a deceased’s papers,’
+cannot really and in practice omit much that any surviving friends much
+want to have put in. One man calls with a letter ‘in which my dear and
+honoured friend gave me advice that was of such inestimable value, I
+hope, I cannot but think you will find room for it.’ And another calls
+with memoranda of a dinner—a most ‘superior occasion,’ as they say in the
+North—at which, he reports, ‘there was conversation to which I never, or
+scarcely ever, heard anything equal. There were A. B. and C. D. and E.
+F., all masters, as you remember, of the purest conversational eloquence;
+surely I need not hesitate to believe that you will say something of
+that dinner.’ And so an oppressed biographer has to serve up the
+crumbs of ancient feasts, though well knowing in his heart that they
+are crumbs, and though he feels, too, that the critics will attack him,
+and cruelly say it is his fault. But remembering this, and considering
+that Mr. Robinson wrote a diary beginning in 1811, going down to 1867,
+and occupying thirty-five closely written volumes, and that there were
+‘Reminiscences’ and vast unsorted papers, I think Dr. Sadler has managed
+admirably well. His book is brief to what it might have been, and all his
+own part is written with delicacy, feeling, and knowledge. He quotes,
+too, from Wordsworth by way of motto—
+
+ ‘A man he seems of cheerful yesterdays
+ And confident to-morrows; with a face
+ Not worldly minded, for it bears too much
+ A nation’s impress,—gaiety and health,
+ Freedom and hope;—but keen withal and shrewd:
+ His gestures note,—and, hark, his tones of voice
+ Are all vivacious as his mien and looks.’
+
+It was a happy feeling for Mr. Robinson’s character that selected these
+lines to stand at the beginning of his memoirs.
+
+And yet in one material respect—in this case perhaps the most material
+respect—Dr. Sadler has failed, and not in the least from any fault of
+his. Sydney Smith used to complain that ‘no one had ever made him his
+trustee or executor;’ being really a very sound and sensible man of
+business, he felt that it was a kind of imputation on him, and that he
+was not appreciated. But some one more justly replied, ‘But how could
+_you_, Sydney Smith, expect to be made an executor? Is there any one
+who wants their “remains” to be made fun of?’ Now every trustee of
+biographical papers is exactly in this difficulty, that he cannot make
+fun. The melancholy friends who left the papers would not at all like
+it. And, besides, there grows upon every such biographer an ‘official’
+feeling—a confused sense of vague responsibilities—a wish not to impair
+the gravity of the occasion or to offend anyone by levity. But there
+are some men who cannot be justly described quite gravely; and Crabb
+Robinson is one of them. A certain grotesqueness was a part of him,
+and, unless you liked it, you lost the very best of him. He is called,
+and properly called, in these memoirs Mr. Robinson; but no well-judging
+person ever called him so in life. He was always called ‘old Crabb,’
+and that is the only name which will ever bring up his curious image to
+me. He was, in the true old English sense of the word, a ‘character;’
+one whom a very peculiar life, certainly, and perhaps also a rather
+peculiar nature to begin with, had formed and moulded into something so
+exceptional and singular that it did not seem to belong to ordinary life,
+and almost caused a smile when you saw it moving there. ‘An aberrant
+form,’ I believe, the naturalists call the seal and such things in
+natural history; odd shapes that can only be explained by a long past,
+and which swim with a certain incongruity in their present _milieu_.
+Now ‘old Crabb’ was (to me at least) just like that. You watched with
+interest and pleasure his singular gestures, and his odd way of saying
+things, and muttered, as if to keep up the recollection, ‘And _this_ is
+the man who was the friend of Goethe, and is the friend of Wordsworth!’
+There was a certain animal oddity about ‘old Crabb,’ which made it a kind
+of mental joke to couple him with such great names, and yet he was to
+his heart’s core thoroughly coupled with them. If you leave out all his
+strange ways (I do not say Dr. Sadler has quite left them out, but to
+some extent he has been obliged, by place and decorum, to omit them), you
+lose the life of the man. You cut from the Ethiopian his skin, and from
+the leopard his spots. I well remember poor Clough, who was then fresh
+from Oxford, and was much puzzled by the corner of London to which he had
+drifted, looking at ‘old Crabb’ in a kind of terror for a whole breakfast
+time, and muttering in mute wonder, almost to himself, as he came away,
+‘Not at all the regular patriarch.’ And certainly no one could accuse Mr.
+Robinson of an insipid regularity either in face or nature.
+
+Mr. Robinson was one of the original founders of University College,
+and was for many years both on its senate and council; and as he lived
+near the college he was fond of collecting at breakfast all the elder
+students—especially those who had any sort of interest in literature.
+Probably he never appeared to so much advantage, or showed all the best
+of his nature, so well as in those parties. Like most very cheerful
+old people, he at heart preferred the company of the very young; and
+a set of young students, even after he was seventy, suited him better
+as society than a set of grave old men. Sometimes, indeed, he would
+invite—I do not say some of his contemporaries, few of them even in
+1847 were up to breakfast parties, but persons of fifty and sixty—those
+whom young students call old gentlemen. And it was amusing to watch the
+consternation of some of them at the surprising youth and levity of
+their host. They shuddered at the freedom with which we treated him.
+Middle-aged men, of feeble heads and half-made reputations, have a nice
+dislike to the sharp arguments and the unsparing jests of ‘boys at
+college;’ they cannot bear the rough society of those who, never having
+tried their own strength, have not yet acquired a fellow-feeling for
+weakness. Many such persons, I am sure, were half hurt with Mr. Robinson
+for not keeping those ‘impertinent boys’ more at a just distance; but Mr.
+Robinson liked fun and movement, and disliked the sort of dignity which
+shelters stupidity. There was little to gratify the unintellectual part
+of man at these breakfasts, and what there was was not easy to be got
+at. Your host, just as you were sitting down to breakfast, found he had
+forgotten to make the tea, then he could not find his keys, then he rang
+the bell to have them searched for; but long before the servant came he
+had gone off into ‘Schiller-Goethe,’ and could not the least remember
+what he had wanted. The more astute of his guests used to breakfast
+before they came, and then there was much interest in seeing a steady
+literary man, who did not understand the region, in agonies at having to
+hear three stories before he got his tea, one again between his milk
+and his sugar, another between his butter and his toast, and additional
+zest in making a stealthy inquiry that was sure to intercept the coming
+delicacies by bringing on Schiller and Goethe.
+
+It is said in these memoirs that Mr. Robinson’s parents were very
+good-looking, and that when married they were called the handsome couple.
+But in his old age very little regular beauty adhered to him, if he ever
+had any. His face was pleasing from its animation, its kindness, and
+its shrewdness, but the nose was one of the most slovenly which nature
+had ever turned out, and the chin of excessive length, with portentous
+power of extension. But, perhaps, for the purpose of a social narrator
+(and in later years this was Mr. Robinson’s position), this oddity of
+feature was a gift. It was said, and justly said, that Lord Brougham
+used to punctuate his sentences with his nose; just at the end of a
+long parenthesis he _could_, and did, turn up his nose, which served to
+note the change of subject as well, or better, than a printed mark. Mr.
+Robinson was not so skilful as this, but he made a very able use of the
+chin at a conversational crisis, and just at the point of a story pushed
+it out, and then very slowly drew it in again, so that you always knew
+when to laugh, and the oddity of the gesture helped you in laughing.
+
+Mr. Robinson had known nearly every literary man worth knowing in
+England and Germany for fifty years and more. He had studied at Jena in
+the ‘great time,’ when Goethe, and Schiller, and Wieland were all at
+their zenith; he had lived with Charles Lamb and his set, and Rogers
+and his set, besides an infinite lot of little London people; he had
+taught Madame de Staël German philosophy in Germany, and helped her in
+business afterwards in England; he was the real friend of Wordsworth,
+and had known Coleridge and Southey almost from their ‘coming out’ to
+their death. And he was not a mere literary man. He had been a _Times_
+correspondent in the days of Napoleon’s early German battles, now more
+than ‘seventy years since;’ he had been off Corunna in Sir John Moore’s
+time; and last, but almost first it should have been, he was an English
+barrister, who had for years a considerable business, and who was full of
+picturesque stories about old judges. Such a varied life and experience
+belong to very few men, and his social nature—at once accessible and
+assailant—was just the one to take advantage of it. He seemed to be
+lucky all through: in childhood he remembered when John Gilpin came out;
+then he had seen—he could not hear—John Wesley preach; then he had heard
+Erskine, and criticised him intelligently, in some of the finest of the
+well-known ‘State trials;’ and so on during all his vigorous period.
+
+I do not know that it would be possible to give a better idea of Mr.
+Robinson’s best conversations than by quoting almost at random from the
+earlier part of these memoirs:—
+
+ ‘At the Spring assizes of 1791, when I had nearly attained my
+ sixteenth year, I had the delight of hearing Erskine. It was
+ a high enjoyment, and I was able to profit by it. The subject
+ of the trial was the validity of a will—Braham _v._ Rivett.
+ Erskine came down specially retained for the plaintiff, and
+ Mingay for the defendant. The trial lasted two days. The title
+ of the heir being admitted, the proof of the will was gone into
+ at once. I have a recollection of many of the circumstances
+ after more than fifty-four years; but of nothing do I retain so
+ perfect a recollection as of the figure and voice of Erskine.
+ There was a charm in his voice, a fascination in his eye; and
+ so completely had he won my affection, that I am sure had
+ the verdict been given against him I should have burst out
+ crying. Of the facts and of the evidence, I do not pretend to
+ recollect anything beyond my impressions and sensations. My
+ pocket-book records that Erskine was engaged two and a half
+ hours in opening the case, and Mingay two hours and twenty
+ minutes in his speech in defence. E.’s reply occupied three
+ hours. The testatrix was an old lady in a state of imbecility.
+ The evil spirit of the case was an attorney. Mingay was loud
+ and violent, and gave Erskine an opportunity of turning into
+ ridicule his imagery and illustrations. For instance, M. having
+ compared R. to the Devil going into the Garden of Eden, E. drew
+ a closer parallel than M. intended. Satan’s first sight of Eve
+ was related in Milton’s words—
+
+ ‘“Grace was in all her steps, heaven in her eye,
+ In every gesture dignity and love;”
+
+ and then a picture of idiotcy from Swift was contrasted.
+ But the sentence that weighed on my spirits was a pathetic
+ exclamation—“If, gentlemen, you should by your verdict
+ annihilate an instrument so solemnly framed, _I should retire
+ a troubled man from this court_.” And as he uttered the word
+ _court_, he beat his breast and I had a difficulty in not
+ crying out. When in bed the following night I awoke several
+ times in a state of excitement approaching fever—the words
+ “_troubled man from this court_” rang in my ears.
+
+ ‘A new trial was granted, and ultimately the will was set
+ aside. I have said I profited by Erskine. I remarked his great
+ artifice, if I may call it so; and in a small way I afterwards
+ practised it. It lay in his frequent repetitions. He had one or
+ two leading arguments and main facts on which he was constantly
+ dwelling. But then he had marvellous skill in varying his
+ phraseology, so that no one was sensible of tautology in the
+ expressions. Like the doubling of a hare, he was perpetually
+ coming to his old place. Other great advocates I have remarked
+ were ambitious of a great variety of arguments.
+
+ ‘About the same time that I thus first heard the most perfect
+ of forensic orators, I was also present at an exhibition
+ equally admirable, and which had a powerful effect upon
+ my mind. It was, I believe, in October 1790, and not long
+ before his death, that I heard John Wesley in the great round
+ meeting-house at Colchester. He stood in a wide pulpit, and on
+ each side of him stood a minister, and the two held him up,
+ having their hands under his armpits. His feeble voice was
+ barely audible. But his reverend countenance, especially his
+ long white locks, formed a picture never to be forgotten. There
+ was a vast crowd of lovers and admirers. It was for the most
+ part pantomime, but the pantomime went to the heart. Of the
+ kind I never saw anything comparable to it in after life.’
+
+And again:—
+
+ ‘It was at the Summer Circuit that Rolfe made his first
+ appearance. He had been at the preceding Sessions. I have
+ a pleasure in recollecting that I at once foresaw that he
+ would become a distinguished man. In my Diary I wrote, “Our
+ new junior, Mr. Rolfe, made his appearance. His manners are
+ genteel; his conversation easy and sensible. He is a very
+ acceptable companion, but I fear a dangerous rival.” And my
+ brother asking me who the new man was, I said, “I will venture
+ to predict that you will live to see that young man attain a
+ higher rank than any one you ever saw upon the circuit.” It
+ is true he is not higher than Leblanc, who was also a puisne
+ judge, but Leblanc was never Solicitor-General; nor, probably,
+ is Rolfe yet at the end of his career. One day, when some
+ one remarked, “Christianity is part and parcel of the law of
+ the land,” Rolfe said to me, “Were you ever employed to draw
+ an indictment against a man for not loving his neighbour as
+ himself?”
+
+ ‘Rolfe is, by universal repute, if not the very best, at least
+ one of the best judges on the Bench. He is one of the few with
+ whom I have kept up an acquaintance.’[17]
+
+Of course, these stories came over and over again. It is the excellence
+of a reminiscent to have a few good stories, and his misfortune that
+people will remember what he says. In Mr. Robinson’s case an unskilled
+person could often see the anecdote somewhere impending, and there was
+often much interest in trying whether you could ward it off or not. There
+was one great misfortune which had happened to his guests, though he used
+to tell it as one of the best things that had ever happened to himself.
+He had picked up a certain bust of Wieland by Schadow, which it appears
+had been lost, and in the finding of which Goethe, even Goethe, rejoiced.
+After a very long interval I still shudder to think how often I have
+heard that story; it was one which no skill or care could long avert, for
+the thing stood opposite our host’s chair, and the sight of it was sure
+to recall him. Among the ungrateful students to whom he was so kind, the
+first question always asked of anyone who had breakfasted at his house
+was, ‘Did you undergo the _bust_?’
+
+A reader of these memoirs would naturally and justly think that the
+great interest of Mr. Robinson’s conversation was the strength of the
+past memory; but quite as amusing or more so was the present weakness.
+He never could remember names, and was very ingenious in his devices to
+elude the defect. There is a story in these Memoirs:—
+
+ ‘I was engaged to dine with Mr. Wansey at Walthamstow. When I
+ arrived there I was in the greatest distress, through having
+ forgotten his name. And it was not till after half an hour’s
+ worry that I recollected he was a Unitarian, which would answer
+ as well; for I instantly proceeded to Mr. Cogan’s. Having
+ been shown into a room, young Mr. Cogan came—“Your commands,
+ sir?”—“Mr. Cogan, I have taken the liberty to call on you in
+ order to know where I am to dine to-day.” He smiled. I went on:
+ “The truth is, I have accepted an invitation to dine with a
+ gentleman, a recent acquaintance, whose name I have forgotten;
+ but I am sure you can tell me, for he is a Unitarian, and the
+ Unitarians are very few here.”’
+
+And at his breakfasts it was always the same; he was always in difficulty
+as to some person’s name or other, and he had regular descriptions which
+recurred, like Homeric epithets, and which he expected you to apply
+to the individual. Thus poor Clough always appeared—‘That admirable
+and accomplished man. You know whom I mean. The one who never says
+anything.’ And of another living poet he used to say: ‘Probably the most
+able, and certainly the most consequential, of all the young persons I
+know. You know which it is. The one with whom I could never _presume_
+to be intimate. The one whose father I knew so many years.’ And another
+particular friend of my own always occurred as—‘That great friend of
+yours that has been in Germany—that most accomplished and interesting
+person—that most able and excellent young man. Sometimes I like him,
+and sometimes I _hate_ him. You,’ turning to me, ‘know whom I mean, you
+villain!’ And certainly I did know; for I had heard the same adjectives,
+and been referred to in the same manner very many times.
+
+Of course, a main part of Mr. Robinson’s conversation was on literary
+subjects; but of this, except when it related to persons whom he had
+known, or sonnets to ‘the conception of which he was privy,’ I do not
+think it would be just to speak very highly. He spoke sensibly and
+clearly—he could not on any subject speak otherwise; but the critical
+faculty is as special and as peculiar almost as the poetical; and Mr.
+Robinson in serious moments was quite aware of it, and he used to deny
+that he had the former faculty more than the latter. He used to read
+much of Wordsworth to me; but I doubt—though many of his friends will
+think I am a great heretic—I doubt if he read the best poems; and even
+those he did read (and he read very well) rather suffered from coming in
+the middle of a meal, and at a time when you wanted to laugh, and not
+to meditate. Wordsworth was a solitary man, and it is only in solitude
+that his best poems, or indeed any of his characteristic poems, can be
+truly felt or really apprehended. There are some at which I never look,
+even now, without thinking of the wonderful and dreary faces which Clough
+used to make while Mr. Robinson was reading them. To Clough certain of
+Wordsworth’s poems were part of his inner being, and he suffered at
+hearing them obtruded at meal times, just as a High Churchman would
+suffer at hearing the collects of the Church. Indeed, these poems were
+among the collects of Clough’s Church.
+
+Still less do I believe that there is any special value in the
+expositions of German philosophy in these volumes, or that there was any
+in those which Mr. Robinson used to give on such matters in conversation.
+They are clear, no doubt, and accurate; but they are not the expositions
+of a born metaphysician. He speaks in these Memoirs of his having a
+difficulty in concentrating his ‘attention on works of speculation.’
+And such books as Kant can only be really mastered, can perhaps only be
+usefully studied, by those who have an unusual facility in concentrating
+their mind on impalpable abstractions, and an uncommon inclination to do
+so. Mr. Robinson had neither; and I think the critical philosophy had
+really very little effect on him, and had, during the busy years which
+had elapsed since he studied it, very nearly run off him. There was
+something very curious in the sudden way that anything mystical would
+stop in him. At the end of a Sunday breakfast, after inflicting on you
+much which was transcendental in Wordsworth or Goethe, he would say,
+as we left him, with an air of relish, ‘Now I am going to run down to
+Essex Street to hear Madge. I shall not be in time for the prayers; but
+I do not so much care about that; what I do like is the sermon; it is
+so clear.’ Mr. Madge was a Unitarian of the old school, with as little
+mystical and transcendental in his nature as any one who ever lived.
+There was a living piquancy in the friend of Goethe—the man who _would_
+explain to you his writings—being also the admirer of ‘Madge;’ it was
+like a proser, lengthily eulogising Kant to you, and then saying, ‘Ah!
+but I do love Condillac; he is so clear.’
+
+But, on the other hand, I used to hold—I was reading law at the time, and
+so had some interest in the matter—that Mr. Robinson much underrated his
+legal knowledge, and his practical power as a lawyer. What he used to
+say was, ‘I never knew any law, sir, but I knew the practice.... I left
+the bar because I feared my incompetence might be discovered. I was a
+tolerable junior; but I was rising to be a leader, which I was unfit to
+be; and so I retired, not to disgrace myself by some fearful mistake.’
+In these Memoirs he says that he retired when he had made the sum of
+money which he thought enough for a bachelor with few wants and not a
+single expensive taste. The simplicity of his tastes is certain; very few
+Englishmen indeed could live with so little show or pretence. But the
+idea of his gross incompetence is absurd. No one who was incompetent ever
+said so. There are, I am sure, plenty of substantial and well-satisfied
+men at the English bar who do not know nearly as much law as Mr. Robinson
+knew, and who have not a tithe of his sagacity, but who believe in
+themselves and in whom their clients believe. On the other hand, Mr.
+Robinson had many great qualifications for success at the bar. He was a
+really good speaker: when over seventy I have heard him make a speech
+that good speakers in their full vigour would be glad to make. He had
+a good deal of the actor in his nature, which is thought, and I fancy
+justly thought, to be necessary to the success of all great advocates,
+and perhaps of all great orators. He was well acquainted with the petty
+technicalities which intellectual men in middle life in general cannot
+learn, for he had passed some years in an attorney’s office. Above
+all, he was a very thinking man, and had an ‘idea of business’—that
+inscrutable something which at once and altogether distinguishes the man
+who is safe in the affairs of life from those who are unsafe. I do not
+suppose he knew much black-letter law; but there are plenty of judges on
+the bench who, unless they are much belied, also know very little—perhaps
+none. And a man who can intelligently read Kant, like Mr. Robinson, need
+not fear the book-work of English law. A very little serious study would
+have taught him law enough to lead the Norfolk circuit. He really had
+a sound, moderate, money-making business, and only a little pains was
+wanted to give him more.
+
+The real reason why he did not take the trouble, I fancy, was that,
+being a bachelor, he was a kind of amateur in life, and did not really
+care. He could not spend what he had on himself, and used to give away
+largely, though in private. And even more, as with most men who have not
+thoroughly worked when young, daily, regular industry was exceedingly
+trying to him. No man could be less idle; far from it, he was always
+doing something; but then he was doing what he chose. Sir Walter Scott,
+one of the best workers of his time, used always to say that ‘he had no
+temptation to be idle, but the greatest temptation, when one thing was
+wanted of him, to go and do something else.’ Perhaps the only persons
+who, not being forced by mere necessity, really conquer this temptation,
+are those who were early broken to the yoke, and are fixed to the furrow
+by habit. Mr. Robinson loitered in Germany, so he was not one of these.
+
+I am not regretting this. It would be a base idolatry of practical life,
+to require every man to succeed in it as far as he could, and to devote
+to it all his mind. The world certainly does not need it; it pays well,
+and it will never lack good servants. There will always be enough of
+sound, strong men to be working barristers and judges, let who will
+object to become so. But I own I think a man ought to be able to be a
+‘Philistine’ if he chooses; there is a sickly incompleteness about people
+too fine for the world, and too nice to work their way in it. And when a
+man like Mr. Robinson had a real sagacity for affairs, it is for those
+who respect his memory to see that his reputation does not suffer from
+his modesty, and that his habitual self-depreciations—which, indeed,
+extended to his powers of writing as well as to those of acting—are not
+taken to be exactly true.
+
+In fact, Mr. Robinson was usefully occupied in University College
+business and University Hall business, and other such things. But there
+is no special need to write on them in connection with his name; and it
+would need a good deal of writing to make them intelligible to those
+who do not know them now. And the greater part of his life was spent in
+society where his influence was always manly and vigorous. I do not mean
+that he was universally popular; it would be defacing his likeness to say
+so. ‘I am a man,’ he once told me, ‘to whom a great number of persons
+entertain the very strongest objection.’ Indeed he had some subjects
+on which he could hardly bear opposition. Twice he nearly quarrelled
+with me: once for writing in favour of Louis Napoleon, which, as he had
+caught in Germany a thorough antipathy to the first Napoleon, seemed to
+him quite wicked; and next for my urging that Hazlitt was a much greater
+writer than Charles Lamb—a harmless opinion which I still hold, but which
+Mr. Robinson met with this outburst: ‘You, sir, you prefer the works of
+that scoundrel, that odious, that malignant writer, to the exquisite
+essays of that angelic creature!’ I protested that there was no evidence
+that angels could write particularly well; but it was in vain, and it
+was some time before he forgave me. Some persons who casually encountered
+peculiarities like these, did not always understand them. In his last
+years, too, augmenting infirmities almost disqualified Mr. Robinson for
+general society, and quite disabled him from showing his old abilities
+in it. Indeed, I think that these Memoirs will give almost a new idea of
+his power to many young men who had only seen him casually, and at times
+of feebleness. After ninety it is not easy to make new friends. And, in
+any case, this book will always have a great charm for those who knew Mr.
+Robinson well when they were themselves young, because it will keep alive
+for them the image of his buoyant sagacity, and his wise and careless
+kindness.
+
+
+
+
+_WORDSWORTH, TENNYSON, AND BROWNING; OR, PURE, ORNATE, AND GROTESQUE ART
+IN ENGLISH POETRY.[18]_
+
+(1864.)
+
+
+We couple these two books together, not because of their likeness, for
+they are as dissimilar as books can be; nor on account of the eminence
+of their authors, for in general two great authors are too much for one
+essay; but because they are the best possible illustration of something
+we have to say upon poetical art—because they may give to it life and
+freshness. The accident of contemporaneous publication has here brought
+together two books very characteristic of modern art, and we want to show
+how they are characteristic.
+
+Neither English poetry nor English criticism have ever recovered the
+_eruption_ which they both made at the beginning of this century into
+the fashionable world. The poems of Lord Byron were received with an
+avidity that resembles our present avidity for sensation novels, and were
+read by a class which at present reads little but such novels. Old men
+who remember those days may be heard to say, ‘We hear nothing of poetry
+now-a-days; it seems quite down.’ And ‘down’ it certainly is, if for
+poetry it be a descent to be no longer the favourite excitement of the
+more frivolous part of the ‘upper’ world. That stimulating poetry is now
+little read. A stray schoolboy may still be detected in a wild admiration
+for the _Giaour_ or the _Corsair_ (and it is suitable to his age,
+and he should not be reproached for it), but the _real_ posterity—the
+quiet students of a past literature—never read them or think of them. A
+line or two linger on the memory; a few telling strokes of occasional
+and felicitous energy are quoted, but this is all. As wholes, these
+exaggerated stories were worthless; they taught nothing, and therefore
+they are forgotten. If now-a-days a dismal poet were, like Byron, to
+lament the fact of his birth, and to hint that he was too good for the
+world, the _Saturday Reviewers_ would say that ‘they doubted if he _was_
+too good; that a sulky poet was a questionable addition to a tolerable
+world; that he need not have been born, as far as they were concerned.’
+Doubtless, there is much in Byron besides his dismal exaggeration, but
+it was that exaggeration which made ‘the sensation’ which gave him a
+wild moment of dangerous fame. As so often happens, the cause of his
+momentary fashion is the cause also of his lasting oblivion. Moore’s
+former reputation was less excessive, yet it has not been more permanent.
+The prettiness of a few songs preserves the memory of his name, but as
+a poet to _read_ he is forgotten. There is nothing to read in him; no
+exquisite thought, no sublime feeling, no consummate description of true
+character. Almost the sole result of the poetry of that time is the harm
+which it has done. It degraded for a time the whole character of the
+art. It said by practice, by a most efficient and successful practice,
+that it was the aim, the _duty_ of poets, to catch the attention of the
+passing, the fashionable, the busy world. If a poem ‘fell dead,’ it was
+nothing; it was composed to please the ‘London’ of the year, and if that
+London did not like it, why, it had failed. It fixed upon the minds
+of a whole generation, it engraved in popular memory and tradition, a
+vague conviction that poetry is but one of the many _amusements_ for the
+enjoying classes, for the lighter hours of all classes. The mere notion,
+the bare idea, that poetry is a deep thing, a teaching thing, the most
+surely and wisely elevating of human things, is even now to the coarse
+public mind nearly unknown.
+
+As was the fate of poetry, so inevitably was that of criticism. The
+science that expounds which poetry is good and which is bad, is dependent
+for its popular reputation on the popular estimate of poetry itself. The
+critics of that day had _a_ day, which is more than can be said for some
+since; they professed to tell the fashionable world in what books it
+would find new pleasure, and therefore they were read by the fashionable
+world. Byron counted the critic and poet equal. The _Edinburgh Review_
+penetrated among the young, and into places of female resort where it
+does not go now. As people ask, ‘Have you read _Henry Dunbar_? and what
+do you think of it?’ so they then asked, ‘Have you read the _Giaour_?
+and what do you think of it?’ Lord Jeffrey, a shrewd judge of the world,
+employed himself in telling it what to think; not so much what it ought
+to think, as what at bottom it did think, and so by dexterous sympathy
+with current society he gained contemporary fame and power. Such fame
+no critic must hope for now. His articles will not penetrate where the
+poems themselves do not penetrate. When poetry was noisy, criticism was
+loud; now poetry is a still small voice, and criticism must be smaller
+and stiller. As the function of such criticism was limited, so was its
+subject. For the great and (as time now proves) the _permanent_ part of
+the poetry of his time—for Shelley and for Wordsworth—Lord Jeffrey had
+but one word. He said[19] ‘It won’t do.’ And it will not do to amuse a
+drawing-room.
+
+The doctrine that poetry is a light amusement for idle hours, a metrical
+species of sensational novel, did not indeed become popular without
+gainsayers. Thirty years ago, Mr. Carlyle most rudely contradicted it.
+But perhaps this is about all that he has done. He has denied, but he has
+not disproved. He has contradicted the floating paganism, but he has not
+founded the deep religion. All about and around us a _faith_ in poetry
+struggles to be extricated, but it is not extricated. Some day, at the
+touch of the true word, the whole confusion will by magic cease; the
+broken and shapeless notions will cohere and crystallize into a bright
+and true theory. But this cannot be yet.
+
+But though no complete theory of the poetic art as yet be possible for
+us, though perhaps only our children’s children will be able to speak on
+this subject with the assured confidence which belongs to accepted truth,
+yet something of some certainty may be stated on the easier elements, and
+something that will throw light on these two new books. But it will be
+necessary to assign reasons, and the assigning of reasons is a dry task.
