path: root/78434-0.txt

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78434 ***
                             THE NEGROLAND
                             OF THE ARABS.


                             THE NEGROLAND
                              OF THE ARABS
                        EXAMINED AND EXPLAINED;
                                  OR,
                          AN INQUIRY INTO THE
                      EARLY HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY
                                   OF
                            CENTRAL AFRICA.

                                   BY
                       WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY.

                                LONDON:
                 PRINTED BY JAMES HOLMES, TOOK’S COURT.
              PUBLISHED BY J. ARROWSMITH, 10, SOHO SQUARE.
                               * * * * *
                                 1841.




   TO SEÑOR
                        DON PASCUAL DE GAYANGOS.

 MY DEAR GAYANGOS,

        The following Essay owes its origin wholly to the extracts from
the writings of Ibn Khaldún and Ibn Baṭúṭah, which you had the kindness
to communicate to me. Not only did you occasion the present developement
of my speculations, but you have also at all times cheerfully aided me
in the researches to which they gave birth; you have placed at my
disposal, as it were, your perfect knowledge of the Arabic language,
and, from the abundance of your learning, have in some measure made good
my deficiency. To whom, then, can this little work be dedicated so
justly, as to you? Nor, while acknowledging my obligations, can I forego
the pleasure afforded by such an opportunity of expressing towards you
the friendship and esteem of

                                         Yours sincerely,
                                            WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY.

  _London, March_ 3, 1841.




                                PREFACE.

                               * * * * *


The following Essay has for its object to establish the early geography
of Central Africa on a solid basis. It aims at offering a clear and
well-grounded explanation of the geographical descriptions of Negroland,
transmitted to us by Arab writers; and, by thus connecting the past with
the present, at giving an increased value to the historical information
derived from the same sources. The attainment of that end will throw a
steady light on the past condition of a country now awakening a general
interest. It will enable us to trace some important political
revolutions; to discern the nations which have stood forth politically
eminent, and to estimate correctly, by means of a lengthened and
authentic retrospect, the progress of civilization in Africa.

The task here undertaken has more of novelty in it than may be at first
suspected. Hitherto no attempt whatever has been made to explain the
Arab geography of Negroland by treating it as a whole, and as the
immediate subject of investigation. Yet no department of the wide field
of literature stands more in need of critical labour, or appears more
justly entitled to it. The Arabs in the Middle Ages were copious and
circumstantial writers, though neither profound nor exact. Geography was
one of their favourite studies. The interests of trade and religious
zeal led them across the deserts of Northern Africa to Negroland, of
which they have left us accounts bearing in every lineament the
expression of unaffected sincerity. Yet such has been the difficulty
found in recognizing the places described in those accounts, that, up to
this day, scarcely any addition to our positive knowledge of Negroland
has been derived from the writings of the Arabs.

Ibn S’aíd, a writer of the thirteenth century, has enumerated thirteen
nations of Blacks, extending across Africa, from Ghánah in the west, to
the Bojá on the shores of the Red Sea in the east. Yet it is not till we
arrive at the tenth of these, or Kánem, that we are able to identify
satisfactorily the nomenclature of Ibn S’aíd with that of modern
geography. The first nine nations towards the west, or nearly three-
fourths of the whole, remain undetermined.

The Arab geography of Africa lies, at present, a large but confused heap
of materials, into which modern writers occasionally dip their hands,
each selecting what appears to serve his purpose, and adapting it to his
views by an interpretation as narrow and partial as his mode of inquiry.
Modern geographers—D’Anville and Rennell not excepted—have allowed
fancied resemblances of sound to lead them far away from fact and the
straight path of investigation. They have, for example, unanimously
assumed the Kanó of the present day to be the Ghánah of past ages. The
disorder introduced into the early geography of Central Africa by this
false method of proceeding, has deprived it of all its value. It seems
incapable of combining with the results of modern discovery; and instead
of the harmony which ought to subsist between our present information
and the ample accounts of Negroland written five or six centuries ago,
we find in almost every application of the latter, the jarring
consequences of false assumptions.

To give a new value to such confused materials, we must have recourse to
a new and improved method of treating them.

The course here followed is, to examine the Arab authors of greatest
value, and to develope, as completely as possible, the information found
in them, their meaning being collected altogether from internal
evidence, and without any regard to extrinsic systems. Where their
statements are clear, natural, and consistent, no attempt has been made
to interfere with or strain them by arbitrary conjectures. Where, on the
other hand, they are obscure, absurd, or contradictory, care has been
taken to inquire,—1st, What were the sources or channels of the author’s
information? 2ndly, How far it must be taken in strictness, or may claim
the latitude allowed to the language of ordinary discourse? 3rdly, The
state of knowledge, and prevalent geographical systems in the writer’s
time? 4thly, What portions may be looked upon as original or authentic,
and what as founded on inference or surmise?—The point of greatest
difficulty, and which demands the utmost care and perspicacity, is to
distinguish between the language of experience and that of system; to
separate the original information from the supplementary additions made
to it, for the purpose of filling up or rounding the description, or of
reconciling it with theoretical conceptions.

In all parts of the world, and in every age, the human mind moves in a
constant cycle. In like stages of its progress it occupies similar
positions, and goes through the same round of error. This truth is
exemplified in the history of Geography, as well as in that of every
other branch of human knowledge. The corrections made in our maps of
Africa during the last three centuries; those made by Ptolemy in the
geography of the same quarter of the globe, written by Marinus Tyrius;
and those of which the great Alexandrian himself stands in need, are
nearly all reducible to one common rule. The errors to which
systematical geography tends, while it is not as yet founded on science,
are so fully shown by experience, that we can safely derive from our
knowledge of them a principle of rectification, applicable to all the
materials of unscientific geography, presented to our notice, and
obviously needing correction. The endeavour to trace errors according to
fixed analogies, will at least lead us from mere conjecture towards a
rule of reason.

The most vexatious and frequently recurring hindrance in researches of
the kind here undertaken, arises from the defects of the Arabic written
character, and the uncritical servility of Arab copyists and compilers.
In Arabic writing, some of the characters closely resemble one another,
and are distinguished only by diacritic points: the vowels likewise are
chiefly indicated by points, which, like those of the former kind, are
often wholly omitted. Hence it follows, that proper names, the correct
reading of which cannot be inferred from the context, easily sink, when
written in such ambiguous characters, from corruption to corruption,
till at last they altogether cease to be recognizable. Misnomers arising
in this way were perhaps often adopted in discourse, till, in process of
time, they became authorized by usage. Uncertainty with respect to the
true reading of proper names, besides being in itself a source of great
perplexity, has the ill effect of encumbering the truth with much
preliminary discussion of an apparently trivial kind. Nor are our
difficulties with respect to proper names confined to the writings of
the Arabs. In some parts of Africa, different races are so commingled,
that five or six languages may be heard spoken within a narrow extent of
territory. Travellers arriving in such a country from different
quarters, and associating with different portions of the population,
will naturally report in different ways the names of places. If
Europeans, they variously represent, each according to the genius of his
own language, articulations which, being strange to their organs, they
did not invariably seize correctly. Names have been also transferred
from one language to another, without due regard to the sound originally
sought to be represented. Here, then, are abundant sources of confusion,
which, so far, at least, as it involves the genius and construction of
African languages, we are not always in a condition to clear up. Yet it
is necessary, as we proceed, to endeavour to distinguish between the
more and the less doubtful; and if any one should feel surprised at the
attention occasionally bestowed in the following pages on proper names,
let him only reflect, that the errors arising from the neglect of so
many inevitable causes of variance, would at least equal what may ensue
from even the least skilful discussion of them.

It would have been easy to lengthen the list of Arab authors here made
use of; but little would have been gained for Geography by reference to
works equally deficient in judgment and originality. The authors chiefly
relied on are, El Bekrí, Ibn Khaldún, and Ibn Baṭúṭah. El Idrísí is
analysed in some passages, chiefly for the sake of explaining certain
discrepancies between him and the first-named writer, and to estimate
the weight due to his authority. The conjectures scattered through the
following pages are much fewer than the nature of the subject and the
course of investigation would have permitted; but it was thought
advisable to keep conjectures within bounds, even where they could not
have interfered with the reasoning. Reserve and circumspection are
especially necessary for an author whose conclusions differ widely from
those of his precursors in the same field of inquiry, and who aims at
deciding definitively questions which have long divided the judgments of
the learned. Reference to the systems of recent authors has been, in
general, avoided, lest the frequent recurrence of the language of
refutation might give the whole an air of controversy. Pains have been
also taken to abridge whatever was not strictly geographical, the object
here aimed at being properly the consideration of geographical
questions, the careful and satisfactory discussion of which demands a
special treatise.

The mode here adopted of writing the Arabic names, is fully explained in
the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. VII. p. 245; but in
its application will probably be found much unsteadiness and
imperfection, arising partly from the want of familiarity with it, and
partly from the difficulty of setting exact bounds to the employment of
a foreign orthography, which jars disagreeably with the necessary
reference to the orthography of our modern travellers. The attempt at a
systematic reform of the mode of writing African names, has been
avoided, and therewith the alternative also, of either multiplying
without end the subordinate topics of discussion, or else of allowing
much hypothesis to steal in under the mask of precision.

In conclusion, it may be remarked, that the attempt here made, however
successful it may be deemed—and it cannot be denied that it broaches
some truths, and discloses a new and logical method of treating an
interesting subject—is yet but a sketch, which remains to be filled up,
after a careful examination of the numerous Arabic MSS. preserved in the
public libraries here and abroad, by some one better qualified for that
labour, and enjoying fairer opportunities than the writer of these
pages.




                               CONTENTS.

                               * * * * *


  INTRODUCTION                                                        1

                       GHÁNAH, AÚDAGHOST, AÚLÍL.

  Támedelt — Route to Aúdaghost — Line of Drifting Sands —            5
  Position of Aúdaghost — Route to Ghánah — The Desert — Tíser —
  Azawad — The Zenágah — Genéwah — Lumtúnah — Goddálah — Aúlil
  — Trade of Aúdaghost — Aúkar — Sínghánah — Tekrúr — Tádmekkah
  — River of Ghánah — Samaḳanda — Ghaïárú — Bokmo — Manners of
  Ghánah — Ghánah near the site of Tomboktú

                   EL IDRÍSÍ COMPARED WITH EL BEKRÍ.

  Measures of El Idrísí — His delineation of the Great River —       48
  History of the Maghráwah

                                 MÁLÍ.

  Ghánah subjected by the Molaththemún — The Ṣúṣú — The People of    61
  Málí — The Kings of Málí — Table of their succession

                        IBN BAṬÚṬAH’S JOURNEY.

  Tegháza — The Desert — Aïwalátin — Kársekhó — The Ṣanṣarah —       70
  Málí — Manners of the Court — Departure from Málí — Position
  of that capital — Mímah — Tomboktú — Kaúkaú — The Berdámah —
  Tekaddá — Káhir — Limits of Málí — Múlí and Malla — Kombori —
  Yúfí — Remarks on Ibn Baṭúṭah’s Journey — Kanó not Ghánah

                                TEKRÚR.

  Zághah — The Zagháï — Sanghee — Sungai — Sokai — Zachah —          97
  Eastward Movement of the Tekrúr — Abuse of the name Tekrúr

                    KÚGHAH, KÁGHÓ, KAÚKAÚ, KARKAR.

  El Bekrí’s account of Kúghah and Kaúkaú — El Idrísí’s hesitation  103
  — More than one Kaúkaú — Karkar — Gargari — Surmise as to the
  present existence of Kághó

                  LEMLEM, REMREM, DEMDEM, EL-LÍMIYÍN,

  Various names of one people — Originally one name — Its probable  111
  origin — Refers to Houssa — The modern Yemyem — El-Límiyín

                    NEGROLAND DIVIDED INTO NATIONS.

  Ibn Sʿaíd’s list — Makrízí’s additions — Ibn Sʿaíd compared       116
  with Leo — Results of the comparison — Kingdom of Kúra — Lake
  Kúra — Compared with the Kowára — Interference of theory —
  Recapitulation

                              POSTSCRIPT.

                          REMARKS ON HOUSSA.

  Routes from Ashantí to the Kowára — The letter r often changed    140
  into a ḍ — The Kambaroa — The Kadunía — The River Kowára
  probably so called from the country in which the Quorrama rises


                              CORRECTIONS.

  Page 14, note 31—for Moallakah read Maḳámah.

  Page 60, note 107—for A’walílí read Awalílí.




[Illustration: Sketch _of a_ Map _to illustrate_ the ARAB GEOGRAPHY of
NEGROLAND _By_ W. D. Cooley, Esqr.

_London, John Arrowsmith, 10 Soho Square 1841._]


                                  THE
                               NEGROLAND
                             OF THE ARABS.

                               * * * * *

                             INTRODUCTION.


Nature has marked out, in a plain and peremptory manner, the chief lines
of communication between the maritime regions of North Africa and the
fertile Interior beyond the great desert. The Oasis, or habitable tract
of Fezzán, south of Tripoli, projects far into the barren waste, and a
journey of not more than forty days conducts thence to Kánem or Bornú.
In the west, a route of equal length connects the last traces of
cultivation at the back of Atlas, with the Great River of Negroland,
where, winding in a long circuit towards the north, it seems to drive
back desolation, and narrows the limits of the desert. The two routes
here described, are those chiefly frequented at the present day by
caravans proceeding to Central Africa; and the preference given to them
is due to their combining such advantages of convenience and security,
as must have constituted them the chief routes in all ages.

The first of these, or the road between Fezzán and the interior, may be
presumed to have been frequented by the ancients. If we assume that
commerce spread westward from Egypt, or if we fix our eyes on Augila or
the Greek colony of Cyrene, the eastern route will certainly seem
entitled to be the channel of the earliest intercourse with the Blacks.
But the discussion of such questions does not lie within the scope of
our present inquiry; and it will be here sufficient to observe, that so
far as the Arabs were concerned, the western route, though last reached,
was the most frequently trodden and most diligently explored. The stream
of Arab invasion in Northern Africa flowed rapidly to the west, till
accumulating between the shores of the Ocean and Atlas, it pressed on
the Berber clans inhabiting all the fertile recesses of this range of
mountains. Continual wars thence ensued, in the course of which the
discomfited party always fled to the desert, wherein they wandered to
the borders of Negroland.

It is by the western route that we have derived, through Arab writers,
the amplest and earliest accounts of Central Africa. For the Arabs in
Spain who cultivated letters maintained a constant intercourse with
their rude but active brethren of Western Barbary, whom trade and
warfare alike occasionally impelled to visit the countries beyond the
desert. In the beginning of the eleventh century of our era, the hills
on the south side of Wád Nún and Darʿah, or the northern portion of the
western desert, were occupied by the Lumtúnah, a tribe of the
Zenágah.[1] Separated from them by an uninhabited tract, were the Benú
Goddálah of the same nation, whose territory, comprising the southern
zone of the Ṣaḥrá, extended eastward from the sea shore to the country
of the Blacks.[2] The more sterile tracts of the desert in the interior,
within the limits possessed by the Zenágah, were abandoned to the
wandering tribe of the Benú Masúfah, by their more powerful brethren
near the coast.[3] These three tribes, inflamed with religious zeal, to
which their intestine feuds had given a martial character, shaped their
course northward, and being united under the name of Al Morábiṭún, or
Champions of the Faith, they subjugated the fertile countries on both
sides of the southern Atlas, and founded, in 1073, the empire and city
of Morocco. The Al Morábiṭún, or Morabites, subsequently extended their
sway into Spain, in the history of which country they figure under the
name of Almoravides. But long before they carried their arms into
Europe, they corresponded intimately with the polished courts of
Mohammedan Spain; and while they had not yet quite relinquished the
desert, nor forgotten their acquaintance with the frontiers of
Negroland, they communicated their information to the inquisitive, and,
for that age, well instructed Spanish Arabs. The age immediately
preceding the foundation of Morocco is that in which we should
accordingly expect to find the most valuable accounts of the Western
Desert, and of the Negro kingdoms contiguous to it. The events of that
period were calculated to bring within the reach of literary activity,
full, fresh, and authentic information respecting the interior of
Western Africa. It is fortunate for us, therefore, that we possess an
account of that country written in the very age referred to, by one who
resided at the most accomplished court in Spain; whose station in
society and official rank afforded him the amplest means of satisfying
his curiosity; and whose perspicuity and good sense entitle him to a
distinguished place among Arab writers. The author here alluded to, Abú
ʿObeïdi-llah Abdullah el Ḳorṭoby, was son of the independent ruler of
Huelva. He resided chiefly in Cordova, at that time the centre of Arab
refinement, and filled the highest offices in that kingdom. His account
of Negroland, entitled ‘Kitábu-l-mesálek wa-l-memálek,’ or the Book of
Roads and Realms, was written in the year of the Hijra 460, or A.D.
1067, just fourteen years after the first rise of the Morabites, and six
before the foundation of Morocco. We shall therefore take El Bekrí as
our guide while endeavouring to determine the true position of Ghánah,
in his age the principal kingdom of Negroland.[4]


[Footnote 1: Wád Nún is also called by early writers Núl, or Núl el
aḳṣa. Darʿah دَرعَه is also written Dirʿah دِرعَه (MS. B.M. fol.
101)—Lumtúnah لمتونه—The Berber name Zenághah زناغه was corrupted by the
Arabs, as Ibn Khaldún informs us, into Ṣinhájah صنهاجه, pronounced in
the west Ṣinhágah.]

[Footnote 2: Goddála, so pronounced, though written by El Bekrí Joddála
جدَّاله (MS. B.M. fol. 106); by Ibn Khaldún and others, Godálah ڭداله.]

[Footnote 3: Benú Masúfah بنو مسوفه.]

[Footnote 4: For an account of this valuable author, see the recently
published History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain, by Don Pascual
de Gayangos, p. 324. The excellent MS. in the library of the British
Museum (No. 9577) there described, shall be here briefly cited as MS.
B.M. A translation of El Bekrí’s Book of Roads and Realms, by M.
Quatremère, has appeared in the 12th volume of the Collection entitled
‘Notices et Extraits des MSS. de la Bibliothèque du Roi.’ But the
Parisian MS. is so deficient in points, that the translator,
notwithstanding his learning and acuteness, has not always been able to
divine the true reading. A fragment of the same work, containing what
relates to Ghánah, has been translated by M. Jaubert, to whom it was
sent from Barbary, and inserted in the 2nd volume of the ‘Recueil des
Voyages et Mémoires,’ &c. published by the Société de Géographie in
Paris. Wherever this extract, which is taken from a MS. of inferior
authority, is quoted alone in the following pages, the reader may
understand that the readings so adopted agree in characters with the
readings found in the MS. B.M., and have in addition the vowel points.]




                      GHÁNAH — Aúdaghost — Aúlíl.


Previous to the foundation of Morocco, all the trade of Negroland with
Western Barbary was directed towards Sijilmésah, a town on the eastern
side of Atlas, eight or ten days from Fás or Fez, and in the district
which is now called Táfílélt.[5] From Sijilmésah, a two months’ journey
southward conducted to the nearest kingdom of the Blacks, which was that
called Ghánah.[6] But in propriety of speech Ghánah was the title of the
king, whose dominion, anterior to the rise of the Al Morábiṭún or
Morabites, extended to Aúdaghost, a town on the southern border of the
great desert, and containing a Berber population.[7] Driven from
Aúdaghost, the negro king fixed his residence at Aúkár, fifteen days’
journey south-westward from the former place, and not far from the great
river of the interior, called by Arab writers the Nile of the Blacks.[8]
But the new capital, as well as the kingdom, was still generally known
by the name of Ghánah.

A desert of forty days’ journey in extent lay between Aúdaghost and
Támedelt,[9] a town of Sús el Aḳṣa, on the verge of the desert, and
eleven days from Sijilmésah. The two months’ journey between Ghánah and
Sijilmésah, would, if literally interpreted, place the capital of the
Blacks forty-nine days distant from Támedelt. But where could a route of
forty-nine days southward from the borders of Sús el Aḳṣa meet the Great
River, unless in the vicinity of Tomboktú?[10] This city is distant
about two months from Táfílélt, and not more than fifty days from Sús el
Aḳṣa.[11] It owes all its importance to its advanced position, near the
very point where the river turns eastward, after repressing the desert
in its northerly course, and making its nearest approach to Western
Barbary. The advantages of such a position could never have been
overlooked while caravans traversed the desolate plains of the interior.
The site of Ghánah then, and Tomboktú, being equidistant from Sús el
Aḳṣa, both in a southerly direction from it, and both in the vicinity of
the Great River, which, within the distance of fifty days from Sús el
Aḳṣa, washes the desert during only a short part of its course, cannot
have been far asunder. This brief argument is in reality unanswerable.
Within the assigned time, a caravan travelling at the ordinary pace,
could reach the Great River nowhere but in the vicinity of Tomboktú. The
site of Aúkár then being near Tomboktú, Aúdaghost fifteen days distant
from it towards the north-east, must have been situate in the same tract
as the modern town or encampment of Mabrúk.[12] Thus the first view of
the routes to the chief towns of the ancient Ghánah suggests the
approximate positions of those towns. Let their positions be assumed
accordingly, so as to give distinctness to our conceptions, while we
follow, step by step, the routes to them across the desert; and the
examination of these routes in all their particulars will, in turn,
illustrate and confirm our assumptions, if they be correct.

The position of Támedelt, the starting point of the caravans to
Negroland, must be in the first place determined. That town is stated to
have been five days westward (or, we must rather suppose, south of
westward) from Darʿah, and six days south-eastward from Iklí, the
capital of Sús, which town, situate on a river flowing northward, was
two days from Mésah and five from Wád Nún. Now the capital of Darʿah was
five days distant from Sijilmésah, which was nine ordinary journeys from
Fez.[13] Támedelt was therefore twenty days from Fez, by the road on the
eastern side of the mountains, and it was also six days south-eastward
from Iklí, which town must accordingly be so placed within five days of
Wád Nún, and two days northward from the river of Mésah, as to allow
Támedelt a somewhat westerly bearing from Darʿah. These conditions being
fulfilled, the position of Támadelt will be nearly in lat. 28° 45′ N.,
long. 7° 10′ W., and not far from the modern Tatta.[14] The position
thus assumed, though not quite free from uncertainty, will yet involve
no inaccuracy capable of endangering the argument depending on it.

The starting point being ascertained, there remains no difficulty in
tracing the route to Aúdaghost. The first day’s journey from Támedelt
conducted to a deep well called Bír el Jemmálín:[15] the second led
through a narrow defile. Then for three days the road went over the
mountains of Azawwar,[16] strewed with masses of iron-stone. These
mountains extend, according to El Bekrí, ten days’ journey from the
ocean to the road (from Támedelt probably) to Sijilmésah. They are
evidently the same chain of mountains which caravans now pass at the
distance of six days from Wád Nún. It is apparent also that the road to
Aúdaghost must have crossed them at a distance not exceeding ten days’
journey from the sea; and therefore could have scarcely inclined towards
the east. Three days beyond the mountains was the watering place of
Tendefas, and three days further a great well called Weínhílún.[17] Then
another three days led to a scanty spring named Tázḳa, or the House.[18]
Four days further were the brackish wells of Weítúnán, and after another
four days the watering place of Aúkázenta.[19] There ended the hard
desert, and the region of loose sand-hills commenced, the passage of
which presented the greatest difficulty to the traveller, and was
fraught with danger.

The northern limit and general direction of the sandy region of the
great desert are marked out with tolerable distinctness in the
narratives of some modern travellers. It was on the twenty-fifth day of
his journey from Wád Nún to Tomboktú that Sidi Hamed entered the region
of drifting sand.[20] This must have been somewhere between the twenty-
third and twenty-fourth parallels of latitude. In the same line, or
twenty-two days from El Harib, between Tatta and Darʿah, Caillié left
the sand-hills on his journey from Tomboktú northwards.[21] Laing, on
his way from Twát to Tomboktú, entered the sands in lat. 23° 56′ N.; and
Scott crossed a similar tract, eleven days’ journey in extent,
apparently from the twenty-first to the twenty-third parallel inclusive,
and not far from the ocean.[22] The vast expanse of light sand thrown up
into wave-like hillocks, which change with every wind, is a remarkable
feature of the great desert, depending not more on the mineralogical
constitution of the country than on the excessive dryness of the
climate. The permanence of its general position, therefore, in spite of
local fluctuations, is as certain as its extension from west to east,
between the zones fertilized by rains. Now the site of Támedelt was four
or five days westward from El Harib; and since on the road to Tomboktú
from the former of these places the loose sand is entered on the twenty-
fifth day, from the latter on the twenty-third; while from Támedelt to
Aúdaghost the sands were entered also on the twenty-third day, there is
reason to infer, that so far, the direction of the road from Sús el Aḳṣa
to Aúdaghost differed little, if at all, from the modern road to
Tomboktú. The ancient and modern roads to Negroland ran nearly parallel
between the hills south of Sús el Aḳṣa and the zone of drifting sands.

The most difficult part of the journey, according to El Bekrí, lay over
the ridges of loose sand, on entering which there was no water to be
found till, after four days’ toil, the traveller reached the wells of
Wanzamín, where all the roads to Negroland met together.[23] The roads
thus said to meet that from Sijilmésah must have been those from
Wergelán, Twát, and Télemsén or Tremecen. Now the roads from these
places to Tomboktú all unite at Telig, about thirty days from El Harib,
and our hypothesis respecting the position of Aúdaghost derives no
slight confirmation from the circumstance that it gives to the meeting
of the roads to that place, twenty-seven days from Támedelt, a position
which harmonizes perfectly with their present junction on the road to
Tomboktú. Near the meeting of the roads was a mountain, the recesses of
which concealed bands of various tribes of the Zenágah, as the Lamṭah,
Gezúlah, Geráwah, &c., all from the south-western extremity of Atlas,
who lay in wait to attack caravans.

From the wells of Wanzamín the road continued through sand-hills in the
province of Wárán for five days to a large well belonging to the Benú
Wáreth, thence in two days to Agharef, and in three more to Akríri, that
is to say, the reservoir of water.[24] Near this place was a mountain
named Azgúnán, where caravans were in danger of being attacked by the
Blacks.[25] One day further, over hot sands, lay the brackish wells of
Wárán, then, for three days, fresh water was found in wells belonging to
the Zenágah, and another day led over the high mountain, at the foot of
which stood Aúdaghost. This town was situate in a hilly country, within
the limits of the rains, and does not appear to have had any water but
that of wells. It can hardly be supposed that the limit of the rains in
the interior of the African continent, at a distance from the sea coast,
ascends beyond the twentieth parallel of latitude.[26] Now if a distance
of forty days’ journey be measured from Támedelt, so as to intersect the
twentieth parallel towards the interior, it will be found that fifteen
days’ journey south-westward (according to the distance and bearing of
Aúkar from Aúdaghost) measured from that intersection, will reach to the
neighbourhood of Tomboktú.

The foregoing account is evidently that of a route frequented by
caravans, and therefore the distances mentioned in it may be received
with confidence. Its general direction, as Abulfedá tells us, was to the
south. El Bekrí describes also the journey from Darʿah to Ghánah, in a
brief and uncircumstantial manner; but his description, though wanting
in the minuteness and precision derivable from the experience of
caravans, is yet not wholly uninstructive. From Wádi Darʿah to Wádi
Tárḳa, on the margin of the desert, was a journey of five days. Then the
traveller entered the wilderness in which water occurred only every two
or three days. Of the wells first met with, one was called Tezámt.
Eastward of it were Bír el Ḥammálín, or the porters’ well, and another
named Nálellí or Málekí.[27] “From these wells,” says our author, “to
the country of Islám, is a distance of four days; and at an equal
distance are the Adarérén Wazzél, or mountains of iron.[28] There a
desert begins in which there is no water for eight days; it is, indeed,
that which is emphatically styled The Desert. The water in it belongs to
the Benú Yentesír, a tribe of Zenágah. The village of Moddúken, which is
next arrived at, belongs to the same race. Thence to Ghánah is a journey
of four days.”[29]

Wádi Darʿah was three days from Támedelt, probably east by north. Wádi
Tárḳa may be conjectured to have been on the southern side of the
mountains of Azawwar mentioned in the account of the route to Aúdaghost.
But the particular here chiefly deserving of attention, is The Desert,
in which no water was met with for eight days. The name of this desert,
omitted by El Bekrí, is supplied by subsequent writers. We are informed
that the merchants going to Ghánah passed through the desert of Tíser, a
dry and desolate wilderness of sand, with only a few pools of bad water,
the chief of which was that called the well of Tíser.[30] The extent of
this desert is variously stated to be eight, ten, twelve, and even
fourteen days’ journey.[31] At its eastern extremity stood Aúdaghost,
and hence it is not surprising that the journey to that city should
present diminished difficulty; though the loose, hot sands, and
intervals of four or five days without water, in the latter half of the
route thither, between the 23rd and 32nd days, clearly mark the
continuation of the inhospitable tract.[32] On the west, the desert of
Tíser adjoined the division of the Ṣaḥrá called Kamnúdíyah, which
bordered on the ocean in the vicinity of Cape Bojador, as shall be shown
hereafter. Unless we assign, therefore, to the territorial divisions of
the Ṣaḥrá a disproportionate extension from west to east, the contiguity
of the maritime district of Kamnúdíyah to the desert of Tíser,
strengthens the presumption that the latter could hardly have reached
beyond the twelfth meridian from the shores of the Atlantic; or, in
other words, that it did not extend far east of the meridian of
Tomboktú, and, consequently, that the road to this city from the north
passes over the tract of desert anciently named Tíser.

But it will naturally be asked, is there such a tract of peculiarly arid
desert on the road to Tomboktú? Certainly there is; a desert of like
extent, presenting the same physical character, and occupying a similar
position in the route. Ibn Baṭúṭah, on his way from Sijilmésah to
Tomboktú, arrived at Tegháza, near the edge of the desert, in twenty-
five days. In ten days more, he came to the wells, or rather muddy pools
of Táserahlá, where the caravan halted to prepare for the march over the
formidable waste of sand, which it required ten days to traverse in
order to reach Aïwalátin, a town on the southern border of the
Ṣaḥrá.[33] Had that traveller crossed obliquely from Táserahlá to
Tomboktú, he might perhaps have found the waterless desert to exceed a
ten days’ journey in extent. But towards the east its width seems to
diminish; whether it be that the northward course of the Great River, or
the chain of mountains determining that circuit of the stream, and
stretching across into the desert, modifies the atmosphere so as to give
a greater range to the periodic rains in that meridian, we have no means
of deciding. But the whole of the western Ṣaḥrá and the peculiar tract
under consideration, are described by Leo Africanus in the following
manner:—

“To begin with the desert of Zenaga; this is a dry and barren tract
beginning from the ocean on the west, and extending eastward to the salt
pits of Tegaza. On the north it is bounded by Numidia; that is to say,
by Sus, Acca, and Darah; and it extends towards the south as far as the
land of the Blacks; that is to say, to the kingdom of Gualata and
Tombutto. There is no water found in it, except at intervals of a
hundred miles, and this, after all, is salt and bitter, in wells of
great depth, particularly on the road from Segelmesse to Tombutto. There
are many wild animals and serpents in it, as shall be related in the
proper place. In this waste is found a desert very difficult and dismal,
called Azaoad, where neither water nor dwelling-place is met with for
two hundred miles, from the well of Azaoad to the well of Araoan, which
is a hundred and fifty miles from Tombutto, and in which great numbers
of men and animals perish of heat and thirst.”[34]

The same writer elsewhere informs us, that the desert of Azawad was so
called from its barrenness and dryness. It is not unreasonable to
suppose that when the local designation of Tíser fell into disuse, the
epithet expressing the general aspect of the region took its place. The
name Azawad still remains to the tract of desert northward of
Tomboktú.[35] And it cannot escape attention that the deserts of Tíser
and Azawad resemble each other not only in extent and physical
character, but that they are also equidistant from Sijilmésah; that they
are both on the road southward from it, and both reaching to the
southern limit of the Ṣaḥrá. There is still another point of resemblance
between them, which, of itself, is almost sufficient to prove their
common identity. El Bekrí remarks, that in travelling from Sijilmésah to
Ghánah, a desert of two months’ journey was traversed, in which there
were no fixed habitations, and the only people met with were wanderers,
such as the Benú Masúfah, a branch of the Zenágah. The Benú Masúfah
then, were in the middle of the eleventh century the tenants of the
inhospitable plains over which lay the road to Ghánah; and it is
remarkable that, three centuries later, the same miserable tribe hovered
over the road to Tomboktú. Ibn Baṭúṭah found them to be the regular,
and, as it were, hereditary guides across that desert, with the
intricacies of which, tradition as well as personal experience had made
them perfectly acquainted. In a region where the natural landmarks are
so broad and unchangeable, and where man is comparatively so weak; where
there is so little to tempt ambition or to nourish caprice, and where
the whole tribe laying claim to a long extent of territory, could never
exceed a handful of individuals,—the fact that the roads to Ghánah and
Tomboktú, traced over peculiarly arid and forbidding tracts, both passed
through the encampments of the same tribe, is a strong proof of the
proximity of those roads: for the occupiers of the most inhospitable
region in which life can with difficulty be supported, are not likely to
be disturbed in their possessions.

It has been seen that Leo Africanus represents the country of the
Zenágah, or Ṣinhájah, to have extended from the sea shore as far
eastward as Tegháza and Tomboktú. He obviously meant to intimate that
the road to Tomboktú formed the eastern boundary of that nation or
division of the Berbers. But his expressions are not such as require to
be strictly interpreted; on the contrary, they have a claim to that
latitude of explanation which reconciles them with the state of things
at present, when the Zenágah occupy the country round Tomboktú and to a
short distance eastward of it. His expressions, however, militate most
strongly against any hypothesis which would place Aúdaghost remote from
Tomboktú, since the road to the former of those cities lay wholly within
the limits of the Zenágah. If these people held as large a share of the
Ṣaḥrá in the beginning of the sixteenth century as in the middle of the
eleventh,—and, since they figured as conquerors in the only revolution
generally affecting them in the meantime, this can hardly be
disputed,—it must follow that the road to Aúdaghost, being within their
limits, could not have passed far eastward of Tomboktú.