+Years ago, when criticism only tried to show how poetry could be made a
+good amusement, it was not impossible that criticism itself should be
+amusing. But now it must at least be serious, for we believe that poetry
+is a serious and a deep thing.
+
+There should be a word in the language of literary art to express what
+the word ‘picturesque’ expresses for the fine arts. _Picturesque_ means
+fit to be put into a picture; we want a word _literatesque_, ‘fit
+to be put into a book.’ An artist goes through a hundred different
+country scenes, rich with beauties, charms and merits, but he does not
+paint any of them. He leaves them alone; he idles on till he finds the
+hundred-and-first—a scene which many observers would not think much of,
+but which _he_ knows by virtue of his art will look well on canvas,
+and this he paints and preserves. Susceptible observers, though not
+artists, feel this quality too; they say of a scene, ‘How picturesque!’
+meaning by this a quality distinct from that of beauty, or sublimity, or
+grandeur—meaning to speak not only of the scene as it is in itself, but
+also of its fitness for imitation by art; meaning not only that it is
+good, but that its goodness is such as ought to be transferred to paper;
+meaning not simply that it fascinates, but also that its fascination is
+such as ought to be copied by man. A fine and insensible instinct has put
+language to this subtle use; it expresses an idea without which fine art
+criticism could not go on, and it is very natural that the language of
+pictorial art should be better supplied with words than that of literary
+criticism, for the eye was used before the mind, and language embodies
+primitive sensuous ideas, long ere it expresses, or need express,
+abstract and literary ones.
+
+The reason why a landscape is ‘picturesque’ is often said to be, that
+such landscape represents an ‘idea.’ But this explanation, though, in
+the minds of some who use it, it is near akin to the truth, fails to
+explain that truth to those who did not know it before; the word ‘idea’
+is so often used in these subjects when people do not know anything
+else to say; it represents so often a kind of intellectual insolvency,
+when philosophers are at their wits’ end, that shrewd people will never
+readily on any occasion give it credit for meaning anything. A wise
+explainer must, therefore, look out for other words to convey what he has
+to say. _Landscapes_, like everything else in nature, divide themselves
+as we look at them into a sort of rude classification. We go down a
+river, for example, and we see a hundred landscapes on both sides of it,
+resembling one another in much, yet differing in something; with trees
+here, and a farmhouse there, and shadows on one side, and a deep pool
+far on, a collection of circumstances most familiar in themselves, but
+making a perpetual novelty by the magic of their various combinations.
+We travel so for miles and hours, and then we come to a scene which also
+has these various circumstances and adjuncts, but which combines them
+best, which makes the best whole of them, which shows them in their best
+proportion at a single glance before the eye. Then we say, ‘This is the
+place to paint the river; this is the picturesque point!’ Or, if not
+artists or critics of art, we feel without analysis or examination that
+somehow this bend or sweep of the river shall in future be _the river
+to us_: that it is the image of it which we will retain in our mind’s
+eye, by which we will remember it, which we will call up when we want to
+describe or think of it. Some fine countries, some beautiful rivers, have
+not this picturesque quality: they give us elements of beauty, but they
+do not combine them together; we go on for a time delighted, but _after_
+a time somehow we get wearied; we feel that we are taking in nothing and
+learning nothing; we get no collected image before our mind; we see the
+accidents and circumstances of that sort of scenery, but the summary
+scene we do not see; we find _disjecta membra_, but no form; various
+and many and faulty approximations are displayed in succession; but the
+absolute perfection in that country’s or river’s scenery—its _type_—is
+withheld. We go away from such places in part delighted, but in part
+baffled; we have been puzzled by pretty things; we have beheld a hundred
+different inconsistent specimens of the same sort of beauty; but the
+rememberable idea, the full development, the characteristic individuality
+of it, we have not seen.
+
+We find the same sort of quality in all parts of painting. We see a
+portrait of a person we know, and we say, ‘It is like—yes, like, of
+course, but it is not _the man_;’ we feel it could not be anyone else,
+but still, somehow it fails to bring home to us the individual as we know
+him to be. _He_ is not there. An accumulation of features like his are
+painted, but his essence is not painted; an approximation more or less
+excellent is given, but the characteristic expression, the _typical_
+form, of the man is withheld.
+
+Literature—the painting of words—has the same quality, but wants the
+analogous word. The word ‘_literatesque_’ would mean, if we possessed it,
+that perfect combination in the _subject-matter_ of literature, which
+suits the _art_ of literature. We often meet people, and say of them,
+sometimes meaning well and sometimes ill, ‘How well so-and-so would do
+in a book!’ Such people are by no means the best people; but they are
+the most effective people—the most rememberable people. Frequently,
+when we first know them, we like them because they explain to us so much
+of our experience; we have known many people ‘like that,’ in one way or
+another, but we did not seem to understand them; they were nothing to us,
+for their traits were indistinct; we forgot them, for they hitched on
+to nothing, and we could not classify them. But when we see the _type_
+of the genus, at once we seem to comprehend its character; the inferior
+specimens are explained by the perfect embodiment; the approximations are
+definable when we know the ideal to which they draw near. There are an
+infinite number of classes of human beings, but in each of these classes
+there is a distinctive type which, if we could expand it in words, would
+define the class. We cannot expand it in formal terms any more than a
+landscape, or a species of landscape; but we have an art, an art of
+words, which can draw it. Travellers and others often bring home, in
+addition to their long journals—which, though so living to them, are so
+dead, so inanimate, so undescriptive to all else—a pen-and-ink sketch,
+rudely done very likely, but which, perhaps, even the more for the blots
+and strokes, gives a distinct notion, an emphatic image, to all who see
+it. We say at once, _now_ we know the sort of thing. The sketch has _hit_
+the mind. True literature does the same. It describes sorts, varieties,
+and permutations, by delineating the type of each sort, the ideal of each
+variety, the central, the marking trait of each permutation.
+
+On this account, the greatest artists of the world have ever shown
+an enthusiasm for reality. To care for notions and abstractions; to
+philosophise; to reason out conclusions; to care for schemes of thought,
+are signs in the artistic mind of secondary excellence. A Schiller,
+a Euripides, a Ben Jonson, cares for _ideas_—for the parings of the
+intellect, and the distillation of the mind; a Shakespeare, a Homer,
+a Goethe, finds his mental occupation, the true home of his natural
+thoughts, in the real world—‘which is the world of all of us’—where the
+face of nature, the moving masses of men and women, are ever changing,
+ever multiplying, ever mixing one with the other. The reason is plain—the
+business of the poet, of the artist, is with _types_; and those types are
+mirrored in reality. As a painter must not only have a hand to execute,
+but an eye to distinguish—as he must go here and there through the
+real world to catch the picturesque man, the picturesque scene, which
+is to live on his canvas—so the poet must find in that reality, the
+_literatesque_ man, the _literatesque_ scene which nature intends for
+him, and which will live in his page. Even in reality he will not find
+this type complete, or the characteristics perfect; but there he will
+find, at least, something, some hint, some intimation, some suggestion;
+whereas, in the stagnant home of his own thoughts he will find nothing
+pure, nothing as it is, nothing which does not bear his own mark, which
+is not somehow altered by a mixture with himself.
+
+The first conversation of Goethe and Schiller illustrates this conception
+of the poet’s art. Goethe was at that time prejudiced against Schiller,
+we must remember, partly from what he considered the outrages of the
+_Robbers_, partly because of the philosophy of Kant. Schiller’s ‘Essay on
+_Grace and Dignity_,’ he tells us—
+
+ ‘Was yet less of a kind to reconcile me. The philosophy of
+ Kant, which exalts the dignity of mind so highly, while
+ appearing to restrict it, Schiller had joyfully embraced:
+ it unfolded the extraordinary qualities which Nature had
+ implanted in him; and in the lively feeling of freedom and
+ self-direction, he showed himself unthankful to the Great
+ Mother, who surely had not acted like a step-dame towards him.
+ Instead of viewing her as self-subsisting, as producing with
+ a living force, and according to appointed laws, alike the
+ highest and the lowest of her works, he took her up under the
+ aspect of some empirical native qualities of the human mind.
+ Certain harsh passages I could even directly apply to myself:
+ they exhibited my confession of faith in a false light; and I
+ felt that if written without particular attention to me, they
+ were still worse; for, in that case, the vast chasm which lay
+ between us gaped but so much the more distinctly.’
+
+After a casual meeting at a Society for Natural History, they walked
+home, and Goethe proceeds:
+
+ ‘We reached his house; the talk induced me to go in. I then
+ expounded to him, with as much vivacity as possible, the
+ _Metamorphosis of Plants_,[20] drawing out on paper, with
+ many characteristic strokes, a symbolic plant for him, as I
+ proceeded. He heard and saw all this, with much interest and
+ distinct comprehension; but when I had done, he shook his head
+ and said: “This is no experiment, this is an idea.” I stopped
+ with some degree of irritation; for the point which separated
+ us was most luminously marked by this expression. The opinions
+ in _Dignity and Grace_ again occurred to me; the old grudge was
+ just awakening; but I smothered it, and merely said: “I was
+ happy to find that I had got ideas without knowing it, nay,
+ that I saw them before my eyes.”
+
+ ‘Schiller had much more prudence and dexterity of management
+ than I; he was also thinking of his periodical the _Horen_,
+ about this time, and of course rather wished to attract than
+ repel me. Accordingly, he answered me like an accomplished
+ Kantite; and as my stiff-necked Realism gave occasion to many
+ contradictions, much battling took place between us, and at
+ last a truce, in which neither party would consent to yield the
+ victory, but each held himself invincible. Positions like the
+ following grieved me to the very soul: _How can there ever be
+ an experiment, that shall correspond with an idea? The specific
+ quality of an idea is, that no experiment can reach it or agree
+ with it._ Yet if he held as an idea, the same thing which I
+ looked upon as an experiment, there must certainly, I thought,
+ be some community between us—some ground whereon both of us
+ might meet!’
+
+With Goethe’s natural history, or with Kant’s philosophy, we have here
+no concern; but we can combine the expressions of the two great poets
+into a nearly complete description of poetry. The ‘symbolic plant’ is the
+_type_, of which we speak, the ideal at which inferior specimens aim, the
+class characteristic in which they all share, but which none shows forth
+fully. Goethe was right in searching for this in reality and nature;
+Schiller was right in saying that it was an ‘idea,’ a transcending
+notion to which approximations could be found in experience, but only
+approximations—which could not be found there itself. Goethe, as a poet,
+rightly felt the primary necessity of outward suggestion and experience;
+Schiller, as a philosopher, rightly felt its imperfection.
+
+But in these delicate matters, it is easy to misapprehend. There is,
+undoubtedly, a sort of poetry which is produced as it were out of the
+author’s mind. The description of the poet’s own moods and feelings is
+a common sort of poetry—perhaps the commonest sort. But the peculiarity
+of such cases is, that the poet does not describe himself _as_ himself:
+autobiography is not his object; he takes himself as a specimen of
+human nature; he describes, not himself, but a distillation of himself:
+he takes such of his moods as are most characteristic, as most typify
+certain moods of certain men, or certain moods of all men; he chooses
+preponderant feelings of special sorts of men, or occasional feelings
+of men of all sorts; but with whatever other difference and diversity,
+the essence is that such self-describing poets describe what is _in_
+them, but not _peculiar_ to them,—what is generic, not what is special
+and individual. Gray’s _Elegy_ describes a mood which Gray felt more
+than other men, but which most others, perhaps all others, feel too. It
+is more popular, perhaps, than any English poem, because that sort of
+feeling is the most diffused of high feelings, and because Gray added to
+a singular nicety of fancy an habitual proneness to a _contemplative_—a
+discerning but unbiassed—meditation on death and on life. Other poets
+cannot hope for such success: a subject so popular, so grave, so wise,
+and yet so suitable to the writer’s nature, is hardly to be found. But
+the same ideal, the same unautobiographical character is to be found
+in the writings of meaner men. Take sonnets of Hartley Coleridge, for
+example:—
+
+ I.
+
+ TO A FRIEND.
+
+ ‘When we were idlers with the loitering rills,
+ The need of human love we little noted:
+ Our love was nature; and the peace that floated
+ On the white mist, and dwelt upon the hills,
+ To sweet accord subdued our wayward wills:
+ One soul was ours, one mind, one heart devoted,
+ That, wisely doating, ask’d not why it doated,
+ And ours the unknown joy, which knowing kills.
+ But now I find, how dear thou wert to me;
+ That man is more than half of nature’s treasure,
+ Of that fair Beauty which no eye can see,
+ Of that sweet music which no ear can measure;
+ And now the streams may sing for others’ pleasure,
+ The hills sleep on in their eternity.’
+
+ II.
+
+ TO THE SAME.
+
+ ‘In the great city we are met again,
+ Where many souls there are, that breathe and die,
+ Scarce knowing more of nature’s potency,
+ Than what they learn from heat, or cold, or rain,
+ The sad vicissitude of weary pain;—
+ For busy man is lord of ear and eye,
+ And what hath nature, but the vast, void sky,
+ And the thronged river toiling to the main?
+ Oh! say not so, for she shall have her part
+ In every smile, in every tear that falls,
+ And she shall hide her in the secret heart,
+ Where love persuades, and sterner duty calls:
+ But worse it were than death, or sorrow’s smart,
+ To live without a friend within these walls.’
+
+ III.
+
+ TO THE SAME.
+
+ ‘We parted on the mountains, as two streams
+ From one clear spring pursue their several ways;
+ And thy fleet course hath been through many a maze
+ In foreign lands, where silvery Padus gleams
+ To that delicious sky, whose glowing beams
+ Brightened the tresses that old Poets praise;
+ Where Petrarch’s patient love, and artful lays,
+ And Ariosto’s song of many themes,
+ Moved the soft air. But I, a lazy brook,
+ As close pent up within my native dell,
+ Have crept along from nook to shady nook,
+ Where flow’rets blow, and whispering Naiads dwell.
+ Yet now we meet, that parted were so wide,
+ O’er rough and smooth to travel side by side.’
+
+The contrast of instructive and enviable locomotion with refining but
+instructive meditation is not special and peculiar to these two, but
+general and universal. It was set down by Hartley Coleridge because he
+was the most meditative and refining of men.
+
+What sort of literatesque types are fit to be described in the sort of
+literature called poetry, is a matter on which much might be written.
+Mr. Arnold, some years since, put forth a theory that the art of poetry
+could only delineate _great actions_. But though, rightly interpreted
+and understood—using the word action so as to include high and sound
+activity in contemplation—this definition may suit the highest poetry,
+it certainly cannot be stretched to include many inferior sorts and
+even many good sorts. Nobody in their senses would describe Gray’s
+_Elegy_ as the delineation of a ‘great action;’ some kinds of mental
+contemplation may be energetic enough to deserve this name, but Gray
+would have been frightened at the very word. He loved scholarlike calm
+and quiet inaction; his very greatness depended on his _not_ acting, on
+his ‘wise passiveness,’ on his indulging the grave idleness which so well
+appreciates so much of human life. But the best answer—the _reductio ad
+absurdum_—of Mr. Arnold’s doctrine, is the mutilation which it has caused
+him to make of his own writings. It has forbidden him, he tells us, to
+reprint _Empedocles_—a poem undoubtedly containing defects and even
+excesses, but containing also these lines:—
+
+ ‘And yet what days were those Parmenides!
+ When we were young, when we could number friends
+ In all the Italian cities like ourselves,
+ When with elated hearts we join’d your train,
+ Ye Sun-born virgins! on the road of Truth.
+ Then we could still enjoy; then neither thought
+ Nor outward things were clos’d and dead to us,
+ But we receiv’d the shock of mighty thoughts
+ On simple minds with a pure natural joy;
+ And if the sacred load oppress’d our brain,
+ We had the power to feel the pressure eas’d,
+ The brow unbound, the thoughts flow free again,
+ In the delightful commerce of the world.
+ We had not lost our balance then, nor grown
+ Thought’s slaves, and dead to every natural joy.
+ The smallest thing could give us pleasure then—
+ The sports of the country people;
+ A flute note from the woods;
+ Sunset over the sea:
+ Seed-time and harvest;
+ The reapers in the corn;
+ The vinedresser in his vineyard;
+ The village-girl at her wheel.
+ Fulness of life and power of feeling, ye
+ Are for the happy, for the souls at ease,
+ Who dwell on a firm basis of content.
+ But he who has outliv’d his prosperous days,
+ But he, whose youth fell on a different world
+ From that on which his exil’d age is thrown;
+ Whose mind was fed on other food, was train’d
+ By other rules than are in vogue to-day;
+ Whose habit of thought is fix’d, who will not change,
+ But in a world he loves not must subsist
+ In ceaseless opposition, be the guard
+ Of his own breast, fetter’d to what he guards,
+ That the world win no mastery over him;
+ Who has no friend, no fellow left, not one;
+ Who has no minute’s breathing space allow’d
+ To nurse his dwindling faculty of joy;—
+ Joy and the outward world must die to him
+ As they are dead to me.’
+
+What freak of criticism can induce a man who has written such poetry as
+this, to discard it, and say it is not poetry? Mr. Arnold is privileged
+to speak of his own poems, but no other critic could speak so and not be
+laughed at.
+
+We are disposed to believe that no very sharp definition can be given—at
+least in the present state of the critical art—of the boundary line
+between poetry and other sorts of imaginative delineation. Between the
+undoubted dominions of the two kinds there is a debatable land; everybody
+is agreed that the ‘Œdipus at Colonus’ is poetry: everyone is agreed
+that the wonderful appearance of Mrs. Veal is _not_ poetry. But the
+exact line which separates grave novels in verse like _Aylmer’s Field_
+or _Enoch Arden_, from grave novels not in verse like _Silas Marner_ or
+_Adam Bede_, we own we cannot draw with any confidence. Nor, perhaps,
+is it very important; whether a narrative is thrown into verse or not,
+certainly depends in part on the taste of the age, and in part on its
+mechanical helps. Verse is the only mechanical help to the memory in
+rude times, and there is little writing till a cheap something is found
+to write upon, and a cheap something to write with. Poetry—verse, at
+least—is the literature of _all work_ in early ages; it is only later
+ages which write in what _they_ think a natural and simple prose.
+There are other casual influences in the matter too; but they are not
+material now. We need only say here that poetry, because it has a more
+marked rhythm than prose, must be more intense in meaning and more
+concise in style than prose. People expect a ‘marked rhythm’ to imply
+something worth marking; if it fails to do so they are disappointed.
+They are displeased at the visible waste of a powerful instrument; they
+call it ‘doggerel,’ and rightly call it, for the metrical expression
+of full thought and eager feeling—the burst of metre—incident to high
+imagination, should not be wasted on petty matters which prose does
+as well,—which it does better—which it suits by its very limpness and
+weakness, whose small changes it follows more easily, and to whose lowest
+details it can fully and without effort degrade itself. Verse, too,
+should be _more concise_, for long-continued rhythm tends to jade the
+mind, just as brief rhythm tends to attract the attention. Poetry should
+be memorable and emphatic, intense, and _soon over_.
+
+The great divisions of poetry, and of all other literary art, arise from
+the different modes in which these _types_—these characteristic men,
+these characteristic feelings—may be variously described. There are
+three principal modes which we shall attempt to describe—the _pure_,
+which is sometimes, but not very wisely, called the classical; the
+_ornate_, which is also unwisely called romantic; and the _grotesque_,
+which might be called the mediæval. We will describe the nature of these
+a little. Criticism, we know, must be brief—not, like poetry, because
+its charm is too intense to be sustained—but, on the contrary, because
+its interest is too weak to be prolonged; but elementary criticism, if
+an evil, is a necessary evil; a little while spent among the simple
+principles of art is the first condition, the absolute pre-requisite,
+for surely apprehending and wisely judging the complete embodiments and
+miscellaneous forms of actual literature.
+
+The definition of _pure_ literature is, that it describes the type in
+its simplicity—we mean, with the exact amount of accessory circumstance
+which is necessary to bring it before the mind in finished perfection,
+and no more than that amount. The _type_ needs some accessories from its
+nature—a picturesque landscape does not consist wholly of picturesque
+features. There is a setting of surroundings—as the Americans would say,
+of fixings—without which the reality is not itself. By a traditional mode
+of speech, as soon as we see a picture in which a complete effect is
+produced by detail so rare and so harmonised as to escape us, we say, How
+‘classical’! The whole which is to be seen appears at once and through
+the detail, but the detail itself is not seen: we do not think of that
+which gives us the idea; we are absorbed in the idea itself. Just so in
+literature, the pure art is that which works with the fewest strokes; the
+fewest, that is, for its purpose, for its aim is to call up and bring
+home to men an idea, a form, a character, and if that idea be twisted,
+that form be involved, that character perplexed, many strokes of literary
+art will be needful. Pure art does not mutilate its object; it represents
+it as fully as is possible with the slightest effort which is possible:
+it shrinks from no needful circumstances, as little as it inserts any
+which are needless. The precise peculiarity is not merely that no
+incidental circumstance is inserted which does not tell on the main
+design: no art is fit to be called art which permits a stroke to be put
+in without an object; but that only the minimum of such circumstance is
+inserted at all. The form is sometimes said to be bare, the accessories
+are sometimes said to be invisible, because the appendages are so choice
+that the shape only is perceived.
+
+The English literature undoubtedly contains much impure literature;
+impure in its style, if not in its meaning: but it also contains one
+great, one nearly perfect, model of the pure style in the literary
+expression of typical _sentiment_; and one not perfect, but gigantic and
+close approximation to perfection in the pure delineation of objective
+character. Wordsworth, perhaps, comes as near to choice purity of style
+in sentiment as is possible; Milton, with exceptions and conditions to be
+explained, approaches perfection by the strenuous purity with which he
+depicts character.
+
+A wit once said, that ‘_pretty_ women had more features than _beautiful_
+women,’ and though the expression may be criticised, the meaning is
+correct. Pretty women seem to have a great number of attractive points,
+each of which attracts your attention, and each one of which you remember
+afterwards; yet these points have not grown together, their features have
+not linked themselves into a single inseparable whole. But a beautiful
+woman is a whole as she is; you no more take her to pieces than a Greek
+statue; she is not an aggregate of divisible charms, she is a charm
+in herself. Such ever is the dividing test of pure art; if you catch
+yourself admiring its details, it is defective; you ought to think of it
+as a single whole which you must remember, which you must admire, which
+somehow subdues you while you admire it, which is a ‘possession’ to you
+‘for ever.’
+
+Of course, no individual poem embodies this ideal perfectly; of course,
+every human word and phrase has its imperfections, and if we choose an
+instance to illustrate that ideal, the instance has scarcely a fair
+chance. By contrasting it with the ideal, we suggest its imperfections;
+by protruding it as an example, we turn on its defectiveness the
+microscope of criticism. Yet these two sonnets of Wordsworth may be fitly
+read in this place, not because they are quite without faults, or because
+they are the very best examples of their kind of style; but because they
+are luminous examples; the compactness of the sonnet and the gravity
+of the sentiment, hedging in the thoughts, restraining the fancy, and
+helping to maintain a singleness of expression.
+
+ ‘THE TROSACHS.
+
+ ‘There’s not a nook within this solemn Pass,
+ But were an apt Confessional for one
+ Taught by his summer spent, his autumn gone,
+ That Life is but a tale of morning grass
+ Withered at eve. From scenes of art which chase
+ That thought away, turn, and with watchful eyes
+ Feed it ’mid Nature’s old felicities,
+ Rocks, rivers, and smooth lakes more clear than glass
+ Untouched, unbreathed upon. Thrice happy guest,
+ If from a golden perch of aspen spray
+ (October’s workmanship to rival May)
+ The pensive warbler of the ruddy breast
+ That moral sweeten by a heaven-taught lay,
+ Lulling the year, with all its cares, to rest!’
+
+ ‘COMPOSED UPON WESTMINSTER BRIDGE, SEPT. 3, 1802.
+
+ ‘Earth has not anything to show more fair:
+ Dull would he be of soul who could pass by
+ A sight so touching in its majesty:
+ This city now doth, like a garment, wear
+ The beauty of the morning; silent, bare,
+ Ships, towers, domes, theatres, and temples lie
+ Open unto the fields and to the sky;
+ All bright and glittering in the smokeless air.
+ Never did sun more beautifully steep
+ In his first splendour, valley, rock, or hill;
+ Ne’er saw I, never felt, a calm so deep!
+ The river glideth at his own sweet will:
+ Dear God! The very houses seem asleep;
+ And all that mighty heart is lying still!’
+
+Instances of barer style than this may easily be found instances of
+colder style—few better instances of purer style. Not a single expression
+(the invocation in the concluding couplet of the second sonnet perhaps
+excepted) can be spared, yet not a single expression rivets the
+attention. If, indeed, we take out the phrase—
+
+ ‘The city now doth, like a garment, wear
+ The beauty of the morning,’
+
+and the description of the brilliant yellow of autumn—
+
+ ‘October’s workmanship to rival May,’
+
+they have independent value, but they are not noticed in the sonnet when
+we read it through; they fall into place there, and being in their place,
+are not seen. The great subjects of the two sonnets, the religious aspect
+of beautiful but grave nature—the religious aspect of a city about to
+awaken and be alive, are the only ideas left in our mind. To Wordsworth
+has been vouchsafed the last grace of the self-denying artist; you think
+neither of him nor his style, but you cannot help thinking of—you _must_
+recall—the exact phrase, the _very_ sentiment he wished.
+
+Milton’s purity is more eager. In the most exciting parts of
+Wordsworth—and these sonnets are not very exciting—you always feel, you
+never forget, that what you have before you is the excitement of a
+recluse. There is nothing of the stir of life; nothing of the brawl of
+the world. But Milton, though always a scholar by trade, though solitary
+in old age, was through life intent on great affairs, lived close to
+great scenes, watched a revolution, and if not an actor in it, was at
+least secretary to the actors. He was familiar—by daily experience and
+habitual sympathy—with the earnest debate of arduous questions, on which
+the life and death of the speakers certainly depended, on which the
+weal or woe of the country perhaps depended. He knew how profoundly the
+individual character of the speakers—their inner and real nature—modifies
+their opinion on such questions; he knew how surely that nature will
+appear in the expression of them. This great experience, fashioned
+by a fine imagination, gives to the debate of the Satanic Council
+in Pandæmonium its reality and its life. It is a debate in the Long
+Parliament, and though the theme of _Paradise Lost_ obliged Milton to
+side with the monarchical element in the universe, his old habits are
+often too much for him; and his real sympathy—the impetus and energy of
+his nature—side with the rebellious element. For the purposes of art this
+is much better. Of a court, a poet can make but little; of a heaven, he
+can make very little; but of a courtly heaven, such as Milton conceived,
+he can make nothing at all. The idea of a court and the idea of a heaven
+are so radically different, that a distinct combination of them is always
+grotesque and often ludicrous. _Paradise Lost_, as a whole, is radically
+tainted by a vicious principle. It professes to justify the ways of God
+to man, to account for sin and death, and it tells you that the whole
+originated in a political event; in a court squabble as to a particular
+act of patronage and the due or undue promotion of an eldest son. Satan
+may have been wrong, but on Milton’s theory he had an arguable case at
+least. There was something arbitrary in the promotion; there were little
+symptoms of a job; in _Paradise Lost_ it is always clear that the devils
+are the weaker, but it is never clear that the angels are the better.
+Milton’s sympathy and his imagination slip back to the Puritan rebels
+whom he loved, and desert the courtly angels whom he could not love,
+although he praised them. There is no wonder that Milton’s hell is better
+than his heaven, for he hated officials and he loved rebels,—he employs
+his genius below, and accumulates his pedantry above. On the great debate
+in Pandæmonium all his genius is concentrated. The question is very
+practical; it is, ‘What are we devils to do, now we have lost heaven?’
+Satan, who presides over and manipulates the assembly—Moloch,
+
+ ‘The fiercest spirit
+ That fought in Heaven, now fiercer by despair,’
+
+who wants to fight again; Belial, ‘the man of the world,’ who does not
+want to fight any more; Mammon, who is for commencing an industrial
+career; Beelzebub, the official statesman,
+
+ ‘Deep on his front engraven,
+ Deliberation sat and Public care,’
+
+who, at Satan’s instance, proposes the invasion of earth—are as distinct
+as so many statues. Even Belial, ‘the man of the world,’ the sort of man
+with whom Milton had least sympathy, is perfectly painted. An inferior
+artist would have made the actor who ‘counselled ignoble ease and
+peaceful sloth,’ a degraded and ugly creature; but Milton knew better.
+He knew that low notions require a better garb than high notions. Human
+nature is not a high thing, but at least it has a high idea of itself; it
+will not accept mean maxims, unless they are gilded and made beautiful.
+A prophet in goatskin may cry, ‘Repent, repent,’ but it takes ‘purple
+and fine linen’ to be able to say ‘Continue in your sins.’ The world
+vanquishes with its speciousness and its show, and the orator who is to
+persuade men to worldliness must have a share in them. Milton well knew
+this; after the warlike speech of the fierce Moloch, he introduces a
+brighter and a more graceful spirit.
+
+ ‘He ended frowning, and his look denounced
+ Desp’rate revenge, and battle dangerous
+ To less than Gods. On th’ other side up rose
+ Belial, in act more graceful and humane:
+ A fairer person lost not Heaven; he seem’d
+ For dignity composed and high exploit:
+ But all was false and hollow, though his tongue
+ Dropt manna, and could make the worse appear
+ The better reason, to perplex and dash
+ Maturest counsels; for his thoughts were low;
+ To vice industrious, but to nobler deeds
+ Tim’rous and slothful: yet he pleased the ear,
+ And with persuasive accent thus began:’
+
+He does not begin like a man with a strong case, but like a man with a
+weak case; he knows that the pride of human nature is irritated by mean
+advice, and though he may probably persuade men to take it, he must
+carefully apologise for giving it. Here, as elsewhere, though the formal
+address is to devils, the real address is to men: to the human nature
+which we know, not to the fictitious diabolic nature we do not know.
+
+ ‘I should be much for open war, O Peers!
+ As not behind in hate, if what was urged
+ Main reason to persuade immediate war,
+ Did not dissuade me most, and seem to cast
+ Ominous conjecture on the whole success:
+ When he who most excels in fact of arms,
+ In what he counsels, and in what excels
+ Mistrustful, grounds his courage on despair,
+ And utter dissolution, as the scope
+ Of all his aim, after some dire revenge.
+ First, what revenge? The tow’rs of Heav’n are fill’d
+ With armed watch, that render all access
+ Impregnable; oft on the bord’ring deep
+ Encamp their legions, or with obscure wing
+ Scout far and wide into the realm of night,
+ Scorning surprise. Or could we break our way
+ By force, and at our heels all Hell should rise
+ With blackest insurrection, to confound
+ Heav’n’s purest light, yet our Great Enemy,
+ All incorruptible, would on His throne
+ Sit unpolluted, and th’ ethereal mould
+ Incapable of stain would soon expel
+ Her mischief, and purge off the baser fire
+ Victorious. Thus repulsed, our final hope
+ Is flat despair. We must exasperate
+ Th’ Almighty Victor to spend all His rage,
+ And that must end us: that must be our cure,
+ To be no more? Sad cure; for who would lose,
+ Though full of pain, this intellectual being,
+ Those thoughts that wander through eternity,
+ To perish rather, swallow’d up and lost
+ In the wide womb of uncreated night,
+ Devoid of sense and motion? And who knows,
+ Let this be good, whether our angry Foe
+ Can give it, or will ever? How He can
+ Is doubtful; that He never will is sure.
+ Will He, so wise, let loose at once His ire
+ Belike through impotence, or unaware,
+ To give His enemies their wish, and end
+ Them in His anger, whom His anger saves
+ To punish endless? Wherefore cease we then?
+ Say they who counsel war, we are decreed,
+ Reserved, and destined, to eternal woe;
+ Whatever doing, what can we suffer more,
+ What can we suffer worse? Is this then worst,
+ Thus sitting, thus consulting, thus in arms?’
+ ...
+
+And so on.
+
+Mr. Pitt knew this speech by heart, and Lord Macaulay has called it
+incomparable; and these judges of the oratorical art have well decided.
+A mean foreign policy cannot be better defended. Its sensibleness is
+effectually explained, and its tameness as much as possible disguised.
+
+But we have not here to do with the excellence of Belial’s policy, but
+with the excellence of his speech; and with that speech in a peculiar
+manner. This speech, taken with the few lines of description with which
+Milton introduces them, embody, in as short a space as possible, with as
+much perfection as possible, the delineation of the type of character
+common at all times, dangerous in many times; sure to come to the surface
+in moments of difficulty, and never more dangerous than then. As Milton
+describes it, it is one among several _typical_ characters which will
+ever have their place in great councils, which will ever be heard at
+important decisions, which are part of the characteristic and inalienable
+whole of this statesmanlike world. The debate in Pandæmonium is a debate
+among these typical characters at the greatest conceivable crisis, and
+with adjuncts of solemnity which no other situation could rival. It is
+the greatest classical triumph, the highest achievement of the pure style
+in English literature; it is the greatest description of the highest and
+most typical characters with the most choice circumstances and in the
+fewest words.
+
+It is not unremarkable that we should find in Milton and in _Paradise
+Lost_ the best specimen of pure style. Milton was a schoolmaster in a
+pedantic age, and there is nothing so unclassical—nothing so impure in
+style—as pedantry. The out-of-door conversational life of Athens was as
+opposed to bookish scholasticism as a life can be. The most perfect books
+have been written not by those who thought much of books, but by those
+who thought little, by those who were under the restraint of a sensitive
+talking world, to which books had contributed something, and a various,
+eager life the rest. Milton is generally unclassical in spirit where he
+is learned, and naturally, because the purest poets do not overlay their
+conceptions with book knowledge, and the classical poets, having in
+comparison no books, were under little temptation to impair the purity
+of their style by the accumulation of their research. Over and above
+this, there is in Milton, and a little in Wordsworth also, one defect
+which is in the highest degree faulty and unclassical, which mars the
+effect and impairs the perfection of the pure style. There is a want of
+spontaneity, and a sense of effort. It has been happily said that Plato’s
+words must have _grown_ into their places. No one would say so of Milton
+or even of Wordsworth. About both of them there is a taint of duty; a
+vicious sense of the good man’s task. Things seem right where they are,
+but they seem to be put where they are. Flexibility is essential to the
+consummate perfection of the pure style, because the sensation of the
+poet’s efforts carries away our thoughts from his achievements. We are
+admiring his labours when we should be enjoying his words. But this is a
+defect in those two writers, not a defect in pure art. Of course it _is_
+more difficult to write in few words than to write in many; to take the
+best adjuncts, and those only, for what you have to say, instead of using
+all which comes to hand; it _is_ an additional labour if you write verses
+in a morning, to spend the rest of the day in _choosing_, that is, in
+making those verses fewer. But a perfect artist in the pure style is as
+effortless and as natural as in any style, perhaps is more so. Take the
+well-known lines:—
+
+ ‘There was a little lawny islet
+ By anemone and violet,
+ Like mosaic, paven:
+ And its roof was flowers and leaves
+ Which the summer’s breath enweaves,
+ Where nor sun, nor showers, nor breeze,
+ Pierce the pines and tallest trees,
+ Each a gem engraven:
+ Girt by many an azure wave
+ With which the clouds and mountains pave
+ A lake’s blue chasm.’
+
+Shelley had many merits and many defects. This is not the place for a
+complete or indeed for any estimate of him. But one excellence is most
+evident. His words are as flexible as any words; the rhythm of some
+modulating air seems to move them into their place without a struggle
+by the poet, and almost without his knowledge. This is the perfection
+of pure art, to embody typical conceptions in the choicest, the fewest
+accidents, to embody them so that each of these accidents may produce its
+full effect, and so to embody them without effort.
+
+The extreme opposite to this pure art is what may be called ornate art.
+This species of art aims also at giving a delineation of the typical
+idea in its perfection and its fulness, but it aims at so doing in a
+manner most different. It wishes to surround the type with the greatest
+number of circumstances which it will bear. It works not by choice and
+selection, but by accumulation and aggregation. The idea is not, as in
+the pure style, presented with the least clothing which it will endure,
+but with the richest and most involved clothing that it will admit.
+
+We are fortunate in not having to hunt out of past literature an
+illustrative specimen of the ornate style. Mr. Tennyson has just given
+one admirable in itself, and most characteristic of the defects and the
+merits of this style. The story of _Enoch Arden_, as he has enhanced
+and presented it, is a rich and splendid composite of imagery and
+illustration. Yet how simple that story is in itself. A sailor who sells
+fish, breaks his leg, gets dismal, gives up selling fish, goes to sea, is
+wrecked on a desert island, stays there some years, on his return finds
+his wife married to a miller, speaks to a landlady on the subject, and
+dies. Told in the pure and simple, the unadorned and classical style,
+this story would not have taken three pages, but Mr. Tennyson has been
+able to make it the principal—the largest tale in his new volume. He
+has done so only by giving to every event and incident in the volume an
+accompanying commentary. He tells a great deal about the torrid zone,
+which a rough sailor like Enoch Arden certainly would not have perceived;
+and he gives to the fishing village, to which all the characters belong,
+a softness and a fascination which such villages scarcely possess in
+reality.
+
+The description of the tropical island on which the sailor is thrown, is
+an absolute model of adorned art:—
+
+ ‘The mountain wooded to the peak, the lawns
+ And winding glades high up like ways to Heaven,
+ The slender coco’s drooping crown of plumes,
+ The lightning flash of insect and of bird,
+ The lustre of the long convolvuluses
+ That coil’d around the stately stems, and ran
+ Ev’n to the limit of the land, the glows
+ And glories of the broad belt of the world,
+ All these he saw; but what he fain had seen
+ He could not see, the kindly human face,
+ Nor ever hear a kindly voice, but heard
+ The myriad shriek of wheeling ocean-fowl,
+ The league-long roller thundering on the reef,
+ The moving whisper of huge trees that branch’d
+ And blossom’d in the zenith, or the sweep
+ Of some precipitous rivulet to the wave,
+ As down the shore he ranged, or all day long
+ Sat often in the seaward-gazing gorge,
+ A shipwreck’d sailor, waiting for a sail:
+ No sail from day to day, but every day
+ The sunrise broken into scarlet shafts
+ Among the palms and ferns and precipices;
+ The blaze upon the waters to the east;
+ The blaze upon his island overhead;
+ The blaze upon the waters to the west;
+ Then the great stars that globed themselves in Heaven,
+ The hollower-bellowing ocean, and again
+ The scarlet shafts of sunrise—but no sail.’
+
+No expressive circumstances can be added to this description, no
+enhancing detail suggested. A much less happy instance is the description
+of Enoch’s life before he sailed:—
+
+ ‘While Enoch was abroad on wrathful seas,
+ Or often journeying landward; for in truth
+ Enoch’s white horse, and Enoch’s ocean spoil
+ In ocean-smelling osier, and his face,
+ Rough-redden’d with a thousand winter gales,
+ Not only to the market-cross were known,
+ But in the leafy lanes behind the down,
+ Far as the portal-warding lion-whelp,
+ And peacock yew-tree of the lonely Hall,
+ Whose Friday fare was Enoch’s ministering.’
+
+So much has not often been made of selling fish. The essence of ornate
+art is in this manner to accumulate round the typical object, everything
+which can be said about it, every associated thought that can be
+connected with it without impairing the essence of the delineation.
+
+The first defect which strikes a student of ornate art—the first which
+arrests the mere reader of it—is what is called a want of simplicity.
+Nothing is described as it is; everything has about it an atmosphere of
+something else. The combined and associated thoughts, though they set
+off and heighten particular ideas and aspects of the central and typical
+conception, yet complicate it: a simple thing—‘a daisy by the river’s
+brim’—is never left by itself, something else is put with it; something
+not more connected with it than ‘lion-whelp’ and the ‘peacock yew-tree’
+are with the ‘fresh fish for sale’ that Enoch carries past them. Even
+in the highest cases, ornate art leaves upon a cultured and delicate
+taste, the conviction that it is not the highest art, that it is somehow
+excessive and over-rich, that it is not chaste in itself or chastening to
+the mind that sees it—that it is in an explained manner unsatisfactory,
+‘a thing in which we feel there is some hidden want!’
+
+That want is a want of ‘definition.’ We must all know landscapes, river
+landscapes especially, which are in the highest sense beautiful, which
+when we first see them give us a delicate pleasure; which in some—and
+these the best cases—give even a gentle sense of surprise that such
+things should be so beautiful, and yet when we come to live in them,
+to spend even a few hours in them, we seem stifled and oppressed. On
+the other hand there are people to whom the seashore is a companion,
+an exhilaration; and not so much for the brawl of the shore as for the
+limited vastness, the finite infinite of the ocean as they see it.
+Such people often come home braced and nerved, and if they spoke out
+the truth, would have only to say, ‘We have seen the horizon line;’ if
+they were let alone indeed, they would gaze on it hour after hour, so
+great to them is the fascination, so full the sustaining calm, which
+they gain from that union of form and greatness. To a very inferior
+extent, but still, perhaps, to an extent which most people understand
+better, a common arch will have the same effect. A bridge completes a
+river landscape; if of the old and many-arched sort, it regulates by a
+long series of defined forms the vague outline of wood and river, which
+before had nothing to measure it; if of the new scientific sort, it
+introduces still more strictly a geometrical element; it stiffens the
+scenery which was before too soft, too delicate, too vegetable. Just such
+is the effect of pure style in literary art. It calms by conciseness;
+while the ornate style leaves on the mind a mist of beauty, an excess of
+fascination, a complication of charm, the pure style leaves behind it the
+simple, defined, measured idea, as it is, and by itself. That which is
+chaste chastens; there is a poised energy—a state half thrill and half
+tranquillity—which pure art gives, which no other can give; a pleasure
+justified as well as felt; an ennobled satisfaction at what ought to
+satisfy us, and must ennoble us.
+
+Ornate art is to pure art what a painted statue is to an unpainted. It is
+impossible to deny that a touch of colour does bring out certain parts;
+does convey certain expressions; does heighten certain features, but
+it leaves on the work as a whole, a want, as we say, ‘of something;’ a
+want of that inseparable chasteness which clings to simple sculpture, an
+impairing predominance of alluring details which impairs our satisfaction
+with our own satisfaction; which makes us doubt whether a higher being
+than ourselves will be satisfied even though we are so. In the very same
+manner, though the rouge of ornate literature excites our eye, it also
+impairs our confidence.
+
+Mr. Arnold has justly observed that this self-justifying, self-proving
+purity of style is commoner in ancient literature than in modern
+literature, and also that Shakespeare is not a great or an unmixed
+example of it. No one can say that he is. His works are full of
+undergrowth, are full of complexity, are not models of style; except by a
+miracle, nothing in the Elizabethan age could be a model of style; the
+restraining taste of that age was feebler and more mistaken than that of
+any other equally great age. Shakespeare’s mind so teemed with creation
+that he required the most just, most forcible, most constant restraint
+from without. He most needed to be guided among poets, and he was the
+least and worst guided. As a whole no one can call his works finished
+models of the pure style, or of any style. But he has many passages
+of the most pure style, passages which could be easily cited if space
+served. And we must remember that the task which Shakespeare undertook
+was the most difficult which any poet has ever attempted, and that it
+is a task in which after a million efforts every other poet has failed.
+The Elizabethan drama—as Shakespeare has immortalised it—undertakes to
+delineate in five acts, under stage restrictions, and in mere dialogue, a
+whole list of _dramatis personæ_ a set of characters enough for a modern
+novel, and with the distinctness of a modern novel. Shakespeare is not
+content to give two or three great characters in solitude and in dignity,
+like the classical dramatists; he wishes to give a whole party of
+characters in the play of life, and according to the nature of each. He
+would ‘hold the mirror up to nature,’ not to catch a monarch in a tragic
+posture, but a whole group of characters engaged in many actions, intent
+on many purposes, thinking many thoughts. There is life enough, there
+is action enough, in single plays of Shakespeare to set up an ancient
+dramatist for a long career. And Shakespeare succeeded. His characters,
+taken _en masse_, and as a whole, are as well known as any novelist’s
+characters; cultivated men know all about them, as young ladies know all
+about Mr. Trollope’s novels. But no other dramatist has succeeded in such
+an aim. No one else’s characters are staple people in English literature,
+hereditary people whom everyone knows all about in every generation. The
+contemporary dramatists, Beaumont and Fletcher, Ben Jonson, Marlowe,
+&c., had many merits, some of them were great men. But a critic must say
+of them the worst thing he has to say: ‘they were men who failed in
+their characteristic aim;’ they attempted to describe numerous sets of
+complicated characters, and they failed. No one of such characters, or
+hardly one, lives in common memory; the _Faustus_ of Marlowe, a really
+great idea, is not remembered. They undertook to write what they could
+not write—five acts full of real characters, and in consequence, the fine
+individual things they conceived are forgotten by the mixed multitude,
+and known only to a few of the few. Of the Spanish theatre we cannot
+speak; but there are no such characters in any French tragedy: the whole
+aim of that tragedy forbad it. Goethe has added to literature a few great
+characters; he may be said almost to have added to literature the idea
+of ‘intellectual creation,’—the idea of describing the great characters
+through the intellect; but he has not added to the common stock what
+Shakespeare added, a new multitude of men and women; and these not in
+simple attitudes, but amid the most complex parts of life, with all
+their various natures roused, mixed, and strained. The severest art must
+have allowed many details, much overflowing circumstance to a poet who
+undertook to describe what almost defies description. Pure art would have
+commanded him to use details lavishly, for only by a multiplicity of such
+could the required effect have been at all produced. Shakespeare could
+accomplish it, for his mind was a spring, an inexhaustible fountain of
+human nature, and it is no wonder that being compelled by the task of
+his time to let the fulness of his nature overflow, he sometimes let it
+overflow too much, and covered with erroneous conceits and superfluous
+images characters and conceptions which would have been far more justly,
+far more effectually, delineated with conciseness and simplicity. But
+there is an infinity of pure art in Shakespeare, although there is a
+great deal else also.
+
+It will be said, if ornate art be as you say, an inferior species of art,
+why should it ever be used? If pure art be the best sort of art, why
+should it not always be used?
+
+The reason is this: literary art, as we just now explained, is concerned
+with literatesque characters in literatesque situations; and the
+_best_ art is concerned with the _most_ literatesque characters in the
+_most_ literatesque situations. Such are the subjects of pure art; it
+embodies with the fewest touches, and under the most select and choice
+circumstances, the highest conceptions; but it does not follow that only
+the best subjects are to be treated by art, and then only in the very
+best way. Human nature could not endure such a critical commandment
+as that, and it would be an erroneous criticism which gave it. _Any_
+literatesque character may be described in literature under _any_
+circumstances which exhibit its literatesqueness.
+
+The essence of pure art consists in its describing what is as it is,
+and this is very well for what can bear it, but there are many inferior
+things which will not bear it, and which nevertheless ought to be
+described in books. A certain kind of literature deals with illusions,
+and this kind of literature has given a colouring to the name romantic.
+A man of rare genius, and even of poetical genius, has gone so far as to
+make these illusions the true subject of poetry—almost the sole subject.
+
+ ‘Without,’ says Father Newman, of one of his characters, ‘being
+ himself a poet, he was in the season of poetry, in the sweet
+ spring-time, when the year is most beautiful because it is new.
+ Novelty was beauty to a heart so open and cheerful as his;
+ not only because it was novelty, and had its proper charm as
+ such, but because when we first see things, we see them in a
+ gay confusion, which is a principal element of the poetical.
+ As time goes on, and we number and sort and measure things,—as
+ we gain views, we advance towards philosophy and truth, but we
+ recede from poetry.
+
+ ‘When we ourselves were young, we once on a time walked on a
+ hot summer day from Oxford to Newington—a dull road, as anyone
+ who has gone it knows; yet it was new to us; and we protest
+ to you, reader, believe it or not, laugh or not, as you will,
+ to us it seemed on that occasion quite touchingly beautiful;
+ and a soft melancholy came over us, of which the shadows fall
+ even now, when we look back upon that dusty, weary journey. And
+ why? because every object which met us was unknown and full
+ of mystery. A tree or two in the distance seemed the beginning
+ of a great wood, or park, stretching endlessly; a hill implied
+ a vale beyond, with that vale’s history; the bye-lanes, with
+ their green hedges, wound on and vanished, yet were not lost
+ to the imagination. Such was our first journey; but when we
+ had gone it several times, the mind refused to act, the scene
+ ceased to enchant, stern reality alone remained; and we thought
+ it one of the most tiresome, odious roads we ever had occasion
+ to traverse.’
+
+That is to say, that the function of the poet is to introduce a ‘gay
+confusion,’ a rich medley which does not exist in the actual world—which
+perhaps could not exist in any world—but which would seem pretty if it
+did exist. Everyone who reads _Enoch Arden_ will perceive that this
+notion of all poetry is exactly applicable to this one poem. Whatever
+be made of Enoch’s ‘Ocean-spoil in ocean-smelling osier,’ of the
+‘portal-warding lion-whelp, and the peacock yew-tree,’ everyone knows
+that in himself Enoch could not have been charming. People who sell
+fish about the country (and that is what he did, though Mr. Tennyson
+won’t speak out, and wraps it up) never are beautiful. As Enoch was and
+must be coarse, in itself the poem must depend for a charm on a ‘gay
+confusion’—on a splendid accumulation of impossible accessories.
+
+Mr. Tennyson knows this better than many of us—he knows the country
+world; he has proved that no one living knows it better; he has painted
+with pure art—with art which describes what is a race perhaps more
+refined, more delicate, more conscientious, than the sailor—the _Northern
+Farmer_, and we all know what a splendid, what a living thing, he has
+made of it. He could, if he only would, have given us the ideal sailor in
+like manner—the ideal of the natural sailor we mean—the characteristic
+present man as he lives and is. But this he has not chosen. He has
+endeavoured to describe an exceptional sailor, at an exceptionally
+refined port, performing a graceful act, an act of relinquishment. And
+with this task before him, his profound taste taught him that ornate
+art was a necessary medium—was the sole effectual instrument—for his
+purpose. It was necessary for him if possible to abstract the mind from
+reality, to induce us _not_ to conceive or think of sailors as they
+are while we are reading of his sailors, but to think of what a person
+who did not know, might fancy sailors to be. A casual traveller on the
+seashore, with the sensitive mood and the romantic imagination Dr.
+Newman has described, might fancy, would fancy, a seafaring village to
+be like that. Accordingly, Mr. Tennyson has made it his aim to call off
+the stress of fancy from real life, to occupy it otherwise, to bury it
+with pretty accessories; to engage it on the ‘peacock yew-tree,’ and the
+‘portal-warding lion-whelp.’ Nothing, too, can be more splendid than the
+description of the tropics as Mr. Tennyson delineates them, but a sailor
+would not have felt the tropics in that manner. The beauties of nature
+would not have so much occupied him. He would have known little of the
+scarlet shafts of sunrise and nothing of the long convolvuluses. As in
+Robinson Crusoe, his own petty contrivances and his small ailments would
+have been the principal subject to him. ‘For three years,’ he might have
+said, ‘my back was bad; and then I put two pegs into a piece of drift
+wood and so made a chair; and after that it pleased God to send me a
+chill.’ In real life his piety would scarcely have gone beyond that.
+
+It will indeed be said, that though the sailor had no words for, and
+even no explicit consciousness of, the splendid details of the torrid
+zone, yet that he had, notwithstanding, a dim latent inexpressible
+conception of them: though he could not speak of them or describe them,
+yet they were much to him. And doubtless such is the case. Rude people
+are impressed by what is beautiful—deeply impressed—though they could
+not describe what they see, or what they feel. But what is absurd in
+Mr. Tennyson’s description—absurd when we abstract it from the gorgeous
+additions and ornaments with which Mr. Tennyson distracts us—is, that his
+hero feels nothing else but these great splendours. We hear nothing of
+the physical ailments, the rough devices, the low superstitions, which
+really would have been the _first_ things, the favourite and principal
+occupations of his mind. Just so when he gets home he _may_ have had
+such fine sentiments, though it is odd, and he _may_ have spoken of
+them to his landlady, though that is odder still,—but it is incredible
+that his whole mind should be made up of fine sentiments. Beside those
+sweet feelings, if he had them, there must have been many more obvious,
+more prosaic, and some perhaps more healthy. Mr. Tennyson has shown
+a profound judgment in distracting us as he does. He has given us a
+classic delineation of the _Northern Farmer_ with no ornament at all—as
+bare a thing as can be—because he then wanted to describe a true type
+of real men: he has given us a sailor crowded all over with ornament
+and illustration, because he then wanted to describe an unreal type of
+fancied men,—not sailors as they are, but sailors as they might be wished.
+
+Another prominent element in _Enoch Arden_ is yet more suitable to, yet
+more requires the aid of, ornate art. Mr. Tennyson undertook to deal with
+_half belief_. The presentiments which Annie feels are exactly of that
+sort which everybody has felt, and which everyone has half believed—which
+hardly anyone has more than half believed. Almost everyone, it has been
+said, would be angry if anyone else reported that he believed in ghosts;
+yet hardly anyone, when thinking by himself, wholly disbelieves them.
+Just so such presentiments as Mr. Tennyson depicts, impress the inner
+mind so much that the outer mind—the rational understanding—hardly likes
+to consider them nicely or to discuss them sceptically. For these dubious
+themes an ornate or complex style is needful. Classical art speaks out
+what it has to say plainly and simply. Pure style cannot hesitate; it
+describes in concisest outline what is, as it is. If a poet really
+believes in presentiments he can speak out in pure style. One who could
+have been a poet—one of the few in any age of whom one can say certainly
+that they could have been and have not been—has spoken thus:—
+
+ ‘When Heaven sends sorrow,
+ Warnings go first,
+ Lest it should burst
+ With stunning might
+ On souls too bright
+ To fear the morrow.
+
+ ‘Can science bear us
+ To the hid springs
+ Of human things?
+ Why may not dream,
+ Or thought’s day-gleam,
+ Startle, yet cheer us?
+
+ ‘Are such thoughts fetters,
+ While faith disowns
+ Dread of earth’s tones,
+ Recks but Heaven’s call,
+ And on the wall,
+ Reads but Heaven’s letters?’
+
+But if a poet is not sure whether presentiments are true or not true; if
+he wishes to leave his readers in doubt; if he wishes an atmosphere of
+indistinct illusion and of moving shadow, he must use the romantic style,
+the style of miscellaneous adjunct, the style ‘which shirks, not meets’
+your intellect, the style which, as you are scrutinising, disappears.
+
+Nor is this all, or even the principal lesson, which _Enoch Arden_ may
+suggest to us, of the use of ornate art. That art is the appropriate art
+for an _unpleasing type_. Many of the characters of real life, if brought
+distinctly, prominently, and plainly before the mind, as they really are,
+if shown in their inner nature, their actual essence, are doubtless very
+unpleasant. They would be horrid to meet and horrid to think of. We fear
+it must be owned that Enoch Arden is this kind of person. A dirty sailor
+who did _not_ go home to his wife is not an agreeable being: a varnish
+must be put on him to make him shine. It is true that he acts rightly;
+that he is very good. But such is human nature that it finds a little
+tameness in mere morality. Mere virtue belongs to a charity schoolgirl,
+and has a taint of the catechism. All of us feel this, though most of us
+are too timid, too scrupulous, too anxious about the virtue of others to
+speak out. We are ashamed of our nature in this respect, but it is not
+the less our nature. And if we look deeper into the matter there are many
+reasons why we should not be ashamed of it. The soul of man, and as we
+necessarily believe of beings greater than man, has many parts beside
+its moral part. It has an intellectual part, an artistic part, even a
+religious part, in which mere morals have no share. In Shakespeare or
+Goethe, even in Newton or Archimedes, there is much which will not be
+cut down to the shape of the commandments. They have thoughts, feelings,
+hopes—immortal thoughts and hopes—which have influenced the life of men,
+and the souls of men, ever since their age, but which the ‘whole duty
+of man,’ the ethical compendium, does not recognise. Nothing is more
+unpleasant than a virtuous person with a mean mind. A highly developed
+moral nature joined to an undeveloped intellectual nature, an undeveloped
+artistic nature, and a very limited religious nature, is of necessity
+repulsive. It represents a bit of human nature—a good bit, of course—but
+a bit only, in disproportionate, unnatural, and revolting prominence;
+and therefore, unless an artist use delicate care, we are offended. The
+dismal act of a squalid man needed many condiments to make it pleasant,
+and therefore Mr. Tennyson was right to mix them subtly and to use them
+freely.
+
+A mere act of self-denial can indeed scarcely be pleasant upon paper.