The Zenágah extended southward, according to Leo, “to the country of the
Blacks, where are the kingdoms of Gualata and Tombutto.” To the words,
“the country of the Blacks,” Marmol, while borrowing largely from the
Arab writer, adds the gloss, “which is called Geneúa.”[36] And herein he
accords with all other authorities respecting the position of Genéwah,
which region, however vaguely defined, is yet always placed on the
frontiers of Negroland, westward from Tomboktú. In early ages however,
before the Berbers had derived strength from Arab instruction, the
Blacks probably possessed a larger share of the desert, or at least the
name Genéwah reached further northward. An Arab writer informs us, that
Genéwah extended from the ocean in the west, to the country of Wergelán
in the east, and from Amímah in the south to Arkí and Núl el Aḳṣa in the
north.[37] The longitudinal dimensions of this country are here
expressed in terms of obvious inaccuracy. Wergelán, though far to the
north-east of the country called Genéwah, is yet made conterminous with
it, owing to the great share which that Berber state took in the
commerce of Negroland, at that time concentred in Ghánah. But the line
on which the breadth of Genéwah is measured, drawn from north to south,
from Arkí to Amímah, may be presumed to mark its central or principal
section. Now Arkí was on the hills of the Lumtúnah, seven days distant
from Wád Nún, and Amímah stood at a short distance westward or south-
westward from the future site of Tomboktú.[38] The mean position of
Genéwah being thus indicated, the author adds, “and of its cities, is
Ghánah.”[39] Here, then, is another proof that Ghánah was contiguous to
the western desert and to western Negroland, and that the tract of
country in which it stood and flourished, was the same in which Tomboktú
subsequently rose into importance.

The country assigned to Genéwah, in the above-cited passage, really
belonged for the most part to the Zenágah, who, anterior to their
conversion to Mohammedanism, lived much intermingled with the Blacks.
The latter may have had the upper hand; or, though in a servile state,
they may have been the more numerous class of the inhabitants; or
finally, the slave trade being carried on universally in the desert, the
Arabs of Barbary may have easily confounded the country exporting slaves
with that which produced them; and thus applied the name Genéwah to the
deserts of which Berber tribes were, if not the sole occupants, at least
the masters. But the movements of the Morabites revealed more completely
the partition and social condition of the Ṣaḥrá. The northern portion of
it, towards the ocean, was possessed by the Lumtúnah, whose dwellings
covered a range of hills (probably those called by El Bekrí Azawwar)
said to be six days’ journey in length, and to be shaded by 20,000 palm
trees.[40] On these hills, and about seven days from Wád Nún, stood the
fort or town of Arkí, the chief place of the Lumtúnah, whose flocks
wandered from the shores of the ocean as far eastward as the road to
Ghánah.

South of the Lumtúnah, but separated from them by an uninhabited tract
ten days’ journey in width, were the Benú Goddálah, the most powerful of
the Berber tribes. In the uninhabited tract ten days wide, it is easy to
recognize the sandy region south of Cape Bojador, and forming the
continuation of the desert of Tíser or Azawad. The country of the Benú
Goddálah is said to have extended a two months’ journey in length and
breadth, a description which is applied also to the whole western Ṣaḥrá,
and to the dominions of Ghánah; and considering that in each case the
Atlantic Ocean is taken as a boundary, it is evident enough that no
exact limits were set to territorial possessions in the desert, and that
claims of sovereignty often extended from opposite quarters over the
same ground.[41]

In the country of the Benú Goddálah was a mine or natural deposit of
salt near a town or place of fixed habitation on the sea shore, called
Aúlíl. At this place was a point of land, or peninsula, insulated by the
tide, but accessible on foot at low water. Close to it was the port.
Ambergris was collected on it at the sea side, and turtle, which
constituted the chief food of the inhabitants, were there so large, that
fishermen, as our author assevers, went to sea in their shells. From
Aúlíl salt was carried inland to Ghánah and other cities of the Blacks.
The road from the same place to Wád Nún was a two months’ journey in
length, going along the sea shore, where fresh water was found by
digging in the sand when the tide was out.[42]

There is little room for doubt or hesitation in determining the position
of Aúlíl. One point only on the whole coast of the Ṣaḥrá can be selected
for it with any show of reason: and that point is in the bay of Arguin,
where the natural deposits of salt, the little island or peninsula, and
the abundance of large tortoises, are all found together; and exactly at
a distance of two months’ journey from Wád Nún, along the shore.[43] At
Arguin also existed, in the fifteenth century, a trade derived from the
natural productions of the place, exactly similar to that ascribed to
Aúlíl in the eleventh century. Since the shores of the Great Desert
offer one locality, and but one, answering to the description given by
El Bekrí of Aúlíl, we must necessarily conclude that this town was
situate in that locality,—namely, near Cape St. Anne in the bay of
Arguin.[44]

Thus it appears that the Benú Goddálah were the possessors of the
maritime region of the Ṣaḥrá, from Cape Blanco southwards. They also
extended far inland (a two months’ journey, as has been already stated),
and were separated by a distance of only six days from the Blacks on the
Great River, and in the vicinity of Ghánah. They were the possessors,
therefore, of the vast country which is now divided among the Ludayas,
Brebísh, Trarzas, Erghebat, and others. Though esteemed the most
powerful of the Berber tribes, they were yet compelled to yield the pre-
eminence to the Lumtúnah, in the wars which immediately preceded the
coalition of both under the name of Morabites. It may be fairly assumed,
therefore, that these great tribes which divided between them the entire
breadth of the Ṣaḥrá where it was least inhospitable, constituted the
main body of the Berber nation to which they belonged; and therefore
that the road to Aúdaghost, which left them on the west, lay near to the
limit of the country occupied by the Zenágah, and consequently passed
through the same tract as the road subsequently traced to Tomboktú.

Having thus examined the routes from Sijilmésah to Ghánah, and briefly
surveyed the state of the western deserts, with a view to illustrate the
geographical position of the latter country, we may now proceed to
consider also its internal condition and character; to inquire who were
its neighbours in Negroland; how these were placed in relation to each
other; and how far the accounts given of them, taken collectively and in
the plainest acceptation, accord with the knowledge which we at present
possess of the interior of Africa.

Aúdaghost, once the residence, as we are told, of the king styled
Ghánah, was situate in a hilly country, on the margin of the desert, but
within the limit of the summer rains. Its water was chiefly drawn from
wells; its irrigated gardens had small extent, yet to eyes accustomed
only to the monotony of the sandy waste, the groups of palm trees around
it formed a luxuriant scene. Its population, gathered from various
tribes in the Belédu-l-Jeríd, belonged chiefly to the Berber nation of
the Zenátah.[45] Nor is it difficult to explain why an isolated Zenátah
population should fix and maintain itself in immediate contact with the
roving and predatory Zenágah; for during the period referred to in these
accounts, Sijilmésah, with which Aúdaghost was connected by ties of
commerce, belonged to the Zenátah. The latter town was, in reality, but
a trading colony on the frontiers of Negroland; and its mercantile
inhabitants, content with the town and trade, seem to have never
affected political independence.

In the year of the Hijra 350 (A.D. 961), the king of Aúdaghost was Tín
Yerátán, son of Wasenbú, of the Zenágah nation. His empire is said to
have had an extent of two months’ journey in length and breadth, and
more than twenty negro kings paid tribute to him. But, at a later
period, Aúdaghost became tributary to Ghánah. This submission of a
Berber people to a nation of Blacks and unbelievers, served as a pretext
to the Morabites, who, in 446, (A.D. 1054, the same year in which they
made themselves masters of Sijilmésah,) destroyed Aúdaghost, carrying
off the women and children into slavery.[46] Arab writers, of a later
date than the fifth century of the Hijra, still speak of Aúdaghost and
its Zenágah rulers. It is not unlikely that, regardless of events, they
only re-echo the words of ancient historians; otherwise, we must suppose
that place to have revived for a short time under the descendants of its
Morabite conquerors. But the same revolution which yielded up the old
and circuitous channel of commerce to the owners of the Western Desert,
must have tended to let it fall into disuse. Under the new state of
things, the Lumtúnah and Masúfah would naturally take the nearest road
to Ghánah, through their own country and over the desert of Tíser; and
thus Aúdaghost would be forgotten.[47]

The trade centering in Aúdaghost embraced not only the gold and slaves
of Negroland, but also the productions of the Western Desert, and of the
shores of the Atlantic Ocean. The skins of the antelope called Dant, or
Lant, were wrought into bucklers by its artisans; who also manufactured
ambergris, their supplies of which, we are told, they owed to their
vicinity to the sea shore.[48] From this it may be concluded, not that
Aúdaghost was near the sea, but that, in those early times, the
possessors of the Western Ṣaḥrá were generally in too wild a state to
allow trade to be carried on through their country; and that
consequently the maritime productions of Aúlíl passed eastwards through
the hands of the Benú Goddálah (who, occupying a favoured tract, had
acquired more settled habits) to Aúdaghost, and thus reached Sijilmésah,
after making the circuit of the domains of the rude Zenágah. El Bekrí
says also, that on the hills round Aúdaghost grew trees yielding the gum
which was used in Spain to dress silks.[49] Though this statement is not
improbable, yet it is more likely that the Benú Goddálah, while
conveying their salt and amber to the interior, likewise carried thither
the produce of their rich gum forests. Wealth in Aúdaghost consisted
chiefly in slaves, of which single individuals sometimes possessed a
thousand each. That mercantile spirit had there fixed its abode in the
midst of natural sterility, is forcibly expressed in the acknowledgment
that slaves were the only luxury of the place. Aúdaghost exhibited the
extreme licentiousness of manners characteristic, as will appear from
other examples occurring in these pages, of all the towns in the
southern border of the great desert, where the traveller, just escaped
from the perils of the wilderness, indulges in the pleasures offered by
a degraded population; and where the recklessness usual in a seaport is
increased by the opportunities of the slave-mart.

After the destruction of Aúdaghost by the Morabites, Aúkár, fifteen days
distant from it towards the south-west, became the capital of Ghánah; or
rather that capital was composed of two towns, viz.—Aúkár, inhabited by
Mohammedans, and containing no less than twelve mosques; and Ghábah,
where the king resided, in the midst of a black population.[50] Dark
woods environed the latter town, and spread a gloom well suited to the
pagan rites for the performance of which they were reserved, and which
often involved the sacrifice of human victims. An interval of six miles,
covered with habitations, separated the two towns. The inhabitants drew
their water from wells. The climate was deadly to all but the natives.

El Bekrí’s description of Ghánah evidently brings us within the limits
of Negroland. It exhibits to us, on the one hand, the Blacks summoned
before their king by beat of drum, sprinkling dust on their heads, and
prostrating themselves in his presence; or performing the rites of their
cruel superstitions in the darkness of their woods: and, on the other,
the Arabs or Berbers dwelling apart in a more elevated and open
situation, and yet suffering from the noxious humidity of the air. But,
it is to be remarked, that he makes no mention of running waters, the
importance of which no Arab author ever overlooks; and indeed, it must
be inferred from that author’s words, that there was no river—certainly
no great river—in the immediate vicinity of the capital of Ghánah.

The Benú Goddálah, who possessed the southern portion of the Ṣaḥrá from
the shores of the ocean eastwards, carried their salt and other
merchandise to the Ṣínghánah, the nearest black nation, from whom they
were separated by a distance of only six days’ journey, and whose chief
city stood on both banks of the Great River, called the Nile of the
Blacks. When it is considered that the Lumtúnah reached within ten days
of Ghánah; that they were separated from the Goddálah by a broad tract
of uninhabitable sand; and that all accounts agree in representing
Ghánah as the most western of the kingdoms of the Blacks,—or, in other
words, that the desert alone intervened between it and the ocean; it
will be apparent that the Ṣínghánah, who were nearest to the Goddálah,
lay towards the south or south-west from Ghánah.[51] South-westward from
the Ṣínghánah, at no great distance, was Tekrúr, and a little further on
stood Silla, both likewise on the Great River or Nile of the Blacks. The
last-named place was twenty days’ journey from Ghánah; and, from what
has been already said, it will be manifest that its bearing from that
capital was between south and south-west.[52]

Going eastward from Ghánah, through Aúghám, a fertile and well-
cultivated district, the traveller arrived in five days at Rás el má, or
the Water-head, “where the Nile issued from the land of the Blacks.” On
the northern bank of the river dwelt the Merásah, a Zenágah tribe. Pagan
blacks inhabited the opposite side. Six days further down the river
stood Tírḳa, a market frequented by the people of Ghánah as well as of
Tádmekkah. From Tírḳa the Nile turned southwards, and in three days
entered the territory of the Seghmárah, a tribe depending on Tádmekkah.
“On the side of the river opposite to them,” observes our author, “is
Kaúkaú, which belongs to the Blacks.”[53]

Tádmekkah was a town situate, like Aúdaghost, on the southern frontier
of the Great Desert. According to El Bekrí, it was fifty days eastward
from Ghánah, fifty from Wérgelán, and forty from Ghodémis.[54] Another
author, whose measures of distance are not so easily appreciated, places
Tádmekkah forty days westwards from Tajúah (in the northern part of
Darfur), through the country of the Molaththemún—that is, the people who
muffle up or conceal their faces (the Tawárik), and thirty days
eastwards from Ghánah, beyond which is the ocean.[55] These intimations
combined will place Tádmekkah in the hilly country north of Aghades. It
owed its name, signifying the Likeness of Mekkah, to its situation
between two hills, in the manner of the Holy City.[56] In the
miscellaneous composition of its mercantile population, and in dissolute
manners, it was the counterpart of Aúdaghost. Our author adds, that it
was nine days from Kaúkaú; but as he appears to be involved in the
general mystification enveloping that name, it will be more convenient
for the present to waive the consideration of so embarrassing a
particular, and to avoid touching on the difficulties attending Kaúkaú
till we can make them the immediate subject of discussion.

The route from Ghánah to Tádmekkah leads us again expressly eastward, in
the following manner: three days to Safnaḳú, a town on the Nile, and the
limit of Ghánah in that direction. Thence along the river to Búgrát, a
town of the Merásah. From Búgrát to Tírḳa, and thence over the desert to
Tádmekkah.[57]

From all this it appears that the capital of Ghánah was three days
distant from the river (at Safnaḳú); and five days from Rás el má, or
the Head of the Water, where the river issued from the land of the
Blacks—that is to say, where it emerged, in its course northwards, from
the marshes and dark forests, and laved the open plains of the desert.
It thence flowed eastwards, for six days, to Tírḳa, where it turned
southwards towards Kaúkaú.

Thus we find the river called by El Bekrí the Nile of the Blacks,
described by him throughout its course for above thirty days with a
distinctness and completeness of detail quite sufficient to enable us to
recognize it with certainty at the present day. If we assume, as we may
reasonably do, that Safnaḳú and Ghánah were equidistant from Silla, then
from this town to the first-named place was a distance of twenty days.
Rás el má stood at least two days further down the stream towards the
east or north-east; Tírḳa was therefore twenty-eight days, and the
commencement of the country of the Seghmárah thirty-one from Silla.

This winding of a great river, in such a compass, from Negroland
northwards to the desert and down again, is a remarkable feature, which
cannot be overlooked or mistaken; and it is one which we find in the
river of Tomboktú at the present day, exactly as it was described in the
river of Ghánah eight centuries ago. And that which renders it more easy
to identify the Nile of Ghánah with the Nile of Tomboktú, is the
circumstance, that the towns situate at the extremities of the great
circuit of the stream comprised within the descriptions of Arab writers,
and near the apex of which the emporium of Negroland has always stood,
still bear the same names as in ancient times. From the modern Silla,
which is evidently identical with the ancient town of that name, a
journey of twenty-two days will conduct to the place where the Great
River gets clear of the greenland or inundated country and touches the
desert, which point is near Tomboktú; thence it flows eastward for six
days, and then turns southward or south-eastward to Kaúkaú.[58] Ibn
Baṭúṭah, who descended the river from Tomboktú to Kaúkaú, omits indeed
to describe the course of his voyage; but Leo Africanus, who likewise
visited those countries, says that Gago, as he writes the name, is four
hundred (Italian) miles south by east from Tomboktú.[59] Nor can we
doubt that the Gago of Leo is identical with the Kaúkaú of Ibn Baṭúṭah,
for Ibn Khaldún expressly informs us that the Kaúkaú here spoken of was
also called Kághó.[60]

The exact parallelism of the rivers of Ghánah and Tomboktú, throughout
such a length of course, the compared portions being in each case
terminated by a Silla on the west, and a Kaúkaú on the east, is of
itself quite sufficient to establish their identity with one another.
There is, in fact, but one great river on the south side of the Ṣaḥrá to
which such descriptions will at all apply. But their resemblance may be
traced much further, through a long series of particulars. The Nile of
Ghánah was navigated in large boats or barques, just as the river
between Jenni and Tomboktú is navigated at the present day.[61] The
Berbers inhabiting the shores of the Ṣaḥrá carried their salt and other
merchandise in the eleventh century to the Sínghánah, who dwelt on the
Great River between Silla and Ghánah: and now they resort in like manner
to the banks of the Great River between Silla and Tomboktú.[62] A part
of the river between Silla and Ghánah was remarkable as the haunt of
hippopotami or river-horses, which animals were killed by the natives,
with javelins attached to cords, for the sake of their skins;[63] and
Ibn Baṭúṭah, while travelling north-eastward to Tomboktú, probably not
far from Jenni, had his attention called to the multitude of those
animals frequenting the river in the vicinity, and gives a similar
account of the means used to destroy them.

Tekrúr, the town or community of Negroland first converted to the
Mohammedan faith, was in the neighbourhood of Silla, as already stated,
and probably eighteen or twenty days south-west, or south-south-west
from Ghánah. It would be, therefore, a decisive proof that this capital
stood not far from the position of Tomboktú, if it could be shown that
the original site of Tekrúr was near the modern Silla. But to touch this
argument here, would be to enter prematurely on the discussion of a
question of some magnitude. The application of the name Tekrúr may be
more conveniently examined further on, when the historical connexion
between Ghánah and Western Negroland shall have been disclosed. For the
present it will be sufficient to observe, that the early history of
Tekrúr seems to be in a great measure appropriated by the
Mandingoes;[64] that the date usually assigned to the conversion of
Ghánah, exactly coincides with the epoch of conversion adopted by the
Mohammedan nations of western Guinea; and that the glory of the first
acceptance of the faith is conceded by undisputed tradition to the
country on the Joliba immediately below Silla.[65]

The Nile of Ghánah turned eastward at Rás el má, the most northern part
of the river, and not more than five days from Ghánah. Towards that
point, therefore, may be said to have been directed the great caravan
route from Sijilmésah to Negroland; and now the frequented route from
the same quarter conducts to the most northern point of the Great River
flowing by Tomboktú, and which, in like manner there turns eastward. It
might be added that since the Kaúkaú and Gago, visited from Tomboktú by
Ibn Baṭúṭah and Leo, are shown to have been the same place, the distance
of 400 Italian miles between that place and Tomboktú, according to the
latter writer, agrees perfectly with the distance of fifteen journeys
between Ghánah and Kúghah, according to El Bekrí, assuming that Kúghah
is here written for Kaúkaú or Kághó; but until the peculiarly equivocal
character of these names be discussed, no reliance can be placed on any
argument involving either of them separately. But they may be dealt with
safely when taken together, and where it is not necessary to
discriminate between them. Now both El Bekrí and El Edrísí mention
Kaúkaú and Kúghah; and if it be conceded that either of these places was
identical with the Kaúkaú or Kághó, which, from the 14th to the 18th
century, ranked as the most important city in Negroland (a supposition
which seems highly probable), then it follows that Ghánah was at least
fifteen days higher up the stream, or, according to the construction of
the Arab geographers, westward from the same place, which was 400 miles
lower down than Tomboktú; and, consequently, was either near the site of
the latter city, or, if remote from it, must have been still further
westward.

Again, the rivers of Ghánah and Tomboktú closely resemble each other in
this respect, that on turning eastward, after attaining their most
northern point, they both approach the limits of the Zenágah, whose
eastern boundary sloped south-eastward from the road to Ghánah, till,
near the river, it reached a distance of ten or twelve days from that
capital; and now its relation to Tomboktú may be described in nearly the
same terms.[66]

The Nile of the Blacks has been thus traced from Silla, a distance of
twenty days north-eastward towards Ghánah; then to a distance of eleven
days eastward from the latter place, and then three days southward,
where our author’s continuous account of its course unfortunately
terminates. But we are again led to it by a route through Negroland, so
obscure and uncertain indeed as to be in itself of little value; but the
discussion of which, as a means of comparing authors, may be indirectly
turned to advantage. We are informed by El Bekrí that much of the gold
collected in Ghánah was brought from Ghaïárú, eighteen days distant from
the former capital, and near the Great River. It is manifest that
Ghaïárú did not lie south-westward from Ghánah, for, in that direction,
a journey of eighteen days near the river brings us into the vicinity of
Tekrúr and Silla, of which our author has already spoken. It must
therefore have been situate down the river, below Kaúkaú, or south-
eastward from Ghánah; and the described route, not following the stream,
must also have gone directly through the interior, till it met the river
after its circuit eastward. It seems necessary to suppose that the route
does not begin from the capital of Ghánah, but from its frontiers and
the opposite side of the river; and also that the day’s journey in
Negroland was a conventional measure, founded perhaps on the speed of
couriers or messengers on horseback, and exceeding that of the loaded
caravan in the desert. The construction here given to this route, as
described by El Bekrí, agrees in the main with that adopted by
subsequent Arab writers, though their misconceptions have in some
instances wholly perverted his meaning.[67] The route was as follows:

From Ghánah four days to Sámaḳanda, the inhabitants of which place were
the most expert archers among the Blacks. Thence two days to Ṭáḳah; one
day more to the branch of the Nile called Zúghú, fordable by camels, but
which men were obliged to cross in boats.[68] Thence to Gharnatil or
Ghúntil, an extensive and powerful country wherein Mohammedans
experienced good treatment, but had no establishment.[69] Elephants and
giraffes were there numerous. From Ghúntil the route went directly to
Ghaïárú, a town twelve miles from the Nile. In the latter place, as well
as in Bersana, a town on the Nile westward of Ghaïárú, were many
Mohammedans, chiefly engaged, it would appear, in the slave trade.[70]
“Beyond Bersana, and at the other side of the river,” says El Bekrí, “is
a great country, eight days in extent, the king of which is called Daúr,
and beyond it is Melil or Malelo, the king of which is a true believer,
while his people are still Pagans.” We may suppose the countries here
mentioned to be the Daúri and Mallawa of modern geography, the former
northward of Kanó, extending towards the desert, the latter a large
region, comprising apparently in the acceptation of the indigenous
population, the north-western portion of the country called Houssa.[71]
But it must be acknowledged that little confidence is due to conjectures
guided only by such obscure and equivocal indications.

Among the countries depending on Ghánah, according to El Bekrí, was
Sámah, four days distant from Ghánah. Its inhabitants, who were called
the Bokmo, used poisoned arrows, and were reckoned the best archers
among the blacks. In this circumstance, as well as in their distance
from Ghánah, they resemble the people of Sámaḳanda; so that we are led
at once to suspect that the latter place was the metropolis of
Samah.[72] But it is a curious coincidence that a people named Bokmo
should be at a short distance from Ghánah, towards the south, and that a
district called Bagamo should have a similar position with respect to
Tomboktú. For Marmol, copying the words of De Barros with a few slight
additions, thus expresses himself respecting the various names of the
rivers of Tomboktú, in conformity with the erroneous opinion prevalent
in his time, that it flowed into the sea by the Senegal. “The Portuguese
(he says) call it Zenega; the Zenagas, Zenedec; the Gelofes, Dengueh:
the Tucorones, further in, call it Mayo; the Saragoles, higher up, name
it Colle; and when it goes through a district called _Bagamo_, more to
the east, they call it Zimbala; in the kingdom of Tombut it is called
Yça.”[73] The name Zimbala or Jimbala has always hovered in the
neighbourhood of Tomboktú and vicinity of the river. Its exact position
has been matter of controversy. Yet there seems little reason for
dissenting from the statement of Caillié, who says that a large tract of
country south of Tomboktú bears that name.[74] The tract in question
therefore must be on the eastern bank of the river between lake Debú and
Tomboktú, and there also we must look for Bagamo.[75]

The King styled Ghánah, while residing in Aúdaghost, aided, we are told,
the King of Másín in a war of the latter with the King of Aúghám. But it
appears that the last-named place was close to Aúkár, subsequently the
capital of Ghánah, and was passed through in going from that city to Rás
el má. One of the belligerent parties being thus found near Ghánah and
the river, it is natural that we should look for the other in the same
neighbourhood; and the conjecture seems as unobjectionable as it is
obvious, that the Másín of El Bekrí is the Másín or Maséna of the
present time, situate on the western side of the Great River, not far
north from Silla.[76] The same writer tells us that to the west of
Ghánah was the hostile country of Anbárah, nine days from Kúghah, which
was fifteen from Ghánah. This statement presents insuperable
difficulties; inasmuch as it contradicts the general testimony which
places Ghánah at the extreme west of the Black nations on the frontiers
of Negroland, and because by referring to Kúghah it introduces the
confusion accompanying that name. If, however, we boldly solve the
problem by supposing Kúghah to be written for Kaúkaú or Kághó, and by
placing Anbárah accordingly south by east from Ghánah, we shall then
recognize it in the warlike state of Oonbori, situate in the Hajri or
mountainous country south of Tomboktú.[77]

But an anonymous Arab writer expresses himself more intelligibly
respecting the political relations of Ghánah; he says that twenty
parasangs or leagues east of that city was Ráyún, or perhaps rather
Ráyawen, the nearest city (on the southern border) of the desert, to
Sijilmésah and Wergelán. Between Ráyawen and Ghánah were the encampments
of the Morabites, with whom the people of the latter place waged war, as
well as with the inhabitants of Amímah, a town, as has been already
observed, not far from Tomboktú towards the west or south-west.[78]

Of the laws and usages of Ghánah, such as were capable of enduring after
subjection to a foreign power and conversion to the Mohammedan faith,
but scanty notices have been transmitted to us. It deserves to be
remarked, nevertheless, that the law of inheritance in Ghánah gave the
preference to the sister’s son, and that the same law remained in force
in the fourteenth century in Waláta, as well as in the Mandingo kingdom
of Málí, where, however, its existence need not create surprise.[79] But
in Waláta, on the border of the desert, with a population chiefly of
Berber origin, the existence of a law so singular, so characteristic of
Guinea, and so exactly coinciding with the law of Ghánah, strongly
argues the influence of Negro rule, and favours the presumption arising
out of what precedes, that Waláta was comprised within the limits of
Ghánah.

One of the customs of Ghánah, transiently mentioned by El Bekrí, calls
for some remark. In the presence of the king, the people prostrated
themselves, and sprinkled their naked bodies with dust. This agrees
exactly with what Ibn Baṭúṭah witnessed and justly reprobated at the
court of Málí.[80] Such slavish manners could never have originated on
the border of the desert, nor where local circumstances give the least
encouragement to the love of independence. They are the manners of
Western Guinea, and cannot be supposed to have ever existed in Houssa, a
hilly country, divided into petty states, each cherishing a rude spirit
of liberty. Succession to power in Houssa, is said to be elective among
the sons; the hereditary principle being thus blended with the exercise
of a popular right.[81] In Bornú it has been always customary to consult
the dignity of the sovereign by concealing him from the vulgar gaze, and
not by debasing the subject. Those admitted to the presence of the king
sit with their backs to the curtain which screens the royal person.[82]

In El Bekrí’s time the dominion of Ghánah extended toward the east but
three days’ journey from the capital. Toward the south it could not have
reached very far. The independent kingdom of Tekrúr was, at the utmost,
eighteen or twenty days distant in that direction. Still nearer was
Ṣínghánah, apparently an independent state, which carried on trade with
the Benú Goddálah. This trade was guided in its channel, as must always
be the case in the early stages of society, by natural circumstances. A
branch of the desert penetrates south-eastward to the very banks of the
Great River, in a tract of which we know not the exact width, but which
embraces the western shores of Lake Debú.[83] Such a road, laid open by
nature, could not fail to exert a great influence on the history of
Negroland. And indeed, the fact that Tekrúr, situate near that part of
the river, was the first converted of the Negro states; that the trade
of the Berbers occupying the sea shore at Aúlíl, and subsequently their
sway also, extended to the same quarter, might alone create a suspicion,
that the tribes of the desert found in that tract of country a nature
congenial to their habits. This suspicion is converted into certainty by
the narrative of Alexander Scott, who crossed the tract in question.[84]
The Berbers were actual possessors of territory south of Ghánah, where
the desert approached the Great River between that country and Tekrúr.
North of Ghánah, the dry desert of Tíser or Azawad was but eight or ten
days distant. In that direction, however, as well as towards the west,
the wilderness opposed no precise limits to the claims of empire, but
allowed pretensions of sovereignty to expatiate freely over territories
of two months’ journey in extent.

Thus we have seen that Ghánah was the frontier kingdom of the Blacks
contiguous to the advanced portion of the Great River at its north-west
angle; and extending in front of that portion of the desert, over which
lay the commerce with Sijilmésah,—a commerce guided by a principle,
which if not strictly unchangeable, at least fluctuates only within
narrow limits,—namely, that of choosing the shortest and safest route
across the desert. It comprised the country between Waláta and the Great
River, near the future site of Tomboktú, and enjoyed the identical
advantages of position which subsequently made the latter city so
prosperous.

But what were the revolutions, it may be asked, which caused Ghánah to
disappear? This question shall be fully answered hereafter; our inquiry
at present regards the place where Ghánah existed, and not the events
which led to its extinction. Yet it will not be alien from our purpose
to observe, that although the name, or rather title, of Ghánah became
politically extinct, and was erased from the list of sovereignties, yet
it still adhered obscurely, in the sixteenth century, to at least one
spot of the territory originally designated by it. For Marmol informs
us, that in his time Walata was also called Ganata; and that he did not
in this instance hazard an erudite conjecture, but spoke the plain
language of habit and experience, is evident as well from the
unostentatiousness of the remark, as from the frequency with which he
indifferently employs these two names one for the other.[85]

Let the reader now recal the account of Negroland, and of Ghánah in
particular, given in the preceding pages; let him fix his attention on
those features of the description pointed out for the purpose of showing
that Ghánah was near the site of Tomboktú; let him consider well that
those features have a magnitude incompatible with the supposition of
their being repeated, and a permanence derived from their dependence on
the physical constitution of the African continent. Let him, in fact,
figure to himself a great and navigable river, flowing from a town
called Silla north-eastwards for three weeks, through the country of the
Blacks who first embraced the Mohammedan faith, skirting the desert
eastwards for six days, and then turning southwards to a place called
Kaúkaú, or Kághó; let him place the emporium of Negroland near the
north-western angle of that river, at a distance of two months’ ordinary
travelling from the shores of the Atlantic, two months from Sijilmésah,
and fifty days from Tádmekkah, not far from the modern Aghades. He may
then trace the road from Sijilmésah to that emporium, dividing the whole
distance into its distinct portions, viz.—eleven days south-westward to
the border of the desert, then six days over the hills, about seventeen
more to the zone of drifting sand, passing near the salt mines of
Tagháza, and eight or ten over an utterly inhospitable tract near the
southern limit of the Ṣaḥrá. Along this road he may distribute the tents
of the wandering Masúfah; and, a little to the east of it, he may mark
the boundary line of the great Berber nation, the Zenágah. Let him then
write above Silla, on the left hand, this remark:—“Trade carried on with
the Berbers on the sea shore;” and below Kaúkaú, on the right,—“Obscure
and little known:”[86] and when, having finished this delineation, he
finds that, though drawn in conformity with the descriptions of Ghánah,
it is yet perfectly applicable to Tomboktú; and that it is equally true
and faithful, whichever of these names be given to the emporium of the
Blacks: then, even if he throw aside all other considerations, such as
the relations of Ghánah with the Morabites and with Mímah, the town
whence Tomboktú derived its Berber population, he certainly cannot
refuse to admit that the Ghánah of Arab writers was contiguous to that
part of the Great River where Tomboktú now stands.

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when numerous accounts of
Barbary were published in Europe, and when the trade of Morocco and
Táfílélt (the ancient Sijilmésah) with Negroland was highly rated, we
find that, besides Tomboktú, whither the routes from Táfílélt and Wád
Nún conducted, no places of any importance in Negroland were mentioned,
except Jenni near Silla, and Gago, which is the same as Kaúkaú. The
caravans across the desert directed their march to the nearest point of
Negroland, and the merchants, arriving there, never looked beyond the
marts with which they could thence maintain a direct intercourse. In the
same manner, and exactly within the same limits, was El Bekrí’s
information circumscribed. He says nothing of the Mandingoes,
Serakholies, Wolofs, Fellatah, or other black nations of the west. He is
equally silent respecting Houssa, toward the south-east. Of Kánem, which
was reckoned to be only forty days distant from Zawílah, he speaks in
terms indicative of the faintness of his knowledge:—“The people,” he
says, “are blacks and idolators; and the country is hardly ever visited
by travellers.”—Thus the analogous modes in which Ghánah and Tomboktú
present themselves respectively to the ancient and modern historians of
Negroland, corroborate the opinion that the site of the former of those
places was in the vicinity of the latter.[87]

In the attempt here made to demonstrate that Ghánah was near the site of
Tomboktú, it will be perceived that no aid has been sought from
etymologies or fancied resemblance of names; much less have such
delusive lights been allowed to guide our investigations. The arguments
urged in the foregoing pages rest wholly on necessary deductions from
the obvious sense of our Arab authorities, without any attempt to wrest
their meaning. The topics touched on in those arguments may be thus
briefly recapitulated:

The description of Ghánah in respect to its bearing and distance from
Sijilmésah—the details of the road to it, and characteristics of the
desert—the relations of Ghánah with the Zenágah, and particularly with
the Morabites—its intercourse with the tribes on the sea shore—the
position of Genéwah—the course of the River—the relations of Ghánah with
Mimah, Másín or Masena, Anbárah, &c.—the name Ganata remaining to
Walata—the laws and usages of Ghánah.

There still remains an argument of no common weight, the substance of
which, though belonging to another part of this inquiry, yet may,
without impropriety, be briefly stated here. The Blacks of the country
named Málí, who, it will be seen, were Mandingoes, issuing from the
south-west, conquered Ghánah. Their empire (to use the words of their
historian) extended from Ghánah in the east, to the ocean in the west.
Nearly a century after that conquest, they advanced eastward (or rather
south-eastward) to Kaúkaú, whence they marched into the desert and made
themselves masters of Tekaddá. They subsequently relinquished, however,
the possession of that place, and retired to Kaúkaú; so that the Great
River formed the boundary of their sway towards the east, with the
exception, perhaps, of a short space below Kaúkaú. Now there can be no
uncertainty respecting the ground over which these conquerors marched.
The celebrated traveller, Ibn Baṭúṭah, visited, in the fourteenth
century, the capital of Málí, on the Joliba above Sego; he thence
travelled to Tomboktú; thence descended the river to Kaúkaú, and from
that place he went to Tekaddá, which was on the road from Kaúkaú to Ghát
and Ghodémis. He thus appears to have followed exactly the course which
had been taken by the Mandingo conquerors; the only difference in his
described route being, that he found Tomboktú where they had found
Ghánah.

                               * * * * *


[Footnote 5: Chénier (Recherches sur les Maures, tom. III. pp. 16 and
79) was the first to pronounce, Walckenaer (Recherches sur l’Afrique
Septentrionale, 1822, p. 285) the first to prove, the identity of
Sijilmésah سجلماسه with Táfílélt تافيلالت. The arguments of the latter
amount to demonstration, and need no reinforcement. Yet we may be
permitted to add, that all the Arab writers, without exception, make
Sijilmésah contiguous to Darʿah درعه; and that the uncritical Marmol,
although he subjoins to his description of Sijilmésah (vol. III. fol. 8)
an account also of Táfílélt, denuded of every circumstance which could
help to determine its geographical position, yet in copying Leo’s list
of the provinces of Numidia, omits Sijilmésah, and substitutes for it
Táfílélt (Leo Africanus, pt. I. c. 5. in Ramusio, 1554, vol. I. fol. 1
V, Marmol, I. fol. 12). The name Táfílélt seems to have come into use
with the rise of the dynasty of the Fílélí sherífs. The tribe, ennobled
by events, gave its name to the country in which it was established. M.
Gråberg af Hemsö, therefore (Specchio di Marocco, 1834, p. 65), who
refuses his assent to M. Walckenaer’s conclusions, and separates
Táfílélt from Sijilmésah for reasons of comparatively little weight,
cannot certainly vindicate his mode of using the former of these names,
by showing that it occurs in the pages of any historian, native or
foreign, anterior to the sixteenth century. The Fílélí tribe or family
are however of ancient standing, for Ibn Baṭúṭah informs us that at
Kaúkaú, in Negroland, in A.D. 1353, he became acquainted with the faḳíh
or doctor, Mohammed the Fílélí الفيلالي.]

[Footnote 6: Ghánah غَانَة and غَانَةَ (MS. B.M.). The final _hé_ ﻪ of
the Arabs, when pointed ﺔ, is pronounced as _t_ before a vowel; غَانَة
and غَانَةَ therefore, when not immediately followed by consonants, are
read Ghánat̤ and Ghánat̤a. But the suppression of the _t_ in this
instance seems to be due altogether to the analogies of the Arabic
language, and probably was not always imitated by the Berbers, in which
language _t_ is a frequent termination. Hence it is not surprising that
in an extract from El Bekrí, sent from Tripoli by M. Gråberg af Hemsö,
to M. Jaubert (Recueil, &c. par la Soc. de Géogr. tom. II. 1825), we
should find Ghánat غَانَتْ constantly written instead of Ghánah غانه.
The importance of this remark will appear hereafter.]

[Footnote 7: The Arabic _wa_ و when it begins a word, is a consonant,
like our _w_. Hence, when the Arabs would write a name beginning with a
long _o_ or _u_, they are obliged to prefix an aleph ا to the wa و to
preserve to the latter its vocal function; thus اودغست, اوليل, اوكار,
would be written to express Odaghost or Udagost, Olíl or Ulíl, Okár or
Ukár. The áú او may be also intended for a diphthong. But it must be
observed that the prefixed aleph in the Berber language is a sign of
case, and may have other offices; there is some temerity therefore in
excluding the form Awadagost, and in reading Berber names according to
the analogies of a foreign language.]

[Footnote 8: Not. et Extr. p. 642. The reasons for concluding that Aúkár
lay to the south-west of Aúdaghost, will be shown hereafter. El Bekrí
states more than once that Ghánah was the king’s title. Not. et Extr.
pp. 630 and 642.]

[Footnote 9: Támedelt تَامدَلتْ (MS. B.M.) is read by M. Quatremère,
Tamdoult. Sús el Aḳṣa, i.e. the remote Sús, is the most southern
province of Morocco, on the confines of the desert.]

[Footnote 10: The routes to Ghánah and Aúdaghost went southward,
according to Abulfedá, but this expression need not be strictly
understood. (Abulfedá’s Geography, translated by Reiske in Büsching’s
Magazin, vol. IV. 212, V. 354). Tomboktú is here spelt as dictated by
Ibn Baṭúṭah. The river of Negroland, which, in the successive parts of
its course is named Joliba, Issa, Quorra, &c., and which theory and
false learning have styled the Niger, will be generally denominated,
throughout the following pages, _the Great River_.]

[Footnote 11: Caillié reckoned fifty-seven days of actual travelling
between Tomboktú and Táfílélt.]

[Footnote 12: Mabrúk is said by some (Itinerary of Ḥáj Ḳásim, in
Walckenaer, Rech. p. 426) to be eleven days, by others (Mohammed of
Tripoli, in the Quarterly Review, No. 45, p. 231) fifteen from
Tomboktú.]

[Footnote 13: Since the intercourse between Fez and Támedelt need not be
considered as merely commercial, it would be injudicious to measure the
routes between them by the journeys of a loaded caravan. El Bekrí (Not.
et Extr. p. 598) reckons eight days’ journey between Fez and Sijilmésah,
but one of them was a long journey (across the desert of Angad) of sixty
miles. Abulfedá makes the distance between these cities to be ten days’
journey. We reckon nine days, so as make the whole distance of Fez from
Támedelt twenty days’ journey, and allow twenty-two geographical miles
to each. The bearing of Támedelt from Iklí is said to have been in the
direction of the Ḳibla بقبلي (MS. B.M. fol. 105), or temple of Mekkah,
towards which the followers of Mohammed turn their faces when they pray.
The direction of the Ḳibla is understood in Morocco, according to Windus
(Journey to Morocco, p. 49) to mean east by south.]

[Footnote 14: The caravans from Sijilmésah to Ghánah, like those to
Tomboktú, assembled on the confines of Sús, Darʿah, and the desert.
Tatta, the gathering place of the merchants going to Tomboktú, as placed
by Major Rennell, on information derived from the British consul at
Mogadore (Proceedings of the African Assoc. 1810, vol. I. p. 254), is
not more than two days distant from the site of Támedelt; and El Harib,
the point at which Caillié, travelling northward, quitted the desert,
was but four or five days distant from these places.]

[Footnote 15: Bír el Jemmálín بير الجمالين (MS. B.M. fol. 101), the
Camel-keepers’ well. M. Quatremère (Not. et Extr. p. 612) reads Bír el
Ḥammálín, that is, the Porters’ well. But as this name occurs in the
route from Wádi Darʿah, it is fortunate that a pointed MS. enables us to
distinguish clearly between those two places, the proximity of which
would conduce to the embarrassment likely to result from their being
confounded together.]

[Footnote 16: Azawwar أزَوَّرْ MS. B.M. fol. 102; Azour in Not. et Extr.
p. 613. This name may, with much probability, be read Azawwad ازود, that
is, the dry or sterile country.]

[Footnote 17: Tendefas تندفس MS. B.M. fol. 102; Tendefak, Not. et Extr.
p. 613. Weínhílún وَيْنهيْلُون MS. B.M.; Wirhaloun, Not. et Extr.]

[Footnote 18: Tázḳa تازقَي MS. B.M.; Tarka, Not. et Extr. This word,
written _Taskha_ by Capt. Lyon (Travels in North Africa, p. 315), is
still retained in the dialect of the Tawárik.]

[Footnote 19: Weíṭúnán ويْطُونان MS. B.M.—Aúkázenta اوكازنْتَ MS. B.M.;
Oukarit, Not. et Extr.]

[Footnote 20: Sidi Hamed, leaving Wád Nún, went six days round the
mountains towards the south, that is, he cleared the hills on the sixth
day. He then travelled fifteen days over hard ground, on which the
camels left no trace; then three days on hard sand, and then entered the
hills of drifting sand. Riley’s Narrative of the Shipwreck of the brig
Commerce, p. 322.]

[Footnote 21: The Harib of Caillié, who was not fortunate in seizing the
sounds of the Arabic and Berber languages, ought probably to be Gharíb
غريب M. D’Avezac (Bulletin de la Soc. de Géog. 1834, tom. II. p. 169)
proposes reading ʿArib; but since the tribe of the Gharíb is mentioned
in M. Gråberg af Hemsö’s list of Berber names (Journal Roy. Geog. Soc.
vol. VII. p. 255) and Marmol (tom. III. fol. 9,) places a tribe named
Garib in the neighbourhood of Tatta, we cannot avoid concluding that the
French traveller means to speak of the same tribe as the last-named
author, and that its true name is El Gharíb. But in the map drawn by M.
Jomard to illustrate Caillié’s journey, the position of El Harib is even
more faulty than its orthography. It detracts little from Caillié’s
merit to say, that under all the circumstances of his journey his
observations of the compass were worth but little, and his estimates of
distance are not to be implicitly relied on. Nineteen miles a day for
the average of forty-three days between Tomboktú and El Harib, and
twenty-nine miles daily during the worst part of the journey, over deep
and burning sands, are rates of travelling much too high for a loaded
caravan. By the undue lengthening of the early part of the route, El
Harib has been carried about fifty miles too far north, so that Tatta,
instead of being north-west of it, according to the traveller’s text, is
made to lie to the south-west. All the other bearings described are in
like manner displaced. M. D’Avezac has corrected this error of latitude,
but has, at the same time, unfortunately introduced a new error of
longitude, and carried all his positions too far eastward.]

[Footnote 22: Quart. Rev. No. 75, 1828, p. 102; Edinburgh Phil. Journal,
vol. IV. p. 42.]

[Footnote 23: Wanzamín ونزمين MS. B.M.; Wabermin, Not. et Extr. p. 614.]

[Footnote 24: Wárán وارَان. The name of the inhabitants of this part of
the desert has been read by M. Quatremère, Benú Hareth, instead of Benú
Wareth وارث; but the restoration of this name is important; since we
learn from another passage in El Bekrí that the Benú Wareth were to the
east of the Lumtúnah; and are thus enabled to perceive that the road to
Aúdaghost lay eastwards from the road to Ghánah.—Agharef أَغَرَفْ MS.
B.M. 102 v.—Akríri اقرٮري Not. et Extr. p. 615. اقرٮٮدى MS. B.M.]

[Footnote 25: Azjúnán (pronounced Azgúnán) ازجونان MS. B.M.; Arkounat,
Not. et Extr.]

[Footnote 26: In Nubia showers of rain are of rare occurrence north of
the 18th parallel (Rüppell, Reisen in Nubien, &c. p. 75). Denham
(Travels, &c. I. p. 164) fixed the first appearance of fresh vegetation
and the limit of the tropical rains on his route to Bornú, near the 16th
parallel, which is probably too low for the limit of rain. Tomboktú, we
are told, has annually six weeks or more of rain (Proc. Afr. Assoc. I.
p. 285; Narrative of R. Adams, p. 42)—and this blessing seems to extend
some distance north-eastward of it (Riley’s Narrative, p. 346). Towards
the coast the gum forests which extend as far north as the 18th degree
of latitude probably do not fall far short of the limit of regular
rains.]

[Footnote 27: Tarḳá ترقا Not. et Extr. p. 623; Tárga تارجي MS. B.M. 105
r.—Tezámt تزامت MS. B.M. 105 v; Baramet, Not. et Extr. p. 624.—Bir el
Ḥammálín بير الحمالين—Máleki مالكي Not. et Extr. p. 264; Nálelli ناللِّي
MS. B.M. 105 v.]

[Footnote 28: In the Parisian MS. the expression is “the mountains, the
name of which, in Berber, signifies _the mountains of iron_.” Not. et
Extr. 624. But the MS. B.M. gives the Berber name Adarérén wazzél
ءَاَدَرَارَانْ وَزّالْ in which Adarérén is the plural of Adrar, a
mountain, and wazzél, iron, corresponds with the _ouzail_ of Shaw’s
vocabulary (Travels in Barbary, II. p. 382).]

[Footnote 29: Yentesír ينْتسِير, MS. B.M.; Belis, Not. et Extr.—Moddúken
مُدُّوكَن MS. B.M.; Merouken, Not. et Extr. From the village of
Moddúken, which belonged to the Zenágah, to the city of Ghánah مَدَينة
غَانة was a journey of only four days. But for Ghánah in this place M.
Quatremère proposes reading Akka, عاقه, being perplexed by the
faultiness of his MS. which seems to conduct beyond Ghánah to the
country of the Lumtúnah. The MS. B.M. p. 105 v, clears up the difficulty
by these words; “and from the wells before mentioned, (viz. the wells of
El Ḥammálín and Nálelli,) the water is carried a four days’ journey to
Mount Aízal or Izal ايزَلْ in the desert,” &c. Thus the road to the
desert (the Lumtúnah not being named in this passage) does not begin
from Ghánah, but from “the before-mentioned wells.” Jebel Aízal may be
suspected of being another form of Adarérén Wazzél.]

[Footnote 30: The name Tíser تيسر (Jaubert’s Idrísí. Recueil de Mém. &c.
tom. V. p. 106) is extremely doubtful. Some of the MS. copies of Idrísí
have Níser نيسر, others Nesír نسير. The epitome offers Bansar بنسر;
Abulfedá writes Yasr يسر.]

[Footnote 31: El Bekrí (Not. et Extr. 624) gives to the absolutely
waterless desert between Sijilmésah and Ghánah, an extent of eight days’
journey. Sheríshí, in his commentary on Harírí (Maḳámah 9) gives it a
width of ten days. Ibn el Wardi increases it to twelve days, and El
Idrísí (Jaubert’s Transl. p. 106) to fourteen. It was natural enough
that the first of these writers, who may be supposed to have derived
much of his information from the early Morabites themselves, should
receive a less exaggerated account of the inhospitable nature of the
western desert than those who followed him.]

[Footnote 32: The road to Aúdaghost passed through the territory of the
Benú Wáreth. But this tribe were to the east of the Lumtúnah, through
whose country was traced the road to Ghánah (see note 24). And Ghánah
was at least four days south of the desert of Tíser, while Aúdaghost was
east of that desert, according to Abulfedá (Büsching’s Magazin, vol. IV.
p. 212). El Idrísí also places Aúdaghost in the northern part of the
kingdom of Ghánah; and by stating its distance from Wergelán and Jermah,
he plainly intimates that it was likewise in the eastern part. All these
particulars combine to prove that Aúdaghost was to the north-east of
Ghánah.]

[Footnote 33: Ibn Baṭúṭah travelled at the slow rate of a heavily laden
caravan. Halts included, he was two months in reaching Aïwalátin, or
Walata, on the southern border of the desert. His accounts of the pools
of Táserahlá which shall be given hereafter, exactly correspond with El
Idrísí’s description of the wells of Tíser. In Jaubert’s ‘Idrísí’ (p.
11), is the following passage: “Il y existe cependant des mares d’eau de
pluie qu’on rencontre après deux, quatre, cinq ou douze journées de
marche, semblables à celle du désert situé sur la route de Sedjelmasa à
Ghana, et où l’on ne trouve de l’eau qu’au bout de quatorze jours de
marche.” Instead of the word _desert_ in this place, the Epitome of El
Idrísí has the name Bansar بنسر, evidently for Tíser تيسر.]

[Footnote 34: Leo Afr. pt. VI. c. 54. Marmol writes Azaoat. Beyond, or
eastward of the desert of the Zenágah, Leo places that of the Zuenziga,
“which extends from Segelmesse, Tebelbelt, and Benigorai, to the desert
of Ghir, in the south, which faces the kingdom of Gubar. On the west it
has Tegaza, and on the east the desert of Air, inhabited by the Targa
tribe (the Tawárik).” It is manifest that the several divisions of the
desert described by Leo (pt. VI. c. 54-8), all extend from north-west to
south-east, conformably to the boundary line which we have ascribed to
the country of the Zenágah on the east. It is plain also, that these
people were not in the vicinity of the Houssa country. The desert of
Ghir brings to mind the Káhir كاهر of Ibn Baṭúṭah; but we can have no
doubt that the Air of Leo is the country of Ahír (Ḥáj Ḳásim in
Walckenaer, Rech. p. 448) or Aáheer (ʿAhír?), which we learn from Sultan
Bello (Denham’s Travels, II. 447, where Aáheer is erroneously said to be
south of Bornú) to be the portion of the desert lying north of Houssa
and Bornú. But it appears that the name in question has extended further
southwards since Leo’s time, a proof that the Tawárik have been gaining
ground.]

[Footnote 35: The account of Major Laing’s journey to Tomboktú
(Quarterly Review, July 1828, p. 103-5), after stating that he was
attacked by the Tawárik, makes frequent mention of _Azoad_, whence, on
recovering from his wounds, he wrote his last letter. Caillié mentions
“the tribe of Zaouât, who wander in the desert of _the same name_”
(Voyage à Temboctou, tom. II. p. 349). It was the Sheikh of this tribe,
Hamet aúlád Habíb, who put Major Laing to death, meeting him five days
north of Tomboktú, on the road to Arawan. The name of this murderer
brings to mind the fact that the chief wells on the roads to Aúdaghost
and Ghánah were dug by a Sheikh of the Aúlád Habíb. It is plain that the
tribe called Zaouât by Caillié, were so named from their country; and it
is probable that he, or the editor of his volumes, deprived the name
Azawad of its initial letter, in the belief that it was thereby freed
from the Arabic article. The desert of Azawad is described by Lyon
(Trav. in N. Afr. p. 148) under the name of ʿAsheríyah, or _the ten
days’_ desert.]

[Footnote 36: Marmol, Descripcion de Africa, vol. I. fol. 34 r. In
another place, however, (vol. III. fol. 16,) he uses the name Genéwah in
a restricted sense, and says that the Zenágah have on the south, “the
Benais, Gelofes, the kingdoms of Gualata, Geneúa, Meli, and
Tumbuto”—Genéwah being here evidently identified, by hypothesis, with
Jenni.]

[Footnote 37: Kitábu-l-Jʿaráfíyah (Book of Geography), &c. MS. in the
collection of D. P. de Gayangos. This anonymous work, though ill
written, contains much which is not to be found in El Idrísí and his
numerous copiers.]

[Footnote 38: Arkí أَركِي MS. B.M. fol. 107; Azdji أَرجي Not. et Extr.
p. 629.—The copies of El Idrísí present this name in a variety of forms.
In M. Jaubert’s translation of this author (p. 206), there is the
following passage: “La ville s’appelle Azoucaï ازقي en langue Berbère,
et Cocadam قوقدم en génois.” By _génois_ we are here to understand the
language of the Genéwah. But the name here read Cocadam, or, as we
should write it, Ḳúḳdem, deserves a moment’s notice. Leo Africanus
informs us (pt. VI. c. 55) that the caravans from Telemsén to Tomboktú,
pass over a difficult tract of desert, where no water is found for nine
days, and which is named Gogdem. It is probable that this desert, as
well as the town further west, owed its name to wanderers from Goghidem,
a mountain of central Atlas, in the province of Hascora, of whose
emigration Leo himself furnishes the explanation (pt. II. c. 71). Arkí,
the chief town of the Lumtúnah, is placed by El Idrísí, seven days from
Wád Nún. As little reliance, however, can be placed on that author’s
measures, we may allow Arkí to be even fourteen days from Wád Nún, and
yet its site will not be eastward of the road to Tomboktú. But,
according to El Idrísí (_ut supra_), those who went to Silla, Tekrúr,
and Ghánah, passed near it of necessity. Our knowledge of the position
of Mímah, or Amímah, we owe to Ibn Baṭúṭah, whose narrative shall be
examined further on.]

[Footnote 39: Ghánah, in the country of Genéwah, من بلاد جناوه is an
expression frequently used by the same author. Where others would have
written Beléd es-Súdán, or land of the Blacks, he always writes Genéwah.
This name, indeed, became in Morocco the general designation of blacks
and slaves. Thus we are told that Muley Hamed grew rich “by husbanding
his Maseraws (oil-mills) and Ingenewas (slave farms) where his sugar
canes did grow. (A True Historical Discovery of Muley Hamet’s Rising,
&c. 1609, c. 3.) The initial letter of the name Genéwah جناوه being
pronounced hard by the Moors, the southern Europeans, in imitation of
them, wrote Chinoia, Gheneoa, and Ghinéa; from which we, by throwing
back the accent, made Guinea. “The kingdom, says Leo (pt. VI. c. 3),
called by our merchants (the Moors) Gheneoa, is by the natives called
Genni, and by the Europeans who have any knowledge of it, Ghinea.” It is
certain that Ghinéa and Guinea are derived from Genéwah; but we see no
sufficient reason to admit that the name of the city of Genni or Jenni
has the same origin. But since general names, not merely appellations,
are rare among a rude people, it is natural for us to inquire what was
meant by Genéwah, or, to conform to the sound, Ghinéwah. Did it mean
_the Blacks_? On the coast, the negroes contiguous to the Whites are,
for contra-distinction, named in their own language Wolof, that is,
_Blacks_. The name Jelofe (Wolof) is used in this general sense by
Marmol (III. fol. 27 v). And why should not the people of the interior
designate themselves according to the same universal and simple
principle? Now, in the language of Tomboktú, _gnewa_, or, as Major
Rennell, who had the original information, writes it, _genewa_,
signifies Black (Proc. Afr. Ass. I. p. 124 and 428), so that we are
justified in suspecting at least that we have here found the origin of
the name Genéwah.]

[Footnote 40: Not. et Extr. p. 629.]

[Footnote 41: The extent of desert here assigned to the Benú Goddálah,
may enable us, if carefully considered, to ascertain their interior
limits towards Ghánah. Numerous authorities, which need not be here
cited, agree in estimating the distance of Tomboktú from Táfílélt or
Morocco to be, in general terms, a two months’ journey. The more
circumstantial accounts reckon, between Tomboktú and Akka, Tatta, or El
Harib, near the frontiers of Sús and the desert, thirty-six (Jackson’s
Morocco, p. 241)—forty-three (Shabeeny’s Narrative, by Jackson, p. 7)—or
thirty-nine days (Caillié, Journal, &c.), exclusive of halts. We find
the distance of Tatta from Tomboktú estimated also at fifty days
(Proceedings of the African Association, vol. I. p. 225). Davidson
(Notes on a Journey in Africa, 1839, p. 101) learned that the courier’s
track from Wád Nún to Tomboktú is travelled in forty days, and that from
the same place to Jenni is usually reckoned a distance of sixty days,
though frequently traversed in less time (Notes, &c. p. 113). But it
must be observed, that, with respect to caravans, the time allowed for
halting at the chief wells often exceeds that spent in travelling. Now
to estimate the longitudinal dimensions of the western desert, we have
the distance of forty days’ journey from Arguin to the French factory at
Fort St. Joseph, on the Senegal, and from the latter point forty-eight
days to Tomboktú, the latter distance being established by a concurrence
of testimony which places it beyond dispute (D’Anville, Mem. de l’Acad.
tom. XXVI. p. 73; Rennell in Proc. of Afr. Assoc. vol. II. pp. 225,
464). Circuits being allowed for, these distances combined will place
Tomboktú about two months and a half from Arguin. In confirmation of
this conclusion, we find that Sidi Hamet (Riley’s Narrative, p. 319),
taking the road by the sea shore, travelled from Wád Nún southwards for
four months to the borders of Negroland, and then went eastward two
months to Tomboktú. On his return he travelled westward one month, and
encamped at a little Negro town called Jathrow—probably the Dgazzara of
M. Roger’s informant (Rec. de Voy. II. p. 62), whose estimate of
distances, however, uniformly fall far short of the reality. Sidi Hamet
then turned northward, and reached Wád Nún in three months and a half.
Though the people dwelling on the margin of the desert are apt to talk
of speedy journeys, as was experienced by Park and Davidson, yet the
inhabitants of the wilderness itself, having little provision and weak
cattle, which they pasture as they go, rarely travel at a rate exceeding
twelve or thirteen miles a day. Alexander Scott (Edinburgh Phil. Jour.
vol. IV.), a shipwrecked sailor, and captive in the desert, travelled
from the vicinity of Cape Bojador two months and a half, to the line of
gum forests, which lie chiefly between the 17th and 18th parallels, and
then continued his march for another month before he reached Lake
Dibbie, which is formed by the waters of the Great River. It is needless
to collect more authorities to show that a desert of two months in
extent and bounded by the Atlantic, must be supposed to lie wholly
westward of Tomboktú.]

[Footnote 42: Aúlíl اوليل. It is also written Aúlílí اوليلي by Ibn el
Wardi and others. It is probably a variation of the name Walílí وليلي,
formerly belonging to a village near Fez, and also to Tangier.]

[Footnote 43: If the well-ascertained route of forty-eight days from
Fort St. Joseph to Tomboktú, measured on Mr. J. Arrowsmith’s map, be
taken as the scale, and sixty days be then measured along the shore from
Wád Nún, it will exactly reach Arguin. But the Benú Goddálah, possessing
a desert of two months in extent, were separated by a six days’ journey
from the Ṣínghánah, who dwelt on the river between Silla and Ghánah. Now
from Arguin to the nearest point of the Great River, towards the east,
is a distance of about sixty-eight days’ journey, measured as above. It
is necessary, therefore, if we would treat El Bekrí as a sensible and
sober writer, to infer that Aúlíl was at Arguin, and that the Ṣínghánah
dwelt near Lake Debú, between Silla and Tomboktú.]

[Footnote 44: At Cape St. Anne, in the bay of Arguin, where the beds of
salt are found, is a small island which appears to answer El Bekrí’s
description. Labat (L’Afrique Occidentale, tom. I. p. 58) says of it,
“On trouve à la pointe de la Saline une petite isle qui ne se distingue
presque pas du continent.” De Barros (Decad. I. liv. I. c. 10) explains
why Arguin is the only inhabited spot on the shores of the Desert.]

[Footnote 45: El Bekrí in Not. et Extr. p. 630. It is Abulfedá, who,
quoting Ibnu Sʿaïd, informs us (Büsching’s Mag. IV. 205,) that Aúdaghost
was within the limit of the rains.]

[Footnote 46: Not. et Extr. p. 631. The fact that the campaign of the
Morabites in one year embraced both Aúdaghost and Sijilmésah, is enough
to show that the former place was contiguous to the Western Ṣaḥrá.]

[Footnote 47: The language of El Idrísí (Rec. de Voy. V. p. 109), paints
the decay of Aúdaghost: he describes it to be “a little town, deficient
in water; with a scanty population and miserable trade, which consists
in camels.” This is the town which modern geographers, induced by a
supposed resemblance of names—though Rennell (Geogr. Illust. of Park’s
Journey, in Proc. of Afr. Assoc. I. p. 501,) took the precaution to
convert Aúdaghost into Agadost—have chosen to identify with Aghades, or
Aghdes, which Leo Africanus (pt. VII. c. 9), writing in 1541, calls “a
city built by the moderns;” while Marmol (III. fol. 24), more precise,
says that it was founded 160 years before the time of his writing, or in
1438.]

[Footnote 48: Not. et Extr. p. 630. Bucklers made of the skins of the
Dant or Lant (probably el-ant), which is supposed to be the _Antilope
Leucorix_, were chiefly manufactured in Wád Nún. By the amber carried to
Aúdaghost from the sea shore, we must understand ambergris, to which El
Idrísí alludes when describing the western shores of Africa (Rec. de
Voy. pp. 64 and 135).]

[Footnote 49: Not. et Extr. p. 615.]

[Footnote 50: Ghábah غابه MS. B.M. fol. 112 r; Alghábat الغابت Rec. de
Voy. II. p. 2; Ghaïah غايه Not. et Extr. 643. The predominant idea in
the meaning of the name Ghábah or Ghábat̤, which is undoubtedly the true
reading, is _obscurity_: lowness of situation and overhanging gloom are
both implied by it.]

[Footnote 51: Ṣínghánah صينغانه. Caillié (tom. II. p. 237) mentions a
place called Sangouno, on the left bank of the Great River, three or
four days from Jenni.—Tekrúr تكرور.]

[Footnote 52: Silla سلي, سيلي, and سلا. El Bekrí mentions cotton as one
of the chief productions of this country; no house, he says, was without
its cotton tree. Leo, in like manner, says (pt. VII. c. 3), that cotton
was the staple merchandise of Jenni, which is but two days from Silla;
and Caillié observed the general cultivation of that article in the
country south-westward of Jenni (tom. II. pp. 156-167.) The people of
Silla, being slave-dealers, made constant war on their pagan neighbours,
of whom the nearest were the Kalembú قلنبو, a day’s journey distant. Now
the district of Negroland at present characterized by the termination
_bú_, is that contiguous to the modern Silla towards the west, and on
the northern side of the river. There we find Modiboo, Doolinkeaboo,
Fanimboo, &c., within a small compass. “From Tarankat̤i ترنْقَةِ (MS.
B.M. fol. 111 r), near Silla, the inhabited country (says our author)
extends to Záfḳú زافقو” which name M. Quatremère reads Afnou (Not. et
Extr. p. 641). But if we suppose that a Nún ﻨ is here mistaken for the
Maghrebí Kaf ڧ, the two readings will be reconciled in Zafnú, the Jafnoo
of our maps, which is a very likely limit to our author’s exact
information. To point out unequivocally the direction in which his
narrative led him, he adds, that “the country continues populous to the
ocean.”]

[Footnote 53: Aúghám اوغام MS. B.M. 1140; Audagam اودعام Not. et Extr.
p. 651—Merásah مراسه—Tírḳa تيرْقَي MS. B.M.—Tádmekkah تادمكه—Seghmárah
سغمارة—Kaúkaú كوكو.]

[Footnote 54: Not. et Extr. pp. 652, 653. The ten journeys allowed
between Wérgelán وارجلان MS. B.M., وارقلان Not. et Extr., and Ghodémis
غُدامِس, show the scale by which we are to measure this route, and allow
us to stretch the forty journeys between the latter place and Tádmekkah
farther than could be done without such an intimation.]

[Footnote 55: Macrízí, in Hamaker’s Specimen Catalogi Cod. Or. MSS.
Academiæ Lugd. Bat. pp. 207, 9. In the passage in question M. Hamaker
reads Taoumcah تاومكه, instead of which it is an obvious correction to
restore Tádmekkah تادمكه. If we increase forty in the ratio of thirty to
fifty, the numbers by which our authors respectively measure the
distance between Ghánah and Tádmekkah, we shall have sixty-six days for
the distance of the latter place from the Tajúah, according to El
Bekrí’s scale. The Tajúah or Tajuwín of the Arabs, are the people whom
Browne calls Dageou (Travels in Africa, p. 325), and who once ruled
Darfur.]

[Footnote 56: The name Tádmekkah signified The Likeness of Mekkah, (Not.
et Extr. p. 653.) But Ned Roma, as Leo informs us (pt. IV. c. 6),
signified The Likeness of Rome. A single point in Arabic writing
discriminates between these two prefixes. But since El Bekrí, who writes
Tádmekkah, also writes Nádrúmah, we must be satisfied to ascribe the
apparent discrepancy, in this case, to difference of dialect. But it may
be here remarked, that the pages of Leo Africanus are not quite free
from the inaccuracies which originate in an unpointed Arabic text. They
offer, for instance, Perzegreg for Ber Zegzeg, Nefreoa for Nefzeoa,
Amarig for Amazig, and frequently Ibn Racu for Ibn Rachic. In the early
French translation of Leo (by Jean Temporal, 1556), we find also
Cairaran frequently written for Cairaoan, Azarad for Azaoad, and Araran
for Araoan. Whether these errors have been all copied from the version
of Leo in the first edition of Ramusio’s first volume, we have not had
the means of determining; but the second edition of Ramusio (1554) is
free from the more glaring of them.]

[Footnote 57: Safnaḳú سفنقوا—Búghrát بوغرات MS. B.M. 115 v; Not. et
Extr. 652.]

[Footnote 58: Silla is fourteen days from Tomboktú by land, and a month
by water. From these extremes it is easy to derive the distance assigned
above. Sidi Hamed (in Riley’s Narrative, p. 334) going from Tomboktú to
Houssa, first travelled six days along the river, a little south of east
till he came to hills, where the stream turned southwards.]

[Footnote 59: “Verso mezzogiorno, e quasi inchina alla parte di
scilocco.” Pt. VII. c. 3.]

[Footnote 60: The statements of this valuable writer, as well as the
journey of Ibn Baṭúṭah, will be given at length further on.]

[Footnote 61: Jaubert’s Idrísí, in the Rec. de Voy. V. p. 17; Ibn el
Wardí.]

[Footnote 62: Alexander Scott, in his pilgrimage beyond the Great River,
found that the desert continues to the very shores of Lake Debú, where
there was a town or encampment of the Orghebets (Raghabát?)—Edinb. Phil.
Journ. vol. IV. p. 43.]

[Footnote 63: Not. et Extr. p. 640.]

[Footnote 64: The people of Melli (Málí), according to Leo (pt. VII. c.
4), were the first to embrace the Mohammedan faith.]

[Footnote 65: This point will be more fully considered when we come to
speak of Tekrúr.]

[Footnote 66: The Brebísh often encamp eastward of Tomboktú, in which
quarter nevertheless the Tawárik seem to have gained ground on the
Zenágah.]

[Footnote 67: It is a strong argument in favour of the construction here
given to the route to Ghaïárú غيارُوا (MS. B.M. 1120), that it
establishes a uniform and consistent method in El Bekrí’s narrative.
That author begins his account of Negroland with the Ṣínghánah, who
traded with the Benú Goddálah in the west. He then goes to the south-
west to Silla and Tekrúr; then having mentioned Ghánah, he passes to the
route to Ghaïárú, and finally turns due east, and describes the route to
Tádmekkah. It is requisite for clearness and exact order, that the route
to Ghaïárú should lie between the south-west and the east.]