+An heroic struggle with an external adversary, even though it end in a
+defeat, may easily be made attractive. Human nature likes to see itself
+look grand, and it looks grand when it is making a brave struggle with
+foreign foes. But it does not look grand when it is divided against
+itself. An excellent person striving with temptation is a very admirable
+being in reality, but he is not a pleasant being in description. We
+hope he will win and overcome his temptation; but we feel that he would
+be a more interesting being, a higher being, if he had not felt that
+temptation so much. The poet must make the struggle great in order to
+make the self-denial virtuous, and if the struggle be too great, we are
+apt to feel some mixture of contempt. The internal metaphysics of a
+divided nature are but an inferior subject for art, and if they are to be
+made attractive, much else must be combined with them. If the excellence
+of Hamlet had depended on the ethical qualities of Hamlet, it would
+not have been the masterpiece of our literature. He acts virtuously of
+course, and kills the people he ought to kill, but Shakespeare knew that
+such goodness would not much interest the pit. He made him a handsome
+prince, and a puzzling meditative character; these secular qualities
+relieve his moral excellence, and so he becomes ‘nice.’ In proportion
+as an artist has to deal with types essentially imperfect, he must
+disguise their imperfections; he must accumulate around them as many
+first-rate accessories as may make his readers forget that they are
+themselves second-rate. The sudden _millionaires_ of the present day
+hope to disguise their social defects by buying old places, and hiding
+among aristocratic furniture; just so a great artist who has to deal with
+characters artistically imperfect, will use an ornate style, will fit
+them into a scene where there is much else to look at.
+
+For these reasons ornate art is, within the limits, as legitimate as pure
+art. It does what pure art could not do. The very excellence of pure
+art confines its employment. Precisely because it gives the best things
+by themselves and exactly as they are, it fails when it is necessary to
+describe inferior things among other things, with a list of enhancements
+and a crowd of accompaniments that in reality do not belong to it.
+Illusion, half belief, unpleasant types, imperfect types, are as much
+the proper sphere of ornate art, as an inferior landscape is the proper
+sphere for the true efficacy of moonlight. A really great landscape
+needs sunlight and bears sunlight; but moonlight is an equaliser of
+beauties; it gives a romantic unreality to what will not stand the bare
+truth. And just so does romantic art.
+
+There is, however, a third kind of art which differs from these on the
+point in which they most resemble one another. Ornate art and pure art
+have this in common, that they paint the types of literature in a form
+as perfect as they can. Ornate art, indeed, uses undue disguises and
+unreal enhancements; it does not confine itself to the best types; on
+the contrary, it is its office to make the best of imperfect types and
+lame approximations; but ornate art, as much as pure art, catches its
+subject in the best light it can, takes the most developed aspect of
+it which it can find, and throws upon it the most congruous colours it
+can use. But grotesque art does just the contrary. It takes the type,
+so to say, _in difficulties_. It gives a representation of it in its
+minimum development, amid the circumstances least favourable to it, just
+while it is struggling with obstacles, just where it is encumbered with
+incongruities. It deals, to use the language of science, not with normal
+types but with abnormal specimens; to use the language of old philosophy,
+not with what nature is striving to be, but with what by some lapse she
+has happened to become.
+
+This art works by contrast. It enables you to see, it makes you see,
+the perfect type by painting the opposite deviation. It shows you what
+ought to be by what ought not to be; when complete it reminds you of
+the perfect image, by showing you the distorted and imperfect image. Of
+this art we possess in the present generation one prolific master. Mr.
+Browning is an artist working by incongruity. Possibly hardly one of his
+most considerable efforts can be found which is not great because of its
+odd mixture. He puts together things which no one else would have put
+together, and produces on our minds a result which no one else would
+have produced, or tried to produce. His admirers may not like all we
+may have to say of him. But in our way we too are among his admirers.
+No one ever read him without seeing not only his great ability but his
+great _mind_. He not only possesses superficial useable talents, but
+the strong something, the inner secret something, which uses them and
+controls them; he is great not in mere accomplishments, but in himself.
+He has applied a hard strong intellect to real life; he has applied the
+same intellect to the problems of his age. He has striven to know what
+is: he has endeavoured not to be cheated by counterfeits, not to be
+infatuated with illusions. His heart is in what he says. He has battered
+his brain against his creed till he believes it. He has accomplishments
+too, the more effective because they are mixed. He is at once a student
+of mysticism and a citizen of the world. He brings to the club-sofa
+distinct visions of old creeds, intense images of strange thoughts: he
+takes to the bookish student tidings of wild Bohemia, and little traces
+of the _demi-monde_. He puts down what is good for the naughty, and what
+is naughty for the good. Over women his easier writings exercise that
+imperious power which belongs to the writings of a great man of the world
+upon such matters. He knows women, and therefore they wish to know him.
+If we blame many of Browning’s efforts, it is in the interest of art, and
+not from a wish to hurt or degrade him.
+
+If we wanted to illustrate the nature of grotesque art by an exaggerated
+instance, we should have selected a poem which the chance of late
+publication brings us in this new volume. Mr. Browning has undertaken
+to describe what may be called _mind in difficulties_—mind set to make
+out the universe under the worst and hardest circumstances. He takes
+‘Caliban,’ not perhaps exactly Shakespeare’s Caliban, but an analogous
+and worse creature; a strong thinking power, but a nasty creature—a gross
+animal, uncontrolled and unelevated by any feeling of religion or duty.
+The delineation of him will show that Mr. Browning does not wish to take
+undue advantage of his readers by a choice of nice subjects.
+
+ ‘Will sprawl, now that the heat of day is best,
+ Flat on his belly in the pit’s much mire,
+ With elbows wide, fists clenched to prop his chin;
+ And, while he kicks both feet in the cool slush,
+ And feels about his spine small eft-things course,
+ Run in and out each arm, and make him laugh;
+ And while above his head a pompion plant,
+ Coating the cave-top as a brow its eye,
+ Creeps down to touch and tickle hair and beard,
+ And now a flower drops with a bee inside,
+ And now a fruit to snap at, catch and crunch:’
+
+This pleasant creature proceeds to give his idea of the origin of the
+Universe, and it is as follows. Caliban speaks in the third person, and
+is of opinion that the maker of the Universe took to making it on account
+of his personal discomfort:—
+
+ ‘Setebos, Setebos, and Setebos!
+ ’Thinketh, He dwelleth i’ the cold o’ the moon.
+
+ ‘’Thinketh He made it, with the sun to match,
+ But not the stars: the stars came otherwise;
+ Only made clouds, winds, meteors, such as that:
+ Also this isle, what lives and grows thereon,
+ And snaky sea which rounds and ends the same.
+
+ ‘’Thinketh, it came of being ill at ease:
+ He hated that He cannot change His cold,
+ Nor cure its ache. ’Hath spied an icy fish
+ That longed to ’scape the rock-stream where she lived,
+ And thaw herself within the lukewarm brine
+ O’ the lazy sea her stream thrusts far amid,
+ A crystal spike ’twixt two warm walls of wave;
+ Only she ever sickened, found repulse
+ At the other kind of water, not her life,
+ (Green-dense and dim-delicious, bred o’ the sun)
+ Flounced back from bliss she was not born to breathe,
+ And in her old bounds buried her despair,
+ Hating and loving warmth alike: so He.
+
+ ‘’Thinketh, He made thereat the sun, this isle,
+ Trees and the fowls here, beast and creeping thing.
+ Yon otter, sleek-wet, black, lithe as a leech;
+ Yon auk, one fire-eye, in a ball of foam,
+ That floats and feeds; a certain badger brown
+ He hath watched hunt with that slant white-wedge eye
+ By moonlight; and the pie with the long tongue
+ That pricks deep into oakwarts for a worm,
+ And says a plain word when she finds her prize,
+ But will not eat the ants; the ants themselves
+ That build a wall of seeds and settled stalks
+ About their hole—He made all these and more,
+ Made all we see, and us, in spite: how else?’
+
+It may seem perhaps to most readers that these lines are very difficult,
+and that they are unpleasant. And so they are. We quote them to
+illustrate, not the _success_ of grotesque art, but the _nature_ of
+grotesque art. It shows the end at which this species of art aims, and
+if it fails it is from over-boldness in the choice of a subject by the
+artist, or from the defects of its execution. A thinking faculty more in
+difficulties—a great type,—an inquisitive, searching intellect under more
+disagreeable conditions, with worse helps, more likely to find falsehood,
+less likely to find truth, can scarcely be imagined. Nor is the mere
+description of the thought at all bad: on the contrary, if we closely
+examine it, it is very clever. Hardly anyone could have amassed so many
+ideas at once nasty and suitable. But scarcely any readers—any casual
+readers—who are not of the sect of Mr. Browning’s admirers will be able
+to examine it enough to appreciate it. From a defect, partly of subject,
+and partly of style, many of Mr. Browning’s works make a demand upon the
+reader’s zeal and sense of duty to which the nature of most readers is
+unequal. They have on the turf the convenient expression ‘staying power’:
+some horses can hold on and others cannot. But hardly any reader not of
+especial and peculiar nature can hold on through such composition. There
+is not enough of ‘staying power’ in human nature. One of his greatest
+admirers once owned to us that he seldom or never began a new poem
+without looking on in advance, and foreseeing with caution what length
+of intellectual adventure he was about to commence. Whoever will work
+hard at such poems will find much mind in them: they are a sort of quarry
+of ideas, but who ever goes there will find these ideas in such a jagged,
+ugly, useless shape that he can hardly bear them.
+
+We are not judging Mr. Browning simply from a hasty, recent production.
+All poets are liable to misconceptions, and if such a piece as ‘Caliban
+upon Setebos’ were an isolated error, a venial and particular exception,
+we should have given it no prominence. We have put it forward because it
+just elucidates both our subject and the characteristics of Mr. Browning.
+But many other of his best known pieces do so almost equally; what
+several of his devotees think his best piece is quite enough illustrative
+for anything we want. It appears that on Holy Cross day at Rome the
+Jews were obliged to listen to a Christian sermon in the hope of their
+conversion, though this is, according to Mr. Browning, what they really
+said when they came away:—
+
+ ‘Fee, faw, fum! bubble and squeak!
+ Blessedest Thursday’s the fat of the week.
+ Rumble and tumble, sleek and rough,
+ Stinking and savoury, smug and gruff,
+ Take the church-road, for the bell’s due chime
+ Gives us the summons—’tis sermon-time.
+
+ ‘Boh, here’s Barnabas! Job, that’s you?
+ Up stumps Solomon—bustling too?
+ Shame, man! greedy beyond your years
+ To handsel the bishop’s shaving-shears?
+ Fair play’s a jewel! leave friends in the lurch?
+ Stand on a line ere you start for the church.
+
+ ‘Higgledy, piggledy, packed we lie,
+ Rats in a hamper, swine in a stye,
+ Wasps in a bottle, frogs in a sieve,
+ Worms in a carcase, fleas in a sleeve.
+ Hist! square shoulders, settle your thumbs
+ And buzz for the bishop—here he comes.’
+
+And after similar nice remarks for a church, the edified congregation
+concludes:—
+
+ ‘But now, while the scapegoats leave our flock,
+ And the rest sit silent and count the clock,
+ Since forced to muse the appointed time
+ On these precious facts and truths sublime,—
+ Let us fitly employ it, under our breath,
+ In saying Ben Ezra’s Song of Death.
+
+ ‘For Rabbi Ben Ezra, the night he died,
+ Called sons and son’s sons to his side,
+ And spoke, “This world has been harsh and strange;
+ Something is wrong: there needeth a change.
+ But what, or where? at the last, or first?
+ In one point only we sinned, at worst.
+
+ ‘“The Lord will have mercy on Jacob yet,
+ And again in his border see Israel set.
+ When Judah beholds Jerusalem,
+ The stranger-seed shall be joined to them:
+ To Jacob’s House shall the Gentiles cleave.
+ So the Prophet saith and his sons believe.
+
+ ‘“Ay, the children of the chosen race
+ Shall carry and bring them to their place:
+ In the land of the Lord shall lead the same,
+ Bondsmen and handmaids. Who shall blame,
+ When the slave enslave, the oppressed ones o’er
+ The oppressor triumph for evermore?
+
+ ‘“God spoke, and gave us the word to keep:
+ Bade never fold the hands nor sleep
+ ’Mid a faithless world,—at watch and ward,
+ Till Christ at the end relieve our guard.
+ By His servant Moses the watch was set:
+ Though near upon cock-crow, we keep it yet.
+
+ ‘“Thou! if Thou wast He, who at mid watch came,
+ By the starlight, naming a dubious Name!
+ And if, too heavy with sleep—too rash
+ With fear—O Thou, if that martyr gash
+ Fell on Thee coming to take Thine own,
+ And we gave the Cross, when we owed the Throne—
+
+ ‘“Thou art the Judge. We are bruised thus.
+ But, the judgment over, join sides with us!
+ Thine too is the cause! and not more Thine
+ Than ours, is the work of these dogs and swine,
+ Whose life laughs through and spits at their creed,
+ Who maintain Thee in word, and defy Thee in deed!
+
+ ‘“We withstood Christ then? be mindful how
+ At least we withstand Barabbas now!
+ Was our outrage sore? But the worst we spared,
+ To have called these—Christians, had we dared!
+ Let defiance to them pay mistrust of Thee,
+ And Rome make amends for Calvary!
+
+ ‘“By the torture, prolonged from age to age,
+ By the infamy, Israel’s heritage,
+ By the Ghetto’s plague, by the garb’s disgrace,
+ By the badge of shame, by the felon’s place,
+ By the branding-tool, the bloody whip,
+ And the summons to Christian fellowship,—
+
+ ‘“We boast our proof that at least the Jew
+ Would wrest Christ’s name from the Devil’s crew.
+ Thy face took never so deep a shade
+ But we fought them in it, God our aid!
+ A trophy to bear, as we march, Thy band
+ South, East, and on to the Pleasant Land!”’
+
+It is very natural that a poet whose wishes incline, or whose genius
+conducts him to a grotesque art, should be attracted towards mediæval
+subjects. There is no age whose legends are so full of grotesque
+subjects, and no age whose real life was so fit to suggest them. Then,
+more than at any other time, good principles have been under great
+hardships. The vestiges of ancient civilisation, the germs of modern
+civilisation, the little remains of what had been, the small beginnings
+of what is, were buried under a cumbrous mass of barbarism and cruelty.
+Good elements hidden in horrid accompaniments are the special theme of
+grotesque art, and these mediæval life and legends afford more copiously
+than could have been furnished before Christianity gave its new elements
+of good, or since modern civilisation has removed some few at least of
+the old elements of destruction. A _buried_ life like the spiritual
+mediæval was Mr. Browning’s natural element, and he was right to be
+attracted by it. His mistake has been, that he has not made it pleasant;
+that he has forced his art to topics on which no one could charm, or on
+which he, at any rate, could not; that on these occasions and in these
+poems he has failed in fascinating men and women of sane taste.
+
+We say ‘sane’ because there is a most formidable and estimable _insane_
+taste. The will has great though indirect power over the taste, just as
+it has over the belief. There are some horrid beliefs from which human
+nature revolts, from which at first it shrinks, to which, at first, no
+effort can force it. But if we fix the mind upon them they have a power
+over us just because of their natural offensiveness. They are like the
+sight of human blood: experienced soldiers tell us that at first men are
+sickened by the smell and newness of blood almost to death and fainting,
+but that as soon as they harden their hearts and stiffen their minds,
+as soon as they _will_ bear it, then comes an appetite for slaughter, a
+tendency to gloat on carnage, to love blood, at least for the moment,
+with a deep, eager love. It is a principle that if we put down a healthy
+instinctive aversion, nature avenges herself by creating an unhealthy
+insane attraction. For this reason, the most earnest truth-seeking men
+fall into the worst delusions; they will not let their mind alone; they
+force it towards some ugly thing, which a crotchet of argument, a conceit
+of intellect recommends, and nature punishes their disregard of her
+warning by subjection to the ugly one, by belief in it. Just so the most
+industrious critics get the most admiration. They think it unjust to rest
+in their instinctive natural horror: they overcome it, and angry nature
+gives them over to ugly poems and marries them to detestable stanzas.
+
+Mr. Browning possibly, and some of the worst of Mr. Browning’s admirers
+certainly, will say that these grotesque objects exist in real life,
+and therefore they ought to be, at least may be, described in art. But,
+though pleasure is not the end of poetry, pleasing is a condition of
+poetry. An exceptional monstrosity of horrid ugliness cannot be made
+pleasing, except it be made to suggest—to recall—the perfection, the
+beauty, from which it is a deviation. Perhaps in extreme cases no art is
+equal to this; but then such self-imposed problems should not be worked
+by the artist; these out-of-the-way and detestable subjects should be let
+alone by him. It is rather characteristic of Mr. Browning to neglect this
+rule. He is the most of a realist, and the least of an idealist, of any
+poet we know. He evidently sympathises with some part at least of Bishop
+Blougram’s apology. Anyhow this world exists. ‘There _is_ good wine—there
+_are_ pretty women—there _are_ comfortable benefices—there _is_ money,
+and it is pleasant to spend it. Accept the creed of your age and you get
+these, reject that creed and you lose them. And for what do you lose
+them? For a fancy creed of your own, which no one else will accept, which
+hardly anyone will call a “creed,” which most people will consider a sort
+of unbelief.’ Again, Mr. Browning evidently loves what we may call the
+realism, the grotesque realism, of orthodox Christianity. Many parts of
+it in which great divines have felt keen difficulties are quite pleasant
+to him. He must _see_ his religion, he must have an ‘object-lesson’
+in believing. He must have a creed that will _take_, which wins and
+holds the miscellaneous world, which stout men will heed, which nice
+women will adore. The spare moments of solitary religion—the ‘obdurate
+questionings,’ the high ‘instincts,’ the ‘first affections,’ the ‘shadowy
+recollections,’
+
+ ‘Which, do they what they may,
+ Are yet the fountain-light of all our day—
+ Are yet a master-light of all our seeing;’
+
+the great but vague faith—the unutterable tenets—seem to him worthless,
+visionary; they are not enough immersed in matter; they move about ‘in
+worlds not realised.’ We wish he could be tried like the prophet once;
+he would have found God in the earthquake and the storm; he would have
+deciphered from them a bracing and a rough religion: he would have known
+that crude men and ignorant women felt them too, and he would accordingly
+have trusted them; but he would have distrusted and disregarded the
+‘still small voice:’ he would have said it was ‘fancy’—a thing you
+thought you heard to-day, but were not sure you had heard to-morrow: he
+would call it a nice illusion, an immaterial prettiness; he would ask
+triumphantly ‘How are you to get the mass of men to heed this little
+thing?’ he would have persevered and insisted ‘_My wife_ does not hear
+it.’
+
+But although a suspicion of beauty, and a taste for ugly reality, have
+led Mr. Browning to exaggerate the functions, and to caricature the
+nature of grotesque art, we own, or rather we maintain, that he has given
+many excellent specimens of that art within its proper boundaries and
+limits. Take an example, his picture of what we may call the _bourgeois_
+nature in _difficulties_; in the utmost difficulty, in contact with magic
+and the supernatural. He has made of it something homely, comic, true;
+reminding us of what _bourgeois_ nature really is. By showing us the type
+under abnormal conditions, he reminds us of the type under its best and
+most satisfactory conditions:—
+
+ ‘Hamelin Town’s in Brunswick,
+ By famous Hanover city;
+ The river Weser, deep and wide,
+ Washes its walls on the southern side;
+ A pleasanter spot you never spied;
+ But, when begins my ditty,
+ Almost five hundred years ago,
+ To see the townsfolk suffer so
+ From vermin, was a pity.
+
+ ‘Rats!
+ They fought the dogs, and killed the cats,
+ And bit the babies in the cradles,
+ And ate the cheeses out of the vats,
+ And licked the soup from the cook’s own ladles,
+ Split open the kegs of salted sprats,
+ Made nests inside men’s Sunday hats,
+ And even spoiled the women’s chats,
+ By drowning their speaking
+ With shrieking and squeaking
+ In fifty different sharps and flats.
+
+ ‘At last the people in a body
+ To the Town Hall came flocking:
+ “’Tis clear,” cried they, “our Mayor’s a noddy;
+ And as for our Corporation—shocking,
+ To think we buy gowns lined with ermine,
+ For dolts that can’t or won’t determine
+ What’s best to rid us of our vermin!
+ You hope, because you’re old and obese,
+ To find in the furry civic robe ease?
+ Rouse up, Sirs! Give your brains a racking
+ To find the remedy we’re lacking,
+ Or, sure as fate, we’ll send you packing!”
+ At this the Mayor and Corporation
+ Quaked with a mighty consternation.’
+
+A person of musical abilities proposes to extricate the civic dignitaries
+from the difficulty, and they promise him a thousand guilders if he does.
+
+ ‘Into the street the Piper stept,
+ Smiling first a little smile,
+ As if he knew what magic slept
+ In his quiet pipe the while;
+ Then, like a musical adept,
+ To blow the pipe his lips he wrinkled,
+ And green and blue his sharp eye twinkled
+ Like a candle-flame when salt is sprinkled;
+ And ere three shrill notes the pipe uttered
+ You heard as if an army muttered;
+ And the muttering grew to a grumbling;
+ And the grumbling grew to a mighty rumbling:
+ And out of the houses the rats came tumbling.
+ Great rats, small rats, lean rats, brawny rats,
+ Brown rats, black rats, grey rats, tawny rats,
+ Grave old plodders, gay young friskers,
+ Fathers, mothers, uncles, cousins,
+ Cocking tails and pricking whiskers,
+ Families by tens and dozens.
+ Brothers, sisters, husbands, wives—
+ Followed the Piper for their lives.
+ From street to street he piped advancing,
+ And step for step they followed dancing
+ Until they came to the river Weser,
+ Wherein all plunged and perished!
+ —Save one who, stout as Julius Cæsar,
+ Swam across and lived to carry
+ (As he, the manuscript he cherished)
+ To Rat-land home his commentary:
+ Which was, “At the first shrill notes of the pipe,
+ I heard a sound as of scraping tripe,
+ And putting apples, wondrous ripe,
+ Into a cider-press’s gripe:
+ And a moving away of pickle-tub boards,
+ And a leaving ajar of conserve-cupboards,
+ And a drawing the corks of train-oil flasks,
+ And a breaking the hoops of butter casks;
+ And it seemed as if a voice
+ (Sweeter far than by harp or by psaltery
+ Is breathed) called out, Oh rats, rejoice!
+ The world is grown to one vast drysaltery!
+ So munch on, crunch on, take your nuncheon,
+ Breakfast, supper, dinner, luncheon!
+ And just as a bulky sugar-puncheon,
+ All ready staved, like a great sun shone
+ Glorious scarce an inch before me,
+ Just as methought it said, Come, bore me!
+ —I found the Weser rolling o’er me.”
+ You should have heard the Hamelin people
+ Ringing the bells till they rocked the steeple.
+ “Go,” cried the Mayor, “and get long poles,
+ Poke out the nests and block up the holes!
+ Consult with carpenters and builders,
+ And leave in our town not even a trace
+ Of the rats!”—when suddenly, up the face
+ Of the Piper perked in the market-place,
+ With a “First, if you please, my thousand guilders!”
+
+ ‘A thousand guilders! The Mayor looked blue;
+ So did the Corporation too.
+ For council dinners made rare havoc
+ With Claret, Moselle, Vin-de-Grave, Hock;
+ And half the money would replenish
+ Their cellar’s biggest butt with Rhenish.
+ To pay this sum to a wandering fellow
+ With a gipsy coat of red and yellow!
+ “Beside,” quoth the Mayor with a knowing wink,
+ “Our business was done at the river’s brink;
+ We saw with our eyes the vermin sink,
+ And what’s dead can’t come to life, I think.
+ So, friend, we’re not the folks to shrink
+ From the duty of giving you something for drink,
+ And a matter of money to put in your poke;
+ But as for the guilders, what we spoke
+ Of them, as you very well know, was in joke.
+ Beside, our losses have made us thrifty.
+ A thousand guilders! Come, take fifty!”
+
+ ‘The Piper’s face fell, and he cried,
+ “No trifling! I can’t wait, beside!
+ I’ve promised to visit by dinner time
+ Bagdat, and accept the prime
+ Of the Head-Cook’s pottage, all he’s rich in,
+ For having left, in the Caliph’s kitchen,
+ Of a nest of scorpions no survivor—
+ With him I proved no bargain-driver.
+ With you, don’t think I’ll bate a stiver!
+ And folks who put me in a passion
+ May find me pipe to another fashion.”
+
+ ‘“How?” cried the Mayor, “d’ye think I’ll brook
+ Being worse treated than a Cook?
+ Insulted by a lazy ribald
+ With idle pipe and vesture piebald?
+ You threaten us, fellow? Do your worst,
+ Blow your pipe there till you burst!”
+
+ ‘Once more he stept into the street;
+ And to his lips again
+ Laid his long pipe of smooth straight cane;
+ And ere he blew three notes (such sweet
+ Soft notes as yet musician’s cunning
+ Never gave the enraptured air)
+ There was a rustling that seemed like a bustling
+ Of merry crowds justling at pitching and hustling,
+ Small feet were pattering, wooden shoes clattering,
+ Little hands clapping and little tongues chattering,
+ And, like fowls in a farm-yard when barley is scattering,
+ Out came the children running.
+
+ ‘All the little boys and girls,
+ With rosy cheeks and flaxen curls,
+ And sparkling eyes and teeth like pearls,
+ Tripping and skipping, ran merrily after
+ The wonderful music with shouting and laughter.
+ ...
+ And I must not omit to say
+ That in Transylvania there’s a tribe
+ Of alien people that ascribe
+ The outlandish ways and dress
+ On which their neighbours lay such stress,
+ To their fathers and mothers having risen
+ Out of some subterraneous prison
+ Into which they were trepanned
+ Long time ago in a mighty band
+ Out of Hamelin town in Brunswick land,
+ But how or why they don’t understand.’
+
+Something more we had to say of Mr. Browning, but we must stop. It is
+singularly characteristic of this age that the poems which rise to the
+surface should be examples of ornate art, and grotesque art, not of pure
+art. We live in the realm of the _half_ educated. The number of readers
+grows daily, but the quality of readers does not improve rapidly. The
+middle class is scattered, headless; it is well-meaning, but aimless;
+wishing to be wise, but ignorant how to be wise. The aristocracy of
+England never was a literary aristocracy, never even in the days of its
+full power—of its unquestioned predominance, did it guide—did it even
+seriously try to guide—the taste of England. Without guidance young men,
+and tired men, are thrown amongst a mass of books; they have to choose
+which they like; many of them would much like to improve their culture,
+to chasten their taste, if they knew how. But left to themselves they
+take, not pure art, but showy art; not that which permanently relieves
+the eye and makes it happy whenever it looks, and as long as it looks,
+but _glaring_ art which catches and arrests the eye for a moment,
+but which in the end fatigues it. But before the wholesome remedy of
+nature—the fatigue arrives—the hasty reader has passed on to some new
+excitement, which in its turn stimulates for an instant, and then is
+passed by for ever. These conditions are not favourable to the due
+appreciation of pure art—of that art which must be known before it is
+admired—which must have fastened irrevocably on the brain before you
+appreciate it—which you must love ere it will seem worthy of your love.
+Women too, whose voice in literature counts as well as that of men—and
+in a light literature counts for more than that of men—women, such as
+we know them, such as they are likely to be, ever prefer a delicate
+unreality to a true or firm art. A dressy literature, an exaggerated
+literature seem to be fated to us. These are our curses, as other times
+had theirs.
+
+ ‘And yet
+ Think not the living times forget,
+ Ages of heroes fought and fell,
+ That Homer in the end might tell;
+ O’er grovelling generations past
+ Upstood the Doric fane at last;
+ And countless hearts on countless years
+ Had wasted thoughts, and hopes, and fears,
+ Rude laughter and unmeaning tears;
+ Ere England Shakespeare saw, or Rome
+ The pure perfection of her dome.
+ Others I doubt not, if not we,
+ The issue of our toils shall see;
+ Young children gather as their own
+ The harvest that the dead had sown,
+ The dead forgotten and unknown.’[21]
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX.
+
+
+
+
+_THE IGNORANCE OF MAN._[22]
+
+(1862.)
+
+
+A bold man once said that religion and morality were inconsistent.
+He argued thus: The essence of religion—part of the essence, at any
+rate—is recompense; a belief in another life is only another name for
+the anticipation of a time when wickedness will be punished, and when
+goodness will be rewarded. If you admit a Providence, you acknowledge
+the existence of an adjusting agency, of a power which is recompensing
+by its very definition, and of its very nature, which allots happiness
+to virtue and pain to vice. On the other hand, the essence of morality
+is disinterestedness; a man who does good for the sake of a future gain
+to himself is, in a moral point of view, altogether inferior to one who
+does good for the good’s sake, who hopes for nothing again, who is not
+thinking of himself, who is not calculating his own futurity. Between a
+man who does good to the world because he takes an intelligent view of
+his real interest, and another who does harm to the world because he is
+blind to that interest, there is only an intellectual difference,—the
+one is mentally longsighted, the other mentally short-sighted. By the
+admission of all mankind, a disinterested action is better than a selfish
+action; a disinterested man is higher than a selfish man. Yet how is it
+possible that a religious man can be disinterested? Heaven overarches
+him, hell yawns before him. How can he help having his eyes attracted by
+the one and terrified by the other? He boasts, indeed, that religion is
+useful to mankind by producing good actions; he extols the attractive
+influence of future reward, and the deterring efficacy of apprehended
+penalty. But his boast is absurd and premature; by holding forth these
+anticipated bribes, by menacing these pains, he extracts from virtue
+_its virtue_; he makes it selfishness like the rest; he constructs
+an edifying and hoping saint, but he spoils the disinterested and
+uncalculating man.