[Footnote 68: Sámaḳanda سامَقَنْدَي MS. B.M. 113 r; Sámaghondi
سَامَغُنْدِي Rec. de Voy. II. p. 4. The corruptions of this name, which
is probably significant, are enumerated in the notes to Hartmann’s
Idrísí, p. 42.—Ṭáḳah طاقة MS. B.M.; Ṭáḳat طاقت Rec. de Voy. p. 5; Tanah,
Not. et Extr. p. 646.—Zúgú زوغُوا MS. B.M.; Zoghárá زُغَارَا Rec. de
Voy.; Rougou, Not. et Extr.]

[Footnote 69: Gharnatil غرنتل MS. B.M.; Garbil, Not. et Extr. عُونْتِل
Oʿuntil, Rec. de Voy. This latter reading brings to mind the place
called by Mohammed Maséní (Clapperton’s Second Journey, p. 330), Oodel
or Goodel (with the same doubtful initial letter), where the Great River
is crossed between Sokkatú and Maséna. In the absence of better
guidance, Ghúntil غونتل shall be here assumed to be the true reading,
and the name of the identical place called Goodel by Bello’s servant.]

[Footnote 70: The MS. B.M. fol. 113, has Yersana يرسني, which seems too
violently opposed to the other MSS. In the Rec. de Voy. and Not. et
Extr. it is Bersa برسي.—This is the Berísa بريسي of Idrísí, the Berísá
بريسا of Abulfedá. Bersana was the resort of certain negroes who brought
gold from the interior, and were called Benú Nʿamrát بَنو نَعمْرَات
(Rec. de Voy. p. 7), or Wangamranah ونعمراٮه (Not. et Extr. p. 647), or
Benú Zammakhrátah بنو زمخْراتة (MS. B.M. 113 v). It is plain that the
text translated in the Not. et Extr. has been curtailed of the first two
letters of the name, but if these be supplied, together with the
diacritic points, it agrees with the text of the Rec. de Voy. The name,
therefore, will be Benú Nʿamrátah, or Namrát. But who can be the negroes
bearing such a name? Sultan Bello informs us, (Appendix to Denham and
Clapperton’s Travels, vol. II. p. 454) that the people of Yarba or
Yariba “originated from the remnants of the children of Canaan, who were
of the tribe of Nimrod.” The people of Yariba therefore seem to be the
Benú Nʿamrát. But to this it may be objected that Nʿamrát is not the
correct Arabic mode of writing Nimrod. Truly not; neither can the blacks
of Yariba, we verily believe, prove their descent from the great hunter.
But the name and the historical tradition in this case are both equally
spurious; they were both probably suggested by a sound—we think indeed,
by the same sound, or, in other words, we believe that the name which
was shaped into Benú Nʿamrát, and afterwards into Benú Nemrúd or
descendants of Nimrod, belonged to the people of Yariba.]

[Footnote 71: Daur دور Not. et Extr. p. 647; Daú دوْ MS. B.M. fol. 113
v.; Dawa دَوَ Rec. de Voy. II. p. 7.—Malelo مَللُ MS. B.M.; Malik مَلكْ
Rec. de Voy. For the various readings of the names Ghaïárú (Ganarah of
D’Herbelot) and Ghuntil, see Hartmann’s Edrísí.]

[Footnote 72: In the Kissour language, spoken, according to Caillié, in
Tomboctú, Jenni, and in the intervening country, the word Ganda (Caillié
III. p. 313), or Gunda (Clapperton’s First Journey, p. 182), signifies
Land or Country, so that Samaḳanda or Samaghondi, explained by it, would
mean Samah-land. Nor is this explanation less probable from the
circumstance that the name Sami, and the termination Kanda or Konda,
signifying town, is common among the Mandingoes, who overwhelmed Ghánah
from the south, as shall be shown hereafter, and who now people the
country south of Tomboktú (Caillié, tom. II. 252).]

[Footnote 73: Marmol (vol. III. fol. 17). Yça, that is, Issa, (Hissa in
Caillié’s vocabulary) signifies _river_ in the language of Tomboktú. The
Serakholies inhabit Galam. The Tucorones therefore interposed between
them and the Wolofs, must be the Fúlah or Fellatah, who occupy both
banks of the Senegal, in the neighbourhood of the Isle de Morfil. We
find in a MS. vocabulary of their language, brought home by Clapperton,
the word _mio_ signifying a lake, probably any large sheet of water.
With respect to the name here applied to them, a respectable authority
(Dard, Grammaire Wolofe, p. 148) informs us, that a division of the
Fúlah nation bears the appellation of Teukirères. The name Tucorones
seems related to the plural Tekayrne, used by Burckhardt (Trav. in
Nubia, p. 365); while Teukirères rather resembles the Tekrírí of Ibn
Baṭúṭah. It is manifest that the route pointed out by this series of
names is that of the slave-dealers between Galam and Tomboktú. They
cross the desert at a distance from the Great River where it is called
Joliba, and first reach the stream where it turns eastward, north of
Lake Debú. There, according to Bowdich’s informant (Mission to Ashantee,
p. 193), Jinbala is on the left bank of the river. It is placed on the
right by all other authorities except Marmol and his copiers, who give
the name to the river.]

[Footnote 74: Caillié’s account of Jimbala, or, as he writes it,
Ginbala, was confirmed by Abú Bekr, the intelligent native of Tomboktú
who accompanied Mr. Davidson in his ill fated attempt to cross the
desert from Wád Nún; and of whom an interesting account may be read in
the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. VI. p. 100. The
initial sound in Jimbala is one hard to be seized by a foreign ear. It
is the same which Caillié (II. pp. 82, 160) sought to express by a
triple form in Jaulas, Diaulas, and Iolas. Park wrote the same name
Jules (First Journey), while Mr. Watt preferred Nyalas (Proc. Afr. Ass.
I. 436). The natives themselves often express the sound in question by
yʿe يع.]

[Footnote 75: Marmol elsewhere (III. fol. 27 r) distinctly places the
_Baganos_ on the river at the point where the road from Galam to
Tomboktú first reaches its banks. Livio Sanuto also (Geografia, 1588,
fol. 83) says, “that Zimbala or _Bagano_ adjoins Tomboktú on the south,
beyond the Sanaga,” that is, the Great River. Mohammed Maséní
(Clapperton, p. 331) mentions a lake Búkma as being in the same tract as
Lake Jeboo, that is, Dhiebú or Debú.]

[Footnote 76: Not. et Extr. p. 617. Másín ماسين MS. B.M. fol. 103. For
Aúghám, see page 29. The Massina of our maps, and Maséna of the
Translations appended to Clapperton’s Second Journey, is generally
written Másín or Máshín by the natives (see the documents appended to
Bowdich’s Mission, and to Dupuis’ Residence in Ashantee).]

[Footnote 77: Anbarah اَنْبارَة Rec. de Voy. p. 8. The king of this
country was styled Tárim تَارِمْ. If for this we could read Farim فارم,
we should have a true Mandingo title. The difference between Anbárah
اَنْبارَهْ and Oonbori, probably اُنْبُرِي supposing the vowels not to
have been supplied conjecturally, (for otherwise the latter might be
read Anbara,) is no greater than may be expected where orthography is
unsettled. The title of the king of Oonbori is Farma (Clapperton’s
Second Journey, p. 331), which, as well as Farim, imports a governor or
local chief. That by Kúghah كُوغَه (Rec. de Voy.) El Bekrí meant the
Cochia of Cadamosto (Ramusio, I. fol. 108 v) and Gago of Leo, can hardly
be doubted; but this point shall be examined hereafter. His statement,
that Anbárah, nine days from Kúghah, west of Ghánah, does not admit of
any plausible defence; but if Sámah سامه be read in this place for
Ghánah غانه then not only does all difficulty vanish, but the author’s
discourse acquires coherence and natural order.]

[Footnote 78: Kitábu-l-Jʿaráfíah (Book of Geography), &c. MS. in the
collection of D. Pascual de Gayangos. Ráyawen رايون has a suspicious
resemblance to Arawan. It is quite gratuitous to suppose that the
Morabites, who were all of the Zenágah nation, and who rushed at once,
as soon as they felt their strength, from their own deserts to the
conquest of Barbary and Spain, ever went eastward as far as Houssa, or
even to Kághó.]

[Footnote 79: “No one (in Aïwalátin, that is, Walata) is named after his
father, but after his maternal uncle; and the sister’s son always
succeeds to property in preference to the son: a custom I witnessed
nowhere else except among the infidel Hindoos of Malabar.” (Lee’s Ibn
Baṭúṭah, p. 234.)]

[Footnote 80: “Of all people the Blacks debase themselves most in
presence of their king.... When the Sultan addresses one of them, he
(who is addressed) will take the garment off his back and throw dust
upon his head” (Lee’s Ibn Baṭúṭah, p. 240). The ceremonial of Tomboktú
(Leo, pt. VII. c. 5), and that of Ghánah (Not. et Extr. p. 644), are
described in nearly the same terms.]

[Footnote 81: Proc. of Afr. Assoc. I. p. 149. Though Clapperton says
little of the laws or government of Houssa, yet his narrative discloses
the subdivision of power in that country. The people there have never
been trained up under a paramount tyranny.]

[Footnote 82: Makrízí (Quatremère, Mémoires sur la Nubie, tom. I. p. 28;
Burckhardt’s Travels in Nubia, p. 456) relates of the court of Kánem,
and Ibn Baṭúṭah of that of Bornú, the ceremony of audience, as it was
witnessed in the latter place by Denham (I. p. 231).]

[Footnote 83: Caillié saw (Voy. II. p. 253) a line of hills of red
sandstone without any vegetation, on the left bank of the river, about
forty miles south of the lake; and, at an equal distance north of it,
sand hillocks bordered the stream (p. 266). It is explicitly stated by
Marmol (III. fol. 15 v), that Jenni had all the trade of the Zenágah,
the Brebísh, the Ludayas, and the Arabs of Arguin. But he erred in
supposing that the conflux of Arabs and Berbers from the shores of the
Ṣaḥrá to that city was owing to its western position. It was rather due
to the character of the intervening country, which may be called a fine
desert.]

[Footnote 84: It is plain, from Scott’s narrative (Edinb. Phil. Jour.
vol. IV. p. 45), that the level desert continues, without any change,
save in the frequency of brackish rills, to the very shore of the lake;
southwards from which the country seemed uninhabited; but a little to
the north was the town of the Orghebets, in which the dwellings were
constructed of canes and bamboos.]

[Footnote 85: “_Gualata_, que otros llaman _Ganata_.” Marmol, III. fol.
21 v. It is hardly necessary to observe, that, in the orthography of
Southern Europe, Gualata represents our Walata: “_Gualata_ o _Ganata_,”
(I. fol. 17.) “Vled Vodey andan en los desiertos que estan entre Iguaden
y _Ganata_; son señores de Iguaden, y el Rey Negro de _Ganata_ les paga
cierto tributo,” &c. (I. fol. 39.) “Alarabes llamados Udaya, y por otro
nombre Vled Vodey, que moran el desierto de Lybia que está entre esta
poblacion (Guaden) y _Gualata_ reyno de negros.” (III. fol. 3.) “En
Gelofe, Geneúa, Tombuto, Meli, Gago y _Ganata_, hablan una lengua
llamada Zungay.” (I. fol. 44.) This last sentence is taken from Leo (pt.
I. c. 11), who, however, writes Gualata. Marmol, in his first volume,
seems to prefer Ganata, but, in the third, he generally follows Leo with
little deviation. When Ali Bey (Badia) speaks of caravans going “from
Sús and Táfílélt to Ghánah and Tomboktú,” (Travels in Barbary, &c. I.
45,) does he inadvertently mix ancient with modern times—his reading
with his recent intelligence?—or does he mean by Ghánah, Ghanata, that
is, Walata? What was surmised in Note 6 respecting the predominance
gained by the analogies of the Berber language over those of the Arabic,
and the change of the contingent t̤ into the absolute t, seems confirmed
by the MS. extract of El Bekrí published in the Rec. de Voy. II. That
MS., however inferior in other respects, is yet good authority on the
subject of the relation subsisting between ancient Arabic and Moorish
orthography; and we find that it writes Ghánat, Sámat, and Ṭáḳat, for
Ghánat̤ or Ghánah, Sámat̤, Ṭákat̤, &c.]

[Footnote 86: “It appears singular that the country immediately to the
eastward of Timbuctoo as far as Kashna should be more imperfectly known
to the Moorish traders than the rest of central Africa” (Quart. Rev. No.
45, May 1820, p. 234.) The reviewer, however, errs in ascribing the
obscurity which involves that tract to the wars of the Fellatah. But the
fact is, that between Tomboktú and Houssa passes the line of demarcation
separating what may be called the two commercial provinces of Negroland,
which depend on the two great roads (from Fezzán and Táfílélt), and have
little communication with each other on their northern frontiers.
Besides, the interposed desert supports a formidable population of
Tawárik.]

[Footnote 87: The Arab geographers, unable to form an exact conception
of the country westward of Ghánah, diminished the distance between that
place and the ocean. El Idrísí makes the distance between Silla and
Aúlíl to be sixteen days’ journey (Rec. de Voy. V. p. 11); but Abulfedá
sets Ghánah only four degrees eastward of the ocean (Reiske’s Trans. in
Büsching’s Mag. V. p. 354). In like manner Leo (pt. VII. c. 3) says that
the kingdom of Jenni, extending 250 miles along the river, reaches the
ocean; and he supposes Walata to be only a hundred miles from the sea
shore. As he was copied in all his errors, our maps of the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries uniformly placed Tomboktú too far westward.]




                   EL IDRISI COMPARED WITH EL BEKRI.

                               MAGHRAWAH.


The account of Negroland contained in the foregoing pages is drawn
altogether from El Bekrí. So much does his description of Ghánah and the
adjoining countries excel in copiousness of detail as well as in
clearness, that in all the Arab writers succeeding him, there is hardly
a single new particular worth adding to it. Some of these writers,
nevertheless, are much better known than El Bekrí; and one of them, El
Idrísí, whose work, entitled ‘The Amusement of one desirous of knowing
all the Countries of the World,’ was composed about the year 1153, has
been long regarded as the first authority on questions relating to the
geography of Central Africa. It will be worth while, therefore, to set
these two authors side by side, and to compare them carefully, so that
we may be able to choose between them when they disagree, and to
determine whether the later of the two improved on his precursor.

The first peculiarity of El Idrísí that strikes the attentive reader, is
his general reduction of distances in the desert. He begins to contract
even in the vicinity of Atlas, and makes Sijilmésah to be only thirteen
days distant from Wád Nún; whereas these places must be at least twenty
good journeys asunder.[88] But to confine ourselves to the consideration
of the principal dimensions of the Ṣaḥrá, we may recal the statement of
El Bekrí that Aúlíl was a two months’ journey distant from Wád Nún,
going along the shore. Now from Sijilmésah to Aúlíl, which was a greater
distance, is reckoned by El Idrísí to be a journey of only forty days.
This supposes (since Arguín is exactly 900 miles from Sijilmésah) a rate
of 22½ geographical miles a day in a straight line—a rate far exceeding
what is practicable on a journey of such a nature and extent.[89] Nor
can El Idrísí have here the benefit of any objection to the hypothesis
which places Aúlíl at Arguín, since he informs us that Aúlíl was one
day’s sail from the mouth of the river called the Nile of the Blacks, by
which he must be understood to mean the Senegal. But the mouth of this
river is at least two days’ sail from Arguín; so that to make that
author consistent with himself, it must be allowed not only that Aúlíl
was in the Bay of Arguin, but also that his numerical expressions of
distance are, in this instance, too low.[90] In like manner he reduces
the distance between Sijilmésah and Silla to forty days; and that from
Wád Nún to the latter place to thirty-two days,—viz. seven from Nún to
Arkí, and thence twenty-five to Silla; his estimate in each case being
less than two-thirds of the reality.[91]

But the same author’s reduction of the longitudinal dimensions of the
Great Desert is still more remarkable. Instead of a journey of two
months between Aúlíl and Silla, as may be inferred from El Bekrí, whose
measures of distance accord strictly with the results of modern inquiry,
El Idrísí separates those places by a distance of only sixteen days.
Again, he makes Aúdaghost to be but a month from Aúlíl, and twenty-five
days from Jermah in Fezzán; so that from the latter place to the shores
of the Atlantic, the desert should be crossed in fifty-five days, or
less than half of the time actually required for that journey.[92]
Again, he states Kúghah to be a month from Dongolah, and six weeks from
Ghánah (though the genuineness of the text is here liable to suspicion);
and consequently he reduces the whole distance between Dongolah, or the
Nile in the east, and the Atlantic Ocean in the west, to a journey of
three months and a half, which is not more than a moiety of the true
distance.[93]

The incorrectness of El Idrísí exemplified above, cannot be explained
away by supposing that he made use of a large scale of measures, or a
conventional day’s journey of great length. His contraction of space is
not sufficiently uniform to sustain that plea: it operates chiefly on
the uninhabited country. Like modern geographers, he seems to have had
an invincible dislike to large blanks in a map; and among the expedients
to which he had recourse for the purpose of filling them up, was the
common one of dilating as much as possible the contiguous inhabited
countries. A perfect illustration of this remark is afforded by his
description of the course of the Great River in the vicinity of Ghánah.

It has been seen that El Bekrí places the capital of Ghánah not
immediately on the Great River, but at a distance of perhaps three days’
journey from it. But Ṣínghánah, with which place he begins his
description of Negroland, is described by him as standing on both banks
of the river, and having Tekrúr on the south-west. Now in El Idrísí’s
geography there is no mention made of Ṣínghánah, but its description is
transferred to Ghánah, which is made to stand on both banks of the
river, and to have Tekrúr on the south-west. The distance of twenty
days, according to El Bekrí, between Silla and Ghánah, is increased by
El Idrísí to twenty-four days. The former of these writers thus
describes the route eastward and along the river from Ghánah. First,
five days to Rás el má, then six days through the country of the Merásah
to Tírḳa, where the river turned southwards, and three days further
along its banks, to the country of the Seghmárah, which commenced,
therefore, at the distance of fourteen days from Ghánah. The same course
is thus described by El Idrísí:—From Ghánah, six or eight days to Tírḳa;
six more to Merásah; and another six to Seghmárah: so that the fourteen
days of his author are here increased to eighteen.[94]

In accordance with the construction given above to El Bekrí’s route from
Ghánah to Ghaïárú, El Idrísí makes the portion of the river therein
mentioned to form a part of its course below Seghmárah. But the manner
in which the latter writer puts together his materials in this place
demands attentive consideration. The following are his details of
distance and bearing:—

 From Samghadah (Sámaḳanda) to Seghmárah,                        8 days.

 From  ditto                to Kúghah,             _eastwards_,  10

 From  ditto                to Gharbíl (Ghúntil),                9

 From Seghmárah             to Gharbíl,            _southwards_, 6

 From Gharbíl (Ghúntil)     to Ghanárah (Ghaïárú), _westwards_,  11

 From Ghánah                to Ghanárah,                         11

Thus it appears that El Idrísí makes the river flow first north-eastward
from Silla to Ghánah; then eastwards to Seghmárah; then southwards to
Ghúntil, and finally westwards again to Ghaïárú.

The Sámaḳanda of El Bekrí, which was four days from Ghánah, and his
Kúghah, fifteen days from the same capital, and nine from Anbárah,
(which appears to have been near Sámaḳanda,) are evidently the Samghadah
and Kúghah of El Idrísí. This writer agrees with his predecessor in
making the river flow, first north-eastwards from Silla to Ghánah, then
eastwards, and then southwards. So far he seized with some felicity the
idea of the general winding of the river. But his turning it westward
from Ghúntil can be explained only by supposing that he misunderstood
his authority. El Bekrí says, that opposite to the Seghmárah, whose
territory extended from the Great River to Tádmekkah, was Kaúkaú. And
again, he remarks, that the road to the country of the Remrem went
westwards along the river from Kaúkaú. Now this last passage furnishes
the explanation of the westward course which El Idrísí has given to the
river, if we suppose that he confounded for a moment Kúghah with Kaúkaú.

[Illustration: _The River according to El Bekrí._]

El Bekrí mentions Bersana after Ghaïárú; and accordingly El Idrísí sets
this place, under the altered name of Berísa, due west of Ghaïárú, and
on the Great River, half way between Silla and Ghánah. The series of
names which the latter found in his author he thus arranged in a circle,
under the influence of misconception, so as to make it terminate in
itself. But the artificial division of climates, by severing Berísa from
the group of names to which it originally belonged, fortunately obviated
the ready exposure of so absurd a concatenation.[95] The Malilo and Daúr
or Daú of El Bekrí are evidently the Malel and Daú of El Idrísí; and in
consequence of the same mistake which placed Berísa on the river between
Ghánah and Silla, they are brought into the neighbourhood of the latter
place. Their character, too, is as much misrepresented as their
position. Instead of being countries of some extent and importance, they
become, in the pages of El Idrísí, only towns of Lemlem, the wretched
inhabitants of which, possessing but few camels, wander over deserts
destitute of water;—a picture of Negro poverty, more likely it must be
confessed, to originate in the imagination of an Arab, than in the
physical character of the country south of the Great River.

[Illustration: _The River according to El Idrísí._]

From El Idrísí’s delineation of the Great River we may return with
advantage to consider the position assigned by him to Aúdaghost. That
town was, according to him, thirty days from Aúlíl, thirty-one from
Wergelán, and twenty-five from Jermah. The short distance of fifty-five
days herein allowed between Aúlíl and Jermah, will not admit of being
applied to a circuitous route. The distance from Wergelán, therefore,
which is relatively long, and by reaching far southwards has the effect
of elongating the preceding line, must be supposed to be circuitous. And
this is a well-founded supposition, inasmuch as the road from Wergelán
to Aúdaghost must have passed through Twát, and probably also by
Wanzamín. Now the point which satisfies the conditions of distance
specified above, and at the same time best eludes surrounding
difficulties, will be found to be not far from the 20th parallel of
north latitude, and the 1st meridian of east longitude, or about 120
miles east of the position assigned to Aúdaghost in our map. Thus it
appears that El Idrísí’s statements respecting the position of
Aúdaghost, do not, when taken together, lend the slightest countenance
to the hypothesis which makes that place identical with Aghades. For
that position, deduced in the strictest possible manner from the
assigned conditions, still leads to the conclusion that Ghánah was
situate on the northern bend of the river of Tomboktú. But since we
likewise learn from the same writer, that it was situate on the western,
and not the eastern portion of that northern bend, we have no
alternative but to correct his distances with respect to the angle of
the river, and to remove Aúdaghost further west, so as to place it
exactly half way between Aúlíl and Jermah; the correction, in this case,
amounting to only a twenty-second part of the whole distance between
those places.

It would be running into needless digression to point out all the
contradictions in which El Idrísí involves himself by reducing distances
so as to fit them to the frame in which he combines his information, or
by expanding details so as to distribute them more equally. It will be
here sufficient to have shown that he learned the course of the Great
River from El Bekrí, yet that he did not copy his author faithfully, but
took liberties with him, which are rendered more conspicuous by the
incongruities into which they lead him. He contracts the Desert, spreads
out the River; makes Silla on one side only sixteen days distant from
the Ocean, and Kúghah, near Seghmárah, on the other, only a month from
Dongolah. He wholly misunderstands the account of the lower portion of
the river, and by turning the stream westward, he falls into glaring
inconsistencies. In conclusion, whatever is reasonable in El Idrísí’s
account of Ghánah and its vicinity, is taken from El Bekrí, and nearly
all of it which is not taken from El Bekrí is absurd. Nevertheless, his
statements, when carefully analysed and freed from misconceptions,
plainly indicate that Ghánah was situate near that part of the Great
River where Tomboktú now stands.[96]

The only novelty worth notice in El Idrísí’s account of Western
Negroland, is his statement respecting the river of Ghánah, which he
informs us was navigable in large boats, and flowed into the ocean. Its
mouth was one day’s sail from Aúlíl. The river flowing into the ocean
near the Bay of Arguin, where it has been shown that the isle and salt
mine of Aúlíl were situate, is obviously the Senegal. The short distance
of one day’s sail, allowed by the Arab geographer in this case, is in
just proportion with all his other measures affecting the area of his
map.[97] He supposed the Nile of Ghánah, or Great River of the Interior,
to unite with the Senegal, and to run westwards into the ocean. Nor is
there any rashness in ascribing to him so great a misconception. Leo
Africanus makes a precisely similar statement respecting the river of
Tomboktú. Having navigated that river from Tomboktú to Jenni, the latter
author affirms most positively that it flows westward to the ocean. The
only excuse that can be offered for Leo’s mistake is, that the part of
the river with which he was practically acquainted, has little current,
and shows no diminution of magnitude as it is ascended; to a careless
observer, therefore, it presents nothing capable of controlling
speculation, or guiding to a correct inference respecting the course of
the stream. Higher up, the hypothesis was less tenable, and so Melli was
placed on a branch of the river. Being biassed by the early Arab
writers, particularly El Idrísí, Leo zealously adopted their erroneous
opinion, which being repeated by De Barros and other writers on African
geography, continued in vogue till the middle of the last century, or
nearly six centuries after it was first promulgated.[98] El Idrísí
states that salt was carried from Aúlíl to the mouth of the Nile, one
day distant, and then up that stream to Silla, Ghánah and Kúghah. Modern
authorities, on the other hand, have reported the Senegal to be
navigable up to Jenni (two days from Silla), Tomboktú and Gago, at which
point their information always terminated. And herein is another point
of resemblance between Ghánah and Tomboktú; inasmuch as they hold
similar positions in the hypothetical system, connecting the Senegal
with the Great River of the Interior.[99]

The Western Desert is represented by El Idrísí with the changed aspect
consequent on the movement of the Morabites. The Lumtúnah had gone
northwards to Morocco, and the Benú Goddálah, to whatever quarter they
had migrated, were no longer predominant in the south-western portion of
the Ṣaḥrá. The inhospitable tract extending between the desert of Tíser
and the Ocean, is named by El Idrísí Kamnúdíyah, the chief town of which
was half way between Silla and Arkí. South of Kamnúdíyah, he places a
country, the name of which, vitiated by copyists, occurs under a great
variety of forms, as, for example, Maghráwah, Meghrárah, Meghzárah, &c.
Of these readings, the first alone admits of a satisfactory explanation,
and shall therefore be here adopted.[100] Maghráwah lay to the west of
Ghánah, and as it extended from Aúlíl, on the sea shore, to Silla and
Tekrúr inclusively, it also embraced a territory lying to the south of
that State.[101] The country named by El Idrísí Maghráwah is therefore
obviously the same which a century earlier had been occupied by the Benú
Goddálah, and the change of its name may be naturally ascribed to the
revolution which carried away the latter people with the hordes of the
Morabites. The Arab historians are silent with respect to those who took
the place of the Benú Goddálah; but the want of information may be in
this instance supplied by a very probable conjecture.

When the Morabites, having subjugated Sús, Darʿah, Sijilmésah, and the
province wherein they afterwards founded Morocco, still continued to
press northwards, they met with a vigorous resistance from the
Maghráwah, who had long ruled over Fez and its dependencies, and who now
united with the Miknésah and other Zenátah tribes to oppose the
invaders.[102] The victory fell to the Morabites, who entered Fez in
triumph in A.D. 1067. But, grown negligent through continual success,
they were soon after taken by surprise, overpowered, and expelled. Their
enthusiasm, however, was not to be subdued by slight reverses; they
returned to the struggle, and again entered Fez in 1069, slaughtering,
it is said, 20,000 of the Maghráwah, whose sway in the west thus
terminated, after a continuance of just a century.[103]

Of the fortunes of the defeated tribes, there is nothing recorded; but
the general tenor of the history of Barbary justifies the supposition
that they betook themselves to the desert.[104] In 1084, Yúsef ben
Táshifín, the Amír or chief of the Morabites, sent messengers into the
Ṣaḥrá, to the Lumtúnah, Goddálah, and Masúfah, announcing to them that
he possessed extensive territories, well watered, which he was ready to
bestow on the first comers; “and in a few days,” says the historian,
“the whole land of Maghreb [Western Barbary and Morocco] was filled with
colonists from the Lumtúnah and the other tribes of the desert.”[105] It
is manifest that the Maghráwah, and their adherents, must have deserted
the fine country around Fez, before the half-wild tribes of the Ṣaḥrá
were called in to occupy it; and it is probable that, in the course of
revolution, they stepped into the place of the Benú Goddálah soon after
the latter had accepted the invitation sent to them to fill the vacancy
left by the expelled tribes. Thus we are led to conclude, that the
territory of the Benú Goddálah passed into the possession of the
Maghráwah at a period subsequent to, and probably not far removed from,
the year 1084.

The natural and probable supposition, that the tribes expelled from
Mauritania by the Morabites changed places with the latter, and fixed
themselves in the desert at the same time that their conquerors rushed
into the occupation of the cultivated country, explains at once the
great difference between the accounts given of the Western Desert by two
authors, one of whom wrote seventeen years before the migration referred
to, and the other sixty-nine years after that event. Nevertheless, the
desire inherent in the human mind to give importance to whatever is
obscure, favoured by the corruption of the name Maghráwah, and the
garbled accounts of the country so designated, may revolt against a
conjecture which confines that name to the Desert, instead of extending
it over a large tract of Negroland. Yet El Idrísí plainly states that
Maghráwah was a desert; that it was bounded on the north by the middle
tract of the Ṣaḥrá, named Kamnúdíyah; and that it extended from Aúlíl,
which was its capital, to Silla and Tekrúr; so that it must have been on
the northern side of the Great River, of which the Senegal, according to
his system, was a part.[106] The same writer indeed includes Silla and
Tekrúr in Maghráwah, whence it may be inferred that the exiles from Fez
soon obtained the ascendancy due to superior civilization, and became
the rulers of their black neighbours. But since the Arabs nowhere
mention the Mandingoes, Serakholies, Fúlahs, Wolofs, or other black
nations between Silla and the ocean, it must be presumed that they had
no direct intercourse with that part of Negroland, and knew nothing of
it; and, besides, it is unreasonable to suppose that they described the
country south of the Senegal under the general name of Maghráwah, of
which general name, in any shape, not the least trace now remains in the
region to which it is supposed to have been applied. North of the river,
on the other hand, the disappearance of a particular tribe, or of its
name; or a loss on the part of any tribe of that predominance which
determines the name of a territory, is much more explicable. And if it
be admitted that the name Aúlíl or Aúlílí was derived from that of
Walílí, the chief place of the Maghráwah and the capital of Western
Barbary under their dominion, then the presumption will arise, that some
of that nation were always mingled with the Goddálah, and carried the
local name to which they were attached, from the shores of the
Mediterranean to those of the Ṣaḥrá.[107]


[Footnote 88: El Idrísí places Nún, or as he writes it, Núl, at a
distance of three days from the sea, and thirteen (erroneously reduced
to three by Hartmann) from Sijilmésah (Rec. de Voy. V. p. 205). But the
town of Wád Nún is one or two days (22 miles) from the sea (Davidson’s
Notes), twelve from Tatta, and sixteen from the chief town of Darʿah
(Proc. of Afr. Assoc. I. p. 224), which is six days from Sijilmésah
(Jackson’s Shabeeny, p. 3). The last-named place must, therefore, be
twenty-two days from Wád Nún, and twenty-three, at least, from the sea.
In like manner El Idrísí reduces to three and eight days respectively
the distances of Sijilmésah from Darʿah and Aghmát, which El Bekri,
confirmed by modern itineraries, estimates at six and fourteen days.]

[Footnote 89: Major Rennell, in his ‘Memoir on the rate of Travelling as
performed by Caravans’ (Phil. Trans. Vol. LXXXI. p. 144), concludes that
in Africa fourteen geographical miles and five-sixths of horizontal
distance, is the mean daily rate of loaded caravans. M. Walckenaer
(Recherches, &c. p. 266,) adopts fifteen geographical miles as the
ordinary rate.]

[Footnote 90: From Cape St. Anne in the Bay of Arguin, to the mouth of
the Senegal, is a distance of 260 nautical miles, or about forty hours
of moderate sailing.]

[Footnote 91: Rec. de Voy. pp. 12, 206. Arkí (see Note 38) appears under
various forms in the copies of El Idrísí; as Arḳi ارقى Rec. de Voy. pp.
12, 107; Azḳi ازقى; Azki ازكى Ibid. p. 206, and in the Abridgment. Ibn
el Wardi also writes Azki, which, he says, is the place where travellers
(ascending the Desert from Wád Nún) begin to climb the rocks (Not. et
Extr. II. p. 23). Ibn Baṭúṭah travelled forty-five days from Sijilmésah
to Aïwalátin, or Walata, whence Silla cannot be less than twenty days’
distant. From the latter place to Wád Nún is now reckoned a journey of
fifty-five days (Davidson’s Notes, &c.).]

[Footnote 92: From the capital of Fezzán to Tomboktú is reckoned a
journey of three months (Lyon, Travels in N. Afr. p. 144); or to
calculate more accurately, from Morzúk to Twát is a distance of thirty-
nine or forty days, and thence to Tomboktú, is a journey of forty-five
or forty-seven days (Walckenaer, Rech. p. 423; Quart. Rev. No. 45, p.
230). If to the sum of eighty-four days thus found, be added the journey
of two months, or rather two months and a half, between Tomboktú and the
sea (see Note 41), we shall have for the distance between Fezzán and the
ocean nearly three times the space assigned by El Idrísí; and, reducing
the route to a straight line, with all possible allowance, more than
double.]

[Footnote 93: The text stating the distance of Kúghah from Ghánah to be
a month and a half, occurs in the Abridgment of El Idrísí (Hartmann’s
Idrísí, p. 42), but is wanting in the larger work. There is good reason
for believing it to be an interpolation. From Ghánah to Seghmárah,
according to El Idrísí, was eighteen days; thence to Sámaḳanda eight
days; and thence to Kúghah ten days. So that if these places be all
arranged in a straight line from west to east, Kúghah will be still only
thirty-six days from Ghánah, instead of forty-five. But while El Idrísí
expressly traces eastwards the route from Ghánah to Seghmárah, and sets
Kúghah eastward of Sámaḳanda, he says nothing of the bearing of
Sámaḳanda from Seghmárah; so that we are at liberty to set the former
place west by south from the latter, under the guidance of El Bekrí,
whose Sámaḳanda was only four days from Ghánah. The two authors will
then be found to coincide in general design, and El Idrísí’s Kúghah will
be not above twenty days from Ghánah. It would be easy, were it worth
while, to explain why the epitomator, trying to supply an apparent
deficiency in his author’s ill-connected details, should have separated
Kúghah from Ghánah by a month and a half’s journey.]

[Footnote 94: From Silla to Berísa, according to El Idrísí, was twelve
days; thence to Ghánah twelve days; or to Aúdaghost twelve days; and
between the two last-named places twelve days. This is a handsome
arrangement. Again, from Ghánah to Tírḳa six days; thence to Merásah six
days; thence to Seghmárah six days; thence to Ghúntil six days. Then
come distances of eight, nine, ten, and eleven days. These numbers alone
are enough to excite suspicion.]

[Footnote 95: The Berísa of El Idrísí is the same place of which the
name is written in the copies of El Bekrí, Bersa برسى Not. et Extr. p.
647; Yerma يرمى (rather Yersa يرسى), Rec. de Voy. II. p. 6; and Yersana
يرسنى MS. B.M. El Bekrí represents Ghúntil as a great country; he does
not state the distance of Ghaïárú from it, but places the latter twelve
miles from the river, and Bersana, or Yersana, west of it on the river.
But, in El Idrísí, the corresponding names all designate towns which
stand eleven or twelve days’ journey asunder.]

[Footnote 96: The map of El Idrísí does not represent the conceptions
explained above. It makes the Great River divide at Tírḳa into two
branches, so as to form a great island, which he names Wangárah. On the
southern branch he places Ghúntil and Ghaïárú, the latter place being 75
days, or 2½ months from Aúlíl, measuring along the river, while only 3½
months at the utmost are allowed for the whole breadth of the continent.
El Idrísí writes sometimes in conformity with one of these systems,
sometimes with the other. He appears, on examination, to be an unsound
author, who, with good materials before him, often wrote without
understanding them.]

[Footnote 97: The distance of Aúlíl (in the Bay of Arguin) from
Sijilmésah, as stated by El Idrísí, supposes, as we have seen, a mean
daily journey of 22½ geographical miles, instead of 15, which is the
ordinary rate. Now, if the forty hours’ sail from Arguin to the mouth of
the Senegal, be reduced in the ratio of 22½ to 15, or 3 to 2, we shall
have 26⅔ for the number of hours, according to El Idrísí’s scale. But
there is no need of such exactness. It is highly improbable that the
navigation spoken of by the Arab author, and which formed an ornament of
his theory, had any existence even so far as it was within the limits of
possibility.]

[Footnote 98: Labat (Ethiop. Occid. 1728, tom. II. p. 125) describes the
course of the Niger or Senegal from the lake of Bornú to the sea. Moore
(Travels in the Inland Parts of Africa, 1738) also maintained that the
Senegal (of which the Gambia was supposed to be a branch) is the Niger,
although he at the same time published the Journal of Capt. Stibbs, who
was adverse to that opinion. An earlier writer tells us that “the
English were frustrated in their attempts to ascend the Niger to the
gold countries of Gago, by the osiers among other things.” (Charant,
Réponses à diverses questions, &c. appended to Frejus, Voyage dans la
Mauritanie, 1666.)]

[Footnote 99: El Idrísí says (Rec. de Voy. p. 11) that the salt of Aúlíl
was carried up the river to Silla, Tekrúr, Berísa, Ghánah, Kúghah, and
the other countries of the blacks. Let it be observed, that while
propounding the hypothesis of a navigable river extending across Africa
from the Western Ocean to Bornú, the Arab author knew nothing of its
navigated course except between Silla and Kúghah or Kághó; that is to
say, the generally navigated part of the river of Ghánah, which was
evidently identical with that of the river of Tomboktú. The information
of our early travellers respecting the Great River of the interior
always terminated at Gago. This form of the name was taken from Leo; but
Cadamosto had written Cochia (Kúghah), which was probably borrowed from
the Mandingoes.]

[Footnote 100: To the usual various readings, Meghzárah, Meghrárah,
Meghwárah, Meḳzárah, &c., M. De Humboldt (Histoire de Géographie, I. p.
291) has added Mufráda. D’Herbelot (under the title Maczarat) seems to
consider this to be the name of a fortress, and not of an extensive
region. In the Rec. de Voy. V. this name, where it first occurs (p. 10),
is written Maghráwah مغراوة (afterwards changed into Maghzárah مغزارة);
and the copy of Ibn el Wardi, in the possession of D. P. de Gayangos,
has Maghráwah throughout.]

[Footnote 101: Rec. de Voy. V. pp. 10, 13, 18. In the first of the
passages here cited, Maghráwah is represented as extending from Aúlíl to
the Great River, and including also those countries which the author, by
misconstruction of El Bekrí’s statements, brought into the vicinity of
that part of the river. It is to be lamented that the Translation of El
Idrísí’s Geography, published in the Rec. de Voy. swarms with false
readings, against which little care has been taken to guard the reader.]

[Footnote 102: The Maghráwah مغراوة rose into importance about A.D. 945
(Marmol, I. fol. 127). Their name is written, by Leo Africanus, Magraoa;
by Marmol, Magaraoa, or Magaraúa; by Moura (Historia dos Soberanos
Mohametanos, &c. Lisbon, 1828) Magraua; and by Conde (Historia de la
Dominacion de los Arabes, &c. Madrid, 1820) Magaraba and Magarava. Their
original seat, according to Ibn Khaldún, was on the western side of the
province of Afrikíah. They are evidently the Machurebii (Μαχυρήβιοι) of
Ptolemy, who places them on the right bank of the Chinalaph or Shelíf,
near Julia Cæsarea or Shershel, where Dr. Shaw (Travels, I. p. 56) still
found an encampment of them; and also on the northern side of the
Daradus, the modern Wádi Darʿah. El Idrísí, in giving their name to a
country, only took the same liberty with it as with those of the
Merásah, Seghmárah, &c. which he has converted into the names of towns.
The appellation Maghráwat̤ es-Súdán, or of the Blacks, clearly intimates
that there was another Maghráwah not on the borders of Negroland. To the
scanty account of Maghráwat̤ es-Súdán given by El Idrísí, nothing has
been added by later Arab writers save their mistakes.]

[Footnote 103: Moura, Hist. dos Soberanos Moham. p. 121.]

[Footnote 104: The Miknésah, with whom the Maghráwah were associated in
their misfortunes, had formerly inhabited the Ṣaḥrá, whither they
returned in their adversity (Marmol, I. 95; Conde, Dom. de los Arab. I.
411).]

[Footnote 105: Conde, II. pp. 99, 100.]

[Footnote 106: After naming the towns of Maghráwah, he adds (Rec. de
Voy. p. 11) that the rest of the country bordering on the river is a
sandy desert; and again, he says (p. 107) that the country between
Kamnúdíyah and the river, that is, Maghráwah, is all desert. Hence Ibn
el Wardi (Not. et Extr. II. 35) describes Maghráwah as an unfrequented
and uninhabitable region. The same writer also observes, in a passage
not translated by M. De Guisnes, that Maghráwah is the same country as
Maghrebu-l-aḳṣa, or the Extreme West, a name certainly not applied to
Negroland.]

[Footnote 107: Tanjah or Tangiers was anciently called Walílí. Another
place of the same name, and of much celebrity, was situate near Fez. Let
it be observed, that the name read in the text Aúlílí, may be also read
Awalílí; and that there is some reason to suspect that nouns of race or
nation are formed by prefixing aleph.]




                    MALI.—The Extinction of Ghánah.


The catastrophe which caused the disappearance of Ghánah from the
political horizon of Negroland, is not distinctly described by any of
the Arab historians. Nevertheless, so much light is thrown on the
circumstances attending the extinction of that kingdom, in Ibn Khaldún’s
sketch of the history of Málí, as may enable us to trace the course of
those early events with tolerable precision. The statements of that
valuable author shall be here given in his own words[108]:—

“When the conquest of the West (by the Arabs) was completed, and
merchants began to penetrate into the interior, they saw no nation of
the Blacks so mighty as Ghánah, the dominions of which extended westward
as far as the Ocean. The King’s court was kept in the city of Ghánah,
which, according to the author of the Book of Roger (El Idrísí), and the
author of the Book of Roads and Realms (El Bekrí), is divided into two
parts, standing on both banks of the Nile, and ranks among the largest
and most populous cities of the world.[109]

“The people of Ghánah had for neighbours, on the east, a nation, which,
according to historians, was called Ṣúṣú; after which came another named
Málí; and after that another known by the name of Kaúkaú; although some
people prefer a different orthography, and write this name Kághó. The
last-named nation was followed by a people called Tekrúr.[110] The
people of Ghánah declined in course of time, being overwhelmed or
absorbed by the Molaththemún (or muffled people—that is, the Morabites),
who, adjoining them on the north towards the Berber country, attacked
them, and, taking possession of their territory, compelled them to
embrace the Mohammedan religion.[111] The people of Ghánah, being
invaded at a later period by the Ṣúṣú, a nation of Blacks in their
neighbourhood, were exterminated, or mixed with other Black nations.

“As to the people of Málí, they surpassed the other Blacks in those
countries in wealth and numbers. They extended their dominions, and
conquered the Ṣúṣú, as well as the kingdom of Ghánah in the vicinity of
the Ocean towards the west. The Mohammedans say, that the first King of
Málí was Baramindánah. He performed the pilgrimage to Mekkah, and
enjoined his successors to do the same.[112]

“But the great King of Málí who conquered the Ṣúṣú, and took their
country, was named Mári Jáṭah, which means, in the language of that
country, Amír Lion, for _Mári_ signifies an Amír, or prince of the blood
royal, and _jáṭah_ means a lion. These people also style the relatives
and connexions of the royal family _Tikin_.[113] We were not able to
learn anything further respecting this king, and cannot therefore give
his genealogy. Nevertheless I was informed that he reigned five and
twenty years.

“He was succeeded by his son Mansá Walí—that is, Sultan ʿAlí—who was one
of the greatest kings that ever reigned over the people of Málí. He
performed the pilgrimage to Mekkah in the reign of the Sultan Ez̤-Z̤áhir
Bíbárs.[114] To him succeeded his brother Walí; after whom came another
brother, named Khalífah, who was insane, and amused himself with
shooting arrows at his subjects. They rushed on him one day and killed
him.

“After him came Abú Bekr, who was descended from Mári Jáṭah in the
female line. The people of Málí, following in this respect the custom of
the ʿAjem (strangers), among whom the sisters and sisters’ sons succeed
to the inheritance, chose him for their king. We have not been able to
learn his lineage, nor the origin of his father.

“Abú Bekr was followed by a freedman named Sákúrah, who usurped the
throne.[115] This king made the pilgrimage to Mekkah, during the reign
of Almalik Annáṣir; but on his return was killed at Tájúrá. The empire
was increased, under him, by the subjugation of other Black nations. It
was in his time that the people of Málí made the conquest of Kaúkaú, and
added it to their dominions, which already extended from the Ocean and
Ghánah in the west, to the country of Tekrúr in the east. Some, however,
maintain that the conquest of Kaúkaú was made later. Hájí Túnis,
interpreter of Tekrúr, says that the conquest of Kaúkaú was achieved by
a general of Mansá Músa, whose name was Saghminḥuh.

“After Sákúrah the kingdom reverted to the posterity of Mári Jáṭah, and
Mansá Músa, son of Abú Bekr, ascended the throne. He was an excellent
prince, and performed the pilgrimage in 724. The number of people
employed to carry his baggage and provisions amounted to 12,000, all
dressed in tunics of figured cotton, or the silk called El-Yemení. The
Hájí Túnis, interpreter of this nation in Káhirah (Cairo), said that
Mansá Músa brought with him to Egypt no less than 80 loads of Tibar
(gold dust), each weighing 300 pounds. He brought the whole on camels,
though in his own kingdom camels are not used, baggage being there
carried on the backs of slaves.[116] Mansá Músa, on his return,
conceived the idea of building himself a fine palace. Abú Iṣḥaḳ showed
him a model, and erected the edifice, with plaster and all kinds of
ornaments, for which he received 12,000 mithḳáls of gold. Mansá Músa
maintained an intimate and friendly correspondence with Sultan Abú-l-
Ḥasan, of Al-Maghreb, and reigned twenty-five years.

“On his death the empire devolved on Mansá Maghá—that is, Sultan
Mohammed, for in their language Maghá signifies Mohammed. He died after
a reign of four years, and was succeeded by Mansá Suleïmán, son of Abú
Bekr, and brother of Musá, who reigned twenty-four years. After him came
his son, Mansá Ibn Suleïmán, who died nine months after ascending the
throne. Then followed Mári Jáṭah, and Mansá Maghá, son of Mansá Músa,
and reigned fourteen years. He (Mári Jáṭah) was a wicked and dissolute
prince. He sent an embassy to Abú Selím, son of Abú-l-Ḥasan, Sultan of
Al-Maghreb (the West), which embassy arrived in Fez in the year 762; and
among other presents which came with it, were some very tall animals
called Zeráfah (camelopards), as high as obelisks, and strange in the
land of Al-Maghreb.

“Abú Abdullah Mohammed Ibn Wásúl, a native of Sijilmésah, and who
inhabited for a long time the city of Kaúkaú, in their country (_i.e._
in the empire of Málí), where he performed the duties of Cadhi, told me,
when I met him in 776, much more respecting the kings of that country
than I can relate. He said that this Sultan Jáṭah was the worst king
that ever existed; that he wasted the treasures, was on the point of
destroying the palace erected by his ancestors; and that he even sold to
certain Egyptian merchants, for a trifling sum of money, a huge mass of
native gold, weighing 20 cwt., and preserved among other curiosities in
the royal treasure. Providence, however, punished him; for he was
afflicted with a disease very common in those countries, and the ravages
of which are particularly frequent among the higher classes. It begins
with a kind of lethargy or stupor, which renders the sufferer insensible
during the greater part of the day. After lingering two years under this
incurable malady, Jáṭah died in 775.[117]

“The people of Málí chose his son Músa to succeed him. He was a just
prince, but was overpowered by his wazír Mári Jáṭah, who threw him into
confinement, and usurped all the powers of sovereignty. This Wazír has
made some conquests towards the east. Passing the limits of Kaúkaú, he
arrived at the stations or fixed habitations in the land of Tekaddá,
which is behind the country of the Morabites; but he has since restored
that territory to its own Sultan. Tekaddá is seventy days from Wergelán
towards the south-west; the road of the pilgrims (from Kaúkaú to Egypt)
passes through it. Sultan Músa is on friendly terms with the rulers of
Záb and Wergelán.”[118]

Ibn Khaldún further relates, that, after having written the preceding
historical sketch, he learned that Mansá Músa died in 789, and was
succeeded by his brother Mansá Maghá. He being killed a year after, the
vacant throne was seized by Ṣanadaki, who had married Músa’s mother, and
whose name means Wazír.[119] But this usurper was deposed in a few
months by a descendant of Mári Jáṭah. A prince named Maḥmúd, who came
from the country of the Infidels in the interior, and who was descended
from Mansá Kú, son of Mansá Walí, son of Mári Jáṭah the First, was king
of Málí in A.H. 792.

It is stated in the foregoing extract that Ghánah merged in the empire
of the Morabites, an event which may be assigned, with much probability,
to the year of the Hijra 469, when the Mohammedan faith was forcibly
imposed on the pagan nations of Negroland contiguous to the Western
Desert.[120] But the Morabites, bred up in a wild life, and under a
loose patriarchal authority, cannot be supposed to have thought much of
social or political organization. It is likely that they extended their
dominions without propagating a form of government, and that the kingdom
of Ghánah remained little changed by the loss of its independence. In
the time of El Idrísí, or a little before the year of the Hijra 548, it
was ruled by a descendant of Abú Táleb—that is, by a Zenágah—and this
state of things continued probably half a century longer.[121]

But towards the interior, or south from Ghánah, were the following
nations, viz.:—the Ṣúṣú, Málí, Kaúkaú or Kághó, and Tekrúr. In arranging
these nations all eastward from Ghánah, Ibn Khaldún showed a very
imperfect conception of the geography of Negroland, and particularly of
its comparative geography. Though the name Tekrúr may have belonged in
his time to a country beyond Kághó, or south-eastwards from Ghánah, yet
it certainly designated a kingdom south-westwards from that capital in
the period anterior to the rise of Málí. The Ṣúṣú at present occupy a
maritime district comprising the basin of the river Scarcies, wherein
they have been established at least three centuries. Their language
would favour the supposition that they are remotely connected with the
Mandingoes. The people of Málí were certainly of the latter race; and it
is probable that they and the Ṣúṣú were kindred tribes, who, like the
Manes and Mosí of later times, issued from the interior; or—if for the
sake of preciseness we may in this instance hazard a conjecture—from the
country lying between Kong, Bergú, Ghúrma, and Dahómy.[122] The precise
dates of the invasion of Ghánah by the Ṣúṣú and the people of Málí are
not given by Ibn Khaldún. We are informed, however, that Mansá Suleïmán,
a prince bearing a Mandingo title, founded Tomboktú in A.H. 610; and
since he is not included in the list of the kings of Málí, we are
warranted in considering him a king of the Ṣúṣú, whose conquest of
Ghánah must therefore have taken place between the years 548 and 610 of
the Hijra, probably not long anterior to the latter date.

From the dynasty of the Ṣúṣú, then, dates the importance of
Tomboktú:[123] but their empire did not continue long. The reign of Mári
Jáṭah, the conqueror of the Ṣúṣu, probably commenced about the year 630;
and with the kings of Málí begins a connected historical record.

It is worthy of observation, that the conquests here related proceeded
in the direction of wealth and commerce, and stopped where these
allurements terminated. Ghánah and Tomboktú appear to have remained for
a long time the furthest bounds of the empire of Málí. Eighty years
elapsed before Kághó was annexed to that empire; and as many more before
the passion for conquest led Ṣanadaki to invade Tekaddá, a worthless
possession, which was soon abandoned. Thus the Great River formed for
many hundred miles the boundary of the empire of Málí, that is, of the
Mandingoes, who are still extensively spread over the same ample region,
and who chiefly uphold its trade, industry, and civilization. It is
evident that Ghánah, conquered by the Ṣúṣú, the founders of Tomboktú,
and annexed to Málí eighty years before this empire extended to Kághó,
was the frontier of Negroland facing Sijilmésah, and consequently the
tract wherein Tomboktú now stands. Nor is it difficult to explain why
the kingdom of Ghánah disappeared from the political horizon in the
course of these events; for the conquerors had, with a new language, a
form of government capable of absorbing all foreign and inferior titles,
and of establishing its own in their stead. The title GHANAH, therefore,
was superseded by that of MANSA.—The principal events recorded in the
history of Ghánah, and the succession of the Kings of Málí, shall be
here repeated in a tabular form, and arranged chronologically; the date
subjoined to each reign being, as far as can be ascertained, that of its
commencement.

                                                           A.H.   A.D.

  GHANAH    deprived of Aúdaghost in                       446    1054
  (properly
    the
   King’s
   title)

            Still independent in                           460    1067

            Compelled by the Morabites to relinquish
            Idolatry and embrace the Mohammedan faith      469    1076

            Ruled by a descendant of Abú Táleb (i.e. one
            of the Zenágah nation)                         548    1153

  ṢUṢU.     Ghánah conquered by the Ṣúṣú.

            Tomboktú founded by Mansá Suleïmán             610    1213

              N.B.—The title Ghánah superseded by that of Mansá.

  MALI.     Mári Jáṭah conquered the Ṣúṣú, and reigned
            25 years.

            Mansá Walí (son of the preceding) performed
            the pilgrimage to Mekkah in the reign of
            Bibárs                                        658-75 1259-76

            Mansá Walí (brother of the preceding).

            Mansá Khalífah (another brother).

            Mansá Abú Bekr (descended from Mári Jáṭah in
            the female line).

                Sákúrah, a usurper, went to Mekkah in
                the time of Almalik An-Nasír, and
                therefore subsequent to                    710    1310

                (The conquest of Kaúkaú is ascribed by
                some to the reign of Sákúrah, by others
                to that which follows.)

            Mansá Músa (son of Abú Bekr) performed the
            pilgrimage in                                  724    1324

            Mansá Maghá (son of the preceding) reigned 4
            years                                          732   1331-2

            Mansá Suleïmán (son of Abú Bekr) reigned 24
            years                                          736   1335-6

                He was visited by Ibn Baṭúṭah in           753    1352

            Mansá Ibn Suleïmán (son of the preceding)
            reigned 9 months                               760    1359

            Mansá Jáṭah (son of Mansá Maghá) ascended
            the throne in                                  761    1360

                and reigned 14 years.

            Mansá Músa (son of the preceding) reigned 14
            years                                          775    1373

                His Wazír, Mári Jáṭah, usurped the
                sovereign power, and conquered Tekaddá,
                which was soon after relinquished.

            Mansá Maghá (brother of the preceding)         789    1387

            Ṣanadaki, (i.e. the Wazír) and another
            usurper.

            Maḥmúd, a descendant of Mári Jáṭah the
            first, was king of Málí in                     792    1390

The position of all the places mentioned in the preceding historical
sketch, may be satisfactorily ascertained from the narrative of Ibn
Baṭúṭah, who visited Negroland about half a century earlier than the
date of Ibn Khaldún’s history, and whose remarks throw a valuable light
on the geography and social condition of the countries then known under
that denomination. A succinct account, therefore, of his journey into
Negroland shall be here given, for the sake of the elucidations
derivable from it.

                               * * * * *


[Footnote 108: This extract is taken from Ibn Khaldún’s Prolegomena,
contained in the first volume of his ‘General History of the Arabs and
Berbers,’ of which volume the library of the British Museum possesses a
copy. (MS. B.M. No. 9,574, fol. 90 v.) A few passages here omitted, will
be discussed elsewhere.]

[Footnote 109: This is manifestly a mistake. El Bekrí did not, though El
Idrísí did, give such a description of Ghánah. But the positive
statement preponderated. The Arabs were not critical enough to weigh
negative against affirmative evidence.]

[Footnote 110: Ṣúṣú صُوصُو, or Súsú سُوسُو—Málí مالي—Kaúkaú كَوْكَوْ;
Kághó كاغو. The expression _east_ must be here understood to mean
towards the interior, or _south_. The Arab geographers in general had no
idea of Negroland west of Ghánah, and very inadequate conceptions of its
extent southwards.]

[Footnote 111: The tribes of the Desert in general, Tawárik, Zenágah,
&c. cover the lower part of the face with a muffle or wrapper called
_lithám_. They consider it an impropriety to let the mouth be seen. From
wearing the lithám they are named Molaththemún, or Muffled. The invasion
of Ghánah by the Berbers, alluded to in the text, took place in the year
of the Hijra 469.]

[Footnote 112: Baramindánah بَرَمِندَانة. “Thus the name was spelt (says
Ibn Khaldún) by the Sheikh ʿOthmán, a doctor and theologian of the
people of Ghánah (Ahli Ghánah), and one of the chief men of that
country, whom I met in Egypt in 796,” &c.]

[Footnote 113: Mári Jáṭah ماري جاطه—Tikin تكن. These words belong to the
Mandingo language. _Mari_, master, is found in the Rev. R. M. M‘Brair’s
Grammar of the Mandingo, p. 40; _jatto_, a lion, p. 42. In Moore’s
vocabulary, (in Astley’s Collection, II. p. 294,) this word is written
_jatta_. The obscure and frequently nasal sound of the final vowels,
seems common to both the Súsú and Mandingo languages. The title
_Tiguing_ occurs in Isaaco’s Journal (Park’s Second Journey); and in
Tomboktú according to Caillié’s vocabulary (III. p. 313), the word
_Tigini_ signifies _King_.]

[Footnote 114: Mansá Wali منسا ولي. Mansá, king, is found in all the
Mandingo vocabularies. Changed into Manso, and taking a nasal
termination, it becomes Mansong. The name here read Wali is evidently
the Woolli so frequently occurring in the modern accounts of Tomboktú
and the country of the Mandingoes.]

[Footnote 115: Sákúrah سَاكُورة.]

[Footnote 116: Mansá Músa منسا موسي is styled the King of Tekrúr by
Makrízí, who relates his visit to Egypt on his way to Mekkah, and
describes the wealth and pompous retinue of the Negro king, in language
to which even that author’s great reputation will hardly secure implicit
credit. See Not. et Extr. tom. XII. p. 637.]

[Footnote 117: It is surprising that a historian of so much sense as Ibn
Khaldún should join in censuring King Jáṭah for the imaginary offence of
selling a mass of gold of a ton weight. The fable of a large mass of
gold in the royal treasure first referred to Ghánah (Not. et Extr. p.
645), then to Málí, and lastly to Tomboktú; where, however, the precious
lump was reduced to the weight of 1,300 lb. (Leo, pt. VII. c. 5.)
Winterbottom (Account of the Native Africans at Sierra Leone, II. p.
29), a competent medical authority, describes the disease above alluded
to, which, he says, proves fatal in every instance. “The disposition to
sleep is so strong as scarcely to leave a sufficient respite for the
taking of food. Even the repeated application of the whip, a remedy
which has been frequently used, is hardly sufficient to keep the poor
wretch awake.”]

[Footnote 118: Tekaddá تكدا—Az-záb الزاب. This is the country of the
Mezzábí, north-west of Wergelán.]

[Footnote 119: Sanadaki probably means High or Supreme Counsellor, from
_san_ or _sanon_, high, and _adégué_, a counsellor. (Dard’s Dict.)
Jarric (Hist. des Choses Mémorables, III. p. 372) pleasantly describes
the mode of dubbing a _Solatequi_ among the Zapes (now called _Bullom_,
or lowlanders), near Sierra Leone. In Isaaco’s Journal (Park’s Second
Journey, 8vo. p. 238), mention is made of a king styled _Sallatigua_-
Koura. From this word is evidently derived the title _Seratik_, borne by
the King in Bambúk and some of the Fellátah states.]

[Footnote 120: Not. et Extr. p. 642, note. Marmol, III. fol. 21. Abú
Bekr ben Omar was the Morabite conqueror of Negroland, whither he
retired after the rise of Yúsef ben Táshifín. Moura, Hist. dos
Soberanos, &c., p. 146.]

[Footnote 121: “The Zenágah,” says Ibn Khaldún (fol. 68 v), “claim to
stand in the same relationship to Abú Táleb, as do the Maghráwah to
ʿOthmán ben ʿAfan.”]

[Footnote 122: The Mandingo and Ṣúṣú languages at present differ widely
from each other, but many circumstances, nevertheless, combine to prove
the ancient affinity of the two nations. They are so frequently
confounded together, that it is not easy to discover the limits of the
Ṣúṣú country. Rennell, writing from Major Houghton’s information
(Elucidations, &c. in Proc. Afr. Assoc. I. 275), calls “Mandinga, the
country of the Susos.” Adanson (Voy. au Senegal, 1757, p. 89), after
stating that the people dwelling on the banks of the Gambia are
Mandingoes, adds, “ou Sosés, pour m’exprimer comme eux.” The Ṣúṣú
language, which is widely understood, is most correctly spoken by the
Mandingoes (Gram. and Vocab. of the Susoo Language, 1802, p. 48). The
Jesuit missionaries unite the two nations; “Zozoes, casta de Mandingos,”
says Sandoval (Hist. de Ethiop. p. 43; see also Jarric, Hist. des Choses
Mémor. III. p. 411). Winterbottom (Account of Nations at Sierra Leone,
I. p. 5,) extends the Ṣúṣú country from the River Kissee to the Rio
Nuñez.]

[Footnote 123: Leo says (pt. VII. c. 5) that Tomboktú was built by Mansá
Suleïmán, but yet there is reason to suspect that he only improved and
raised into importance a place previously existing. Conde (Hist. de la
Dominacion, &c., I. p. 402,) speaks of a chieftain named Mansur el
Tombuzi; but this title is probably a misreading for Tombúṭí; Tomboktú
being commonly called in Barbary Tombúṭ, or Tombúṭo. The passage here
referred to occurs in the annals of the year 297 H. (A.D. 909.)]




                         IBN BAṬÚṬAH’S JOURNEY.

                           POSITION OF MALI.


Ibn Baṭúṭah returned to his native city in 1350, after an absence of
five and twenty years, during which time he had visited nearly all the
countries of the east, from Constantinople to China, from Bulghar and
Kipchak Tatary to Zingebar and the Indian islands. He employed the next
year in visiting Spain and Barbary; and then, to complete his
acquaintance with the habitable earth, he undertook the perilous journey
over the desert to the country of the Blacks.[124] In Sijilmésah he was
hospitably entertained by the brother of a merchant whom he had met at
Kan-chan-fu in China, and, purchasing camels and provisions for four
months, he joined a Káfilah which set forward on its march to Negroland
on the 1st of February 1352, under the guidance of Abú Moḥammed
Bandakán, of the tribe of Masúfah.

In twenty-five days the Káfilah arrived at Tegháza, a town in the
desert, where the houses were built of rock salt, and roofed with camel
skins. The inhabitants of the place were slaves of the Masúfah, employed
in excavating and cutting the salt required for the trade with
Negroland. After a delay of ten days on the hill near Tegháza, and
renewing its stock of water at the salt and muddy wells in the hollow
(the supply for the next ten days in the desert being precarious), the
Káfilah resumed its march.[125] It fortunately escaped the much dreaded
difficulties: fresh rain-water lay in all the hollows and crevices of
the rocks; and at one place was found so copious a spring of delicious
water, that the travellers, after satisfying their thirst, washed
themselves and their clothes in the limpid stream. The fine truffles
growing in this tract, compensated in some degree for the troublesome
insects infesting it. One of the merchants belonging to the Káfilah
strayed too far from it, and was lost. This misfortune served as a
warning to Ibn Baṭúṭah, who had previously made it a practice to march
in advance and wander over the plains. The dead body of the strayed
merchant was afterwards found by another Káfilah about a mile from
water.

Táserahlá, the station at which the Káfilah next arrived, was a stagnant
pool, where it was customary to halt three days, for the purpose of
repairing and replenishing the waterskins. It was also usual to send
forward from this place the couriers (el takshíf), a name commonly given
to all of the tribe of Masúfah.[126] For merchants arriving at Táserahlá
always despatched letters to Aïwalátin, apprising their friends of their
approach, and engaging them to meet the Káfilah with water four days
from the latter place. If the courier died on the way, as often
happened, then no assistance came from Aïwalátin, and the Káfilah
perished in consequence. “For,” says the Arab author, “that desert is
filled with demons; and if the courier goes alone, they forthwith
appear, bewilder and startle him, till he strays from the way, when his
destruction is inevitable; for there is no path or track to guide him,
nor anything but an immense wilderness of sand driven about by the
winds, so that where there is now a level plain, there arises in a few
minutes a hillock, which again quickly disappears. The guides in this
desert, therefore, have nothing to rely on but constant practice, and
require no ordinary share of intrepidity and self-possession. The
appearance of our guide, who was one of those best acquainted with the
country, caused me much surprise, inasmuch as he had but one eye, and
that one diseased.”[127]

The merchants of the Káfilah engaged a Masúfí courier for 100 mithḳáls
of gold, and on the sixth day after leaving Táserahlá, they descried
with delight the signal fires of those who had advanced to meet them
from Aïwalátin. The tract passed over abounded in herds of the baḳr el
wuḥash (the Antelope Bubalis), which were chased by the Masúfah, and
killed with arrows. Their flesh, causing thirst, was little eaten: but
their stomachs contained water; and Ibn Baṭúṭah saw with astonishment
their contents drained by the people of the desert. Serpents were also
numerous in the same region. A merchant of Telemsán, who accompanied the
Káfilah, amused himself with catching these reptiles; but he was on one
occasion bitten in the hand, and the inflammation that ensued continuing
to increase, he killed a camel, thrust his wounded hand into the stomach
of the slaughtered animal, and kept it there for some hours, till the
pain was assuaged. The desert travelled over in the last four days to
Aïwalátin differed much from the preceding tract. It was dry and hot in
the highest degree. The Káfilah occasionally met with parties of the
Masúfah and Berdámah, who carried water about for sale. In the foregoing
account of the desert between Táserahlá and Aïwalátin, it is easy to
recognize “The Desert,” properly so called, of El Bekrí, the Desert of
Tíser of El Idrísí, and the Azawad of Leo. The breadth of the dreaded
tract, peopled by the fears of travellers with demons; its distance from
Sijilmésah, and from the southern limit of the Ṣaḥrá; its possessors the
Masúfah; and the numerous serpents infesting it, are all so many marks
whereby it may be discovered under its various denominations.[128]

Two lunar months were spent in the journey from Sijilmésah to
Aïwalátin.[129] This was the frontier territory of Málí, and had for
ruler a black officer named Ḥuseïn Farbá, the word _farbá_ signifying
_governor_ in the language of Málí. Ibn Baṭúṭah was but little pleased
with the manners of the Blacks, among whom he had expected to see more
homage paid to men of his complexion. He even thought of returning
immediately to Sijilmésah, but his original plans preponderated, and he
resolved, at any rate, to explore Negroland. His attention was engaged
by the singular character and customs of the Masúfah, who formed the
higher class of the inhabitants of Aïwalátin. Though Mohammedans, they
had a law of succession resembling that of the pagans of Malabar. Their
women, handsome and finely-formed, went unveiled, and conversed with the
men on terms of freedom and equality which fully spoke the dissolute
manners of the place.[130]

After staying fifty days in Aïwalátin, Ibn Baṭúṭah engaged a Masúfí
guide, and, in company with three merchants, set forward for Málí, which
was a good twenty-four days’ journey distant. In ten days he came to
Zágharí, a large town inhabited by black traders, and some whites of the
Ibádhíyah sect, called Ṣaghanghú. Leaving Zágharí, he arrived at
Kársekhó, “a city on the bank of the Great River which is the Nile.”
After describing the downward course of the river in terms which shall
be examined further on, the traveller’s narrative thus proceeds:—“We
marched from Kársekhó and came to the river Ṣanṣarah, which is ten miles
from Málí, and it being the custom of the country that no one enters
there without asking leave, I wrote to the company of Whites, and to its
chief, Moḥammed ben Alfaḳíh Algezúlí, and also to Shemso-d-dín, to
engage me a lodging; and so, when I came to the river (Ṣanṣarah), I
embarked in a canoe, and without further trouble, arrived at the city of
Málí, the residence of the Sultan of Negroland; and, landing near the
burial ground, I walked directly to the quarter of the Whites, and found
Moḥammed ben Alfaḳíh, who had procured me a lodging opposite to his own
house.”[131]

Ibn Baṭúṭah fell sick soon after his arrival in the capital of Málí, and
two months elapsed before he was able to visit Mansá Suleïmán. Returning
on that occasion from the palace, he was followed by those who brought
the King’s present. They called to him to rise and receive it, while
they bore it towards him with an air of much importance. But what was
the surprise of the Arab traveller, who expected to receive a handsome
garment, or a sum of money, to find the royal gift to consist of only
three scraps of bread, some hashed mutton, and a calabash of milk. He
subsequently took occasion to reprove Mansá Suleïmán for his want of
munificence, and thereupon received from him, as a conciliatory gift, a
robe, lodging, an allowance while he remained, with a sum of money at
his departure.