+
+These thoughts are not often boldly expressed. Fundamental difficulties
+rarely are. They constantly confuse the mind, and they are always
+floating like a vague mist in the intellectual air; they distort and blur
+the outlines of everything else, but they have no distinct outline of
+their own. An obscure difficulty is a pervading evil; the first requisite
+for removing it is to make it clear; if you assign a limit, you notify
+the frontier at which it may be attacked.
+
+The objection is, in most people’s apprehensions, and in its common
+incomplete expressions, confined exclusively to the doctrine of a future
+life, but it is at least equally applicable to the belief in a God who
+rules and governs. We can of course conceive of supernatural beings who
+do not interfere with us, who do not care for us, who do not help us, who
+have no connection with our moral life, who do good to no one, who do
+evil to no one. Such were the gods of Lucretius, the most fascinating of
+pure inventions; but such gods are not the gods of religion. The ancient
+Epicurean, in times when obscure difficulties were discussed in plainer
+words than is now either possible or advisable, expressly defended
+them on that ground. He did not want his gods to interfere with him;
+he thought it would impair the ideal languor of their life, as well as
+the inapprehensive security of his own life. They lived ‘self-scanned,
+self-centred, self-secure,’ and he was, in so far as was possible, to
+do so also. He did not wish the voluptuaries of heaven to become the
+busybodies of earth. He liked to have a pleasant dream of the upper
+world, but he did not wish it to descend and rule him. But as soon as
+we abandon the natural fiction of the voluptuous imagination; as soon
+as we accept the idea of a God who is a providence in the universe, and
+not an idol in heaven; as soon as we allow that He loves good and hates
+evil; as soon as we are sure that He is our Father, and chastises us
+as children; as soon as we acknowledge a God such as the human heart
+and conscience crave for, the God of Christianity,—we at once reach the
+primitive difficulty. Here is a Being whom _we know_ will reward the
+good and punish the evil; how can we do good without reference to that
+supernatural recompense, or evil without shrinking from that apprehended
+penalty?
+
+Nor is it for this purpose in the least material, though for many other
+purposes it is very material, whether we consider God as acting by
+irrevocable laws fixed once for all, or upon a system which (though
+foreseen and immutable to Him, to whom all the future is as present
+as all the past) is according to our view of it,—to our translation of
+it, so to speak, into our limited capacities,—capable of flexibility at
+His touch, and of modification at His pleasure. If we know that we are
+rewarded and punished, it matters little, as respects our hope and our
+apprehension, whether that punishment be inflicted by a machine or by a
+person; in one case we shall shun the contact with the lacerating wheel,
+in the other we shall dread a blow from the punitive hand. But in either
+case the pain will be the determining motive, the deterring thought. We
+shall act as we do act, not from a disinterested intention to do our
+duty whatever be the consequences, but from a sincere wish to get off
+patent and proximate suffering. The difficulty of reconciling a true
+morality with a true religion is not confined to that part of religion
+which relates to the anticipated life of man hereafter, but extends to
+the very idea of a superintending providence and preadjusting Creator, in
+whatever mode we conceive that superintendence to be exercised, and that
+adjustment to have been made.
+
+The answer most commonly given to this difficulty is unquestionably
+fallacious. It is said that the desire of eternal life for ourselves is
+a motive far greater and far better than the desire of anything else,
+either for ourselves or for others. It is not conceived as a form of
+selfishness at all—at least, not when regarded in this connection, and
+employed to solve this problem. At other times, indeed, divines are ready
+enough to twist the argument the other way. They will expand at length
+the notion that there is a ‘common sense’ in the Gospel; that it appeals
+to ‘business-like motives;’ that there is nothing ‘high-flown’ about
+it; that it aims to persuade sensible men of this world, on sufficient
+reasons of sound prudence, to sacrifice the present world in order to
+gain the invisible one; that, whatever sentimentalists may assert, it
+is reward which incites to achievement, and fear that restrains from
+misdoing. Sermons are written in consecrated paragraphs, each of which is
+sufficient to itself, and the connection between which is not intended
+to be precisely adjusted; each has an edifying tendency, and the writer
+and the hearer wish for no more. Otherwise it would not be possible, as
+it often is, to hear religion commended in the same discourse at one time
+as self-sacrificing, and at another as prudential; to have a eulogium on
+disinterestedness in the exordium, and an appeal to selfishness at the
+conclusion. A mode of composition which less disguised the true ideas
+of the composer, would show that many divines really believe a desire
+for a long pleasure in heaven, to be not only more longsighted and
+sensible, but intrinsically higher, nobler, and better than a desire
+for a short happiness on earth. Yet, when stated in short sentences and
+plain English, the idea is palpably absurd. The ‘wish to come into a good
+thing’ is of the same ethical order, whether the good thing be celestial
+or be terrestrial, be distantly future, or be close at hand.
+
+A second mode of solving the difficulty, though more ingenious, and in
+every way far better, is erroneous also. It is said, ‘men generally
+act from mixed motives, and they do so in this case. They are partly
+disinterested, and partly not disinterested. They are desirous of doing
+good because it is good, and they are desirous also of having the reward
+of goodness hereafter. They wish at the very same time to benefit their
+neighbour in this world, and also to benefit themselves in the world
+to come.’ The reply is ingenious, but it overlooks the point of the
+difficulty; it mistakes the nature of mixed motives. The constitution
+of man is such that if you strengthen one of two co-operating motives,
+you weaken, other things being equal, the force of the other: the lesser
+impulse tends always to be absorbed in the stronger, and it may pass
+entirely out of thought if the stronger is strengthened, if the greater
+become more prominent. We see this in common life; it is undoubtedly
+possible for a statesman to act at the same moment both from the love
+of office and from the love of his country; from a wish to prolong
+his power and a wish to benefit his nation. But strengthen one of
+these motives, and, _cæteris paribus_, you weaken the other. Make the
+statesman love office more, you thereby make him love his country less;
+he will be readier to sacrifice what he will call a ‘vague theory and
+an impracticable purpose’ for the sake of the power which he loves;
+he will cease to care to do what he ought, from a wish to retain the
+capacity of doing something. Or, suppose a further case: there have
+been many times and countries where the loss of office was equivalent
+to the loss of liberty, perhaps to that of life. In one age of English
+history, one great historian says, ‘There was but a single step from the
+throne to the scaffold.’ In another age, another great historian says,
+‘It was as dangerous to be leader of opposition as to be a highwayman.’
+The possessors of power in those times, upon principle, destroyed or
+endeavoured to destroy their predecessors. Such a prospect would induce
+a statesman to love office for its own sake. It would absorb the whole
+of his attention; he could hardly be asked to think of his country.
+Extraordinary men would do so, but ordinary men would be overwhelmed
+by the ‘violent motive’ of personal fear; they would only be thinking
+of themselves even when they were doing what in truth and fact was
+beneficial to their country.
+
+The case is similar to the ‘violent motive,’ as Paley calls it, of
+religion, when presented in the same manner in which Paley presents it.
+If you could extend before men the awful vision of everlasting perdition,
+if they could see it as they see the things of earth—as they see Fleet
+Street and St. Paul’s; if you could show men likewise the inciting vision
+of an everlasting heaven, if they could see that too with undeniable
+certainty and invincible distinctness,—who could say that they would have
+a thought for any other motive? The personal incentive to good action,
+and the personal dissuasion from bad action, would absorb all other
+considerations, whether deterrent or persuasive. We could no more break
+a divine law than we could commit a murder in the open street. The fact
+that men act from mixed motives is no explanation of the great difficulty
+with which we started; for the precise peculiarity of that difficulty is
+to raise one of those mixed motives to an intensity which seems likely to
+absorb, extinguish, and annihilate the other.
+
+The true explanation is precisely the reverse. The moral part of
+religion—the belief in a moral state hereafter, dependent for its nature
+on our goodness or our wickedness, the belief in a moral Providence, who
+apportions good to good, and evil to evil—does not annihilate the sense
+of the inherent nature of good and evil because it is itself the result
+of that sense. Our only ground for accepting an ethical and retributive
+religion is the inward consciousness that virtue being virtue must
+prosper, that vice being vice must fail. From these axioms we infer,
+not logically, but practically, that there is a continuous eternity, in
+which what we expect will be seen, that there is a Providence who will
+apportion what is good, and punish what is evil. Of the mode in which
+we do so we will speak presently more at length; but granting that this
+description of our religion is true, it undeniably solves our difficulty.
+Our religion cannot by possibility swallow up morality because it is
+dependent for its origin—for its continuance—on that morality.
+
+Suppose a person, say in a prison, to have no knowledge by the senses
+that there was such a thing as human law; suppose that he never saw
+either the judicial or the executive authorities, and that no one ever
+told him of their existence; suppose that by a consciousness of the
+inherent nature of good and evil, the fact that such an institution
+_must_ exist should dawn upon his mind,—of course it would not, but
+imagine that it should,—it is absurd to suppose that he would feel his
+power of doing what is right _because_ it is right diminished. When
+he goes out into the world, when he hears his judge, when he sees the
+policeman, when he surveys the intrusive, the incessant, the pervading
+moral apparatus of human society,—_then_ he would be able to disregard
+and to forget what is due to intrinsic goodness and what is to be feared
+from intrinsic evil. No one will or can say that he now abstains from
+stealing oranges under a policeman’s eyes from any motive, good or bad,
+save fear of the policeman; that motive is so evident, so pressing, so
+irresistible, that it becomes the only motive. But if he only thought the
+policeman _must_ exist because he believed stealing oranges to be wrong,
+he would feel it quite possible to abstain from stealing oranges out of
+pure and unselfish considerations.
+
+Assume that a person only knows a particular fact from a certain
+informant, and suppose that on a sudden he doubts that informant, of
+course his confidence in the communicated fact ceases, or is diminished.
+So, _if_ all our knowledge of the religious part of morality be derived
+from the intrinsic impression of morality, as soon as we question the
+accuracy of the informant, that instant we must be dubious of the
+information. The derivative cannot be stronger than the original; cannot
+overpower it; must grow when it grows, and wane when it wanes.
+
+But is our knowledge of the moral part of religion thus derivative and
+dependent? Two classes of disputants will deny it entirely: one class
+will say they derive their knowledge from Natural Theology; another
+will say they derive it from Revelation; and until the arguments of
+both classes are examined, the subject must remain in partial darkness.
+Natural theology is the simplest of theologies; it contains only a single
+argument, and establishes but one conclusion. Observing persons have
+gone to and fro through the earth, and they have accumulated a million
+illustrations of a single analogy. They have accumulated indications
+of design from all parts of the universe. They have not, indeed, shown
+that _matter_ was created; the substance of matter, if there be a
+substance, shows no structure, no evidence of design: according to all
+common belief, according to the admission of such scientific men as
+admit its existence, that matter is unorganised. By its nature it is a
+raw material; it is that to which manufacture, manipulation, design—call
+it what you like—is to be applied; necessarily therefore it shows no
+indication of design itself. The reasoners from the workmanship of man
+to that of God must always fail in this: man only adapts what he finds:
+God creates what He uses. But within its legitimate limits the argument
+from design has been most effectual for two thousand years. On a certain
+class of purely intellectual minds, who think more than they live, who
+reason more than they imagine, it has produced the strongest and most
+vivid conception of God which, with their experience and their mental
+limitation, they are capable of receiving. It has shown that _out of the
+causes we know_, none is so likely to have worked up the substance of
+matter into its present form as a designing and powerful mind. _Subject
+to this assumption_, it shows that this mind intended to erect that
+mixed, composite, involved human society which we see. These theologians
+prove, for example, that man has a structure of body which enables him to
+be what he is, which prevents his being in appearance, and in most real
+particularities, different from what he is. They show that the physical
+world is constructed so as to enable man to be what he is, and to show
+what he is, so as to limit his power of being greatly different, or of
+seeming so. They show, in fact, that, if the expression be allowed, we
+live, as far as _they_ can tell us, in a factory, the builder of which
+projected certain results, contrived certain large plans, devised certain
+particular machines, foresaw certain functions, which he meant for us,
+which he made our interest, which he gave us wages to perform. They show
+not, indeed, that an omnipotent Being created the universe, but that an
+able being has been (so to say) about it. They do not demonstrate that an
+infinite Being created all things, but they _do_ show, and show so that
+the mass of ordinary men will comprehend and believe it, that a large
+mind has been concerned in manufacturing most things.
+
+But these results do not constitute the interior essence; scarcely,
+indeed, begin the exterior outwork of a substantial religion. They touch
+neither that part of it which moves men’s hearts, nor that part which
+occasions our primary difficulty. They do not show us an eternal state
+of man hereafter, in which the anomalies of this world may be rectified
+and recompensed; they do not show us an infinite Perfection, distributing
+just reward with an omniscient accuracy, according to a perfect law.
+It is not, indeed, to be expected that natural philosophy should prove
+the immortality of man, since it does not prove the immortality of God.
+It shows that an artful and able designer has been concerned in the
+construction of the strange existing world; but may it not have been
+the last work of the great artist? There is nothing in contriving skill
+to evince immortality; nothing to prove that the ‘great artificer’ has
+always been or is always going to be. Of his moral views we collect from
+natural theology as much as this. There are certain laws of the physical
+universe which cannot be broken without pain, which avenge themselves
+on those who overlook, neglect, or violate them. These were presumedly
+designed (according to the moral assumption of natural theology) for the
+end which they effect; they were doubtless meant to accomplish that which
+they conspicuously do. On a disregard of such laws, natural theology
+shows that the Providence of which it speaks has imposed a penalty; the
+_contriving_ God (so to speak, for it is necessary to speak plainly) is
+opposed to recklessness. He does not wish His devices to be impaired
+or His plans neglected. Every animal has in natural theology, if not a
+mission, at least a function. There are certain results which a polyp
+must produce or die; certain others which a horse must effect, or it
+will be first in pain and then die too; certain other and more complex
+results which man must produce, or he also will suffer and perish.
+But recklessness is only a single form of vice: a watchful, heedful
+selfishness is another form. For the latter, there is no indication
+in natural theology of any divine disapprobation, or of any impending
+penalty. A heedful being contriving for himself, living in the framework
+of, adjusting himself with nice discernment and careful discretion to,
+the laws of the visible world, incurs no censure from the theology
+of design. On the contrary, he could justly say he had done what was
+required of him. He had studiously observed, he could say, the rules of
+the factory in which he lived; he had finished his own work; he had not
+hindered any others from accomplishing theirs; he had complied with the
+arrangements of the establishment: natural theology seems to require no
+more. Self-absorbed foresight and contriving discretion may not be great
+virtues according to a high morality, or according to a true religion;
+but they are profitable in the visible world. They are the virtues of
+men skilful in what they see. Accordingly, they suit a theology which is
+exclusively based upon an analysis of the visible world, which computes
+physical profits and sensible results, which aims to show that Providence
+is prudent, that God is wise in His generation.
+
+Natural theology, therefore, contains nothing to disturb the explanation
+we have given of our original difficulty. The most cursory examination
+of it would show as much. We have only to open the well-known volumes
+in which the munificence of a former generation has embalmed the most
+striking arguments of a theology which that generation valued at more
+than it is worth. We find there pictures of a bat’s wing, of the human
+hand, of a calf’s eye; and we are told how ingenious, how clever, so to
+say,—for it is the true word—these contrivances are. But no one could
+learn, or expect to learn, from a calf’s eye, that the Creator is pure,
+just, merciful; that He is eternal or omnipotent; that he rewards good,
+and punishes evil. Throughout all the physical world He sends rain upon
+the just and the unjust; and no refined analysis of that world will
+detect in it a preference of the former to the latter. As it is with the
+moral holiness of God, so it is with the immortality of man: no one could
+expect to discover by a minute inspection of the perishable body, what
+was the fate of the imperceptible soul. Physical science may examine the
+structure of the brain, but it cannot foresee the fortunes of the mind.
+
+What, then, of Revelation? Does this informant disturb the solution of
+our problem? The change from the world of natural theology to that of
+any revelation is most striking. The most impressive characteristic of
+natural theology is its bareness. It accumulates facts and proves little;
+it has voluminous evidences and a short creed. Accordingly, the reason
+why it does not disturb our philosophy is that its communications are
+insufficient. It does not impart to us _such_ a knowledge of a divine
+rewarder and punisher, of future human punishment and future human
+reward, as would render it impossible to be disinterested and hardly
+possible not to be foreseeing and selfish, because it communicates _no_
+knowledge on the subject. It does not teach the divine characteristic
+which involves the difficulty; it does not tell, either, that part of
+man’s future fate which involves it likewise. With revelation it is
+far otherwise. That informant is precise, full, and clear. It tells us
+plainly what God is; it warns us what may happen, and easily happen, to
+ourselves. We learn from it that God is the divine ruler; we learn from
+it that we are punishable creatures, whose fate depends on ourselves. The
+observations which have been justly made on natural theology are here
+entirely inapplicable. We have passed from a _vacuum_ into a _plenum_.
+
+The real reason why revealed religion does not invalidate our
+pre-existing moral nature, is because it is itself dependent on that
+nature. When we examine the evidence for revelation we alight at once on
+a great and fundamental postulate; we assume that God is veracious; we
+are so familiar with this great truth, that we hardly think of it save
+as an axiom; both the readers of the treatises on the evidences and the
+writers of them pass rapidly and easily over it. But, putting aside for a
+moment the evidence of our inner consciousness, and regarding the subject
+with the pure intellect and bare eyes, the assumption is an audacious
+one. How do we know that it is true? We have proved by natural theology
+that a designing Being, of great power, considerable age, ingenious
+habits, and benevolent motives, somewhere exists; but how do we know
+that Being to be ‘veracious’? We see that among human beings, the class
+of intellectual beings of whom we know most, and whom we can observe
+best, veracity is a rare virtue. We know that some nations seem wholly
+destitute of it, and that one sex in all countries is deficient in it.
+We know that a human being may have great power, and not tell the truth;
+ingenious habits, and not tell the truth; kind intentions, and not tell
+the truth. Why may not a superhuman Being be constituted in the same way,
+possess a character similarly mixed, be remarkable not only for morals
+similar to man’s, but also for defects analogous to his? Our inner nature
+revolts at the supposition; but we are not now concerned with our inner
+nature; we have, for the sake of distinctness, abstracted and left it
+on one side. We are dealing now not with the evidence of the heart, but
+with the evidence of the eyes; we are discussing not what really is, but
+what would seem to be—what is all we could know to be, if we had only
+five senses and a reasoning understanding. From these informants, how
+could we know enough of the ingenious unknown Being, who is so useful
+in the world, as to be confident He would tell us the truth in every
+case? How could we presume to guess His unexperienced speech, His latent
+motives, His imperceptible character? Our knowledge of the moral part of
+the Divine character, of His veracity,—as well as of His justice,—comes
+from our own moral nature. We feel that God is holy, just as we feel
+that holiness _is_ holiness; just as we know by internal consciousness
+that goodness is good in itself, and by itself; just as we know that God
+in Himself is pure and holy. We feel that God is true, for veracity is
+a part of holiness and a condition of purity. But if we did not think
+holiness to be excellent in itself, if we did not feel it to be a motive
+unaffected by consequences and independent of calculation, our belief in
+the Divine holiness would fade away, and with it would fade our belief in
+the Divine veracity also.
+
+Revelation, therefore, cannot undermine the very principle upon which it
+is itself dependent. Our notion of the character of God being revealed
+to us by our moral nature, cannot impair or weaken the conclusion of
+that nature. This is the meaning of the profound saying of Coleridge,
+that ‘_all_ religion is revealed.’ He meant that all knowledge of God’s
+character which is worth naming or regarding, which excites any portion
+of the religious sentiment, which excites our love, our awe, or our fear,
+is communicated to us by our internal nature, by that spirit within us
+which is open to a higher world, by that spirit which is in some sense
+God’s Spirit. True religion of this sort does not impair the moral spirit
+which revealed it; it does not dare do so, for it knows that spirit to be
+its only evidence.
+
+But all religion is not true. A superstitious mind permits a certain
+aspect of God’s character, say its justice, to obtain an exclusive hold
+on it, to tyrannise over it, to absorb it. The soul becomes bound down by
+the weight of its own revelation. Conscience is overshadowed, weakened,
+and almost destroyed by the very idea which it originally suggested,
+and of which it is really the only reliable informant. Such minds are
+incapable of true virtue. The essential opposition which is alleged to
+exist between morality and _all_ religion does exist between morality and
+_their_ religion. They have a selfish fear of the future, which destroys
+their disinterestedness, and almost destroys their manhood.
+
+The same effect is undeniably produced on many minds—not necessarily
+produced, but in fact produced—by a belief in revelation. They are
+fearful of future punishment, because some being in the air has
+threatened it. They have not the true belief in the Divine holiness which
+arises from a love of holiness; they have not the true conception of God
+which was suggested by conscience, and is kept alive by the activity
+of conscience; but they have a vague persuasion that a great Personage
+has asserted this, and why they should believe that Personage they do
+not ask or know. While revelation remains connected in the mind with
+the spirituality on which it is based, it is as consistent with true
+morality as religion of any other sort; but if disconnected from that
+spirituality, if it has become an isolated terrific tenet, like any other
+superstition, it is inconsistent.
+
+The original difficulty with which we started, and the true answer to
+that difficulty, may be summed up thus: The objection is, that the
+extrinsic motive to goodness (which religion reveals) must absorb the
+intrinsic motives to goodness (which morality reveals). The answer is,
+that the second revelation is contingent upon the first; that those only
+have a substantial ground for believing the extrinsic motive who retain a
+lively confidence in the intrinsic. Perhaps some may think this principle
+too plain; perhaps others may think it too unimportant to justify so long
+an exposition and such a strenuous inculcation. But if we dwell upon it
+and trace it to its attendant results and consequences, we shall find
+that it will account for more of the world than almost any other single
+principle—at any rate, will explain much which puzzles us, and much which
+is important to us.
+
+First, this principle will explain to us the use and the necessity of
+what we may call the _screen_ of the physical world. Every one who
+has religious ideas must have been puzzled by what we may call the
+irrelevancy of creation to his religion. We find ourselves lodged in
+a vast theatre, in which a ceaseless action, a perpetual shifting
+of scenes, an unresting life, is going forward; and that life seems
+physical, unmoral, having no relation to what our souls tell us to be
+great and good, to what religion says is the design of all things.
+Especially when we see any new objects, or scenes, or countries, we
+feel this. Look at a great tropical plant, with large leaves stretching
+everywhere, and great stalks branching out on all sides; with a big
+beetle on a leaf, and a humming-bird on a branch, and an ugly lizard
+just below. What has such an object to do with _us_—with anything we
+can conceive, or hope, or imagine? What _could_ it be created for,
+if creation has a moral end and object? Or go into a gravel-pit, or
+stone-quarry; you see there a vast accumulation of dull matter, yellow or
+grey, and you ask, involuntarily and of necessity, why is all this waste
+and irrelevant production, as it would seem, of material? Can anything
+seem more stupid than a big stone _as_ a big stone, than gravel for
+gravel’s sake? What is the use of such cumbrous, inexpressive objects
+in a world where there are minds to be filled, and imaginations to be
+aroused, and souls to be saved? A clever sceptic once said on reading
+Paley that _he_ thought the universe was a furniture warehouse for
+unknown beings; he assented to the indications of design visible in many
+places, but what the end of most objects was, why _such_ things were,
+what was the ultimate object contemplated by the whole, he could not
+understand. He thought ‘divines are right in saying that much of the
+universe has an expression, but surely sceptics are right in saying that
+as much or more has no expression.’ Some of the world seems designed to
+show a little of God; but much more seems also designed to hide Him and
+keep Him off. The reply is, that if morality is to be disinterested,
+some such irrelevant universe is essential. Life, moral life, the life
+of tempted beings capable of virtue and liable to vice, of necessity
+involves a theatre of some sort; it could not be carried on in a vast
+vacuum; _some_ means of communication between mind and mind, _some_
+external motive to question inward impulses, _some_ outward events as
+the result of past action and the stimulus to new action, seem essential
+to the life of a voluntary moral being, to a being tempted as a man is,
+living as a man lives. The only admissible question is the nature of that
+theatre. Is it to be in all its parts and objects expressive of God’s
+character and communicative of man’s fate? or is it, as many say, in most
+parts to express nothing and tell nothing? The reply is, that _if_ the
+universe were to be incessantly expressive and incessantly communicative,
+morality would be impossible; we should live under the unceasing pressure
+of a supernatural interference, which would give us selfish motives for
+doing everything, which would menace us with supernatural punishment if
+we left anything undone. We should be living in a _chastising_ machine,
+of which the secret would be patent and the penalties apparent. We are
+startled to find a universe we did not expect. But if we lived in the
+universe we did expect, the life which we lead, and were meant to lead,
+would be impossible. We should expect a punitive world sanctioning moral
+laws, and the perpetual punishment of those laws would be so glaringly
+apparent that true virtue would become impossible. An ‘unfeeling nature,’
+an unmoral universe, a sun that shines and a rain which falls equally on
+the evil and on the good, are essential to morality in a being free like
+man, and created as man was. A miscellaneous world is a suitable theatre
+for a single-minded life, and, so far as we can see, the only one.
+
+The same sort of reasoning partly elucidates, even if it does not
+explain, the brevity of our apparent life. If visible life were eternal,
+future punishments must be visible. We should meet in our streets with
+old, old men enduring the consequences of offences which happened before
+we were born. We should not see, perhaps, old age as we now see it;
+decrepitude would be unknown to us. If there was immortal life on earth,
+there would probably also be immortal youth; at any rate, immortal
+activity. The perpetuity of existence would not be divided from the
+perpetuity of what makes life desirable, of what makes effective life
+possible. But if children saw their fathers, and their fathers’ fathers,
+and their fathers’ ancestors, in an unending chain, suffering penalties
+for certain acts, and obtaining rewards for certain deeds, how is it
+possible that they could act otherwise than according to those visible
+and evident examples? The consecutive tradition of self-interest would
+be so strong among a perpetual race of immortal men that disinterested
+virtue would be not so much impracticable as unthought-of and unknown.
+The exact line of real self-benefit would be chalked out so plainly, so
+conspicuously, so glaringly, that no other action would be conceivable,
+or possible. The evidence of _all_ consequences would be like the
+evidences of legal consequences now, only infinitely more effective
+and infinitely more perceptible. In human law, the _detection_ of the
+offence by man is a pre-requisite of all punishment by man. An offence
+not proved to the ‘satisfaction of the court’ escapes the judgment of the
+court. But in a visible immortal life, this pre-requisite would not be
+needful. _If_ there be a future punishment, and _if_ man lived for all
+futurity upon earth, that future punishment would be on earth, and it
+would be inflicted by God. Undetected crime, that general bad character
+without specific proved offence, which now mocks all law and laughs
+at visible punishment, would then, under our very eyes, receive that
+punishment. Job’s friends kindly argued with him, ‘You are suffering,
+therefore you are guilty.’ And the argument was bad, because they only
+saw an exceptional accident in the life of a good man, not his entire
+life through a subsequent eternity; but if that eternal life had been
+passed in continuous residence on this globe, if notorious bad fortune
+had pursued him through eternity in the nineteenth generation, his
+descendants might well have said, ‘Oh, Job, there is something wrong in
+you, for you never come out right.’ A great historian has observed,—
+
+ ‘That honesty is the best policy, is a maxim which we firmly
+ believe to be generally correct, even with respect to the
+ temporal interest of individuals; but with respect to
+ societies, the rule is subject to still fewer exceptions, and
+ that for this reason, that the life of societies is larger than
+ that of individuals. It is possible to mention men who have
+ owed great worldly prosperity to breaches of private faith; but
+ we doubt whether it be possible to mention a state which has,
+ on the whole, been a gainer by a breach of public faith.’
+
+If the visible life of individuals were yet longer than the life of
+societies, the rule would be subject to still fewer exceptions; if that
+visible life were eternal, the rule would be subject to no exceptions;
+the staring evidence of conspicuous results would purge temptation out of
+the world.