But the arrangements of Mansá Suleïmán’s court did not betray the sordid
disposition imputed to him. They appear to have been conceived in a
style of rude pomp and majesty no longer witnessed in the same country.
Within the royal palace was an alcove or vaulted chamber communicating
with the interior, and having towards the hall of audience three windows
covered with silver gratings, and as many more with gratings of gold or
silver gilt. Over these gratings hung silk curtains, the drawing of
which served to show that the king was seated within. The officers and
people then assembled. The Farárí or chief captains, with their archers,
spearmen, and musicians, ranged themselves on both sides of the alcove,
and on the signal being given, by thrusting a handkerchief of Egyptian
muslin through the grating of one of the windows, the musicians fell to
work with drums, ivory flutes, pipes of cane and calabashes, and made an
extraordinary din. Outside the alcove stood Dúghá, the interpreter, and
near him a man who carried his words to the king, and brought back the
royal answer.[132]

At times the king gave audience in the open air, seated on a platform
covered with silk, and called Bámbi. A large silk umbrella, like a
canopy, was held over his head, having on the top a golden bird as large
as a falcon. He walked slowly on these occasions, surrounded by 300
armed slaves. Two horses and two rams were led forth, among other
emblems of royal state. The King’s words gave rise to laudatory
harangues in the assembly, in the course of which the soldiers signified
their approbation by twanging their bows. Whoever spoke to the King, or
was addressed by him, stripped himself to the waist, and, throwing
himself prostrate, sprinkled dust or clay over his head, and beat the
ground with his elbows. The frequent exhibition of this abject humility
offended Ibn Baṭúṭah, who also reprobates the custom of allowing the
female slaves and young girls, not excepting the King’s daughters, to go
completely naked, and to appear in that state before the King himself.
He censures also the grotesque exhibitions of the poets or mimes, who
were called _jolá_ (the plural of _jál_).[133] He witnessed the
performance of one who wore a masquerade dress of feathers, with a
wooden head, like that of some bird, and, thus disguised, delivered an
extemporaneous harangue before the King. He says nothing of the industry
or trade of Málí; yet the length at which he describes the dresses of
the courtiers, and his frequent mention of silks and of gold and silver
ornaments, show that the Negro city did not impress his mind with the
idea of poverty. The King wore a gown of European manufacture.

Among the Mandingoes or other nations in Western Africa, no trace at
present exists of the manners of Málí, or of the pompous forms of a
great monarchy. But in Yariba and Bergú, on the banks of the Quorra, we
find absolute sovereigns, who are approached with the same humiliating
ceremonies above described. While the King sits richly clothed, and the
musicians strain their efforts, the courtiers strip themselves to the
waist, and bow their heads to the dust. In Bergú the King is followed by
a troop of naked girls.[134] The idea of royalty as regards both its
internal principle and external form, is now in Yariba precisely what it
was five centuries ago in Málí; and this remarkable fact may perhaps
justify the suspicion that the people of Málí originally issued from the
country adjoining Bergú, Yariba, and Dahómy, and wherein there now
exists a Mohammedan, and probably a Mandingo state called Magho.[135]

Ibn Baṭúṭah relates his departure from Málí in these words: “I arrived
in Málí on the 14th of the month Jumáda-l-awwal, of the year 753 (29th
June, 1352), and I left it on the 22nd of Moharrem in the following year
(27th February, 1353). I departed in company with a merchant named Abú
Bekr Ibn Yakúb, and we took the road to Mímah. I rode on a camel,
because horses are so dear in that country that one often costs 100
mithḳáls.” From these expressions, combined with those in which he
describes his arrival in Málí, it appears evident that he never crossed
the Great River, and therefore that the city of Málí must have stood on
the northern side of that stream. He came to Kársekhó, situate on the
northern bank of the Great River, “which is the Nile.” He did not cross
this stream, but proceeding to the river Ṣanṣarah, and embarking on it,
he reached Málí. When quitting this place, he mounted his camel at once,
and took the road to Mímah. It is therefore certain that Málí was on the
same bank of the Great River as Kársekhó and Mímah.

To this conclusion it may be objected, that Leo Africanus places Melli
(Málí) on a southern branch of the Great River, or Niger, as he styles
it. But that writer’s statements, if viewed comprehensively, and
thoroughly understood, will be found to afford, in this instance, no
firm ground whereon to build an argument. He says that the country
called by the Moors Gheneoa (Genéwah), and by the natives Genni (Jenni),
extends 250 miles along the Niger, to the place where that river enters
the ocean. And again, he says that Melli lies to the south of Gheneoa,
and extends 300 miles along a branch of the Niger. Now it is obvious
that the river on which Melli stood, is converted into a branch of the
Niger by the same hypothesis which led the river of Genni directly
westward to the ocean; and we are not bound, while rejecting the
erroneous theory, to respect the modifications forced by it on
collateral information; nor to admit Leo’s descriptions, clothed in the
language of system, in opposition to Ibn Baṭúṭah’s clear statement of
facts.[136]

But if we cannot admit that the capital of Málí was situate on any
stream entering the Joliba from the south, so neither can it be supposed
to have stood on any tributary stream joining that river on its left or
northern bank. For why should a traveller make such a circuit as to
continue his route southwards to Kársekhó, and then ascend a stream in
order to reach a point to which he might have gone directly by land? And
besides, the left bank of the Joliba, within the limits wherein we may
reasonably look for the site of Málí, has been travelled over by Mungo
Park, who found there no tributary stream. The mention of the river
Ṣanṣarah, therefore, presents difficulties which admit of only one
explanation. A great river like the Joliba, periodically overflowing the
adjacent country, will probably form many channels, and insulate,
perhaps by permanent canals, long tracts of low land, as is exemplified
on a small scale in the course of the Medway below Chatham. Now, if we
suppose that Málí stood in a low tract, intersected by a canal of the
Joliba, called Ṣanṣarah, then Ibn Baṭúṭah’s movements may be easily
explained. That the banks of the Joliba are almost impassable in the
rainy season we know from the narrative of Park, who, being a stranger
in the country, struggled through difficulties which a native perhaps
would never have thought of encountering. But Ibn Baṭúṭah had an
experienced guide; going to Málí, therefore, at the commencement of the
rains (the end of June), he directed his course to an easily accessible
point of the Joliba, and thence proceeded to the capital by the canal:
leaving Málí in the middle of the dry season (the last day of February)
he mounted his camel and crossed the country. Moreover, we are
fortunately able to show that our hypothesis respecting the Ṣanṣarah, is
not only not unnatural nor improbable, but that it truly represents the
physical character of that part of the Joliba now under consideration,
and that there is, in fact, a canal or arm of the river in the very
place where we should expect to find the Ṣanṣarah. Mungo Park,
describing his voyage down the Joliba from Samee to Sego, says, “We
passed down a small stream to the north of Sego-korro, and halted
opposite to Sego-sikorro, near the sandhills, where I formerly waited
for a passage.” In explanation of these words, it must be observed that
Sego-korro is on the northern bank of the river; Sego-sikorro, where the
King of Bambara resided, on the southern bank. The small stream north of
Sego-korro, therefore, down which the traveller passed, (in the middle
of August, when the floods were at their height,) must have been a canal
or arm of the river insulating the ground on which Sego-korro
stood.[137] Park does not state the length of the _small stream_, nor
say whether he entered it near Samee; but these particulars are here of
little consequence, since our object is not to identify the small stream
of Park with the Ṣanṣarah of Ibn Baṭúṭah, but only to show how perfectly
our hypothesis respecting the latter harmonizes with nature and with
fact. Yet it must not be concealed that there is reason for believing
that the site of the capital of Málí was near Samee. Ibn Khaldún writes
the proper name of that capital in characters wanting, unfortunately,
the diacritic points; but these being supplied by probable conjecture,
the passage in question will run thus: “And the residence of the king of
the people of Málí is the city of _Benní_,” (or Benna).[138] A place
called Binni, of little importance, stands on the north bank of the
Joliba, about seven miles above Samee.

The sequel of Ibn Baṭúṭah’s journey shall be related in his own words,
though with some curtailment. He thus proceeds:—“We came to a wide creek
or arm of the Nile, which can be crossed only in boats, on the third
night after we left Málí. On arriving at its banks, I beheld, with
astonishment, about sixteen immense animals, which I took to be
elephants. However, when I saw them plunge into the water, I called out
to Abú Bekr Ibn Yakúb, and asked him what are these? And he replied,
‘They are river horses (Hippopotami), which come ashore to feed.’ They
are much larger than common horses, yet resemble them in their heads and
the fulness of their manes, but their feet are like those of elephants.
On another occasion, when navigating the river from Tomboktú to Kaúkaú,
I had a view of these animals. They were swimming about with their heads
above the water, and snorting. The natives attack them with javelins, to
which are attached a number of cords. If the animal be struck in the
neck or the leg, he is soon overcome, dragged to the bank, and killed.
The natives eat the flesh, and the banks of the river are strewed over
with the bones of these animals.[139]

“At this arm of the Nile we rested in a village governed by a negro
named Farbá Maghá, one of those who had accompanied Mansá Músa on his
pilgrimage. He related to us, that when Mansá Músa came to this place,
he gave to Abú-l-Abbas Aldukálí, a white man and Kadhi who attended him,
4,000 mithḳáls for the expenses of his journey. Abú-l-Abbas, however, on
arriving at Mímah, complained that his money was stolen. The King
thereupon sent for the governor, and threatened him with death, if the
money and the thief were not immediately discovered. The search seemed
at first fruitless; but on the slaves of Abú-l-Abbas being menaced and
strictly questioned, one of them, a young girl, pointed out the spot
where her master had buried the money. Mansá Músa, on hearing this,
banished the Kadhi to the country of the Unbelievers, who eat men. There
he stayed four years, before he was permitted to return; and the Blacks
did not eat him, because they say that white man’s flesh is bad meat,
being flabby and immature. And here I must relate a curious anecdote.
Some of these cannibals, led by a chief, came on a certain occasion to
the court of Mansá Suleïmán; they were clothed in silk wrappers, and had
enormous pendants in their ears, the holes in which were an inch in
diameter. The King received them with much distinction, regaled them
sumptuously, and, as a token of regard, gave them a slave girl. They
immediately killed the girl, and ate her; then, besmearing their hands
and faces with her blood, they visited the Sultan, and thanked him for
his present. In the country of these cannibals there are mines of
gold.[140]

“Leaving the village on the water side, we came to Korí Mansá, where the
camel that I was riding died. When my servant told me of this accident,
I went out to witness it with my own eyes, and there I beheld the Blacks
already devouring the carcass, their custom being to eat every kind of
dead animal. I then sent two of my followers to a town called Zagharí,
about two days’ journey from Korí Mansá, to buy me another camel. In six
days they returned, and we then took the road to Mímah. We did not enter
that town, however, but encamped outside near the wells. Thence we
arrived at Tomboktú, a city four miles distant from the Nile. Most of
its inhabitants are people of Mímah, or of the tribes called
Almolaththemún. One day I went to visit the governor, Farbá Músa, and
met at his house a Masúfí, who had just arrived in Tomboktú, to take the
command of the people of his tribe established there. The governor gave
him a robe, a turban, and pair of trowsers, all of figured cotton; and
made him sit on a shield, while the chief people of his tribe lifted him
above their heads.[141]

“At Tomboktú I embarked in a small canoe made of a single trunk of a
tree, and went down the river. We landed every night, and went to some
inhabited place to procure what we wanted,—such as oil, and other
necessaries—giving in exchange for them salt, drugs, and trinkets. We
came to a place, the name of which I have forgotten, but where Farbá
Suleïmán, a Hájí of sterling worth, was governor. He was a man of great
size and strength, and had a bow which none of the Blacks but himself
could bend. I went into his house to ask for a little durrah, and my
request being interpreted for him by a faḳíh who was present, he took me
by the hand, and led me into his principal chamber, which was filled
with arms of various kinds, shields, bows, and javelins. There was then
brought to me a drink called Aldaḳnó, prepared from bruised durrah, with
milk and honey. We then ate of a water melon; and in conclusion, a young
slave coming into the room, Farbá Suleïmán presented him to me, and I
have him at the present day.[142]

“From this place we went on to Kaúkaú, one of the largest, handsomest,
and strongest cities in all Negroland. It stands on the banks of the
Nile, and abounds in rice, milk, poultry, fish, and fruit of matchless
excellence. The people there, as well as in Málí, use shells for money.
I stayed in Kaúkaú about two months, and then went by land in the
direction of Tekaddá, with a large Káfilah of people of Ghodémis.[143]
We came into the country of the Berdámah, a Berber tribe, whose
protection and friendship are indispensable for the safety of travellers
in this region. The Berdámah are wanderers, and never remain long in one
place. Their tents are of a peculiar construction; they fix poles in the
ground, and place on them a matting of reeds; over this they form a
trellis-work of boughs of trees, and cover the frame thus constructed
with skins and cotton cloths. Their women are the prettiest and best
shaped that I have ever seen; they are as white as snow, and the fattest
in the world. Whoever wishes to have a woman of this tribe, needs only
to go to the wells near their encampments in the evening, and she will
be sure to follow him; but he must not take her further than Kaúkaú or
Aïwalátin.[144]

“We continued our march to Tekaddá, where the houses are built of red
stone; the water is coloured by running over copper ores, which impart
to it a disagreeable flavour. The people of Tekaddá sow no grain; they
are wholly devoted to trade, and live in affluence; their luxury
consisting, as in Málí and Aïwalátin, in slaves of both sexes, of whom
some classes fetch exorbitant prices. The king of Tekaddá is a Berber.
The copper taken from the mines near the town is made into small bars
about an inch and a half thick, which are exchanged for grain, meat,
fuel, and other necessaries. These bars are carried to Kúber, in the
country of the Infidels, to Rághá, and to Bornú, which is forty days’
journey from Tekaddá. The king of that country (who is named Idris)
never speaks to his subjects, unless from behind a screen or
curtain.[145]

“From Tekaddá we set forward on our march to Twát, which is seventy days
distant, and came to Káhir, which belongs to the Sultan of Karkar, and
yields sufficient pasturage. Then going three days over a waterless
desert, and fifteen through a tract uninhabited but not waterless, we
came to the place where the road to Egypt separates from that to Twat.
The water of the wells in that place being impregnated with iron, stains
linen. In ten days more we came to Dekhár, and in another month reached
Búdá, one of the largest towns of Twát.”

To the foregoing narrative a few remarks may be here advantageously
subjoined. If it be granted that Ibn Baṭúṭah, in sending to Zagharí for
a camel to replace that which died at Korí Mansá, had recourse to the
nearest town, then it follows that Mímah, one stage at least from
Tomboktú, must have been more than two stages from Korí Mansá. But this
place, in a mean position, will be nearly as far as Zagharí, or fourteen
days, from the capital of Málí. This capital must therefore have been,
at the lowest calculation, eighteen days from Tomboktú.[146]

It is worthy of attention, that, in the fourteenth century, Tomboktú was
peopled chiefly by natives of Mímah, and by the Molaththemún, the very
parties with whom Ghánah, three centuries before, had to maintain a
constant warfare. The Masúfah, the early occupants of the desert between
Sijilmésah and Ghánah, extended from Tegháza to Tomboktú, and mercenary
bands of them were at the court of Málí. But the caravan road seems to
have been their only territory; eastward they were bounded by the
Berdámah, who carried water for sale into the desert of Azawad, and
whose encampments were probably not ten days distant from Tomboktú.

There does not appear to have been any place of note between Tomboktú
and Kaúkaú; nor does Ibn Baṭúṭah say a word favourable to the
supposition that the former of these cities was in his time
intrinsically important. Kaúkaú, on the other hand, then enjoyed that
eminence among the cities of Negroland which it continued to retain for
at least four centuries.[147] The morals of the Berdámah, of Aïwalátin,
and Tekaddá, as described by Ibn Baṭúṭah, bear a close resemblance to
those characterizing Aúdaghost and Tádmekkah in earlier times, and
indicate the same fundamental conditions of society. The women of the
Berdámah, he says, were willing to follow strangers, on the implied
condition that they were not to be taken beyond Kaúkaú or Aïwalátin.
This is as much as to say, that they willingly accompanied merchants
arriving with the Káfilahs from the north-east, to a certain distance on
either of the two frequented roads; but it is remarkable that no mention
is here made of a road to any part of Houssa.

Tekaddá was seventy days from Twát, and as fifty-eight of these are
accounted for, we may conclude that Tekaddá was twelve days from Káhir,
and thirty from the place where the roads to Twát and Egypt divided
(probably near Ghát); it was also forty days from Bornú, so that its
position may be ascertained with sufficient accuracy. Leo Africanus
states, that beyond or eastward of the Desert of the Zenágah lay that of
the Zuenziga, “which extends from the neighbourhood of Tegaza eastwards,
to the borders of the Desert of Air, inhabited by the Targa (Tawárik);
and from the confines of Segelmessa, Tebelbelt, and Benigomi southwards
(south-eastwards), to the Desert of Ghir, which is opposite to the
kingdom of Guber.” It has been already shown that by Air Leo meant the
Desert of ʿAhír east of Aghades; and it seems equally certain that his
Ghir is the Káhir of Ibn Baṭúṭah.[148] The copper of Tekaddá was taken
to Bornú, Kúber (Guber), and Rághá (Raka in Yariba?); and here it is
worthy of remark, that Guber, the frontier province of Houssa towards
the desert, and the province to which native historians concede the
superiority derivable from an early intercourse with white men, was
still pagan in the fourteenth century. This fact alone would be
sufficient to prove that Houssa formed no part of the Negroland which
fell within the range of the Morabites, even if the general tenor of
their history did not contradict such an extension of their conquests;
or if the question were not decided by the authority of Ibn Khaldún, who
says expressly that “Tekaddá was behind the country of the
Morabites.”[149]

Ibn Baṭúṭah makes no allusion to the extent of the empire of Málí
towards the west or south; but he clearly indicates its limits towards
the north and east. When first mentioning the river, he describes its
course in the following terms:—“We came to the Great River, which is the
Nile, and on the banks of which stands the city of Kársekhó. Thence the
Nile descends to Kábrah and to Zághah, and the Sultans of these two
cities are tributary to the Sultan of Málí. The inhabitants of Zághah
were the first [in these countries] who embraced Mohammedism. They are
religious, and fond of learning. From Zághah the river descends to
Tomboktú; thence to Kaúkaú; thence to the district of Múlí, in the
country of the Límiyín, which terminates [in that direction] the
dominion of Málí. It goes thence to Yúfí (Núfí), one of the greatest
states in Negroland, and the Sultan of which is among the most powerful
princes of that quarter of the earth. No white man can reach that
country, for sure death awaits him from the natives before he penetrates
so far. From Yúfí the Nile descends to Nubia, the inhabitants of which
are Christians, and to Dongolah,” &c.[150]

Notwithstanding the confusion into which the writer of Ibn Baṭúṭah’s
narrative here falls, placing Zághah below Kábrah, evidently in
ignorance of the proximity of the latter place to Tomboktú, yet as we
know that Zághah was not on the part of the river which Ibn Baṭúṭah
actually navigated, viz. between Tomboktú and Kaúkaú, we may rest
satisfied that it was above Kábrah. The empire of Málí extended along
both banks of the Great River as far as Tomboktú. On the left it
stretched northward to the border of the desert and the route of the
caravans, thus comprising the territory of the ancient Ghánah. Eastward
of Tomboktú it appears to have been bounded by the river; the Berdámah
and other tribes of the desert on the left bank retaining their
independence. Kaúkaú had been annexed to the empire, but no advance made
eastwards from that place, nor had Tekaddá been as yet invaded. Below
Kaúkaú the river flowed by the district of Múlí in the country of the
Límiyín (who were on its left bank, as shall be shown hereafter), and at
that point terminated, towards the east, the empire of Málí.

The Múlí of Ibn Baṭúṭah is apparently the district called by Mohammed
Masíní Mouri (Múrí), four long days’ journey west of Sokkatú. It is said
to be mountainous and well watered; it immediately adjoins the Desert of
the Tawárik, and its inhabitants are still pagans. It is therefore the
northern limit of the negro population on the left bank of the Kowára,
or on the side of Houssa.[151]

By the possession of Múlí the people of Málí had ready ingress into the
countries whence slaves were taken, but there is no authority whatever
for the supposition that they ever extended their dominion farther
eastward; and care must be taken, therefore, not to confound the
Mandingo empire of Málí with the country called Marra or Malla, situate
on the confines of the former in the north-western part of Houssa. It
seems clearly ascertained that the north-west part of Houssa, or the
territory between Zanfara and the Kowára, is called by the natives
Marra, or by those who affect the Arab sounds, Malla. The ancient
greatness assigned to Marra in the historical traditions of the natives,
favours the opinion that it was the Melil or Malilo of the early Arab
writers. At present the name Marra is used only by the indigenous
population, and it is curious to observe that its former importance
never brought it to the ears of Clapperton or Lander. But its partial
obscurity only renders it more likely to lead to confusion; and
therefore, in order to distinguish clearly between Málí and Malla, let
it be observed, that the former of these lay on the west of the Kowára,
the latter on the east. Málí was the empire of the Mandingoes; Malla a
kingdom of Houssa. These two states approached, and may have met each
other near Múlí; but there is no positive ground for believing that they
were in any degree connected, or that the conquests of Málí ever
extended into Malla.[152]

Opposite to Múlí, or on the right bank of the Kowára, the dominion of
Málí probably extended a little southward to the borders of Bergú. Ibn
Baṭúṭah relates that Bálbá Ḳásá, the queen of Mansá Suleïmán, sent, in a
fit of displeasure, a confidential messenger to Mári Jáṭah, the King’s
nephew, instigating him to revolt, and promising to gain over the army
to his interest. Mári Jáṭah was at that time governor of Kombori.[153]
Now this name occurs in the fragments of native geographers collected by
Capt. Clapperton. It is therein stated that Kanbari (Kombori) lies north
of the River Kadúna; and again, we are told, that the river of that
country is called Kantagoora (Kotú-n-kúra). Yet the Kombori, of which
Jáṭah was governor, could not have been the country on the river of
Kotú-n-kúra, for this is beyond Múlí, where the dominion of Málí
terminated. This objection may be removed, however, by a little
attention to the comprehensiveness of the name under consideration.
Clapperton informs us that the aboriginal inhabitants of the country of
Boussa (Busá) are the negroes called Cambrie or Cumbrie (Kombori), who
still preserve their own language, and dwell in the woods on both sides
of the river, their villages extending also a long way up the Kotú-n-
kúra. From them, therefore, it is evident that the country on this river
takes the name of Kombori. But they also occupy all the islands in the
river above Busá, and are the indigenous inhabitants of the territory of
Busá, which extends eleven days’ journey northwards up the right bank of
the Kowára. They occupy, therefore, the country opposite to Múlí, where
we may accordingly place with much probability the province of Kombori
belonging to Málí.[154]

“From Múlí (says Ibn Baṭúṭah) the river descends to Yúfí (Núfí), one of
the greatest kingdoms of Negroland, but to which white men cannot
penetrate; and thence it flows to Nubia.” It would appear, from this,
that the superiority now enjoyed by the people of Núfí in arts and
industry, was already acknowledged in the fourteenth century. It is
manifest also that the system of the native geographers which converts
the Chadda into a continuation of the Kowára, by which the waters of
this great river are carried across Bornú to the Nile of Egypt, is of
some antiquity. Ibn Baṭúṭah believed that the great river below Múlí
flowed some distance to the south or south-east before it turned
eastwards to Nubia. In speaking of Kulwá (Kilwá, or Quiloa), on the
eastern coast of Africa, he uses these words:—“A merchant there told me,
that the town of Sofálah is half a month’s journey from Kulwá, and one
month from Yúfí in the country of the Límiyín, and that gold is brought
from Yúfí to Sofálah.”[155] The boldness here evinced in bringing
together and joining in commerce countries far asunder, is constantly
exhibited in the geographical speculations of an early or ill-informed
age. Distances are then enlarged as expediency requires; hypothesis
leaps over the vacant spaces, and forcibly stretches the known portions
in the opposite sides of a continent till they meet in the centre.
Illustrations of this truth may be found in all ages. During the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Abyssinia, Congo, and Monomotapa
were all supposed to meet together. One of the Jesuits resident in
Abyssinia asserts, that salt was carried from that country to
Tomboktú.[156] The reasoning which led to this statement was, in its
nature, exactly the same as that from which the Arabs inferred an
intercourse between Sofálah and Yúfí. It is not surprising, therefore,
that Ibn Baṭúṭah, who had far less accurate means of ascertaining the
true positions of the places visited by him than the Catholic
missionaries, should believe that the remote interior, whence gold was
brought to Sofálah, was occupied by the same nation who filled the
interior viewed in the opposite direction from Málí. Erroneous as this
kind of inference may be, it yet rests on ideas of direction so manifest
and unambiguous as to be of material service in explaining an author’s
meaning. It is plain, then, that Ibn Baṭúṭah thought Yúfí to lie between
Málí and Sofálah, and that the Great River from Múlí to Yúfí flowed
towards Sofálah, but beyond Yúfí turned eastwards to Nubia.

It is impossible to quit the narrative of Ibn Baṭúṭah’s travels without
making an important reflection on the extent and direction of his
journey to Negroland. We see in him an enterprising, experienced, well-
informed traveller, whose ambition it was, apparently, to explore all
the known parts of the earth; he goes from Sijilmésah across the desert
to Málí, thence to Tomboktú, and then descends the river as far as
Kaúkaú, and from Kaúkaú he turns off north-eastwards to the Desert on
his way back. Now can it be reasonably doubted that, in this tour, he
visited _the Negroland_ with which Sijilmésah had maintained an
intercourse from the earliest times, and which had been so minutely
described by El Bekrí and others? Can it be doubted that he accomplished
his proposed task in the sense in which it was understood by his
countrymen, and that the Negroland of western writers consequently lay
between the capital of Málí and Kaúkaú or Kághó? When he alludes to
Gúber as a pagan country, but says nothing of Kanó, can it be seriously
maintained that he slightingly passes over in silence the only part of
Negroland described with copious and connected details by the best Arab
writers?

The hypothesis identifying Kanó with Ghánah appears to have originated
with Leo Africanus, and rests on no better foundation than the supposed
resemblance of those names, which to an impartial critic must appear
widely dissimilar.[157] Neither can it be admitted that Aghades was ever
called Aúdaghost, or that it is only twenty-five days from Jermah in
Fezzán. Kanó is two months from Jermah, four or five months from the
Western Ocean, and an equal distance from Sijilmésah, with which country
it certainly never maintained any intercourse. It is not close to the
desert, nor is there any desert of extreme aridity within much less than
a month’s journey from it.[158] It has no navigable river near it, nor
even any stream which is not quite dry in summer; much less can the
series of names placed on the river of Ghánah be found in its vicinity.
Neither do the descriptions of Ghánah, with all their details, contain
the names of any of the countries near Kanó. The tribes of the desert on
the frontiers of Houssa have all come from the neighbourhood of Fezzán,
and not from Sijilmésah.[159] Kanó is removed far from the deserts of
the Zenágah and of the Morabites, who always hung over Ghánah, and at
length became its masters: nor was Kanó included in the empire of Málí
when this power had attained its greatest extension, and had advanced
far beyond Ghánah. To one who examines with patience and attention the
accounts of Ghánah, it cannot but appear surprising that its identity
with Kanó should be maintained and acquiesced in even at the present
day.


[Footnote 124: For an account of Ibn Baṭúṭah, whose Travels at least
equal in interest those of Marco Polo, see the ‘History of the
Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain,’ by D. Pascual de Gayangos, p. 348. This
gentleman possesses a copy of the complete narrative of Ibn Baṭúṭah, and
from his translation of it (which we hope will be presented to the
public ere long) have been collected the passages given above, which are
not in general to be found in Professor Lee’s translation of the
abridgment of the same work.]

[Footnote 125: Tegháza تَغَازَي is described, though not named, by El
Bekrí (Not. et Extr. p. 436). The salt mines, he says, are two days from
the Great Desert, over which passes the road to Ghánah, and twenty from
Sijilmésah. Ibn Baṭúṭah, travelling slowly, found the latter distance to
be a journey of twenty-five days. The Morabite general, Abú Bekr ben
Omar, purchased Negro slaves at a place in the desert called Gasza, whom
he sent to Spain, and exchanged for European slaves, to recruit his army
(Conde, Hist. de la Dom. II. p. 86). The Gasza here mentioned is
probably Tegháza mutilated in the original text, and further disfigured
by the Spanish writer. El Idrísí (Rec. de Voy. p. 107) mentions a place
in the desert called Taghíza. According to Cadamosto (c. XII. fol. 137
v), Tegháza signifies _Cargadore_, or a loader (an old word, ill changed
into _Caricatojo_ in the recent edition of Ramusio); importing that the
place so called was the residence of those who loaded the camels, or
furnished the freight for the trade with Negroland. Peritsol (Itinera
Mundi, ed. by Hyde, p. 124), explains it otherwise, and translates
Tegháza, _earth_ loaded _with gold_. Ibn Baṭúṭah says, that at Aïwalátin
the salt fetched from ten to eighteen mithḳáls the load, and at Málí
twenty or thirty, or sometimes forty mithḳáls; and Leo states that when
he was at Tomboktú, the price of a load of salt rose there to eighty
ducats. Cadamosto quotes much higher prices. The ducat or mithḳál is
valued by Jackson at 3_s._ 8_d._ Another writer informs us, that the
load of salt (600 lb.), worth 4_s._ at Tegháza, paid 5_l._ duty at Gago
(True Historical Discourse of Muley Hamet’s Rising, c. II.). It has been
asserted by Jackson (Account of Morocco, p. 241), and too readily
believed, that there is a second Tegháza near the coast. But that
author’s meaning is explained by his map, in which we find written _East
Tarassa_ (Tegháza) and _West Tarassa Arabs_ (the Trarzas, or, as Labat
writes their name, Eteraza). According to Jackson’s orthographical
system, the same Arabic name may be written Tegháza, Tegrassa, or
Terassa. Caillié (Voy. &c. tom. II. p. 417,) came to some wells called
Trarzas, or Trasas, within the region of loose sand, and which have been
nevertheless mistaken for the site of Tegháza, whereas they obviously
owed their name to the tribe that dug them.]

[Footnote 126: Táserahlá تَاسَرَهْلا. Respecting the Masúfah, who were
generally called el Takshíf, that is, the scouts or couriers, and who
appear to have occupied the whole road from Tegháza to Tomboktú, there
is a passage in Ibn Khaldún (fol. 89) which, with a little abridgment,
is worth transcribing.—“After the fall of the Morabite dynasty, the
tribes of the Molaththemún returned to the desert, and now occupy the
countries which they originally possessed in the vicinity of Negroland.
But as we have already observed, the emigration of the Zenágah tribes
was but partial: a few only of the Masúfah and Lumtúnah obeyed the
impulse, while the majority of the tribes remained behind, and _keep in
our days their old settlements in the Sahrá_, paying tribute to the
Kings of Negroland, on whom they depend, and in whose armies they serve.
The Goddálah are directly opposite to the Dhawi-Hassán, a branch of the
Moʿakel Arabs, settled in Sús el Aḳṣa; the Lumtúnah are opposite to the
Dhawi-Mansúr and Dhawi ʿObeidu-llah, branches of the same great tribe
living in Maghrebu-l-Aḳṣa. The Masúfah face the Zaghabah, an Arab tribe
in Maghrebu-l-Aúsat; and the Lamṭah adjoin the Benú Riyyah, who occupy
Ez-Záb.”—Thus it appears that the Masúfah inhabiting the tract of desert
between Sijilmésah and Tomboktú were in _their old settlements_, and,
therefore, in the tract between Sijilmésah and Ghánah. (See page 17.)
Leo (pt. I. c. 17-19) points out the situation of the various families
of the Machil (Moʿakel) tribe of Arabs.]

[Footnote 127: The solitude and dangers of the desert naturally incline
the mind to the terrors of superstition. Marco Polo (Marsden’s edit. p.
159) relates that the Desert of Lop, in Tatary, is haunted by spirits
who call travellers by their names in the voice of friends, and lead
them astray.]

[Footnote 128: A hundred mithḳáls was a large hire, if we estimate it by
the price of salt at Tegháza, which was probably but one mithḳál the
load. In the descriptions of the Desert of Tíser, the serpents infesting
it are always mentioned. They were dressed with salt and wormwood,
according to El Idrísí (Rec. de Voy. p. 108), and eaten by the Blacks.
If the loose hot sands abruptly approach the limits of vegetation on the
southern border of the Ṣaḥrá, between the 4th and 9th westerly
meridians, this phenomenon must be ascribed to the prevalence of
northerly winds, which drive the sand within the limit of the rains. On
the coast the drift of the sand seems to lean towards the north.]

[Footnote 129: Aïwalátin ايْولَاتِنْ is a regular plural, formed from
the singular Walet or Waláta. Thus _afíus_, a hand, makes in the plural
_aïfásen_ (Höst’s Marokos, p. 137); _tar_, a foot, makes _itaren_. The
Berber names of towns are often in the plural number, comprehending the
several villages within the limits of a _Tenzert_, or district. Waláta
(Gualata) is described by Leo (pt. VI. c. 60), not as a town, but a
territory containing three hamlets (casali) and some scattered
habitations. Hence he might with propriety have written _Igualaten_, as
he wrote _Iguaden_ for Wádán, the Hoden of Cadamosto. The commercial
importance once enjoyed by Aïwalátin is agreeably illustrated by an
anecdote related in the History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain, p.
302. While Ibn Baṭúṭah was at the court of Málí, he witnessed one day a
Masúfí rushing into the presence of the King, and prostrating himself in
the manner of a suppliant. When asked who had wronged him, he replied,
Manshajú biwalátin منشاجوا بولاتن, which means the Governor or Viceroy
of Aïwalátin. Manshajú or Manshagú is obviously derived from Mansá, with
the Berber pronunciation; the _b_ prefixed to the following word is the
sign of the possessive case (Venture on the Berber Language, in the
Appendix to Langlés’ Translation of Hornemann’s Travels, p. 420).]

[Footnote 130: The title Farbá فربا, borne by the chief officers in the
empire of Málí, is originally the same as that of Farma or Farim, usual
among the Ṣúṣú and Mandingoes near the coast. Jobson (The Golden Trade,
p. 58) distinguishes between the Ferrans (Farims) and Ferambra (the
Farinba of Park). Golberry (Fragm. d’un Voy. I. p. 425) observes, that
in Bambúk, the power has passed from the Seratik, or nominal king, to
the Farims. The same is true of the neighbouring states, which at
present hardly acknowledge a paramount authority. For the Masúfí law of
succession, see p. 40.]

[Footnote 131: Zághari زَاغَرِي. Its inhabitants were called Zangarátah
زَنْجَراتة. While the followers of the Ibadhia doctrine were named
Ṣaghanghú صَغَنْغُوا, orthodox sunnites were called Túri تُورِي. Ibn
Baṭúṭah mentions no river on his route from Aïwalátin to Karsekhó
كَارْسَخَوُ, nor does he state the distance, which probably was not
great, from this place to the Ṣanṣarah صَنْصَرَة.]

[Footnote 132: The terms Faráriah فَرارية and Farári فراري, applied by
Ibn Baṭúṭah to the chief officers of Málí, and which he translated
Amírs, are respectively the collective and plural of Arabic form, from
the word _Fary_, which in the Bambara language (a dialect of the
Mandingo) signifies _valour_ or _courage_. From this word comes
_Fariba_, a valiant man (Dard, Dict. Wolofe et Bambara). The Mandingoes
form personal nouns with the suffix _ma_: thus from _fanko_, power,
comes _fankama_, a powerful man (M‘Brair’s Gram. of Mandingo, p. 6).
Thus it is probable that from the word _Fary_ is derived the titles
Farba, Farma, or Farim, which the conquests of the Mandingo race have
spread so widely through Guinea. But the Farims, or Lieutenants, are now
superior to the Seratiks, or Kings, and the title of the latter was at
one time secondary (see Note 119); so that sovereign titles in Guinea
standing on the ruins of preceding titles, are so many monuments of
revolution.]

[Footnote 133: It is obvious that the poets here described are the
_Jelli-kés_, or _singing men_, of the Mandingoes (see Laing’s Travels,
p. 232). But it must not be supposed that by Jál حال, in the
(Arabicized) plural Jolá حُلا, Ibn Baṭúṭah meant to represent the word
Jelli-ké. He must be understood to say that the Jelli-kés, in Málí, were
of the nation called _Jolá_. Park says (Second Journey, 8vo. p. 57) that
“those who trade on credit are called _Juli_.” But this appears to be a
rash and incorrect explanation of the name. The word _julo_ signifies
_debt_ or bondage, but not a _debtor_. The same author, in describing
further on (p. 228) the route southward to Bé-dú, mentions several Juli
towns, and observes, that “the Julis are people who understand the
language of Bœdoo and Miniana, and are employed as brokers,” &c. But our
difficulties respecting the application of this name are removed by
Caillié, who informs us (Voy. à Temboctou, II. pp. 82, 160), that in
Bambara the Mandingoes are called _Jaulas_, _Diaulas_, or _Jolas_. It is
probable, however, that the name properly belongs to the inhabitants of
the country south of Bambara, where Park pointed out the Juli towns. But
in the Bambara language _Dhioli_ (according to Dard’s orthography) means
_red_; may not the Jolá, Julis, or Jaulas, therefore, be the people
referred to in the document procured from the Governor of Senegal, and
published in the Appendix to Adams’s Narrative (p. 197), wherein Bé-dú
is described to be “un pays habité par un peuple _rougeatre_”?]

[Footnote 134: Clapperton’s Second Journey, pp. 47, 52, 72. The persons
prostrating themselves before the King of Yariba were contemptuously
called “Sandeaters,” by Clapperton’s Houssa servant; so little are the
usages of Ghánah now known in the neighbourhood of Kanó! Lander
(Expedition to the Niger, I. p. 172), describing these ceremonies, names
the king Mansolah, of which the Mandingo title Mansá may possibly be a
part.]

[Footnote 135: It is manifest that the kingdom called Maha by Clapperton
(Second Journey, p. 56) is the Magho of Dupuis (Residence in Ashantee,
p. xcviii), and is also identical with the Mohammedan kingdom of Zogho,
said by the latter writer (p. civ.) to adjoin the Yagah tribes (Bergú)
and the Ayah (Yariba). The road from Ashantee to Niki, the capital of
Bergú, after passing through the town of Zogho, conducts to Salamo,
Jambodú, and Súsú, or Súso. The last two names are apparently Mandingo.
The name of the Sultan of Magho, residing in the city of Ghoroma
(Ghúrma) is said (Dupuis, p. cxxix.) to be Mariba Sheky, an obvious
misreading for Farba Shego. It seems very likely that the title of Maha
or Magho, vaguely given by the people on the coast to a Mohammedan
prince in the interior, is the Mandingo name Maghá, that is, Mohammed.]

[Footnote 136: Leo Africanus, pt. VII. c. 3 & 4.]

[Footnote 137: Park’s First Journey, p. 195. In the Rec. des Voy. tom.
II. p. 53, it is maintained that all the villages composing Sego are on
the right or southern bank of the river. But the general character of
the information there given will not bear to be weighed against the
clear testimony of Park. It seems not improbable that Kársekhó was a
part of Sego, but there is no necessity for insisting on that point.
Perhaps if Caillié, who applied the Wolof term _Marigot_, which he had
learned in Senegal, to all the creeks of the Great River, had inquired
how they were called in Bambara, or lower down, he might have learned
the name Ṣanṣarah. Perhaps, too, the Gozen-zaire of Sidi Hamed’s
narrative (Riley, Loss of the Brig Commerce, p. 362), might have been
more correctly written Go-sansarah. It seems to owe its present form to
Riley’s partiality to the hypothesis uniting the Niger with the Zaire.]

[Footnote 138: In the original thus: وحاضرَة الملك الاهل مالي هُوَ بلد
ٮٮى]

[Footnote 139: The wide arm of the river (Khalíj) reached by our
traveller on the third night after his leaving Málí must have been the
branch observed by Caillié to join the river from the west at Isaca. He
supposed it to come from Sego (Voy. à Temboctou, p. 239), but its
separation from the main stream must be lower down. There is, as yet, no
sufficient reason to deny that the river of Sego is also the river of
Jenni, and that the latter place stands between its branches, and not
between two distinct rivers.]

[Footnote 140: This anecdote, like most stories of cannibalism, has the
defect of not proceeding from an eye witness; but it proves one fact,
namely, that the people of Málí were not cannibals.]

[Footnote 141: Korí Mansá كُرِى منسا. Perhaps this place was the
residence of the chief (Mansá) who levied the tax on cotton (Korí). The
name written in the original Rʿarí رعري has been here changed into
Zagharí (See above, p. 75), as the existence of two places not far
asunder, and with names written so much alike, is much less probable
than a lapse in the MSS. Mímah ميمه is the Amímah of older writers.]

[Footnote 142: The Daḳnó of Ibn Baṭúṭah is the Dokhnou of Caillié:—“Un
mélange de farine de mil et de miel que l’on délaie pour ensuite le
boire.” (Voy. à Temb. II. p. 236.) This word belongs apparently to the
Kissour language.]

[Footnote 143: The word here rendered merchants of Godémis, is Ḳodémiyín
قداميين.]

[Footnote 144: The Berdámah بردامه were probably a family of the
Beghámah, a nomade tribe mentioned by El Idrísí, whose country lay
behind that of the Merásah, to the east of Ghánah.]

[Footnote 145: Ibn Baṭúṭah himself bought a female slave at Tekaddá for
twenty-five mithḳáls, no exorbitant price apparently. Kúber كوبر. Rághá
راغا. Káhir كاهر. Of Karkar some notice will be taken hereafter.]

[Footnote 146: Cadamosto learned that Málí was thirty days from
Tomboktú. The last-named city is generally said to be ten days from
Jenni by land, and twenty-five by water; but the land journeys here
meant cannot be those of a loaded caravan, but nearly half as long
again. Sego is five or six days above Jenni.]

[Footnote 147: It is fortunate that Ibn Khaldún removes all doubts as to
the identity of Ibn Baṭúṭah’s Kaúkaú with Leo’s Gago. The latter writer
calls it (pt. VII. c. 7) “una grandissima citta.” He also says that,
compared with the rest of Negroland, it was “molto civile.” His list of
prices is curious, as well as his Macchiavellian remark on the ignorance
and oppressed condition of the lower orders.]

[Footnote 148: When Ibn Khaldún says that Tekaddá is seventy days south-
west of Wergelán (see p. 65), it is evident that he measures the
circuitous route by Ghát; and that the bearing of Tekaddá from Ghát is
incautiously taken by him for the direction of the whole journey.]

[Footnote 149: The superiority of the people of Guber is plainly
asserted by Sultan Bello, who says (Appendix to Denham and Clapperton’s
Travels, 8vo. II. p. 450) that they alone, of all the Houssa tribes, are
free born, being descended from the Copts, while the rest are the
progeny of Bawwa, or Baúwa, that is, a slave (not Ba-oo, as in Mr.
Salamé’s Translation). The country of the Baúwa is Baúchi, or Baúji,
commonly written Bowshee. Sultan Bello’s History, brought to Europe by
Clapperton, would well deserve a critical study: but where is the
original? Did it belong to the public? and if it did, why is it not in
the library of the British Museum?]

[Footnote 150: The Arabic MS. here varies a little in its readings. It
says—“from Kársekhó the Nile descends to Kabúrah كَبُورة and to Zághah
زاغه; and these two cities, namely, al-Kábrah الكابرة and Zághíah زاغيه,
pay tribute to Málí.” Tomboktú تُنْبُكْتُوا is carefully spelt by Ibn
Baṭúṭah, the letters with which it is written being named by him, with
their vowel points. Ibn Baṭúṭah never alludes to the native names of the
Great River, but always calls it the Nile. The local names of the
theoretical Niger (the Senegal and Great River together) collected by De
Barros (Dec. I. liv. 3, c. 8), do not contain the Mandingo name Joliba.
This name was first announced to the geographical world when speculation
was unusually active, and it was immediately explained to mean _the
Great Waters_. Park, though he seems to have adopted this interpretation
(Travels, p. 194), can hardly be supposed to have been its author. Laing
joins the statement of his precursors to his own information, and says
(Travels, p. 327), that the Niger “is known by the synonymous
appellations of Ba Ba and Joli Ba—“_Large River_.” Ba Bá certainly
signifies Great River, the substantive _Ba_, a river, preceding the
adjective _Bá_, great, according to the general rule of the Mandingo
language. Thus in Ba-fing, black river, Ba-koé, white river, Ba-
woollima, red river, the word _Ba_, a river, has precedence; but when
joined with a substantive, as in Kuara-ba, the river of Kuara, it
follows. With these examples before our eyes, it is impossible to admit
the explanation of the name of Joliba given above, which receives
moreover no support from the vocabularies. It is likely that the name
Joliba, or, as written by Caillié, Dhioliba, by Mollien, Dialiba, means
the river of the Jál or Jolá, Juli, Jaules, Diaules, or Dhioli (red
men), from whose country it descends, whether its sources be, as stated
by Park (Travels, App. p. xliv.), in Jallonké-dú, _i.e._ Jallo-man’s
land, or in Bé-dú, where are the Juli towns and men of a red
complexion.]

[Footnote 151: Beldeh Múlí بلدة مُولي. The Fellátah geographer wrote
sometimes Mouri (Appendix to Clapperton’s Second Journey, p. 332),
sometimes (p. 340) Mouli (Múlí). He says, that the people of Núfí
conquered, among other countries, “the west of Malee, or Moulee, and
Abyou.” And again, that they subdued “the country of Abbi (in which we
now are) and Kanbari” (Kombori). Abbi is probably the same as Abyou (or
rather Abbíwa), and appears to have been near Sokkatú. In Hannah
Kilham’s Specimens of Languages spoken in Sierra Leone, we find the
Appah and Tapua, both related to the Aku or Yariba. The Tapua is
evidently the Tappawa, or language of Núfí (called Tappa by its
inhabitants), and the Appah is perhaps the language of Abbi. One of the
native itineraries appended to Dupuis’ Residence in Ashantee (p.
cxxix.), places Maury (Múri) next to Kábi on the west.]

[Footnote 152: From Marra is formed the gentile noun Marrawa; just as
Asbenawa is derived from Asben, Kachenawa from Kachena, Killiwawa from
Killiwah. But the carelessness of authors has given to the country the
name Marrawa, Mallawa, or Marroa, which properly belongs to the people.
According to Dupuis (Resid. in Ashantee, App. lxxxviii.), Marroa was
conquered by the Arabs at the close of the eighth century of our era.
For Melil see p. 37. Bowdich (Essay on the Geogr. of N.W. Afr. p. 24)
has laboured to show that Mallawa (or Malla) is the Melli of Leo, or
Málí; and Dalzel (History of Dahomy, p. 34) speaks of a people of the
interior called Malays or Mulays; but though the resemblance of the
names Malla, Melli or Málí, and Múlí, favours confusion, all that we
know of their application is on the side of discrimination.]

[Footnote 153: Ibn Baṭúṭah relates the transaction above alluded to with
many details illustrative of the manners of Málí. The King, it appears,
grew tired of his chief wife, Bálbá Ḳásá, who, by the custom of the
country, shared his authority: (Ḳásá, the Caza of old vocabularies,
means Queen;) he therefore placed her in confinement in the house of one
of his Farárí or captains, and took for queen in her stead his other
wife Banjú, who was not of the blood royal. The people manifested
dissatisfaction at this change. The female relatives of the King, in
visiting Banjú, put dust on their elbows, but not on their heads. When
Bálbá Ḳásá, however, was soon after released from confinement, the same
parties presented themselves before her with their heads covered with
dust and ashes. Thereupon Banjú complained that the deposed queen was
treated with more honour than herself. Mansá Suleïmán was incensed; and
his relatives, fearing his vengeance, fled to the sanctuary. He soon
pardoned them, however, and then the ladies, according to custom,
presented themselves before him naked. But the public discontent with
the King continued to increase, till one day the Royal Interpreter Dúghá
led forth before the assembly a young female slave in chains, who
disclosed the conspiracy above related. It was then agreed that Bálbá
Ḳásá deserved death.]

[Footnote 154: The situation of Kanbari (Kombori) is described in the
Appendix to Clapperton’s Second Expedition, pp. 339 & 340. For some
account of the people who give their name to this country, see
Clapperton’s Narrative, pp. 97, 102, 147, &c.; and also Lander’s
Expedition to the Niger, II. pp. 87, 299.]

[Footnote 155: For Yúfí يُوفِي Professor Lee (Travels of Ibn Baṭúṭah, p.
238) reads Yúwí, and Burckhardt (Travels in Nubia, p. 491) Bowy. It is
obviously Núfí mispointed.]

[Footnote 156: In like manner the supposed Christian King named Ogané,
of whom the early Portuguese navigators received intelligence at Benin,
was at once assumed to be the King of Abyssinia. The fable of an
intercourse between Abyssinia and Western Africa has been gravely
repeated by a recent writer (M‘Queen’s Survey of Africa, p. 5).
Fernandez de Enciso (Suma de Geografia, 1518) says, that in the Bight of
Benin are the Blacks who trade with Libya and Meroe. Lalande (Mémoires
de Paris, 1795, p. 15) has collected with equal industry and credulity
the stories of an overland commerce between the eastern and western
coasts of Africa.]

[Footnote 157: Leo says (pt. VII. c. 1), “Our ancient writers on Africa,
as El Bekrí and El Mesúdí, have written nothing respecting any part of
Negroland, except el Waḥat (the Oases) and Cano.” This sentence, which
has been of course copied with little change by Marmol (tom. III. fol.
21), can be explained only by supposing that Cano (Kanó) here means
Ghánah. However ill-considered or obscurely intimated may be Leo’s
opinion, it yet probably influenced not a little the decision of
D’Anville in favour of the identity of Kanó with Ghánah. Major Rennell
most unaccountably assumes that by Cano Leo meant the town of Ganat (or
rather Janat), between Fezzan and Ghát. Perhaps the latter writer’s
statement that “Cano is a great province, about 500 miles distant from
the Niger towards the east,” contained something incompatible with the
Major’s system, and made it absolutely necessary for him to expel Leo’s
Cano from Negroland. Major Rennell disserted always shrewdly, and
sometimes with a very imperfect knowledge of his authors. Thus he
asserts that, under the name Genni (Jenni), Leo meant to describe
Ghánah; and that he was wrong in placing Genni or Ghánah, and Melli,
west of Tomboktú, “for Leo certainly never saw the Niger.” Now Leo, when
he speaks of Genni, says that it is the name used by the natives, and
derives it (with little reason) from Gheneoa (Genéwa), a name as ancient
as Ghánah, and quite distinct from it. Moreover Leo not only saw the
Niger, but actually navigated it to Jenni and Málí (pt. I. c. 3). It is
not easy to discover from Major Rennell’s dissertations the position
assigned by him to Ghánah, but his map shows that he confounded it with
Kanó. These two names, as pronounced in Africa, have much less
resemblance in sound than is commonly imagined. Written in Arabic, they
have but one letter in common. Ghánah begins with a peculiar sonorous
guttural, which is followed by a long vowel; Kanó is like our word
canoe. Einsiedel (Cuhn’s Merkwürdige Reisen, vol. III. p. 435) writes it
_Gnou_.]

[Footnote 158: In order to prove that Kanó was the Ghánah of early
writers, it was necessary to assume not only the close resemblance of
those names, but also that the name Aghades was a corruption of
Aúdaghost. Then the distance between this place and Jermah, according to
El Idrísí, is called in as a confirmation. A single particular is taken
from that writer, all the others with which it stands connected being
disregarded, though the rejected details are founded on experience, and
the retained one on inference alone. Yet this arbitrary reasoning cannot
after all attain its desired ends. Aghades is not twenty-five but forty-
five days from Jermah, and Kanó is not twelve but twenty-eight days from
Aghades (Walckenaer Rech. p. 448; Lyon’s Trav. p. 131). The deserts of
ʿAhír and Káhir, beyond Aghades, are far from being utterly inhospitable
tracts.]

[Footnote 159: According to Sultan Bello (Denham and Clapperton’s Disc.
8vo. II. p. 447), the people of Guber at one time held possession of the
Desert of ʿAhír, but were dispossessed by five tribes of the Tawárik,
who came out of Aowjal (Augila).]




                                TEKRÚR.


Ibn Baṭúṭah, in describing the course of the Great River below Kársekhó,
makes no mention of Tekrúr, the first converted of the Negro communities
in that quarter. That designation, though widely and vaguely extended in
process of time, was certainly at first applied to a spot between Silla
and Ṣínghánah, and not far from the former of these places. Wárjání, the
chief of Tekrúr who first adopted the Mohammedan faith, and induced his
subjects to follow his example, died in 432 H. (A.D. 1040-1); so that
the conversion of his principality preceded, by thirty-five years at
least, that of Ghánah and Western Negroland in general. Such a priority
explains at once the religious eminence implied in the title Tekrúr
(whatever may have been its original signification), and which caused it
to be usurped till its proper application was at length forgotten.[160]

But though Ibn Baṭúṭah does not expressly mention Tekrúr, yet he says of
Zághah, situate between Kársekhó and Tomboktú, that it was the first
city of Negroland which received the Mohammedan faith. Hence it may be
inferred that Zághah was the proper territorial name of the place styled
Tekrúr. And this conjecture receives from Ibn Khaldún strong
confirmation, falling short of completeness only through the unsteady
orthography which so often hinders the exact coincidence of Arab
authorities. His words are as follows:—“I was told by the Sheíkh
ʿOthmán, a learned man and theologian of the people of Ghánah, and one
of the chief men of that country in respect to rank, intelligence, and
piety, when he came to Egypt on his way to Mekkah in 796 (A.D. 1393),
that the people of Ghánah employ the name Tekrúr to designate the
Zagháï, and give the name Málí to Atakárthah.”—It can hardly be doubted
that the people here called Zagháï derived their name from the place
called by Ibn Baṭúṭah Zághah. The name Atakárthah does not admit of
quite so easy an explanation; yet it may with much probability be
assumed to be the original and complete Berber form of the name, now
written in our maps, Kaarta. The statement of the Sheíkh ʿOthmán then
amounts to this: the people of Ghánah discriminated, in terms naturally
arising out of their local position, between Tekrúr and Málí, giving the
former name to a certain tribe dwelling to the south, and the latter to
a particular region higher up the river, and the frontier of which,
facing Ghánah, was Atakárthah or Kaarta.[161]

The country of Tekrúr or of the Zagháï thus discriminated from Málí,
which lay further west, may be clearly recognized in modern accounts,
notwithstanding the disguise of a variable orthography. Sultan Bello,
after describing the country of Mósí, thus proceeds:—“Adjoining to it on
the north side, the province of Sanghee (Zághí) lies. Its inhabitants
are remnants of the Sonhaja (Zenágah), wandering Arabs and the Felateen.
They profess the Mohammedan faith, and their princes ruled them always
with equity and justice. A great number of learned and pious persons
have distinguished themselves from among them. Next to Sanghee on the
west side, the country of Málí is situated. It embraces the province of
Bambara,” &c.[162]—The situation here assigned to Sanghee, and the
reputed piety of its inhabitants, clearly show that it is the country of
Tekrúr or of the Zagháï mentioned by Ibn Khaldún, and the Zághah or
Zághiyah of Ibn Baṭúṭah. The commercial activity of the people, or
perhaps their social ascendency due to their religious reputation,
appears in the wide diffusion of their language; for, according to Leo,
the _Sungai_ (Zagháï) language was used in Walet, Tomboktú, Jenni, Málí,
and Kághó.[163]

The geographical sketch of Negroland drawn by Sultan Bello, differs
materially from that made by his follower Mohammed Másíní, inasmuch as
the former exhibits the territorial divisions of the indigenous
population, whereas the latter offers only Fellátah names, and totally
overlooks the aboriginal inhabitants. Nevertheless, the Zagháï, or
people of Sanghee, are to be found in Mohammed’s descriptions with
little change of denomination. In describing the road from Sokkatú to
Másín, he places, seven days east of the latter country, “the territory
of Hajrí,”—that is, the rocky or mountainous tract. The Fellátah, he
says, possess the valleys, “but the mountains are inhabited by a people
called Benoo-Hami, of the tribe of Sokai (Zagháï), who are great
warriors. In the middle of this country is a great and lofty mountain,
on which is a town called Oonbori, whose king is named Noohoo-Ghaloo-
farma, of the tribe of Sokai, and is renowned for his generosity and
munificence.” Further on we are told that Oonbori is comprised in the
dominion of the Sultan of Másín, so that the people here called the
tribe of Sokai probably extend from the mountains to the river.
Alexander Scott received from his ignorant companions a distorted
account of the Zachah (Zagháï) dwelling on the eastern shores of Lake
Debú; and the town of Sankhaguibila, placed by Caillié on the right bank
of the river farther south, appears to owe its name to the same tribe
(Ḳabílah).[164]

The Benú Hami, who are also Zagháï, or of the tribe of Sokai, are said
by Mohammed Másíní, to dwell not only in the mountains near the western
course of the Great River above Tomboktú, but also in the desert,
mingled with the Tawárik, on the left bank of the same river below
Kághó, and between that river and Sokkatú. And this information accords
with the statement of Sultan Bello, who, speaking of the province of
Kábi, west of Sokkatú, says, “its inhabitants, it is supposed, had their
first father from Sanghee and their mother from Kashnah;” clearly
implying by this genealogy, that the Zagháï, Sanghee, Sokai, or Benú
Hami, have dwelt from time immemorial in Kábi, intermingled with and
ruling the indigenous population.[165] The advance of the tribe or
nation originally styled Tekrúr, from the vicinity of Jenni eastwards to
Marra or Western Houssa, completely explains why Ibn Khaldún, placing
the Ṣúṣú and then Málí next to Ghánah (an arrangement expressing
historical perhaps rather than geographical relations), and beyond these
Kághó, sets Tekrúr beyond, or, as he supposed, eastward from, the latter
place; and also why Makrízí makes Tekrúr the western boundary of the
great empire of Kánem or Bornú. In the last century Niebuhr the
traveller learned that Tekrúr was the residence of a sultan, the vassal
of Afnú (Houssa), who possessed Mara (Marra) and Adana (perhaps
Ader).[166]

Though the people of Ghánah always kept in view the original application
of the name Tekrúr, even after the territory where it grew into
importance became part of the empire of Málí, yet beyond the circle of
exact local knowledge, such propriety of language was never thought of,
and at a distance the name Tekrúr was employed in a very comprehensive
and indefinite manner. Makrízí, in describing the pilgrimage of Mansá
Músa, King of Málí, in A.D. 1324, styles him King of Tekrúr; but again,
in the annals of A.D. 1351, he mentions another king of Tekrúr, who
likewise passed through Egypt, and who certainly was not Mansá Suleïmán,
at that time King of Málí. It is manifest therefore that Makrízí used
the name Tekrúr in no properly restricted and perhaps in no fixed
acceptation.[167] The Western Fellátah apply the epithet Tekrúrí to the
religious classes of their own nation. In Egypt it is given generally to
Mohammedan devotees, natives of Negroland; and when Sultan Bello makes
Tekrúr comprise all Negroland from Dárfúr inclusively westward, he
offers an example not of the correct use of that name, but of its widest
abuse.[168]

The history of Tekrúr may be thus briefly recapitulated:—The Zenágah
early established themselves on the Great River, above Lake Debú, where
the continued tract of desert conducted them to its banks, and there
founded the city of Zághah, from which they afterwards took their name.
They embraced Mohammedism, nearly half a century before the Blacks in
their neighbourhood, and thereby obtained a reputation of sanctity which
was nowise diminished by their activity as slave hunters. The general
conversion of Western Negroland compelling them to go to a distance for
their prey, they proceeded eastwards to Marra or Western Houssa, where
the hilly region has been always, in an eminent degree, the country of
slaves.[169] They thus broke the path in which they were afterwards
followed by the people of Málí, and more recently still by the Fellátah.
The kingdom of Tekrúr being extinguished in the west by the empire of
Málí, rose more conspicuously in the east: though the people retained
their old habitations, the political denomination completely shifted its
place, and Tekrúr stood between Málí and Bornú. In the meantime the
religious title Tekrúrí being widely usurped, the original and proper
application of the name fell into neglect and oblivion.

                               * * * * *


[Footnote 160: Tekrúr, according to El Bekrí (Not. et Extr. tom. XII. p.
637), was at no great distance from Ṣínghánah towards the south-west. El
Idrísí always unites Silla and Tekrúr. The date of Wárjání’s death is
given by El Bekrí (MS. B.M. fol. 110), who also states that the people
of Silla embraced Mohammedism at that chief’s persuasion. Wárjání was
probably a Zenágah, a great number of proper names in the Berber
language beginning with the syllable _wer_ or _wár_ (the negative
particle?). A prince of Tekrúr accompanied the Lumtúnah in their first
religious wars.]

[Footnote 161: The name Zagháí زغاي cannot, it is true, be formed from
Zághah زاغة; but considering that they are taken from different authors,
and that the orthography of African names is extremely unsettled, there
is no great boldness in the hypothesis which connects them. It is easier
to believe that one of these names requires a little correction, than
that the Tekrúrí did not bear the name of the town which first received
the Mohammedan faith. Makrízí, or Ibn Sʿaíd, from whom he copies, says
(Hamaker, Specimen Catalogi, &c., p. 209,) “that all the nations
comprised between Abyssinia on the south, Nubia on the east, Barkah on
the north, and Tekrúr on the west, are called Zagháï.” Here the name
Zagháï is derived from Zagháwah, and the Tekrúr spoken of is that of
Houssa. An anecdote related in the ‘History of the Mohammedan
Dynasties,’ by Gayangos (p. 303), shows that in the thirteenth century,
there was a state called Tekrúr in the neighbourhood of Aïwalátin. An
Arab writer of little merit apparently (in the Library of the British
Museum, MS. No. 7,483), says that “the Blacks are now in general styled
Tekrúr; but anciently the name Tekrúr was applied only to the
inhabitants of the country called Atasama اتسمي.” It may be conjectured
that Atasama is an ill-written derivative from Sámah, the country of the
Bokmo or Bagamo. The _t_ is a Berber article; the initial _a_ the sign
of the possessive case, and perhaps also of adjectives derived
therefrom. Thus the Berbers say, Mohammed a-Mohammed a-Mast, to express
Mohammed, son of Mohammed, of or belonging to Messah. Hence also from
Mazig, the reputed ancestor of the Berbers, and personification of the
μαζίκες of the Greeks, was formed the name Amazig (see De Sacy’s
Analysis of Shehabeddin in Not. et Extr. tom. II. p. 153, and the
extract from Ibn Khaldún’s History of the Berbers in the Nouv. Jour.
Asiatique, No. VIII., 1828, p. 132). The reader may consider how far
these remarks are applicable to such names as Atakárthah, Atasama,
Amímah, and perhaps Awalílí or Aúlílí (see Note 107).]

[Footnote 162: For Mósí, the translator of Bello’s History has written
Moosher (Denham’s Discoveries, &c. 8vo. II. p. 455), just as he has
written Bowsher for Baúshí (p. 450). The Arabic letter _ghain_, here
represented by _gh_, easily becomes nasal; and on the east coast of
Africa, where the nasal sound occurs frequently in the native names, as
in Songa, Tongata, Mongallo, it is always expressed by _ghain_ alone.
Hence Zághah in the mouth of a Mandingo, becomes Zanghah and Ṣanghah.]

[Footnote 163: Leo, pt. I. c. 11. Marmol (tom. I. c. 23, fol. 44)
includes Gelofe (the country of the Wolofs), also within the range of
the Zungay or Sungai language; but the origin of this mistake is perhaps
not undiscoverable. He says (tom. III. fol. 22) that the people of
Gualata or Ganata are commonly called Benais, and that they speak the
Zungay language. Whence did the people of Gualata (Walata) obtain that
name? Were they colonists from the capital of Málí? In the ‘True
Historical Discovery of Muley Hamet’s Rising,’ it is said that “the
grasshoppers (locusts) come into Barbary every seven years from the
parts of Benie, or Genie, as the country people imagine.” Although the
names Beni (Benin) and Guinea were often coupled together by old
writers, yet it seems more natural to suppose that, in the passage here
cited, the parts of Negroland nearest to Barbary were intended, and that
by Benie, or Genie, we are to understand the country of Marmol’s Benais,
or Jenni. But Marmol (tom. I. fol. 2 & 15) also places a people named
Benais on the coast near the Senegal. In this, perhaps, he was guided by
the Jesuit missionaries, who visited, from Cape Verde, a king of Bena
(Ragguagli d’alcuni Missioni, 1615, p. 75); probably the Benay of
Mollien. But the king of Bena was a Mandingo or Suso, and boasted of
being superior to all other Farims (Jarric, tom. III. p. 411). Marmol
appears to have confounded the Bena near the coast, with the Benai
people of the interior, and thus to have made one language extend from
the mouth of the Senegal to Houssa. Hence Moore, in his Travels in
Africa, (1737), calls the Wolofe language the Zanguay.]

[Footnote 164: Oonbori, possessed by the Benú Hami of the tribe of Sokai
(App. to Clapperton’s Journal of a Second Expedition, p. 331), is
probably the Anbárah of El Bekrí (see above, p. 39). It is to be
observed, that the chief of Oonbori has the Mandingo title _Farma_, a
remnant of the supremacy of Málí, following his name, contrary to the
usage of the Mandingo language. If the _Sungai_ then be the language of
the Sokai, it is probably the same which Caillié calls the _Kissour_.
May not the pilgrimage on which Scott was led into the country of the
Zachah (Edinb. Phil. Jour. IV. p. 49), have been directed to the tomb of
one of the early apostles of Negroland, and to a consecrated spot of
Tekrúr? Notwithstanding the intrinsic weakness of an argument founded on
the resemblance of ill-written names, there is more of coincidence here
than can be ascribed to accident. Near the site of Tekrúr, the first
converted Negro state, is the town of Zághah, having a like reputation.
The title Tekrúr is given to the Zagháï; the devotees of the desert
direct their steps to the country of the Zachah at that part of the
river; there also we find a country called Sanghee, a tribe named Sokai,
and the Sungai language. It can hardly be denied that these names are
related.]

[Footnote 165: Sultan Bello, in Denham, II. p. 452. From the Benú Hami
of the tribe of Sokai, who live in the desert on the left bank of the
river, the country of Sóghy, where Mungo Park was attacked (Clapperton,
p. 334), obviously derived its name.]

[Footnote 166: Deutches Museum, 1790, cited by Walck. Rech. p. 73.
Yakút, in his Geographical Dictionary, says, that the King of Kaúkaú
made war upon the Moslim of Ghánah on the west, and those of Tekrúr on
the east. According to Ibn Sʿaíd (Hamaker, Specimen Cat. p. 209),
Tekrúr, which thus appears to have been east (rather south-east) of
Kaúkaú (Kághó), was also the western boundary of the Zagháï (of
Zagháwah), or the empire of Kánem.]

[Footnote 167: Not. et Extr. tom. XII. p. 637-8, note.]

[Footnote 168: See _ante_, Note 73. Mollien (Voyage dans l’Intérieur de
l’Afrique, I. p. 176) says, that in the Fellátah language, the word
Toucolor signifies a Mohammedan priest. But he elsewhere (pp. 207, 215)
seems to use that name as the designation not of a class but of a
community. Toucolor, whence the Tucorones of De Barros, is an obvious
corruption of Tokrúr.]

[Footnote 169: The name Boushy (Baú-shi), now given to the hilly country
south of Zegzeg, means the country of the Baúwa, that is, of the
Slaves.]




                   KÚGHAH — KÁGHÓ — KAÚKAÚ — KARKAR.