+
+The physical world now rewards what we may call the physical virtues,
+and punishes what we may call the physical vices. There is a certain
+state of the body which is a condition of physical well-being, and (as
+life is constituted) very much of all well-being. If by gross excess
+any man should impair that condition, physical law will punish him. The
+body is our schoolmaster to bring us to the soul; it enforces on us the
+preparatory merits, it scourges out of us the preparatory defects. The
+law of human government is similar; it enforces on us that adherence
+to obvious virtue, and that avoidance of obvious vice, which are the
+essential preliminaries of real virtue. There is no true virtue or vice,
+so long as physical law and human law are what they are in any such
+matters. The dread of the penalties is too powerful not to extinguish
+(speaking generally, and peculiar cases excepted) all other motives. But
+these teachers strengthen the mental instruments of real virtue. They
+strengthen our will; they hurt our vanity; they confirm our manhood.
+Physical law and human law train and build up, if the expression may
+be permitted, that good pagan, that sound-bodied, moderate, careful
+creature, out of which a good Christian may, if he will and by God’s
+help, in the end be constructed. If visible life were eternal instead
+of temporary, the same intense discipline which so usefully creates
+the preparatory prerequisites would likewise efface the possibility of
+disinterested virtue.
+
+Again, the great scene of human life may be explained, or at least
+illustrated, in like manner: _we are souls in the disguise of animals_.
+We lead a life in great part neither good nor evil, neither wicked nor
+excellent. The larger number of men seem to an outside observer to
+walk through life in a torpid sort of sleep. They are decent in their
+morals, respectable in their manners, stupid in their conversation.
+The incentives of their life are outward; its penalties are outward
+too. The life of such people seems to some men always—to many men at
+times—inexplicable. But if such beings were not permitted in the world,
+perhaps a higher life might be impossible for any beings. They act
+like a living screen, just as we say matter acts like a dead screen.
+It is not desirable that the results of goodness should be distinctly
+apparent; and if all human life were intensely and exclusively moral;
+if all men were with all their strength pursuing good or pursuing evil,
+the isolated consequences of that isolated principle must be apparent;
+at least, could scarcely fail to be so. If one set of men were cooped up
+in the exclusive pursuit of virtue, and were very ardent and warm about
+it, and another set of men were eager in the pursuit of evil, and cared
+for nothing but evil, the world would fall asunder into two dissimilar
+halves. If goodness in the visible world had _any_, the least, tendency
+to produce visible happiness, then incessant goodness would be very
+happy. The accumulations of the slight tendency by perpetual renewal
+would amount of necessity to a vast sum-total. Incessant badness would
+produce awful misery. Those absorbed in vice would be warnings dangerous
+to disinterestedness; those absorbed in virtue, attractions and examples
+almost more dangerous. The mischief is prevented by those _unabsorbed_,
+purposeless, divided characters which seem to puzzle us. They complicate
+human life, and they do so the more effectually that they typify and
+represent so much of what every man feels and must feel within himself.
+In each man there is so much which is unmoral, so much which comes from
+an unknown origin, and passes forward to an unknown destination, which is
+of the earth, earthy; which has nothing to do with hell or heaven; which
+occupies a middle place not recognised in any theology; which is hateful
+both to the impetuous ‘friends of God’ and His most eager enemies. This
+pervading and potent element involves life as it were in confusion and
+hurry. We do not see distinctly whither we are going. Disinterestedness
+is possible, for calculation is confused. Doubtless, even on earth virtue
+of all kinds eventually must have, on a large average of cases, some
+slight tendency to produce happiness. This earth is an extract from the
+moral universe—partakes its nature. But that tendency is too slight to
+be a considerable motive to high action; it would not be discovered but
+for the inward principle which sets us to look for it; and even when
+we find it, it is transient, and small, and dubious. It is lost in the
+vast results of the unmoral universe, in the vague shows, the multiform
+spectacle of human life.
+
+Again, we may understand why the convictions of what duty is, and what
+religion is, vary so much and so often among men. If all our convictions
+on these points, on these infinitely important points, were identical
+and alike, an accumulated public opinion would oppress us, would destroy
+the freedom of our action and the purity of our virtue. If every one
+said that certain penalties would be the consequence of certain actions,
+we should believe that the consequences would be so and so, not because
+we felt those actions to be intrinsically bad, but because we were told
+that such would be the consequences. We should believe upon report, and
+a vague impression would haunt us, not produced by our own conscience,
+or our own sense of right and wrong, and would impair both our manhood
+and our virtue. The extraordinary discrepancies of believed religion
+and believed morality have weighed on many and will weigh on many; but
+they have this use—they enable men to be disinterested. As there is no
+sanctioned invincible firm custom, there are no customary penalties,
+there is nothing men must shun; as the world has not made up its mind,
+there is no executioner of the world ready to enforce that mind upon
+every one.
+
+Lastly, the same essential argument may be applied to a problem yet
+more delicate and difficult, to one which it is difficult to treat in
+Reviewer’s phraseology. Why is God so far from us? is the agonising
+question which has depressed so many hearts, so long as we know there
+were hearts, has puzzled so many intellects since intellects began to
+puzzle themselves. But the moral part of God’s character could not be
+shown to us with sensible conspicuous evidence; it could not be shown
+to us as Fleet Street is shown to us, without impairing the first
+pre-requisite of disinterestedness, and the primary condition of man’s
+virtue. And if the moral aspect of God’s character must of necessity be
+somewhat hidden from us, other aspects of it must be equally hidden.
+An infinite Being may be viewed under innumerable aspects. God has
+many qualities in His essence which the word ‘moral’ does not exhaust,
+which it does not even hint at. Perhaps this essay has seemed to read
+too sternly; as if the moral side of the Divine character, which is and
+must be to imperfect beings in some sense a terrible side,—as if the
+moral side of human life, which must be to mankind not always a pleasant
+side,—had been forced into an exclusive prominence which of right did
+not belong to it. But the _attractive_ aspects of God’s character must
+not be made more apparent to such a being as man than His chastening and
+severer aspects. We must not be invited to approach the Holy of holies
+without being made aware, painfully aware, what Holiness is. We must know
+our own unworthiness ere we are fit to approach or imagine an Infinite
+Perfection. The most nauseous of false religions is that which affects a
+fulsome fondness for a Being not to be thought of without awe, or spoken
+of without reluctance.
+
+On the whole, therefore, the necessary ignorance of man explains to us
+much; it shows us that we could not be what we ought to be, if we lived
+in the sort of universe we should expect. It shows us that a latent
+Providence, a confused life, an odd material world, an existence broken
+short in the midst and on a sudden, are not real difficulties, but real
+helps; that they, or something like them, are essential conditions of a
+moral life to a subordinate being. If we steadily remember that we only
+know the ultimate fate, the extrinsic consequences of vice and virtue,
+because we know of their inherent nature and intrinsic qualities, and
+that any other evidence of the first would destroy the possibility of the
+second, _then_ much which used to puzzle us may become clear to us.
+
+But it may be said, What sort of evidence is this on which you base
+the future moral life of man, and the present existence of a moral
+Providence? Is it not impalpable? It is so, and necessarily so. If a
+consecutive logical deduction, such as has often been sought between an
+immutable morality and a true religion, could in fact be found, we should
+be again met with our fundamental difficulty, though in a disguised and
+secondary form. Morality might fall out of sight because religion was
+obtruded upon us. Morality would be the axiom, religion the deduction;
+and as a geometer does not keep Euclid’s axioms in his head when he is
+employed upon conic sections, as a student of the differential calculus
+may half forget the commencement of algebra,—so the great truths of
+religion, if rigorously and mathematically deduced from the beginnings of
+morality, might overshadow and destroy those ‘beggarly elements.’ No one
+who has proved important doctrines by rigorous reasoning always retains
+in his mind the primitive principles from which he set out. As the
+concrete deductions advance, the primary abstractions recede. Happily,
+the connection between morality and religion is of a very different kind.
+Religion (in its moral part) is a secondary impression, produced and kept
+alive by the first impression of morality. The intensity of the second
+feeling depends on the continued intensity of the first feeling.
+
+The highest part of human belief is based upon certain developable
+instincts. Not the most important, but the most obvious of these,
+is the instinct of beauty. Since the commencement of speculation,
+ingenious thinkers, who delight in difficulties, have rejoiced to draw
+out at length the difficulties of the subject. It is said, How can you
+be certain that there is such an attribute as beauty, when no one is
+sure what it is, or to what it should be applied? A barbarian thinks
+one thing charming, the Greek another. Modern nations have a standard
+different most materially from the ancient standard—founded upon it in
+several important respects, no doubt, but differing from it in others as
+important, and almost equally striking. Even within the limits of modern
+nations this standard differs. The taste of the vulgar is one thing, the
+taste of the refined and cultivated is altogether at variance with it.
+The mass of mankind prefer a gaudy modern daub to a faded picture by
+Sir Joshua, or to the cartoons of Raphael. What certainty, the sceptic
+triumphantly asks, can there be in matters on which people differ so
+much, on which it seems so impossible to argue; which seem to depend
+on causes and relations simply personal; which are susceptible of no
+positive test or ascertained criterion? You talk of impalpability, he
+adds; here it is in perfection. But these recondite doubts impose on no
+one. Not a single educated person would sleep less soundly if he were
+told that his life depended on the correctness of his notion that the
+cartoons of Raphael are more sublime and beautiful than a common daub. He
+cannot prove it, and he cannot prove that Charles the First was beheaded;
+but he is quite as certain of one as of the other. This is an instance of
+an obvious, unmistakable instinct, which does produce effectual belief,
+though sceptics explain to us that it should not.
+
+The nature of this instinct differs altogether from that of those
+intuitive and universal axioms which are borne in infallibly upon all the
+human race, in every age and every place. It is not like the assertion
+that ‘two straight lines cannot enclose a space,’ or the truth that two
+and two make four. These are believed by every one, and no one can dream
+of not believing them. But half of mankind would reject the idea that the
+cartoons were in any sense admirable; they would prefer the overgrown
+enormities of West, which are side by side with them. The characteristic
+peculiarity of this instinct is, not that it is irresistible, but that
+it is _developable_. The higher students of the subject, the more
+cultivated, meditate upon it, acquire a new sense, which conveys truth to
+them, though others are ignorant of it, and though they themselves cannot
+impart it to those others. The appeal is not to the many, as with axioms
+of Euclid, but to those few,—the exceptional few,—at whom the many scoff.
+
+The case is similar with the yet higher instincts of morality and of
+religion. It is idle to pretend that much of them can be found among
+bloody savages, or simple and remote islanders, or a degraded populace.
+It is still idler to fancy that because they cannot be discovered there
+full-grown, and complete, and paramount, there is no evidence for them,
+and no basis for relying upon them. They resemble the instinct of beauty
+precisely. The evidence of the few—of the small, high-minded minority,
+who are the exception of ages, and the salt of the earth—outweighs the
+evidence of countless myriads who live as their fathers lived, think as
+they thought, die as they died; who would have lived and died in the very
+contrary impressions, if by chance they had inherited these instead of
+the others. The criterion of true beauty is with those (and they are not
+many) who have a sense of true beauty; the criterion of true morality
+is with those who have a sense of true morality; the criterion of true
+religion is with those who have a sense of true religion.
+
+Nor can this defect of an absolute criterion throw the world into
+confusion. We see it does not, and there was no reason to expect it
+would. We all of us feel an analogous fluctuation and variation in
+ourselves. We all of us feel that there are times in which first
+principles seem borne in upon us by evidence as bright as noonday, and
+that there are also times in which that evidence is much less, in which
+it seems to fade away, in which we reckon up the number of persons who
+differ from us, who reject our principles; times at which we ask, Who
+are _we_, that we should be right and other men wrong? The unbelieving
+moods of each mind are as certain as the unbelieving state of much of
+the world. But no sound mind permits itself to be permanently disturbed,
+though it may be transiently distracted, by these variations in its own
+state. We have a _criterion_ faculty within us, which tells us which are
+lower moods and which are higher. This faculty is a phase of conscience,
+and if at its bidding we struggle _with_ the good moods, and _against_
+the bad moods, we shall find that great beliefs remain, and that mean
+beliefs pass away.
+
+There is an analogous phenomenon in the history of the world. Beliefs
+altogether differ at the base of society, but they agree, or tend to
+agree, at its summit. As society goes on, the standard of beauty, and of
+morality, and of religion also, tends to become fixed. The creeds of the
+higher classes throughout the world, though far from identical in these
+respects, are not entirely unlike, approach to similarity, approach to it
+more and more as cultivation augments, goodness improves, and disturbing
+agencies fall aside.
+
+ ‘The Ethiop gods have Ethiop lips,
+ Bronze cheeks, and woolly hair;
+ The Grecian gods are like the Greeks,
+ As keen-eyed, cold, and fair.’
+
+Such is the various and miscellaneous religion of barbarism; but the
+religion and the morality of all the best among all nations tend more
+and more to be the same with ‘the progress of the suns,’ and as society
+itself improves.
+
+The instincts of morality and religion, though we have called them two
+for facility of speech, run into one another, and in practical human
+nature are not easily separated. The distinction, like so many others
+in mental philosophy, is not drawn where accurate science would have
+directed, but where the first notions of mankind, and the necessity of
+easy speaking, in a language shaped according to those notions, have
+suggested. In a refined analysis, the instinct of religion, as we have
+called it, is a complex aggregate of various instincts, not a single and
+homogeneous one. But to analyse these, or even to name them, would be
+far from our purpose now. Our business is with the relation between the
+instinct of morality and that of religion, and with no other perplexities
+or difficulties. The instinct of morality is the basis, and the instinct
+of moral religion is based upon it, and arises out of it. We feel first
+the intrinsic qualities of good actions and bad actions; then, as the
+Greek proverb expressed it, ‘Where there is shame there is fear;’ we
+expect consequences apportioned to our actions, good and evil; lastly,
+for within the limits of purely moral ideas there is no higher stage, we
+rise to the conception of Him who in His wisdom adjusts and allots those
+far-off consequences to those conspicuous actions. The higher instinct
+is based on the lower; would fade in the mind should the lower fade.
+The coalescence of instinct effects what no other contrivance known to
+us could effect; it enables us to be disinterested, although we know
+the consequences of evil actions, because conscience is the revealing
+sensation, and we only know those consequences so long as we are
+disinterested.
+
+These fundamental difficulties of life and morals are little discussed.
+Few think of them clearly, and still fewer speak of them much. But they
+cloud the brain and confuse the hopes of many who never stated them
+explicitly to themselves, and never heard them stated explicitly by
+others. Meanwhile superficial difficulties are in every one’s mouth; we
+are deafened with controversies on remote matters which do not concern
+us; we are confused with ‘Aids to Faith’ which neither harm nor help
+us. A tumult of irrelevant theology is in the air which oppresses men’s
+heads, and darkens their future, and scatters their hopes. For such a
+calamity there is no thorough cure; it belongs to the confused epoch of
+an age of transition, and is inseparable from it. But the best palliative
+is a steady attention to primary difficulties—if possible, a clear
+mastery over them; if not, a distinct knowledge how we stand respecting
+them. The shrewdest man of the world who ever lived tells us, ‘That he
+who begins in certainties shall end in doubts; but he who begins in
+doubts shall end in certainties;’ and the maxim is even more applicable
+to matters which are not of this world than to those which are.
+
+
+
+
+_ON THE EMOTION OF CONVICTION._[23]
+
+(1871.)
+
+
+What we commonly term Belief includes, I apprehend, both an Intellectual
+and an Emotional element; the first we more properly call ‘assent,’ and
+the second ‘conviction.’ The laws of the Intellectual element in belief
+are ‘the laws of evidence,’ and have been elaborately discussed; but
+those of the Emotional part have hardly been discussed at all—indeed, its
+existence has been scarcely perceived.
+
+In the mind of a rigorously trained inquirer, the process of believing
+is, I apprehend, this:—First comes the investigation, a set of facts are
+sifted, and a set of arguments weighed; then the intellect perceives the
+result of those arguments, and, we say, assents to it. Then an emotion
+more or less strong sets in, which completes the whole. In calm and quiet
+minds, the intellectual part of this process is so much the strongest
+that they are hardly conscious of anything else; and as these quiet,
+careful people have written our treatises, we do not find it explained in
+them how important the emotional part is.
+
+But take the case of the Caliph Omar, according to Gibbon’s description
+of him. He burnt the Alexandrine Library, saying, ‘All books which
+contain what is not in the Koran are dangerous; all those which contain
+what is in the Koran are useless.’ Probably no one ever had an intenser
+belief in anything than Omar had in this. Yet it is impossible to imagine
+it preceded by an argument. His belief in Mahomet, in the Koran, and in
+the sufficiency of the Koran, came to him probably in spontaneous rushes
+of emotion; there may have been little vestiges of argument floating here
+and there, but they did not justify the strength of the emotion, still
+less did they create it, and they hardly even excused it.
+
+There is so commonly some considerable argument for our modern beliefs,
+that it is difficult now-a-days to isolate the emotional element,
+and therefore, on the principle that in Metaphysics ‘egotism is the
+truest modesty,’ I may give myself as an example of utterly irrational
+conviction. Some years ago I stood for a borough in the West of England,
+and after a keen contest was defeated by seven. Almost directly
+afterwards there was accidentally another election, and as I would not
+stand, another candidate of my own side was elected, and I of course
+ceased to have any hold upon the place, or chance of being elected there.
+But for years I had the deepest conviction that I should be Member for
+‘Bridgwater’; and no amount of reasoning would get it out of my head. The
+borough is now disfranchised; but even still, if I allow my mind to dwell
+on the contest,—if I think of the hours I was ahead in the morning, and
+the rush of votes at two o’clock by which I was defeated,—and even more,
+if I call up the image of the nomination day, with all the people’s hands
+outstretched, and all their excited faces looking the more different on
+account of their identity in posture, the old feeling almost comes back
+upon me, and for a moment I believe that I shall be Member for Bridgwater.
+
+I should not mention such nonsense, except on an occasion when I may
+serve as an intellectual ‘specimen,’[24] but I know I wish that I could
+feel the same hearty, vivid faith in many conclusions of which my
+understanding says it is satisfied, that I did in this absurdity. And
+if it should be replied that such folly could be no real belief, for it
+could not influence any man’s action, I am afraid I must say that it
+did influence my actions. For a long time the ineradicable fatalistic
+feeling, that I should some time have this constituency, of which I
+had no chance, hung about my mind, and diminished my interest in other
+constituencies, where my chances of election would have been rational, at
+any rate.
+
+This case probably exhibits the _maximum_ of conviction with the
+_minimum_ of argument, but there are many approximations to it. Persons
+of untrained minds cannot long live without some belief in any topic
+which comes much before them. It has been said that if you can only get a
+middle-class Englishman to think whether there are ‘snails in Sirius,’ he
+will soon have an opinion on it. It will be difficult to make him think,
+but if he does think, he cannot rest in a negative, he will come to some
+decision. And on any ordinary topic, of course, it is so. A grocer has a
+full creed as to foreign policy, a young lady a complete theory of the
+sacraments, as to which neither has any doubt whatever. But in talking to
+such persons, I cannot but remember my Bridgwater experience, and ask
+whether causes like those which begat my folly may not be at the bottom
+of their ‘invincible knowledge.’
+
+Most persons who observe their own thoughts must have been conscious of
+the exactly opposite state. There are cases where our intellect has gone
+through the arguments, and we give a clear assent to the conclusions. But
+our minds seem dry and unsatisfied. In that case we have the intellectual
+part of Belief, but want the emotional part.
+
+That belief is not a purely intellectual matter is evident from dreams,
+where we are always believing, but scarcely ever arguing; and from
+certain forms of insanity, where fixed delusions seize upon the mind
+and generate a firmer belief than any sane person is capable of. These
+are, of course, ‘unorthodox’ states of mind; but a good psychology must
+explain them, nevertheless, and perhaps it would have progressed faster
+if it had been more ready to compare them with the waking states of sane
+people.
+
+Probably, when the subject is thoroughly examined, ‘conviction’ will be
+proved to be one of the intensest of human emotions, and one most closely
+connected with the bodily state. In cases like the Caliph Omar’s, it
+governs all other desires, absorbs the whole nature, and rules the whole
+life. And in such cases it is accompanied or preceded by the sensation
+that Scott makes his seer describe as the prelude to a prophecy:—
+
+ ‘At length the fatal answer came,
+ In characters of living flame—
+ Not spoke in word, nor blazed in scroll,
+ But borne and branded on my soul.’
+
+A hot flash seems to burn across the brain. Men in these intense states
+of mind have altered all history, changed for better or worse the creed
+of myriads, and desolated or redeemed provinces and ages. Nor is this
+intensity a sign of truth, for it is precisely strongest in those points
+in which men differ most from each other. John Knox felt it in his
+anti-Catholicism; Ignatius Loyola in his anti-Protestantism; and both, I
+suppose, felt it as much as it is possible to feel it.
+
+Once acutely felt, I believe it is indelible; at least, it does something
+to the mind which it is hard for anything else to undo. It has been often
+said that a man who has once really loved a woman, never can be without
+feeling towards that woman again. He may go on loving her, or he may
+change and hate her. In the same way, I think, experience proves that
+no one who has had real passionate conviction of a creed, the sort of
+emotion that burns hot upon the brain, can ever be indifferent to that
+creed again. He may continue to believe it, and to love it; or he may
+change to the opposite, vehemently argue against it, and persecute it.
+But he cannot forget it. Years afterwards, perhaps, when life changes,
+when external interests cease to excite, when the apathy to surroundings
+which belongs to the old, begins all at once, to the wonder of later
+friends, who cannot imagine what is come to him, the grey-headed man
+returns to the creed of his youth.
+
+The explanation of these facts in metaphysical books is very imperfect.
+Indeed, I only know one school which professes to explain the emotion,
+as distinguished from the intellectual element in belief. Mr. Mill
+(after Mr. Bain) speaks very instructively of the ‘animal nature of
+belief,’ but when he comes to trace its cause, his analysis seems, to me
+at least, utterly unsatisfactory. He says that ‘the state of belief is
+identical with the activity or active disposition of the system at the
+moment with reference to the thing believed.’ But in many cases there
+is firm belief where there is no possibility of action or tendency to
+it. A girl in a country parsonage will be sure ‘that Paris never can
+be taken,’ or that ‘Bismarck is a wretch,’ without being able to act
+on these ideas or wanting to act on them. Many beliefs, in Coleridge’s
+happy phrase, slumber in the ‘dormitory of the soul’; they are present to
+the consciousness, but they incite to no action. And perhaps Coleridge
+is an example of misformed mind in which not only may ‘Faith’ not
+produce ‘works,’ but in which it had a tendency to prevent works. Strong
+convictions gave him a kind of cramp in the will, and he could not act
+on them. And in very many persons much-indulged conviction exhausts the
+mind with the attached ideas; teases it, and so, when the time of action
+comes, makes it apt to turn to different, perhaps opposite ideas, and to
+act on them in preference.
+
+As far as I can perceive, the power of an idea to cause conviction,
+independently of any intellectual process, depends on four properties.
+
+1st. _Clearness._ The more unmistakable an idea is to a particular mind,
+the more is that mind predisposed to believe it. In common life we may
+constantly see this. If you once make a thing quite clear to a person,
+the chances are that you will almost have persuaded him of it. Half the
+world only understand what they believe, and always believe what they
+understand.
+
+2nd. _Intensity._ This is the main cause why the ideas that flash on
+the minds of seers, as in Scott’s description, are believed; they come
+mostly when the nerves are exhausted by fasting, watching, and longing;
+they have a peculiar brilliancy, and therefore they are believed. To this
+cause I trace too my fixed folly as to Bridgwater. The idea of being
+member for the town had been so intensely brought home to me by the
+excitement of a contest, that I could not eradicate it, and that as soon
+as I recalled any circumstances of the contest it always came back in all
+its vividness.
+
+3rd. _Constancy._ As a rule, almost everyone does accept the creed of the
+place in which he lives, and everyone without exception has a tendency
+to do so. There are, it is true, some minds which a mathematician might
+describe as minds of ‘contrary flexure,’ whose particular bent it is to
+contradict what those around them say. And the reason is that in their
+minds the opposite aspect of every subject is always vividly presented.
+But even such minds usually accept the _axioms_ of their district, the
+tenets which everybody always believes. They only object to the variable
+elements; to the inferences and deductions drawn by some, but not by all.
+
+4th. On the _Interestingness_ of the idea, by which I mean the power of
+the idea to gratify some wish or want of the mind. The most obvious is
+curiosity about something which is important to me. Rumours that gratify
+this excite a sort of half-conviction without the least evidence, and
+with a very little evidence a full, eager, not to say a bigoted one. If a
+person go into a mixed company, and say authoritatively ‘that the Cabinet
+is nearly divided on the Russian question, and that it was only decided
+by one vote to send Lord Granville’s despatch,’ most of the company will
+attach some weight more or less to the story, without asking how the
+secret was known. And if the narrator casually add that he has just seen
+a subordinate member of the Government, most of the hearers will go away
+and repeat the anecdote with grave attention, though it does not in the
+least appear that the lesser functionary told the anecdote about the
+Cabinet, or that he knew what passed at it.
+
+And the interest is greater when the news falls in with the bent of the
+hearer. A sanguine man will believe with scarcely any evidence that good
+luck is coming, and a dismal man that bad luck is coming. As far as I can
+make out, the professional ‘Bulls’ and ‘Bears’ of the City _do_ believe a
+great deal of what they say, though, of course, there are exceptions, and
+though neither the most sanguine ‘bull’ nor the most dismal ‘bear’ can
+believe _all_ he says.
+
+Of course, I need not say that this ‘quality’ peculiarly attaches to
+the greatest problems of human life. The firmest convictions of the
+most inconsistent answers to the everlasting questions ‘whence?’ and
+‘whither?’ have been generated by this ‘interestingness’ without evidence
+on which one would invest a penny.
+
+In one case, these causes of irrational conviction seem contradictory.
+Clearness, as we have seen, is one of them; but obscurity, when obscure
+things are interesting, is a cause too. But there is no real difficulty
+here. Human nature at different times exhibits contrasted impulses. There
+is a passion for sensualism, that is, to eat and drink; and a passion for
+asceticism, that is, not to eat and drink; so it is quite likely that the
+clearness of an idea may sometimes cause a movement of conviction, and
+that the obscurity of another idea may at other times cause one too.
+
+These laws, however, are complex—can they be reduced to any simpler
+law of human nature? I confess I think that they can, but at the same
+time I do not presume to speak with the same confidence about it that
+I have upon other points. Hitherto I have been dealing with the common
+facts of the adult human mind, as we may see it in others and feel it
+in ourselves. But I am now going to deal with the ‘prehistoric’ period
+of the mind in early childhood, as to which there is necessarily much
+obscurity.
+
+My theory is, that in the first instance a child believes everything.
+Some of its states of consciousness are perceptive or presentative,—that
+is, they tell it of some heat or cold, some resistance or
+non-resistance, then and there present. Other states of consciousness
+are representative,—that is, they say that certain sensations could be
+felt or certain facts perceived, in time past or in time to come, or at
+some place, no matter at what time, then and there out of the reach of
+perception and sensation. In mature life, too, we have these presentative
+and representative states in every sort of mixture, but we make a
+distinction between them. Without remark and without doubt, we believe
+the ‘evidence of our senses,’ that is, the facts of present sensation
+and perception; but we do not believe at once and instantaneously the
+representative states as to what is non-present, whether in time or
+space. But I apprehend that this is an acquired distinction, and that in
+early childhood every state of consciousness is believed, whether it be
+presentative or representative.
+
+Certainly at the beginning of the ‘historic’ period we catch the mind
+at a period of extreme credulity. When memory begins, and when speech
+and signs suffice to make a child intelligible, belief is almost
+omnipresent, and doubt almost never to be found. Childlike credulity is a
+phrase of the highest antiquity, and of the greatest present aptness.
+
+So striking, indeed, on certain points, is this impulse to believe,
+that philosophers have invented various theories to explain in detail
+some of its marked instances. Thus it has been said that children have
+an intuitive disposition to believe in ‘testimony’—that is, in the
+correctness of statements orally made to them. And that they do so is
+certain. Every child believes what the footman tells it, what its nurse
+tells it, and what its mother tells it, and probably every one’s memory
+will carry him back to the horrid mass of miscellaneous confusion which
+he acquired by believing all he heard. But though it is certain that a
+child believes all assertions made to it, it is not certain that the
+child so believes in consequence of a special intuitive predisposition
+restricted to such assertions. It may be that this indiscriminate belief
+in all sayings is but a relic of an omnivorous acquiescence in all states
+of consciousness, which is only just extinct when childhood is plain
+enough to be understood, or old enough to be remembered.
+
+Again, it has been said much more plausibly that we want an intuitive
+tendency to account for our belief in memory. But I question whether
+it can be shown that a little child _does_ believe in its memories
+more confidently than in its imaginations. A child of my acquaintance
+corrected its mother, who said that ‘they should never see’ two of
+its dead brothers again, and maintained, ‘Oh yes, mamma, we shall; we
+shall see them in heaven, and they will be so glad to see us.’ And then
+the child cried with disappointment because its mother, though a most
+religious lady, did not seem exactly to feel that seeing her children
+in that manner was as good as seeing them on earth. Now I doubt if
+that child did not believe this expectation quite as confidently as it
+believed any past fact, or as it could believe anything at all, and
+though the conclusion may be true, plainly the child believed, not
+from the efficacy of the external evidence, but from a strong rush of
+inward confidence. Why, then, should we want a special intuition to make
+children believe past facts when, in truth, they go farther and believe
+with no kind of difficulty future facts as well as past?
+
+If on so abstruse a matter I might be allowed a graphic illustration,
+I should define doubt as ‘a hesitation produced by collision.’ A child
+possessed with the notion that all its fancies are true, finds that
+acting on one of them brings its head against the table. This gives it
+pain, and makes it hesitate as to the expediency of doing it again. Early
+childhood is an incessant education in scepticism, and early youth is
+so too. All boys are always knocking their heads against the physical
+world, and all young men are constantly knocking their heads against the
+social world. And both of them from the same cause—that they are subject
+to an eruption of emotion which engenders a strong belief, but which is
+as likely to cause a belief in falsehood as in truth. Gradually, under
+the tuition of a painful experience, we come to learn that our strongest
+convictions may be quite false, that many of our most cherished ones are
+and have been false; and this causes us to seek a ‘criterion’ as to which
+beliefs are to be trusted and which are not; and so we are beaten back to
+the laws of evidence for our guide, though, as Bishop Butler said, in a
+similar case, we object to be bound by anything so ‘poor.’
+
+That it is really this contention with the world which destroys
+conviction and which causes doubt, is shown by examining the cases where
+the mind is secluded from the world. In ‘dreams,’ where we are out of
+collision with fact, we accept everything as it comes, believe everything
+and doubt nothing. And in violent cases of mania, where the mind is shut
+up within itself, and cannot, from impotence, perceive what is without,
+it is as sure of the most chance fancy, as in health it would be of the
+best proved truths.
+
+And upon this theory we perceive why the four tendencies to irrational
+conviction which I have set down, survive, and remain in our adult
+hesitating state as vestiges of our primitive all-believing state. They
+are all from various causes ‘adhesive’ states—states which it is very
+difficult to get rid of, and which, in consequence, have retained their
+power of creating belief in the mind, when other states, which once
+possessed it too, have quite lost it. _Clear_ ideas are certainly more
+difficult to get rid of than obscure ones. Indeed, some obscure ones we
+cannot recover, if we once lose them. Everybody, perhaps, has felt all
+manner of doubts and difficulties in mastering a mathematical problem. At
+the time, the difficulties seemed as real as the problem, but a day or
+two after a man has mastered it, he will be wholly unable to imagine or
+remember where the difficulties were. The demonstration will be perfectly
+clear to him, and he will be unable to comprehend how anyone should fail
+to perceive it. For life he will recall the clear ideas, but the obscure
+ones he will never recall, though for some hours, perhaps, they were
+painful, confused, and oppressive obstructions. _Intense_ ideas are, as
+every one will admit, recalled more easily than slight and weak ideas.
+_Constantly_ impressed ideas are brought back by the world around us,
+and if they are so often, get so tied to our other ideas that we can
+hardly wrench them away. _Interesting_ ideas stick in the mind by the
+associations which give them interest. All the minor laws of conviction
+resolve themselves into this great one: ‘That at first we believe all
+which occurs to us—that afterwards we have a tendency to believe that
+which we cannot help often occurring to us, and that this tendency is
+stronger or weaker in some sort of proportion to our inability to prevent
+their recurrence.’ When the inability to prevent the recurrence of the
+idea is very great, so that the reason is powerless on the mind, the
+consequent ‘conviction’ is an eager, irritable, and ungovernable passion.
+
+If these principles are true, they suggest some lessons which are not now
+accepted. They prove:
+
+1. That we should be very careful how we let ourselves believe that
+which may turn out to be error. Milton says that ‘error is but opinion,’
+meaning true opinion, ‘in the making.’ But when the conviction of
+any error is a strong passion, it leaves, like all other passions, a
+permanent mark on the mind. We can never be as if we had never felt
+it. ‘Once a heretic, always a heretic,’ is thus far true, that a mind
+once given over to a passionate conviction is never as fit as it would
+otherwise have been to receive the truth on the same subject. Years after
+the passion may return upon him, and inevitably small recurrences of it
+will irritate his intelligence and disturb its calm. We cannot at once
+expel a familiar idea, and so long as the idea remains, its effect will
+remain too.
+
+2. That we must always keep an account in our minds of the degree of
+evidence on which we hold our convictions, and be most careful that we
+do not permanently permit ourselves to feel a stronger conviction than
+the evidence justifies. If we do, since evidence is the only criterion of
+truth, we may easily get a taint of error that may be hard to clear away.
+This may seem obvious, yet, if I do not mistake, Father Newman’s _Grammar
+of Assent_ is little else than a systematic treatise designed to deny and
+confute it.
+
+3. That if we do, as in life we must sometimes, indulge a ‘provisional
+enthusiasm,’ as it may be called, for an idea—for example, if an orator
+in the excitement of speaking does not keep his phrases to probability,
+and if in the hurry of emotion he quite believes all he says, his plain
+duty is on other occasions to watch himself carefully, and to be sure
+that he does not as a permanent creed believe what in a peculiar and
+temporary state he was led to say he felt and to feel.
+
+Similarly, we are all in our various departments of life in the habit of
+assuming various probabilities as if they were certainties. In Lombard
+Street the dealers assume that ‘Messrs. Baring’s acceptance at three
+months’ date is sure to be paid,’ and that ‘Peel’s Act will always be
+suspended in a panic.’ And the familiarity of such ideas makes it nearly
+impossible for anyone who spends his day in Lombard Street to doubt of
+them. But, nevertheless, a person who takes care of his mind will keep up
+the perception that they are not certainties.
+
+Lastly, we should utilise this intense emotion of conviction as far as
+we can. Dry minds, which give an intellectual ‘assent’ to conclusions
+which feel no strong glow of faith in them, often do not know what their
+opinions are. They have every day to go over the arguments again, or to
+refer to a note-book to know what they believe. But intense convictions
+make a memory for themselves, and if they can be kept to the truths of
+which there is good evidence, they give a readiness of intellect, a
+confidence in action, a consistency in character, which are not to be
+had without them. For a time, indeed, they give these benefits when the
+propositions believed are false, but then they spoil the mind for seeing
+the truth, and they are very dangerous, because the believer may discover
+his error, and a perplexity of intellect, a hesitation in action, and
+an inconsistency in character are the sure consequences of an entire
+collapse in pervading and passionate conviction.
+
+
+
+
+_THE METAPHYSICAL BASIS OF TOLERATION._[25]
+
+(1874.)
+
+
+One of the most marked peculiarities of recent times in England is the
+increased liberty in the expression of opinion. Things are now said
+constantly and without remark, which even ten years ago would have
+caused a hubbub, and have drawn upon those who said them much obloquy.
+But already I think there are signs of a reaction. In many quarters of
+orthodox opinion I observe a disposition to say, ‘Surely this is going
+too far; really we cannot allow such things to be said.’ And what is more
+curious, some writers, whose pens are just set at liberty, and who would,
+not at all long ago, have been turned out of society for the things that
+they say, are setting themselves to explain the ‘weakness’ of liberty,
+and to extol the advantages of persecution. As it appears to me that the
+new practice of this country is a great improvement on its old one, and
+as I conceive that the doctrine of Toleration rests on what may be called
+a metaphysical basis, I wish shortly to describe what that basis is.
+
+I should say that, except where it is explained to the contrary, I use
+the word ‘Toleration’ to mean toleration by law. Toleration by Society of
+matters not subject to legal penalty is a kindred subject on which, if
+I have room, I will add a few words, but in the main I propose to deal
+with the simpler subject,—toleration by law. And by toleration, too, I
+mean, when it is not otherwise said, toleration in the public expression
+of opinions. Toleration of acts and practices is another allied subject
+on which I can, in a paper like this, but barely hope to indicate what
+seems to me to be the truth. And I should add, that I deal only with the
+discussion of impersonal doctrines. The law of libel, which deals with
+accusations of living persons, is a topic requiring consideration by
+itself.
+
+Meaning this by ‘toleration,’ I do not think we ought to be surprised
+at a reaction against it. What was said long ago of slavery seems to be
+equally true of persecution,—it ‘exists by the law of nature.’ It is so
+congenial to human nature, that it has arisen everywhere in past times,
+as history shows; that the cessation of it is a matter of recent times
+in England; that even now, taking the world as a whole, the practice and
+the theory of it are in a triumphant majority. Most men have always much
+preferred persecution, and do so still; and it is therefore only natural
+that it should continually reappear in discussion and argument.
+
+One mode in which it tempts human nature is very obvious. Persons of
+strong opinions wish, above all things, to propagate those opinions. They
+find close at hand what seems an immense engine for that propagation;
+they find the _State_, which has often in history interfered for and
+against opinions,—which has had a great and undeniable influence in
+helping some and hindering others,—and in their eagerness they can hardly
+understand why they should not make use of this great engine to crush
+the errors which they hate, and to replace them with the tenets they
+approve. So long as there are earnest believers in the world, they will
+always wish to punish opinions, even if their judgment tells them it is
+unwise, and their conscience that it is wrong. They may not gratify their
+inclination, but the inclination will not be the less real.
+
+Since the time of Carlyle, ‘earnestness’ has been a favourite virtue
+in literature, and it is customary to treat this wish to twist other
+people’s belief into ours as if it were a part of the love of truth.
+And in the highest minds so it may be. But the mass of mankind have, as
+I hold, no such fine motive. Independently of truth or falsehood, the
+spectacle of a different belief from ours is disagreeable to us, in the
+same way that the spectacle of a different form of dress and manners is
+disagreeable. A set of schoolboys will persecute a new boy with a new
+sort of jacket; they will hardly let him have a new-shaped penknife.
+Grown-up people are just as bad, except when culture has softened them. A
+mob will hoot a foreigner who looks very unlike themselves. Much of the
+feeling of ‘earnest believers’ is, I believe, altogether the same. They
+wish others to think as they do, not only because they wish to diffuse
+doctrinal truth, but also and much more because they cannot bear to hear
+the words of a creed different from their own. At any rate, without
+further analysing the origin of the persecuting impulse, its deep root in
+human nature, and its great power over most men, are evident.
+
+But this natural impulse was not the only motive—perhaps was not the
+principal one—of historical persecutions. The main one, or a main one,
+was a most ancient political idea which once ruled the world, and of
+which deep vestiges are still to be traced on many sides. The most
+ancient conception of a State is that of a ‘religious partnership,’ in
+which any member may by his acts bring down the wrath of the gods on
+the other members, and, so to speak, on the whole company. This danger
+was, in the conception of the time, at once unlimited and inherited;
+in any generation, partners A, C, D, &c., might suffer loss of life,
+or health, or goods—the whole association even might perish, because
+in a past generation the ancestors of Z had somehow offended the gods.
+Thus the historian of Athens tells us that after a particular act of
+sacrilege—a breach of the local privileges of sanctuary—the perpetrators
+were compelled ‘to retire into banishment;’ and that those who had died
+before the date he is speaking of were ‘disinterred and cast beyond the
+borders.’ ‘Yet,’ he adds, ‘their exile continuing, as it did, only for
+a time, was not held sufficient to expiate the impiety for which they
+had been condemned. The Alkmoônids, one of the most powerful families
+in Attica, long continued to be looked upon as a tainted race, and in
+cases of public calamity were liable to be singled out as having by their
+sacrilege drawn down the judgment of the gods upon their countrymen.’
+And as false opinions about the gods have almost always been thought
+to be peculiarly odious to them, the misbeliever, the ‘miscreant,’ has
+been almost always thought to be likely not only to impair hereafter the
+salvation of himself and others in a future world, but also to bring on
+his neighbours and his nation grievous calamities immediately in this.
+He has been persecuted to stop political danger more than to arrest
+intellectual error.
+
+But it will be said,—Put history aside, and come to things now. Why
+should not those who are convinced that certain doctrines are errors,
+that they are most dangerous, that they may ruin man’s welfare here
+and his salvation hereafter, use the power of the State to extirpate
+those errors? Experience seems to show that the power of the State can
+be put forth in that way effectually. Why, then, should it not be put
+forth? If I had room, I should like for a moment to criticise the word
+‘effectually.’ I should say that the State, in the cases where it is most
+wanted, is not of the use which is thought. I admit that it extirpates
+error, but I doubt if it creates belief—at least, if it does so in cases
+where the persecuted error is suitable to the place and time. In such
+cases, I think the effect has often been to eradicate a heresy among
+the few, at the cost of creating a scepticism among the many; to kill
+the error, no doubt, but also to ruin the general belief. And this is
+the cardinal point, for the propagation of the ‘truth’ is the end of
+persecution; all else is only a means. But I have not space to discuss
+this, and will come to the main point.
+
+I say that the State power should not be used to arrest discussion,
+because the State power may be used equally for truth or error, for
+Mohammedanism or Christianity, for belief or no-belief, but in discussion
+truth has an advantage. Arguments always tell for truth, as such,
+and against error as such; if you let the human mind alone, it has a
+preference for good argument over bad; it oftener takes truth than not.
+But if you do not let it alone, you give truth no advantage at all; you
+substitute a game of force, where all doctrines are equal, for a game of
+logic, where the truer have the better chance.
+
+The process by which truth wins in discussion is this,—certain strong
+and eager minds embrace original opinions, seldom all wrong, never quite
+true, but of a mixed sort, part truth, part error. These they inculcate
+on all occasions, and on every side, and gradually bring the cooler sort
+of men to a hearing of them. These cooler people serve as quasi-judges,
+while the more eager ones are a sort of advocates; a Court of Inquisition
+is sitting perpetually, investigating, informally and silently, but not
+ineffectually, what, on all great subjects of human interest, is truth
+and error. There is no sort of infallibility about the Court; often it
+makes great mistakes, most of its decisions are incomplete in thought
+and imperfect in expression. Still, on the whole, the force of evidence
+keeps it right. The truth has the best of the proof, and therefore wins
+most of the judgments. The process is slow, far more tedious than the
+worst Chancery suit. Time in it is reckoned not by days, but by years, or
+rather by centuries. Yet, on the whole, it creeps along, if you do not
+stop it. But all is arrested, if persecution begins—if you have a _coup
+d’état_, and let loose soldiers on the Court; for it is perfect chance
+which litigant turns them in, or what creed they are used to compel men
+to believe.
+
+This argument, however, assumes two things. In the first place, it
+presupposes that we are speaking of a state of society in which
+discussion is possible. And such societies are not very common.
+Uncivilised man is not capable of discussion: savages have been justly
+described as having ‘the intellect of children with the passions and
+strength of men.’ Before anything like speculative argument can be used
+with them, their intellect must be strengthened and their passions
+restrained. There was, as it seems to me, a long preliminary period
+before human nature, as we now see it, existed, and while it was being
+formed. During that preliminary period, persecution, like slavery, played
+a most considerable part. Nations mostly became nations by having a
+common religion. It was a necessary condition of the passage from a loose
+aggregate of savages to a united polity, that they should believe in the
+same gods and worship these gods in the same way. What was necessary
+was, that they should for a long period—for centuries, perhaps—lead the
+same life and conform to the same usages. They believed that the ‘gods
+of their fathers’ had commanded these usages. Early law is hardly to
+be separated from religious ritual; it is more like the tradition of a
+Church than the enactments of a statute-book. It is a thing essentially
+immemorial and sacred. It is not conceived of as capable either of
+addition or diminution; it is a body of holy customs which no one is
+allowed either to break or to impugn. The use of these is to aid in
+creating a common national character, which in after-times may be tame
+enough to bear discussion, and which may suggest common axioms upon which
+discussion can be founded. Till that common character has been formed,
+discussion is impossible; it cannot be used to find out truth, for it
+cannot exist; it is not that we have to forego its efficacy on purpose,
+we have not the choice of it, for its prerequisites cannot be found.
+The case of civil liberty is, as I conceive, much the same. Early ages
+need a coercive despotism more than they need anything else. The age of
+debate comes later. An omnipotent power to enforce the sacred law is
+that which is then most required. A constitutional opposition would be
+born before its time. It would be dragging the wheel before the horses
+were harnessed. The strongest advocates both of Liberty and Toleration
+may consistently hold that there were unhappy ages before either became
+possible, and when attempts at either would have been pernicious.
+
+The case is analogous to that of education. Every parent wisely teaches
+his child his own creed, and till the child has attained a certain age,
+it is better that he should not hear too much of any other. His mind will
+in the end be better able to weigh arguments, because it does not begin
+to weigh them so early. He will hardly comprehend any creed unless he
+has been taught some creed. But the restrictions of childhood must be
+relaxed in youth, and abandoned in manhood. One object of education is
+to train us for discussion, and as that training gradually approaches to
+completeness, we should gradually begin to enter into and to take part
+in discussion. The restrictions that are useful at nine years old are
+pernicious at nineteen.
+
+This analogy would have seemed to me obvious, but there are many most
+able persons who turn the matter just the other way. They regard the
+discipline of education as a precedent for persecution. They say, ‘I
+would no sooner let the nation at large read that bad book than I would
+let my children read it.’ They refuse to admit that the age of the
+children makes any difference. At heart they think that they are wiser
+than the mass of mankind, just as they are wiser than their children, and
+would regulate the studies of both unhesitatingly. But experience shows
+that no man is on all points so wise as the mass of men are after a good
+discussion, and that if the ideas of the very wisest were by miracle to
+be fixed on the race, the certain result would be to stereotype monstrous
+error. If we fixed the belief of Bacon, we should believe that the earth
+went round the sun: if we fixed that of Newton, we should believe ‘that
+the Argonautic expedition was a real event, and occurred B.C. 937; that
+Hercules was a real person, and delivered Theseus, another real person,
+B.C. 936; that in the year 1036 Ceres, a woman of Sicily, in seeking her
+daughter who was stolen, came into Attica, and there taught the Greeks to
+sow corn.’ And the worst is, that the minds of most would-be persecutors
+are themselves unfixed; their opinions are in a perpetual flux; they
+would persecute all others for tenets which yesterday they had not heard
+of and which they will not believe to-morrow.
+
+But it will be said, the theory of Toleration is not so easy as that
+of education. We know by a certain fact when a young man is grown up
+and can bear discussion. We judge by his age, as to which every one is
+agreed. But we cannot tell by any similar patent fact when a state is
+mature enough to bear discussion. There may be two opinions about it.
+And I quite agree that the matter of fact is more difficult to discover
+in one case than in the other; still it is a matter of fact which the
+rulers of the State must decide upon their responsibility, and as best
+they can. And the highest sort of rulers will decide it like the English
+in India—with no reference to their own belief. For years the English
+prohibited the preaching of Christianity in India, though it was their
+own religion, because they thought that it could not be tranquilly
+listened to. They now permit it, because they find that the population
+can bear the discussion. Of course, most Governments are wholly unequal
+to so high a morality and so severe a self-command. The Governments of
+most countries are composed of persons who wish everybody to believe
+as they do, merely because they do. Some here and there, from a higher
+motive, so eagerly wish to propagate their opinions, that they are
+unequal to consider the problem of toleration impartially. They persecute
+till the persecuted become strong enough to make them desist. But the
+delicacy of a rule and the unwillingness of Governments to adopt it, do
+not prove that it is not the best and the right one. There are already in
+inevitable jurisprudence many lines of vital importance just as difficult
+to draw. The line between sanity and insanity has necessarily to be
+drawn, and it is as nice as anything can be. The competency of people to
+bear discussion is not intrinsically more difficult than their competency
+to manage their own affairs, though perhaps a Government is less likely
+to be impartial and more likely to be biassed in questions of discussion
+than in pecuniary ones.
+
+Secondly, the doctrine that rulers are to permit discussion assumes
+not only, as we have seen, that discussion is possible, but also that
+discussion will not destroy the Government. No Government is bound to
+permit a controversy which will annihilate itself. It is a trustee
+for many duties, and if possible, it must retain the power to perform
+those duties. The controversies which may ruin it are very different in
+different countries. The Government of the day must determine in each
+case what those questions are. If the Roman Emperors who persecuted
+Christianity really did so because they imagined that Christianity would
+destroy the Roman Empire, I think they are to be blamed not for their
+misconception of duty, but for their mistake of fact. The existence of
+Christianity was not really more inconsistent with the existence of the
+Empire in the time of Diocletian than in that of Constantine; but if
+Diocletian thought that it was inconsistent, it was his duty to preserve
+the Empire.
+
+It will be asked, ‘What do you mean by preserving a society? All
+societies are in a state of incipient change; the best of them are often
+the most changing; what is meant, then, by saying you will “preserve”
+any? You admit that you cannot keep them unaltered, what then do you
+propose to do?’ I answer that, in this respect, the life of societies is
+like the life of the individuals composing them. You cannot interfere
+so as to keep a man’s body unaltered; you can interfere so as to keep
+him alive. What changes in such cases will be fatal, is a question of
+fact. The Government must determine what will, so to say, ‘break up
+the whole thing’ and what will not. No doubt it may decide wrong. In
+France, the country of experiments, General Cavaignac said, ‘A Government
+which allows its principle to be discussed, is a lost Government,’ and
+therefore he persecuted on behalf of the Republic, thinking it was
+essential to society. Louis Napoleon similarly persecuted on behalf of
+the Second Empire; M. Thiers on behalf of the Republic again; the Duc de
+Broglie now persecutes on behalf of the existing nondescript. All these
+may be mistakes or some of them, or none. Here, as before, the practical
+difficulties in the application of a rule do not disprove its being the
+true and the only one.
+
+It will be objected that this principle is applicable only to truths
+which are gained by discussion. ‘We admit,’ such objectors say, ‘that
+where discussion is the best or the only means of proving truth, it
+is unadvisable to prohibit that discussion, but there are other means
+besides discussion of arriving at truth, which are sometimes better than
+discussion even where discussion is applicable, and sometimes go beyond
+it and attain regions in which it is inapplicable; and where those more
+efficient means are applicable it may be wise to prohibit discussion, for
+in these instances discussion may confuse the human mind and impede it
+in the use of those higher means. The case is analogous to that of the
+eyes. For the most part it is a sound rule to tell persons who want to
+see things, that they must necessarily use _both_ their eyes, and rely on
+them. But there are cases in which that rule is wrong. If a man wants to
+see things too distant for the eyes, as the satellites of Jupiter and the
+ring of Saturn, you must tell him, on the contrary, to shut one eye and
+look through a telescope with the other. The ordinary mode of using the
+common instruments may, in exceptional cases, interfere with the right
+use of the supplementary instruments.’ And I quite admit that there are
+such exceptional cases and such additional means; but I say that their
+existence introduces no new difficulty into the subject, and that it is
+no reason for prohibiting discussion except in the cases in which we have
+seen already that it was advisable to prohibit it.
+
+Putting the matter in the most favourable way for these objectors, and
+making all possible concessions to them, I believe the exceptions which
+they contend for must come at last to three.
+
+First, There are certain necessary propositions which the human mind
+_will_ think, must think, and cannot help thinking. For example, we
+must believe that things which are equal to the same thing are equal
+to each other,—that a thing cannot _both_ be and not be,—that it must
+_either_ be or not be. These truths are not gained by discussion; on the
+contrary, discussion presupposes at least some of them, for you cannot
+argue without first principles any more than you can use a lever without
+a fulcrum. The prerequisites of reasoning must somehow be recognised by
+the human mind before we begin to reason. So much is obvious, but then
+it is obvious also that in such cases attempts at discussion cannot do
+any harm. If the human mind has in it certain first principles which it
+cannot help seeing, and which it accepts of itself, there is no harm in
+arguing against those first principles. You may contend as long as you
+like, that things which are equal to the same thing are _not_ equal to
+each other, or that a thing _can_ both exist and not exist at the same
+time, but you will not convince anyone. If you could convince anyone you
+would do him irreparable harm, for you would hurt the basis of his mind
+and destroy the use of his reason. But happily you cannot convince him.
+That which the human mind cannot help thinking it cannot help thinking,
+and discussion can no more remove the primary perceptions than it can
+produce them. The multiplication table will remain the multiplication
+table, neither more nor less, however much we may argue either for it or
+against it.
+
+But, though the denial of the real necessary perceptions of the human
+mind cannot possibly do any harm, the denial of alleged necessary
+perceptions is often essential to the discovery of truth. The human mind,
+as experience shows, is apt to manufacture sham self-evidences. The most
+obvious case is, that men perpetually ‘do sums’ wrong. If we dwell long
+enough and intently enough on the truths of arithmetic they are in each
+case self-evident; but, if we are too quick, or let our minds get dull,
+we may make any number of mistakes. A certain deliberation and a certain
+intensity are both essential to correctness in the matter. Fictitious
+necessities of thought will be imposed on us without end unless we are
+careful. The greatest minds are not exempt from the risk of such mistakes
+even in matters most familiar to them. On the contrary, the history of
+science is full of cases in which the ablest men and the most experienced
+assumed that it was impossible to think things which are in matter of
+fact true, and which it has since been found possible to think quite
+easily. The mode in which these sham self-evidences are distinguished
+from the real ones is by setting as many minds as possible to try as
+often as possible whether they can help thinking the thing or not. But
+such trials will never exist without discussion. So far, therefore,
+the existence of self-evidences in the human mind is not a reason for
+discouraging discussion, but a reason for encouraging it.
+
+Next, it is certainly true that many conclusions which are by no means
+self-evident and which are gradually obtained, nevertheless, are not
+the result of discussion. For example, the opinion of a man as to the
+characters of his friends and acquaintances is not the result of distinct
+argument, but the aggregate of distinct impressions: it is not the result
+of an investigation consciously pursued, but the effect of a multiplicity
+of facts involuntarily presented; it is a definite thing and has a most
+definite influence on the mind, but its origin is indefinite and not to
+be traced; it is like a great fund raised in very small subscriptions and
+of which the subscribers’ names are lost. But here again, though these
+opinions too were not gained by discussion, their existence is a reason
+for promoting discussion, not for preventing it. Every-day experience
+shows that these opinions as to character are often mistaken in the last
+degree. Human character is a most complex thing, and the impressions
+which different people form of it are as various as the impressions
+which the inhabitants of an impassable mountain have of its shape and
+size. Each observer has an aggregate idea derived from certain actions
+and certain sayings, but the real man has always or almost always said
+a thousand sayings of a kind quite different and in a connection quite
+different; he has done a vast variety of actions among ‘other men’ and
+‘other minds;’ a mobile person will often seem hardly the same if you
+meet him in very different societies. And how, except by discussion, is
+the true character of such a person to be decided? Each observer must
+bring his contingent to the list of _data_; those data must be arranged
+and made use of. The certain and positive facts as to which everyone is
+agreed must have their due weight: they must be combined and compared
+with the various impressions as to which no two people exactly coincide.
+A rough summary must be made of the whole. In no other way is it possible
+to arrive at the truth of the matter. Without discussion each mind is
+dependent on its own partial observation. A great man is one image—one
+thing, so to speak—to his valet, another to his son, another to his wife,
+another to his greatest friend. None of these must be stereotyped; all
+must be compared. To prohibit discussion is to prohibit the corrective
+process.
+
+Lastly, I hold that there are first principles or first perceptions which
+are neither the result of constant, though forgotten trials like those
+last spoken of, nor common to all the race like the first. The most
+obvious seem to me to be the principles of taste. The primary perceptions
+of beauty vary much in different persons, and for different persons at
+the same time, but no one can say that they are not most real and most
+influential parts of human nature. There is hardly a thing made by human
+hands which is not affected more or less by the conception of beauty felt
+by the maker; and there is hardly a human life which would not have been
+different if the idea of beauty in the mind of the man who lived it had
+been different.
+
+But certainly it would not answer to exclude subjects of taste from
+discussion, and to allow one school of taste-teachers to reign alone,
+and to prohibit the teaching of all rival schools. The effect would be
+to fix on all ages the particular ideas of one age on a matter which is
+beyond most others obscure and difficult to reduce to a satisfactory
+theory. The human mind evidently differs at various times immensely in
+its conclusions upon it, and there is nothing to show that the era of the
+persecutor is wiser than any other era, or that his opinion is better
+than anyone else’s.
+
+The case of these variable first principles is much like that of the
+‘personal equation,’ as it is called in the theory of observations. Some
+observers, it is found, habitually see a given phenomenon, say the star
+coming to the meridian, a little sooner than most others; some later; no
+two persons exactly coincide. The first thing done when a new man comes
+into an observatory for practical work is to determine whether he sees
+quick or slow; and this is called the ‘personal equation.’ But, according
+to the theory of persecution, the national astronomer in each country
+would set up his own mind as the standard; in one country he would be a
+quick man, and would not let the slow people contest what he said; in
+another he would be a slow man, and would not tolerate the quick people,
+or let men speak their minds; and so the astronomical observations—the
+astronomical _creeds_ if I may say so—of different countries would
+radically differ. But as toleration and discussion are allowed, no such
+absurd result follows. The observations of different minds are compared
+with those of others, and truth is assumed to lie in the mean between the
+errors of the quick people and the errors of the slow ones.
+
+No such accurate result can be expected in more complex matters. The
+phenomena of astronomical observation relate only to very simple events,
+and to a very simple fact about these events. But perceptions of beauty
+have an infinite complexity: they are all subtle aggregates of countless
+details, and about each of these details probably every mind in some
+degree differs from every other one. But in a rough way the same sort of
+agreement is possible. Discussion is only an organised mode, by which
+various minds compare their conclusions with those of various others.
+Bold and strong minds describe graphic and definite impressions: at
+first sight these impressions seem wholly different. Writers of the
+last century thought classical architecture altogether inferior to
+Gothic; many writers now put it just the other way, and maintain a
+mediæval cathedral to be a thing altogether superior in kind and nature
+to anything classical. For years the world thought Claude’s landscapes
+perfect. Then came Mr. Ruskin, and by his ability and eloquence he has
+made a whole generation depredate them, and think Turner’s altogether
+superior. The extrication of truth by such discussions is very slow; it
+is often retarded; it is often thrown back; it often seems to pause for
+ages. But upon the whole it makes progress, and the principle of that
+progress is this:—Each mind which is true to itself, and which draws its
+own impressions carefully, and which compares those impressions with the
+impressions of others, arrives at certain conclusions, which as far as
+that mind is concerned are ultimate, and are its highest conclusions.
+These it sets down as expressively as it can on paper, or communicates by
+word of mouth, and these again form data which other minds can contrast
+with their own. In this incessant comparison eccentric minds fall off
+on every side; some like Milton, some Wordsworth, some can see nothing
+in Dryden, some find Racine intolerably dull, some think Shakespeare
+barbarous, others consider the contents of the Iliad ‘battles and
+schoolboy stuff.’ With history it is the same; some despise one great
+epoch, some another. Each epoch has its violent partisans, who will
+listen to nothing else, and who think every other epoch in comparison
+mean and wretched. These violent minds are always faulty and sometimes
+absurd, but they are almost always useful to mankind. They compel men
+to hear neglected truth. They uniformly exaggerate their gospel; but
+it generally _is_ a gospel. Carlyle said many years since of the old
+Poor Law in England:—‘It being admitted then that outdoor relief should
+at once cease, what means did great Nature take to make it cease? She
+created various men who thought the cessation of outdoor relief the one
+thing needful.’ In the same way, it being desirable that the taste of men
+should be improved on some point, Nature’s instrument on that point is
+some man of genius, of attractive voice and limited mind, who declaims
+and insists, not only that the special improvement is a good thing in
+itself, but the best of all things, and the root of all other good
+things. Most useful, too, are others less apparent; shrinking, sensitive,
+testing minds, of whom often the world knows nothing, but each of whom
+is in the circle just near him an authority on taste, and communicates
+by personal influence the opinions he has formed. The human mind of a
+certain maturity, if left alone, prefers real beauty to sham beauty, and
+prefers it the sooner if original men suggest new charms, and quiet men
+criticise and judge of them.
+
+But an æsthetical persecution would derange all this, for generally
+the compulsive power would be in the hands of the believers in some
+tradition. The State represents ‘the rough force of society,’ and is
+little likely to be amenable to new charms or new ideas; and therefore
+the first victim of the persecution would be the original man who was
+proposing that which in the end would most improve mankind; and the next
+would be the testing and discerning critic who was examining these ideas
+and separating the chaff from the wheat in them. Neither would conform
+to the old tradition. The inventor would be too eager; the critic too
+scrupulous; and so a heavy code of ancient errors would be chained upon
+mankind. Nor would the case be at all the better if by some freak of
+events the propounder of the new doctrine were to gain full control,
+and to prohibit all he did not like. He would try, and try in vain, to
+make the inert mass of men accept or care for his new theory, and his
+particular enemy would be the careful critic who went with him a little
+way and then refused to go any further. If you allow persecution, the
+partisans of the new sort of beauty will, if they can, attack those of
+the old sort; and the partisans of the old sort will attack those of the
+new sort; while both will turn on the quiet and discriminating person who
+is trying to select what is good from each. Some chance taste will be
+fixed for ages.
+
+But it will be said, ‘Whoever heard of such nonsense as an æsthetical
+persecution? Everybody knows such matters of taste must be left to
+take care of themselves; as far as they are concerned, nobody wants to
+persecute or prohibit.’ But I have spoken of matters of taste because it
+is sometimes best to speak in parables. The case of morals and religion,
+in which people have always persecuted and still wish to persecute, is
+the very same. If there are (as I myself think there are) ultimate truths
+of morals and religion which more or less vary for each mind, some sort
+of standard and some kind of agreement can only be arrived at about it
+in the very same way. The same comparison of one mind with another is
+necessary; the same discussion; the same use of criticising minds; the
+same use of original ones. The mode of arriving at truth is the same, and
+also the mode of stopping it.
+
+We now see the reason why, as I said before, religious persecution often
+extirpates new doctrines, but commonly fails to maintain the belief in
+old tenets. You can prevent whole classes of men from hearing of the
+religion which is congenial to them, but you cannot make men believe a
+religion which is uncongenial. You can prevent the natural admirers of
+Gothic architecture from hearing anything of it, or from seeing it; but
+you cannot make them admire classical architecture. You may prevent the
+admirers of Claude from seeing his pictures, or from praising them; but
+you cannot make them admirers of Turner. Just so, you may by persecution
+prevent minds prone to be Protestant from being Protestant; but you will
+not make men real Catholics: you may prevent naturally Catholic minds
+from being Catholic; but you will not make them genuine Protestants.
+You will not make those believe your religion who are predisposed by
+nature in favour of a different kind of religion; you will make of
+them, instead, more or less conscious sceptics. Being denied the sort
+of religion of which the roots are in their minds and which they could
+believe, they will for ever be conscious of an indefinite want. They will
+constantly feel after something which they are never able to attain; they
+will never be able to settle upon anything; they will feel an instinctive
+repulsion from everything; they will be sceptics at heart, because they
+were denied the creed for which their heart craves; they will live as
+indifferentists, because they were withheld by force from the only creed
+to which they would not be indifferent. Persecution in intellectual
+countries produces a superficial conformity, but also underneath an
+intense, incessant, implacable doubt.
+
+Upon examination, therefore, the admission that certain truths are not
+gained by discussion introduces no new element into the subject. The
+discussion of such truths is as necessary as of all other truths. The
+only limitations are that men’s minds shall in the particular society be
+mature enough to bear the discussion, and that the discussion shall not
+destroy the society.
+
+I acknowledge these two limitations to the doctrine that discussion
+should be free, but I do not admit another which is often urged. It is
+said that those who write against toleration should not be tolerated;
+that discussion should not aid the enemies of discussion. But why not?
+If there is a strong Government and a people fit for discussion, why
+should not the cause be heard? We must not assume that the liberty of
+discussion has no case of exception. We have just seen that there are,
+in fact, several such. In each instance, let the people decide whether
+the particular discussion shall go on or not. Very likely, in some cases,
+they may decide wrong; but it is better that they should so decide, than
+that we should venture to anticipate all experience, and to make sure
+that they cannot possibly be right.
+
+It is plain, too, that the argument, here applied to the toleration of
+opinion has no application to that of actions. The human mind, in the
+cases supposed, learns by freely hearing all arguments, but in no case
+does it learn by trying freely all practices. Society, as we now have
+it, cannot exist at all unless certain acts are prohibited. It goes on
+much better because many other acts are prohibited also. The Government
+must take the responsibility of saying what actions it will allow;
+that is its first business, and the allowance of all would be the end
+of civilisation. But it must, under the conditions specified, hear all
+opinions, for the tranquil discussion of all more than anything else
+promotes the progressive knowledge of truth, which is the mainspring of
+civilisation.
+
+Nor does the argument that the law should not impose a penalty on the
+expression of any opinion equally prove that society should not in
+many cases apply a penalty to that expression. Society can deal much
+more severely than the law with many kinds of acts, because it need be
+far less strict in the evidence it requires. It can take cognisance of
+matters of common repute and of things of which everyone is sure, but
+which nobody can prove. Particularly, it can fairly well compare the
+character of the doctrine with the character of the agent, which law
+can do but imperfectly, if at all. And it is certain that opinions are
+evidence of the character of those who hold them—not conclusive evidence,
+but still presumptive. Experience shows that every opinion is compatible
+with what every one would admit to be a life fairly approvable, a
+life far higher than that of the mass of men. Great scepticism and
+great belief have both been found in characters whom both sceptics and
+believers must admire. Still, on the whole, there is a certain kinship
+between belief and character; those who disagree with a man’s fundamental
+creed will generally disapprove of his habitual character. If, therefore,
+society sees a man maintaining opinions which by experience it has been
+led to connect with actions such as it discountenances, it is justified
+in provisionally discountenancing the man who holds those opinions. Such
+a man should be put to the proof to show by his life that the opinions
+which he holds are not connected with really pernicious actions, as
+society thinks they are. If he is visibly leading a high life, society
+should discountenance him no longer; it is then clear that he did not
+lead a bad life, and the idea that he did or might lead such a life was
+the only reason for so doing. A doubt was suggested, but it also has
+been removed. This habit of suspicion does not, on the whole, impair
+free discussion; perhaps even it improves it. It keeps out the worst
+disputants, men of really bad character, whose opinions are the results
+of that character, and who refrain from publishing them, because they
+fear what society may say. If the law could similarly distinguish between
+good disputants and bad, it might usefully impose penalties on the bad.
+But, of course, this is impossible. Law cannot distinguish between the
+niceties of character; it must punish the publication of an opinion, if
+it punishes at all, no matter whether the publisher is a good man or
+whether he is a bad one. In such a matter, society is a discriminating
+agent: the law is but a blind one.
+
+To most people I may seem to be slaying the slain, and proving what no
+one doubts. People, it will be said, no longer wish to persecute. But
+I say, they _do_ wish to persecute. In fact, from their writings, and
+still better from their conversation, it is easy to see that very many
+believers would persecute sceptics, and that very many sceptics would
+persecute believers. Society may be wiser; but most earnest believers and
+most earnest unbelievers are not at all wiser.
+
+
+
+
+_THE PUBLIC WORSHIP REGULATION BILL._[26]
+
+(1874.)
+
+
+If the ‘Public Worship Regulation Bill’ dealt only with subjects
+theological or religious, we should not interfere in the discussion; but
+it deals also with political questions, on which we do not think it right
+to be silent, especially as many whom we much respect have, we think,
+selected a policy of which the effect will be the reverse of what they
+expect, and the success of which they may hereafter much regret.
+
+All changes in England should be made slowly and after long discussion.
+Public opinion should be permitted to ripen upon them. And the reason
+is, that all the important English institutions are the relics of a
+long past; that they have undergone many transformations; that, like
+old houses which have been altered many times, they are full both of
+conveniences and inconveniences which at first sight would not be
+imagined. Very often a rash alterer would pull down the very part which
+makes them habitable, to cure a minor evil or improve a defective outline.
+
+The English Church is one of those among our institutions which, if it is
+to be preserved at all, should be touched most anxiously. It is one of
+our oldest institutions. Every part of it has a history, which few of us
+thoroughly understand, but which we all know to be long and important.
+In its political relations it has been altered many times, and each time
+under circumstances of considerable complexity. The last settlement was
+made more than two hundred years ago, when men’s minds were in a very
+different state from what they are now: when Newton had not written, when
+Locke had not thought, when physical science, as we now have it, did
+not exist, when modern philosophy, for England at least, had not begun.
+The railways, the telegraphs, the very common sense of these times,
+would have been unintelligible in the year 1660; they would have been
+still more unintelligible in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. To attempt to
+enforce on us now a settlement made in times so different, is a grave
+undertaking; it ought only to be made after the most ample discussion,
+and when every competent person has had time to consider the effect.
+
+We have as yet felt little inconvenience from our old law, because we
+have dealt with it in a truly English manner. Always refusing to change
+it explicitly, always saying that we would never so change it, we were
+changing it silently all the while. Year by year this practice was
+omitted, or this habit insensibly changed. Each generation differed from
+its fathers; and though they might in part utter the same words, they
+did not mean the same things; their intellectual life was different.
+Incessant changes in science, in literature, in art, and in politics—in
+all that forms thinking minds—have made it impossible that really and in
+fact we should think the same things in 1874 as our ancestors in 1674 or
+1774. Just as in legal theory Queen Victoria has pretty much the same
+prerogative as Queen Elizabeth, so too in legal theory the English Church
+may be identical with that of two hundred years ago; but the Church is
+not a legal theory, it is ‘a congregation of faithful men;’ and no one of
+these is in a state of mind identical, or nearly identical, with those of
+two hundred years ago.
+
+Many Continental statesmen would be much puzzled at this insensible
+alteration; they would have a difficulty in imagining a law which was a
+law in theory but not a law in practice, which no one would alter in word
+and no one enforce in reality. But the English are very practised in this
+sort of arrangement—they have a kind of genius for the compensation of
+errors. For many years we had probably the worst and most bloody penal
+law in Europe; it is awful to read the old statutes which fix death
+as the penalty for minor acts altogether undeserving of it. But these
+statutes did not work nearly so much evil as might have been expected.
+There was besides a complex system of indictments which let off very
+many culprits upon trifling flaws, and there was also an absurd system
+of incessant remissions and pardons; the worst evils of an excessively
+bad law were exceedingly mitigated by a very bad mode of applying it.
+Speaking roughly, and subject to minor criticism, the history has been
+the same in the Church; in it, too, an imperfect law has been remedied by
+an imperfect mode of procedure. The Church has been allowed to change
+in this and that because it has been exceedingly difficult to interfere
+with it. The legal penalty against change has been distant, costly,
+and uncertain; and therefore it has not been applied. Change has been
+possible because the punishment of change was difficult. But the essence
+of the ‘Public Worship Regulation Bill’ is to make that punishment easy.
+‘If the Rubric says so,’ say its supporters, ‘the Rubric ought to be
+enforced.’ This is as if Sir Samuel Romilly had attacked, not our bad
+penal code, but our bad penal procedure. If, by the historical growth of
+approximate equivalents, _A_ mitigates _B_, you will deteriorate, not
+improve the world, if you change _A_ without changing _B_, though both
+may be evils.
+
+The analogy, indeed, very imperfectly expresses the truth. In the recent
+history of the Church, the English have conspicuously shown another of
+their predominant peculiarities—indifference to abstract truth. When a
+quarter of a century ago English lawyers in the Court of Privy Council
+were first required to decide theological questions, they did so in a
+way which astonished theologians. They declined to supply any abstract
+proposition. If the enacted formularies contained such and such words,
+no clergyman of the Church could, according to them, contradict those
+words, but they allowed the clergy to say anything else. We cannot
+use theological terms here; but suppose, by an economical analogy,
+the formulary had said that ‘Free trade was beneficial to mankind,’
+the lawyers would have decided that no clergyman could say that free
+trade was not beneficial; but they would have allowed him to say that
+‘Commercial liberty was inexpressibly disastrous to mankind,’ because as
+lawyers they would not undertake to say that ‘free trade’ and ‘commercial
+liberty’ meant the same thing, or that in an abstract subject the two
+phrases might not in some way and to some minds seem consistent. In mere
+description this kind of decision may not seem very sensible, and it is
+utterly contrary to any which a theologian would ever have adopted; but
+in practice it preserved the Church Establishment. It was first applied
+in the Gorham case, and retained the Evangelical clergy in the Church;
+then, in the _Essays and Reviews_ case, it retained the Broad Church;
+and lastly, in Mr. Bennett’s case, it retained the High Church. If the
+Establishment was to be maintained, it was necessary that all these
+parties should be kept side by side within it, and by this system of
+interpretation they were thus kept.
+
+Unfortunately, the courts of law have not been able to apply the same
+sort of judicial decision to the practical directions for the public
+worship of the Church which they applied to her theoretical teachings.
+There is inevitably something more distinct and clear about acts which
+are required to be done at a given time and place, than in statements of
+abstract doctrine. When the courts have been appealed to, it has not been
+possible to apply to ritual the same comprehensiveness which has had such
+excellent political effects in the case of doctrine. But, nevertheless,
+there is exactly the same necessity for it. Almost every party in the
+Church is harassed by some of her rules, just as it is hampered by
+some of her words. The Broad Church dislikes the Athanasian creed, and
+avoids the use of it. The Low Church and the High Church are in vital
+and necessary opposition as to the mode of conducting the Sacramental
+services. In every characteristic Church every party thinks probably
+something is done which the strict Rubric would forbid, or something
+omitted which it would prescribe. Until now this difficulty has not been
+very acutely felt. As we have explained, the imperfection of the law was
+cured by the imperfection of the procedure. No doubt the rubrics were
+framed in other days; no doubt they took no notice of the wants of the
+present day; no doubt a strict adherence to them would expel from the
+Church very many whose doctrines had been decided to be consistent with
+hers. But then, to enforce the observance of the Rubric was difficult,
+costly, and dubious, and so the natural evil did not happen. The wants
+of various minds were variously met by various deviations from the law,
+which in theory were liable to penalties, but which in practice were
+unpunished.
+
+The scope of the ‘Public Worship Regulation Bill’ is to destroy this
+variety. It is a new Act of Uniformity as far as ‘public worship’ is
+concerned. A short and simple process—which has been so often stated that
+we need not here describe it—is prescribed which will enable objectors to
+enforce any rubric, and which no doubt will cause them to be so enforced.
+The proposers of the Bill have not enough considered the applicability of
+this primary assumption: no Church can have only a single form of public
+worship unless it has also a single creed. An apparent uniformity may
+be maintained in specified details; but in spirit, in feeling, in its
+deepest consequences on those who habitually hear and see, the effect
+will be different. A service conducted by a Broad Churchman, explained in
+his sermon, and commented upon in his manner, will be very unlike what it
+would be if that service is conducted by a _bonâ fide_ dogmatic believer.
+No mere Act of Uniformity can prevent this. Still less can it efface the
+inevitable difference between a Sacramental service in the hands of a
+High Church clergyman and in those of a Low Church. The two belong to
+separate and unlike species. The one believes that the service contains a
+supernatural act, the other that it is an edifying rite; the one regards
+it as an invisible miracle, the other as a conspicuous exhortation.
+Make what laws you like, how can the two perform these services with
+the same tone of mind, the same kind of thought, the same effect on the
+congregation? You may dress two men up in the same clothes, but they
+will be two men for all that. If once you permit two or more faiths in a
+Church, you in truth permit two or more Rituals. The various feelings and
+the various creeds will somehow find a means of bringing themselves into
+contact with the minds with which they wish to be in contact. You have
+‘swallowed the camel’ when you permitted the creed, and it is useless to
+strain at the gnat and forbid the expression of it.
+
+This is to be especially borne in mind by those who think that there
+is a party in the Church that desires to introduce Romanism, and who
+approve of this Bill because they think it will counteract that party.
+The essence of Romanism is not in its ceremonies, but in its doctrines.
+As was explained to the House of Commons on Wednesday, nothing could be
+simpler than the mode in which Mr. Newman used to conduct his services
+at Oxford; and yet he then held ‘Roman’ doctrine, and penetrated half
+the young men about him with a deep faith in the highest sacramental
+principle. Unless you reverse the decision in the Bennett case, a
+doctrine which no common person will distinguish from Romanism will
+continue to be, and must be, taught in the Church of England. We do not
+believe it will lose in strength by being denied this or that form of
+Ritual. It will attract in any case the minds to whom it is congenial,
+and it will rather gain than lose in _éclat_ by seeming to be persecuted.
+
+We shall be told that this argument proves too much; for that it proves
+that this Bill will do nothing at all, and that therefore at least it
+will do no harm. But it will, we think, do great harm—at least, if it be
+good to keep the Establishment, and if it does harm to weaken it. The
+real danger of the Establishment is from within, not from without. The
+manner in which its sections have been retained within its limits has in
+part developed, and as time goes on is still developing more largely,
+a great evil. Specially the Low Church, specially the Broad Church,
+and specially the High Church, have all been kept in her communion
+because the judges refused to draw certain logical inferences from her
+formularies; as lawyers they declined to draw them. But intellectual
+young men, who are thinking of becoming clergymen, do not like this
+reasoning. They say: ‘The courts of law may not like to draw these
+inferences, but I must. I have spent my youth in a mental training which
+has prepared me to draw them, and which compels me to do so. Educated as
+I have been, I cannot take half an argument and leave it; I must work
+it out to the end. That end seems to me inconsistent with this or that
+of the formularies of the Church. Others say it is not, but I am not
+sure that it is not; at any rate, I do not like to risk the happiness of
+my life upon its being consistent. If in after years my investigation
+should run counter to a vast collection of assertions framed by various
+men, in various ages, of various minds, what will be my fate? I must
+either sacrifice the profession by which I live, or the creed in which
+I believe. The lawyers probably might not turn me out indeed; but my
+conscience was not made by lawyers—I shall have to turn myself out.’
+This is the sort of thought which more and more prevents intellectual
+young men from taking orders, and we are beginning to see the effect.
+The moral excellence and the practical piety of the clergy are as good
+as ever; but they want individuality of thought and originality of mind.
+They have too universal a conformity to commonplace opinion. They are
+not only conscientious, but indecisive; more and more they belong to
+the most puzzling class to argue with, for more and more they ‘candidly
+confess’ that they must admit your premises, but, on ‘account of the
+obscurity of the subject,’ must decline to draw the inevitable inference.
+Already this intellectual poorness is beginning to be felt; and if it
+should augment, it will destroy the Establishment. She will not have in
+her ranks arguers who can maintain her position either against those
+who believe more or against those who believe less. Scepticism sends
+trained and logical minds to the intellectual conflict; Romanism does
+so also; but the Established Church refuses them—refuses them silently
+and indirectly, but still effectually. The Public Worship Bill will, we
+conceive, augment this difficulty almost at the very point at which its
+being augmented will be most calamitous. Many young men who are acutely
+conscious of the restraints of the Establishment in speculation, are
+attracted by its freedom in practice. ‘I may be cramped in metaphysics,’
+they think at heart, ‘but I shall be free in action.’ But this Bill will
+be a measure—for aught young men can tell, the first of a series—which
+will limit the freedom of their lives, and cramp them on the side of
+practice as they already are on the side of thought. The most malevolent
+enemy of the Established Church could deal her no acuter wound.
+
+Upon the whole, we can conceive nothing clearer than that this Bill
+should not pass this year. We are certain that members of Parliament have
+not considered the necessary arguments, and that the nation has not done
+so either.
+
+ THE END.
+
+ PRINTED BY
+ SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
+ LONDON
+
+
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[1] _The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire._ By Edward
+Gibbon, Esq. With Notes by Dean Milman and M. Guizot. Edited, with
+additional Notes, by William Smith, LL.D. In Eight Volumes. London, 1855.
+Murray.
+
+[2] _Some Remains (hitherto unpublished) of Joseph Butler, LL.D., some
+time Lord Bishop of Durham._
+
+_Encyclopædia Britannica, Vol. VI. Part II. Article, Joseph Butler._ By
+Henry Rogers, Author of the ‘Eclipse of Faith.’ Eighth edition.
+
+[3] Trench, _On the Synonyms of the New Testament_ (p. 191).
+
+[4] Trench, _ubi supra_.
+
+[5] _The Prospective Review._
+
+[6] Professor Rogers’s _Defence of the ‘Eclipse of Faith’_, p. 43. It
+is to be observed, we are not at all speaking of the facts of the Old
+Testament; we are but limiting the considerations on which the above
+writer has rested its defence. These refined reasonings but weaken the
+case they are brought to support. ‘I did not know,’ said George the
+Third, ‘that the Bible needed an apology.’
+
+[7] We doubt, however, if Butler would at all have accepted Mr.
+Rogers’s statement of his view, though it is perhaps the most common
+interpretation of him. Probably, he really meant no more than what we
+contend for, though his language is not always so limited in terms.
+
+[8] _The Life of Laurence Sterne._ By Percy Fitzgerald, M.A., M.R.I.A. In
+two volumes. Chapman and Hall.
+
+_Thackeray the Humourist and the Man of Letters._ By Theodore Taylor,
+Esq. London: John Camden Hotten.
+
+[9] _Library Edition._ Illustrated by upwards of Two Hundred Engravings
+on Steel, after Drawings by Turner, Landseer, Wilkie, Stanfield, Roberts,
+&c. including Portraits of the Historical Personages described in the
+Novels. 25 vols. demy 8vo.
+
+_Abbotsford Edition._ With One Hundred and Twenty Engravings on Steel,
+and nearly Two Thousand on Wood. 12 vols. super-royal 8vo.
+
+_Author’s favourite Edition._ 48 vols. post 8vo.
+
+_Cabinet Edition._ 25 vols. foolscap 8vo.
+
+_Railway Edition._ Now publishing, and to be completed in 25 portable
+volumes, large type.
+
+_People’s Edition._ 5 large volumes royal 8vo.
+
+[10] _Cheap Edition of the Works of Mr. Charles Dickens. The Pickwick
+Papers, Nicholas Nickleby, &c._ London, 1857-8. Chapman and Hall.
+
+[11] _The History of England from the Accession of James the Second._ By
+Thomas Babington Macaulay. Longmans.
+
+[12] _Œuvres complètes de_ C.-J. de Béranger. _Nouvelle édition revue par
+l’Auteur, contenant les Dix Chansons nouvelles, le facsimile d’une Lettre
+de_ Béranger; _illustrée de cinquante-deux gravures sur acier, d’après_
+Charlet, D’Aubigny, Johannot Grenier, De Lemud, Pauquet, Penguilly,
+Raffet, Sandoz, _exécutées par les artistes les plus distingués, et d’un
+beau portrait d’après nature par_ Sandoz. 2 vols. 8vo. 1855.
+
+[13] We have been obliged to abridge the above extract, and in so doing
+have left out the humour of it.
+
+[14] _Poems._ By Arthur Hugh Clough, sometime Fellow of Oriel College,
+Oxford. With a Memoir. Macmillan.
+
+[15]
+
+ ‘——domus Albuneæ resonantis,
+ Et præceps Anio, et Tiburni lucus, et uda
+ Mobilibus pomaria rivis.’
+
+[16] _Diary, Reminiscences, and Correspondence of Henry Crabb Robinson,
+Barrister-at-Law, F.S.A._ Selected and Edited by Thomas Sadler, Ph.D. In
+Three Volumes. London, 1869.
+
+[17] ‘Since writing the above, Baron Rolfe has verified my prediction
+more strikingly by being created a peer, by the title of Lord Cranworth,
+and appointed a Vice-Chancellor. Soon after his appointment, he called
+on me, and I dined with him. I related to Lady Cranworth the anecdote
+given above, of my conversation with my brother, with which she was
+evidently pleased. Lady Cranworth was the daughter of Mr. Carr, Solicitor
+to the Excise, whom I formerly used to visit, and ought soon to find some
+mention of in my journals. Lord Cranworth continues to enjoy universal
+respect.—H. C. R. 1851.’
+
+[18] _Enoch Arden, &c._ By Alfred Tennyson, D.C.L., Poet Laureate.
+_Dramatis Personæ._ By Robert Browning.
+
+[19] The first words in Lord Jeffrey’s celebrated review of the
+_Excursion_ were, ‘This will never do.’
+
+[20] ‘A curious physiologico-botanical theory by Goethe, which appears to
+be entirely unknown in this country: though several eminent continental
+botanists have noticed it with commendation. It is explained at
+considerable length, in this same _Morphologie_.’
+
+[21] _The Poems and Prose Remains of Arthur Hugh Clough_, vol. ii. p. 472.
+
+[22] _Science in Theology._ Sermons preached before the University of
+Oxford. By the Rev. Adam S. Farrar. Longmans.
+
+[23] _Contemporary Review_ for April 1871.
+
+[24] It should be stated that this essay was originally read as a paper
+before a society which discusses subjects of a metaphysical nature.
+
+[25] _Contemporary Review_ for April 1874.
+
+[26] [This paper originally appeared in the _Economist_ on the occasion
+of the adoption by the Government of the late Mr. Russell Gurney’s Public
+Worship Regulation Bill. It is here included as a telling practical
+illustration of the teaching of the previous essay.—EDITOR.]
+
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78450 ***