Kúghah is said by El Bekrí to have been fifteen days from Ghánah; and if
to this scanty information be added the statements of El Idrísí, that it
stood on the Nile or Great River, and was nine days east of Samaḳanda,
which was four days distant from Ghánah towards the south or south-east,
it will be apparent that Kúghah was the place otherwise named Kághó. It
was, of all the cities of the Blacks, that which furnished the largest
quantity of gold,—the very remark made of Gago (Kághó) by Leo
Africanus.[170] When Cadamosto relates that, of the gold collected in
Melli (Málí), part was sent to Oden (Waddán), part to Tombutto
(Tomboktú), and the remainder to “a place called Cochia, which is the
road to Syria and Cairo,” it is manifest that he meant to speak of Kághó
under the name of Kúghah.[171] But it has been shown that Kághó was also
called Kaúkaú. It is therefore clearly ascertained that one place—the
most important in Negroland—bore three different names,—viz. Kúgháh,
Kaúkaú, and Kághó, of which the last alone was proper to it; the first
two also designating, or appearing to designate, other places. But it is
worth while to inquire more closely into the confusion arising from this
frequent use of equivalent and equivocal names.

El Bekrí does not speak quite so concisely of Kaúkaú as of Kúghah: he
enters a little into detail respecting the former place; he says that it
was nine days from Tádmekkah, which was situate fifty days eastward from
Ghánah, and forty from Ghodémis. Tádmekkah was evidently a Berber town,
in the desert, while Kaúkaú was considered as belonging to Negroland;
yet if we suppose Kaúkaú to have been south of Tádmekkah, or forty-nine
days from Ghodémis, and little more than fifty from Ghánah, still it
could not, within nine days of Tádmekkah, have been in Negroland
properly so called, but only on its frontiers towards the desert.
Indeed, it may be inferred from El Bekrí’s words, that its inhabitants
were of Berber rather than of Negro origin. They were called by the
Arabs, he says, Baẓarkáyín; they dressed _like the Blacks_, they
worshipped idols _like the Blacks_, but their king was a Mohammedan.
They always threw the remains of the King’s dinner into the Nile,—an
expression on which but little stress can be laid. El Bekrí, in tracing
the course of the Great River eastwards from Ghánah, states that
fourteen days below the latter place, it entered the territory of the
Seghmárah; and “opposite to the Seghmárah,” he adds, “on the other side
of the river, is Kaúkaú.” Now the Seghmárah also occupied the country
north of Tádmekkah; they possessed therefore, or roved over, a desert
exceeding a month’s journey in extent. In so wide a compass, it conduces
little to accuracy to learn that Kaúkaú stood opposite to them; and as
to the river, it may have been the theoretical stream uniting the Nile
of Ghánah with that of Egypt. It is plain enough that Kaúkaú, nine days
from Tádmekkah, was a very different place from Kúghah on the Great
River, fifteen days below Ghánah; but since Kúghah was also called
Kaúkaú, it is not quite clear that El Bekrí has not confounded in some
degree those two places, and ascribed to the one the characteristics of
the other.[172]

In El Idrísí’s accounts of Kúghah and Kaúkaú, there is nothing so
remarkable as his tone of uncertainty and the doubts uttered by him.
Thus he says of Kúghah, that “it stands on the northern bank of the
Nile, the waters of which are drunk by its inhabitants. It belongs to
Wanghárah, _but some of the Blacks place it in Kánem_.” Again, he tells
us that “Kaúkaú is the most celebrated city of Negroland: it is large,
and stands on the banks of a river flowing through it from the north.
_But_ many of the Blacks affirm that this city is built on the sides of
a canal; _others say_, on a river running into the Nile; but the more
probable opinion is, that the river of Kaúkaú has a course of many days
before it reaches that city, and is afterwards lost in the sands.”[173]
Doubts of this kind respecting the most important and celebrated cities
of Negroland may be more naturally ascribed to ambiguity of information,
than to actual want of it. Kúghah on the Great River below Ghánah, may
have been confounded with Kaúghah adjoining Bornú, and thus transferred
eastwards into the vicinity of Kánem. The celebrity of Kúghah (called
also Kaúkaú) may have lent a semblance of importance to some place in
the desert bearing apparently the latter name, and the physical
geography of which was but little known.

Respecting the position of this Kaúkaú of the desert, our information is
far from being satisfactory; yet it all points towards the desert
fronting Houssa, or between that country and Aghades. East of Ghánah,
and behind the Merásah, El Idrísí places the nomade tribe of the
Beghámah. Between the Beghámah and the Azḳár who passed the summer on
Ṭanṭanah, the range of hills bounding Fezzán on the south, was a
distance of twenty days. Now from Kúghah to Kaúkaú, he tells us, was a
journey of twenty days going _northwards_ through the country of the
Beghámah. It was the natural consequence of a system which arranged the
frontier of Negroland in an undeviating straight line from west to east,
to suppose that a route from Negroland to the desert went northwards:
but, stripped of such inference, El Idrisí’s statement amounts to
this,—that Kaúkaú was twenty days distant from Kúghah, not in Negroland,
but in the desert. Again, when speaking of Ṭanṭanah and the Azḳár, he
says, “further south are Kaúkaú and the Demdem;” and then repeating the
various opinions current respecting the river of Kaúkaú, he adds, “the
country contiguous to this territory (Kaúkaú) on the east, is chiefly
that of Kawwár, well known and much frequented.” The well-known country
of Kawwár lies half-way between Fezzán and Bornú, westward of which
situation, and consequently in the desert, we must look for Kaúkaú.
Obscure as these indications are in many respects, they are conclusive
in showing that Kaúkaú, according to the Arab author’s conception, was
in the desert, between Kúghah and Kawwár, Ṭanṭanah and the country of
the Demdem.[174]

Ibn Sʿaíd, who wrote in the latter half of the thirteenth century, or
above a century later than El Idrísí, after stating that Kánem is the
greatest kingdom of Negroland, that it has Fezzán on the north, and that
it is the head of Bornú, adds, that it has on the west Kaúkaú, Baghárah
or Taghárah, Tekrúr, &c. He says also, that “from Tádmekkah to Kaúkaú
are ten stages, from Kaúkaú to Ghánah twenty; then follows the Ocean.”
The reduced distance here allowed between Tádmekkah and Ghánah, may have
arisen from confounding the Kaúkaú of the desert with the city of the
same name (called also Kúghah and Kághó) on the Great River. But on one
point Ibn Sʿaíd speaks clearly, namely, that Kaúkaú was not comprised in
the kingdom of Kánem, which then included Bornú and part of the desert,
but lay further west, between Tádmekkah and Ghánah.

Numerous as are the Arab writers of Geographical Treatises and
Dictionaries, it is vain to seek in their pages for any information on
so obscure a point as the position of Kaúkaú. They all copy preceding
writers literally, particularly El Idrísí; and on opening their volumes,
we are almost sure of reading, that “Kaúkaú stands on a river of the
same name, coming from the north, and afterwards sinking in the sands of
the desert, though some say,” &c. Yet they present one striking
variance; many, if not even a large majority of them write, not Kaúkaú,
but Karkar. It may be said, indeed, that in Arabic writing, Kaúkaú is
easily changed into Karkar, and that the latter name is probably only a
clerical corruption of the former.[175] But can it be shown _à priori_
that there could not have been a city or country named Karkar? and is
not the readiness to suppose the corruption of Kaúkaú into Karkar,
itself the result of a prejudice founded on the celebrity of the former
of these names, and which was likely at all times to prompt copiers and
compilers to a corruption of an opposite kind, namely, that of Karkar
into Kaúkaú? Of two names resembling each other, the more famous and
better known may be well presumed to have had the benefit of all doubts
in the process of transcription; while on the other hand, if there were
actually two important places named Kaúkaú in Negroland, it is
inconceivable that Arab travellers visiting that region should have
never called attention to so remarkable an instance of homonymy; nay,
that Arab Geographers should never have even suspected the existence of
two places of that name, but should have uniformly endeavoured to draw
to a single point the double image before their eyes. The manifest
double use of the name Kaúkaú; the remarkable absence of all direct
testimony as to the existence of two places of that name; and the
various readings of geographers compiling from the same authorities,
being maturely considered, it is impossible to avoid concluding, that
there actually were not two places named Kaúkaú, but that there was in
the desert a tract called Karkar, which Arab authors easily transformed
into Kaúkaú. They separated this well-known name from the names Kúghah
and Kághó, with which it had no apparent relationship, and set it on
Karkar, wherewith it almost naturally coincided.[176]

But is there any direct and positive evidence, it will be asked, of the
existence of a place or territory named Karkar? Yes, we reply, there is
direct evidence to that effect, sufficient to confirm the authority of
the numerous Arab geographers who write Karkar instead of Kaúkaú. Ibn
Baṭúṭah informs us that the Desert of Káhir, eastward of Tekaddá,
belonged to the Karkarí Sultan.[177] There is here no possibility of
confusion; Kaúkaú, which that traveller had visited, was included in the
empire of Málí; and Tekaddá, an independent state, stood between that
place and Káhir, depending on the Karkarí. But Káhir had ʿAhír, the
desert of the Tawárik, on the north and east; Tekaddá on the west; and
southwards it extended—as we learn from Leo, who calls it Ghír—to the
frontiers of Guber: in this latter direction, then, we may naturally
look for the head quarters of the Karkarí.

A modern writer, who has collected much, but not always distinct
information relating to the interior of Africa, after mentioning the
Kadarko (probably the Kotú-n-kúra) and the Shaderbah (the river of
Kábi), adds,—“some of these rivers open a communication with a tribe of
heathens named Gargari, who live in tents, and are not black, but a red-
skinned people, yet they are not of the Arabian stock. The best breeds
of horses and mules come from these parts.”[178] This is evidently a
description of a Berber tribe, whose loose observance of the Mohammedan
rites has caused them to be mistaken for pagans. They reared their
horses and mules in the desert, and visited the high countries of
Kachenah, Zamfarah, and Gúber, whence the rivers alluded to descend.
Clapperton found the Tawárik near Kachenah to be in possession of a
remarkably fine breed of horses. The same traveller learned that, five
days south of Katagum there is an independent people named Kurrikurry,
probably a colony of the Karkari who have fixed themselves on the
eastern slopes of the hills of Baúshi.[179] In a route from Kanó to
Tomboktú, described by an intelligent native of the former place, the
following names occur in succession:—Berni-Kachenah (Berni means city),
Berni-Gurgar, Zamfarah, Ulumdar, Mallay, Galefaty and Asben. Ulumdar is
the name of one of the Arab tribes frequenting Houssa; Mallay means a
town belonging to the indigenous population, or the Mallawa; Galefaty
(Kiliwatí, in the Houssa language Kiliwawa) is the town of the Kiliwah,
a Berber tribe; and Berni-Gurgar, on the frontier between Kachenah and
Zamfarah, is probably the chief place of the Karkarí.[180]

The obscurity and indistinctness which hung over the most important
place in Negroland being thus removed, there still remains the inquiry,
whether Kúghah, Kaúkaú, or Kághó, still exists and flourishes; has it
mouldered to decay, or does it still retain the pre-eminence which we
know it to have held during at least six centuries? These questions, in
the present state of our information, cannot be answered with perfect
confidence. The brief journal of Amadi Fatouma, the only survivor of
Park’s second expedition, seems to contain no mention of Kághó. But
without the original of that journal, how can a critic decide
peremptorily as to its contents? Is there nothing to awaken suspicion in
the published translation of that journal; or is it not possible, nay
even probable, that the name there read Kaffo was really Kághó?[181]
Bowdich says, that the places passed on the river below Tomboktú are
Uzzalin, Googara, Koolmanna, Gauw, &c. The last-named place is in Marra;
Koolmanna is probably the Gourmon of Amadi Fatouma, in the kingdom of
Ghurma; and Googara is Kúghah, the burr of the letter ghain being
represented by an _r_.[182] Mohammed Másíní, in his description of the
Kowára, places on its banks, ten days below Tomboktú, a city named
Ghagró, which name, as we have neither the original document, nor an
explanation of the translator’s mode of representing the Arabic letters,
we feel justified in supposing to be intended for Kághó.[183] Finally,
in an account of the travels of an Egyptian-Arab, procured by Major
Laing, are the following words:—“To the westward, between Houssa
(Kachenah) and Yawoori [this is an indication of direction by the
traveller in Núfí] is situated on the Niger, a town of immense magnitude
and importance, called Kuku (Kaúkaú), of the power of which surrounding
tribes stand in much awe.” These allusions, taken together, seem to
warrant the conclusion that Kúghah, Kághó, or Kaúkaú still exists and
flourishes.[184]

The argument urged above to show that Kaúkaú is often written for Karkar
may be thus briefly stated: Kaúkaú is described by Arab geographers with
impossible conditions, the analysis of which shows that either there
were two places named Kaúkaú, or two places not so named indeed, but of
which the written names were so much alike, that, in nine cases out of
ten, they would be both read Kaúkaú; and this is the preferable opinion.
Having thus decided that the eastern Kaúkaú, or rather Karkar—as it
shall be called hereafter for the sake of avoiding ambiguity—was the
territory extending from the vicinity of the modern Aghades, to the
frontiers of Gúber and Kachenah, we must now give a little attention to
its river. Enough is known of Negroland in that quarter, to render it
certain that a river described in such doubtful language, must belong to
the desert. Streams flow southward from the mountains of Muḳsim near
Aghades, and one of these was probably the river of Karkar.[185] Passing
through this place, it turns westward (or rather south-westward), and
then, according to some accounts, it winds towards the desert (or
northward), and is lost in the sands. But some say that it joins the
Nile (the Great River, or Kowára); and as the country north-west of the
Quorrama is described as being well watered, and having rivers flowing
through it to the Kowára, the river of Karkar may be assumed with
probability to be one of them.[186]

                               * * * * *


[Footnote 170: Not. et Extr. p. 649. Leo (pt. VII. c. 7) says, that not
above half or a third of the gold brought to Gago could find purchasers.
Cowries were imported into Kúghah, and they were also the money of Gago.
A Spanish writer (D. Jorge de Mendoza Dafranca) says of Muley Hamed,—“He
increased his empire by the conquest of Gago and Tumbocotum, whence they
bring an immense quantity of gold. And here I must state as a curious
fact, that in the taking of Gago there was found, in that place, a piece
of artillery, bearing the arms of Portugal; a small image of Our Lady,
and a metal crucifix.” (Papeles Curiosas, in the Egerton Collection,
Brit. Mus. Additional MSS. No. 10,262, p. 235).]

[Footnote 171: Ramusio, 1554, tom. I. Navig. di Aluise Ca da Mosto, c.
XIII.]

[Footnote 172: Not. et Extr. p. 656.]

[Footnote 173: Jaubert’s Idrísí, pp. 21, 22, 116.]

[Footnote 174: Jaubert’s Idrísí, pp. 116, 117.]

[Footnote 175: Hartmann (Commentatio de Geogr. Afr. Edrísianâ, p. 43)
says, that Ibnu-l Wardi alone has Karkar. But this is a hasty assertion.
The Kitábu-l-jʿarafíah, above cited, has also Karkar; and of four
Geographical Dictionaries among the Arabic MSS. in the Library of the
British Museum, viz., Nos. 7497, 7503, 7504, and 7505, the first three
read Karkar. Ibnu-l Wardi sometimes writes Karkarah.]

[Footnote 176: Kaúkaú كوكو in ordinary Arabic writing can hardly be
distinguished from كركر, and the latter name is thus assumed to be the
former.]

[Footnote 177: Ibn Baṭúṭah writes “es-Sultan el-Karkarí,” the latter
word expressing not Sultan’s dominion, but his native country or tribe.]

[Footnote 178: Dupuis, in the passage referred to (Resid. in Ashantee,
App. 55), says, that the Moslem merchants of Benin trade with the
Gargari by means of those rivers. It is evident that he has here
mistaken Bini, a name given by the people of Houssa to the countries
adjoining Núfí, and even to Bornú (Clapperton’s Second Expedition p.
103), for Benin.]

[Footnote 179: Clapperton points out the situation of the Kurrikurry in
the journal of his first expedition, II. p. 246. He speaks of the
Tawárik horses in p. 317.]

[Footnote 180: About twenty years ago, M. Andrada, the Portuguese
Minister in Brazil, collected much information from the natives of
Houssa whom he found there in slavery. The most interesting portion of
it was transmitted by M. Menézes de Drummond, to the Journal des
Voyages, and afterwards appeared in the German periodical the Hertha,
July 1827, whence it is here quoted.]

[Footnote 181: Park’s Second Journey, 8vo. p. 288. In coarse Arabic
manuscript, Kaffo would be hardly distinguishable from Kagho.]

[Footnote 182: Bowdich’s Account of a Mission to Ashantee, p. 199.]

[Footnote 183: Clapperton’s Second Journey, p. 330.]

[Footnote 184: Journal of Science, edited at the British Institution,
vol. XIV. 1823, p. 8.]

[Footnote 185: The rivers in ʿAhír on the northern side of Muḳsim
(Walckenaer, Rech. p. 448) can hardly be supposed to flow southwards.
But the Tatar merchant Wargee (Asiatic Journal, 1823, p. 16) also speaks
of a great river one day’s journey south of Aghades; though perhaps it
was one of those rivers which have but a short existence after the rains
(Walckenaer, Rech. p. 450).]

[Footnote 186: Clapperton’s Second Expedition, App. 332, 333.]




                                LEMLEM.

                 Remrem — Demdem — Yemyem — Al-Límiyín.


“Going along the river,” says El Bekrí, “westwards from Kaúkaú (Karkar),
you come to the country of the Remrem (or Demdem), who eat all who fall
into their hands.” This sentence is copied verbatim by the greater
number of the Arab geographers. El Idrísí however satisfies himself with
merely stating that south of Ṭanṭanah are Kaúkaú (Karkar) and the
Demdem; leaving it to be inferred that the last-named people are
furthest south. From what has been said of the position of Karkar and
the course of its river, it will be apparent that the Demdem, being
negroes and savages, must have been situate, not due west, but rather
south-west of that place, and consequently must be sought in the hills
of Kábi, facing the desert, and still inhabited at the present day by a
wild and intractable race.[187]

In all accounts of Central Africa, from the time of El Bekrí to the
present day, mention is made of cannibals variously called Remrem,
Lemlem, Demdem, Yemyem, or N’yumn’yum. These names differ only in the
consonants employed, one liquid being changed for another, except in the
case of Demdem, which might be naturally an oral corruption of Remrem;
if it be not merely a variety originating in error of
transcription.[188] Are we then to believe that there are so many
different nations of cannibals in Negroland, bearing names so singularly
related to one another? Or is it not more likely that these various
names are but modifications of one, which being the nickname of a
particular class of savages, would be naturally carried about to the
slave markets, and fashioned to suit the genius of every language which
adopted it?[189] It is true that El Idrísí speaks of Lemlem and Demdem
as of two distinct countries; but the position of his Lemlem depends on
the westward course of the Great River to Ghaïárú, the absurdity of
which has been already pointed out; and this error being corrected, his
Lemlem and Demdem will be found to coincide.

In modern accounts of Negroland, frequent mention is made of a race of
cannibals, styled Yemyem or N’yemn’yem; and every precise indication of
them, from whatever quarter it may come, points to the same spot, namely
the hilly country extending southward from Kanó.[190] The Yemyem of the
present day, therefore, dwell at no great distance from the site of the
Demdem of earlier ages. They occupy the remote continuation of the chain
of mountains once inhabited by the latter: and if the changes
necessarily effected in the northern part of that region, or Houssa, by
the introduction of Mohammedism, the influx of Berbers, Zagháï, and
Fellátah, be duly considered, together with the fact that a wild people
still keep possession of the hills on the frontier of the desert, it
will appear a natural inference that the reproach of cannibalism, or the
barbarity itself, has receded, owing to the progress of civilization,
and that the Yemyem are the Demdem, changed in site and appellation only
by the variations of the medium through which we view them.

If the Yemyem or N’yemn’yem of the present day be not the same people as
the Lemlem, Remrem, or Demdem of early writers, it must then be
inquired, What has become of these latter?[191] To deny such identity is
to plunge back into obscurity: to suppose nations of negroes become
extinct, or—a still bolder hypothesis—to have wholly changed their
character. On the other hand, the supposition that the Baúwa (or Slaves)
in the hills south of Kanó, to the remoter portion of whom the epithet
Yemyem is now applied, once occupied the hills of Zamfara and Kábi, and
were stigmatised as Demdem or cannibals, reconciles ancient with modern
authorities; it attributes a just permanence to a great moral feature of
Negroland, depending on peculiarity of race, modelled by physical
circumstances; and it adjusts with remarkable precision the geographical
elements involved in the question, assigning to the Demdem a position,
which exactly coincides with that deduced from the statements connecting
them with Karkar and the Great River. It may be assumed as certain,
therefore, that the Demdem peopled the hills of the country now called
Houssa.[192]

There is another name, much less known than Lemlem or Demdem, and
apparently more comprehensive, applied to the inhabitants of the same
region. Ibn Baṭúṭah says that Múlí, on the Great River, where the empire
of Málí terminated, was in the country of the Límí (Al-Límiyín); and
again, he says that Yúfí (Núfí) was in the country of the Límí; whence
it is evident that the people so named were on the left bank of the
river. The Blacks at Sofálah, he adds, were tattooed like the Límí of
Genéwah, the latter name being in this instance used in the wide sense
in which it was generally understood in the systematic geography of the
Arabs. The practice of tattooing the body all over in fine patterns, is
confined, in Central Africa, to the people of Marra. The Límí were said
to wear clothing made of a plant called _worzi_, capable of resisting
fire. The productions of their land seem to have been in general of a
marvellous description.[193]

We are told that in the country of the Remrem or Demdem was a castle,
whereon was a statue of a woman, adored by the people; and it is
remarkable that in the traditions of Houssa the history of Zegzeg begins
with the conquests of a female. It matters not that her name is
Arabicised or her antiquity underrated by the native Chroniclers; they
leave untouched the essence of the tradition, which is, that Zegzeg was
founded by a heroine.[194]

                               * * * * *


[Footnote 187: Not. et Extr. tom. XII. p. 655. Jaubert’s Idrísí, p.
116.]

[Footnote 188: The _l_ of the Arabs and _r_ of the Africans so often
displace each other, that the change of Lemlem into Remrem is quite
regular. In Arabic writing Remrem is hardly distinguishable from Demdem,
which might therefore have originated in the ambiguous characters of the
former name. But it will be shown further on, that in Marra (adjoining
the original Demdem) the _r_ is often changed into _d_.]

[Footnote 189: It may be naturally presumed that the slave market,
whence the designation first proceeded, was that of Ghánah, and
therefore that its meaning should be found in the language of Tomboktú
or territory of Ghánah. Now in that language _lemlem_ signifies _to eat_
(Caillié, tom. III. p. 311); and if the Kissúr be as simple in its
construction as the Mandingo, it also signifies an _eater_ or cannibal.
Thus from _domo_, to eat, in Mandingo, comes the verbal noun _domo_, in
the plural _domolu_, eaters—not man-eaters, as it is translated by Park
(First Journey, p. 217), who writes _dummulo_—the name with which the
Bambarans stigmatize their neighbours the Maniana.]

[Footnote 190: Burckhardt (Trav. in Nubia, p. 441) mentions the Yemyem
without assigning their position. Einsiedel (Cuhn’s Merkw. Reis. III. p.
436) vaguely connects them with Kanó. Hornemann (Trav. p. 119) sets them
ten days south of the same place. Clapperton (Denh. and Clapp. Disc. II.
p. 248) learned that the Baúwa in the country of Jacoba, between Kanó
and Adamawa, are styled Yemyem; though Sultan Bello (Clapp. Sec. Exped.
p. 250) removed the reproach of cannibalism to the country of Umburm,
adjoining Jacoba. Hutchison also was informed in Ashantí (Bowdich’s
Mission, &c. p. 203), that the Yemyem are in Quollaliffa, and couples
their name with that of Dall, a mountainous district, a few days south
of Kanó. According to Abdu-r-Raḥmán Aga, the informant of Niebuhr
(Deutches Museum, 1790), the Yemyem are in Adamawa. Again, Lander
(Exped. to the Niger, III. p. 83) was told that the journey from Funda
to Bornú might be accomplished in fifteen days, and that the only
dangerous place on the road was the country of the Yemyem. Browne (Trav.
in Afr. p. 356) and others who have gathered their information on the
eastern side of the desert, speak of cannibals under the name of
Gnumgnum (N’yemn’yem), in vague terms, not indicating their situation.
But a Tatar merchant named Wargee, who visited Cape Coast in 1822,
stated that the Namnam (as he called them) were fifteen days south of
Kanó, a distance reaching to the country of Jacoba. The ocular testimony
of this intelligent man (Asiatic Journal, vol. XVI. p. 19), and of
Sultan Bello, seems fully to establish the fact that cannibals exist in
the quarter indicated.]

[Footnote 191: It must not be supposed that Yemyem is the native name of
any country or people south of Kanó: it is a foreign term applied with
more or less vagueness to the inhabitants of that region. The misery and
degradation of a people marked out especially as the prey of the slave
hunter, exposes them to the imputation of cannibalism, which draws on
them fresh injuries. Lander (Clapp. Second Exped. p. 292), on his way
southwards from Kanó to Funda, saw at Fali-n-dúshi (the White rocks) for
the first time, a people completely naked and ready to sell their
offspring. But the natives of Zamfara also go nearly naked (Clapp. p.
178): the Kombori in Kotú-n-kúra, are still treated as Demdem (id. p.
146), and the pagan negroes near the desert (id. p. 334) are certainly
not placed in circumstances more secure or favourable to civilization
than the Baúwa further south. The change effected in Houssa by
Mohammedism, and the influx of strangers, may be learned by comparing
together the descriptions of that country by Clapperton and Leo
Africanus. The latter writer (pt. VII. c. 11) knew of no city named
Kachenah; the villages of the country so called were small and of the
meanest construction; the people were of the deepest black, with noses
and lips disproportionately large. He speaks of the people of Zamfara
(c. 13) in still less flattering terms, concluding that “they are rather
brutes than men.”]

[Footnote 192: On the eastern side of the desert, the Shillúks are
pointed out as a remarkably barbarous people, but yet they are not
styled Yemyem. In the west, the people of Bambara accuse their
neighbours, the people of Maniana (the Manegnan of Caillié), of
cannibalism, yet without applying to them the epithet Lemlem, Demdem, or
Yemyem. From east to west there is but the one spot to which this name
is constantly and distinctly given. With respect to the Manegnan (or
rather Manegna, the nasal final being superfluous) it may be suspected
that the imputation cast on them by their enemies has its origin in
tradition, and that they are descendants of the Manes, reputed cannibals
who overran the coast in the latter half of the fifteenth century.]

[Footnote 193: Al-Límiyín الليميين. This name occurs three or four times
in Ibn Baṭúṭah’s Narrative. M. Quatremère (Not. et Extr. 650) has read
it Lâmes, in the unpointed Parisian MS. of El Bekrí. May not the Worzi
be the Bordi (Walck. Rech. p. 448) of the Moors? Marmol (vol. I. fol.
31) quoting Ibn Gezzar, places the people called Lime (Límí) in Genéwah
on the eastern side of the desert (that is, in the eastern part of the
western division of the desert), between the cities of Rafin and Cuco.
Rafin might be easily read for Rágha in Arabic text. Cuco is probably
Kaúkaú or Kághó: it elsewhere occurs in the same author (vol. I. fol.
34, and II. fol. 221), but evidently referring to the place so named in
the province of Algiers (Peyssonel et Desfontaines, Voy. dans la Régence
d’Alger, &c., 1838, tom. I. p. 380). Marmol again places the Limin
(Límiyín) (fol. 45) between the Zinj and Western Ocean, and calls them
savages. All his hints combined show that they possessed the interior of
Houssa.]

[Footnote 194: Not. et Extr. p. 655. The founder of the state of Zegzeg,
which includes Baúshí, was ʿAmenáh, according to Bello (Denham’s Disc.
II. p. 450). Lander (Clapp. p. 290), who learned a different version of
her history, says that she built a town called Almena. May not the
remarkable rocks described by him, on the hill above that town, have
given rise to the story of the statue?]




                    NEGROLAND DIVIDED INTO NATIONS.


Ibn Khaldún, after making some prefatory remarks on the origin and
genealogy of the Blacks, borrows from an earlier writer the following
account of the nations into which they were supposed to be divided:—

“Ibn Sʿaíd, a most diligent writer, enumerates nineteen nations of
Blacks, beginning with the Zinj on the shores of the Indian Ocean, who
have a city called Mombásah. They profess idolatry, and are the same
people who in the reign of Al-Muʿatamid, seized on the city of Baṣrah;
where great numbers of them were in slavery. They took up arms against
their masters, and, assisted by the Zinj, got possession of the
city.[195]

“Near the Zinj are the Berber, among whom Islamism made great progress.
They have a city named Maḳdishó, which is partly inhabited by Mohammedan
merchants. In their country are the people called Demádem, who go naked.
It is recorded in history that these made an irruption into Abyssinia
and Nubia, exactly at the time when the Tatars invaded Irak. After
laying waste the country, however, they retreated homewards.[196]

“Adjoining the Berber are the Abyssinians, the most numerous and
powerful of the Blacks. From their country Yemen once had its kings. The
king of the Abyssinians was entitled Al-Negáshí, and the capital of his
kingdom was the city of Kʿaber. The Abyssinians are Christians, but it
is said that one of their kings embraced the true faith when Mohammed
visited their country in the Hijra. They believe that they are destined
to become masters of Yemen and all Arabia.[197]

“Next to the Abyssinians are the Bojá, a mixed nation of Christians and
Mohammedans, who possess Suwákin, an island in the sea of As-Suweís (the
Red Sea).[198] They have for neighbours the Nubians, who are brethren of
the Zinj and Abyssinians, and have, on the west of the Nile, a city
called Donḳalah. They are chiefly Christians, and border on Egypt, where
many of them are sold as slaves. Adjoining them are the Zagháwah, who
are Mohammedans, and from whom are sprung the Tájúah.[199]

“Next comes Al-Kánem, a populous kingdom, wherein the true faith is
largely disseminated. Its capital city is Jíma. At one time the people
of Kánem held the whole Ṣaḥrá in subjection; their ascendency being due
to their intimacy with the Sultans of the house of Ḥafṣ, when this
dynasty flourished in its prime.[200]

“Next to the people of Kánem, on the west, are the people of Kaúkaú, and
after them Beghárah, and At-Tekrúr, and Kimi, and Yemyem, and Jábi, and
Kúra, and Inkizár; by the side of the ocean towards the west they reach
the people of Ghánah in the west. What precedes has been copied from Ibn
Sʿaíd’s work.”[201]

It is observable that the names in this list of places or countries
lying west of Kánem (nine in number) are not recognized at all, or not
confidently, by modern geographers. But before we proceed to determine
the position of each of them, it will be advantageous to examine the
information which Makrízí, in quoting Ibn Sʿaíd, adds to that of his
author.[202] His words are as follows:—“Al-Kánem is an extensive region
watered by the blessed Nile, and distant a ten days’ journey from the
borders of At-Tájú. In that country (Kánem) are naked Blacks, among whom
are the Iklí, ruled by a just and mighty king; and Afnú, whose King,
called Mastúr, guards his wives with extreme jealousy. Near this is
another kingdom named Mambó, next to which lie Kátakúmá, Kátakú, and
Ibkarem (Bekarmi), and another kingdom greater than the preceding, named
Rábúmá (Umburm), the great kingdom of Haúdama (Adamawa), and the tribe
of Ankarú, rich in herds, flocks, and elephants.[203] Next to these are
the tribes Shádí, Mábiná, Abham, Atʿaná, Yáfalam, and Makabá, who are
all naked Blacks, and hold clothed men in derision. The tribe of Mábiná
is the most numerous, and the chief part of it is called Kálkín.[204]
This region is covered with great trees and with pools from the
overflowing of the Nile. It was invaded in the year 650 (A.D. 1252-3) by
the King of Kánem, who killed many of the natives, or led them into
slavery. Beyond this, westward to Kaúkaú, are many populous tribes, of
which those next to Mábiná are the Adermá and Dafúmú, among whom are
Mohammedan temples. Also the Abkalá (Ankalá), who have camels, wear
skins for clothing, and are accounted unbelievers; and the Túkámá, who
dwell on the borders of At-Tájú, possess palm-trees, and drink of the
Nile. Al-Kánem is the greatest kingdom of Negroland, and has on the west
Kaúkaú, then Baḳárah, Tekrúr, Nama, Temím, Já, and Inkizár, which extend
in the west from the ocean to Ghánah.”[205]

In this list of countries or tribes lying within the circle, as it were,
of Kánem, the name Afnú, given by the people of Bornú to the adjacent
part of Houssa, stands conspicuous, and cannot fail to be recognized.
The Arab writer appears to have commenced his survey from a prominent
point, the Iklí being probably on the frontier of Negroland, between
Afnú and the desert.[206] Kátakúmá may also be fairly assumed to be the
Katagum of Clapperton; the writer therefore proceeds eastwards or south-
eastwards, and consequently Mambó or Manbú will be near the country
called Anbur by the English traveller. Continuing in the same course, he
necessarily arrives at Kátakú and Bekarmi, having thus traced the
frontiers of the independent tribes of Bornú facing Kánem.[207] He then
seems to make the tour of the hilly country forming the remote boundary
of the same region; but, it must be confessed, that this portion of his
path is less easily investigated, and leaves a larger scope to
conjecture. However it is a natural supposition that he enumerates the
chief nations or tribes behind the line already traced, and so, eastward
from Bekarmi, are Rábúmá (Umburm, a kingdom near Jacoba), Haúdama
(ʿAdám, or, in the language of Houssa, Adamawa), and Ankarú (Angarú),
the western part of Bornú.[208]

Adjoining these, we should expect to find Baúshí, with its decried
inhabitants; and accordingly our author here names several tribes of
savages “who hold clothed men in derision.” Shádí is certainly the name
of a place in Baúshí; but we must not yield to the temptation of
detecting resemblances of names which may easily prove deceitful.[209]
It is more important to consider the force of the words “from Mábiná
westwards to Kaúkaú,” from which it may be concluded that Mábiná lay
towards Kaúkaú, or was the north-westernmost point of the region
described, and consequently that the Arab author proceeds in a circle,
agreeably to our hypothesis, and terminates at a point in Afnú whence he
first started. His picture, too, of a region covered with great trees
and pools from the overflowing of the Nile, corresponds exactly with the
physical character of Zegzeg and Zamfara.[210] The invasion by the King
of Kánem for the purpose of carrying off slaves, further confirms the
supposition that the country described was Houssa and Baúshí. What other
region had equal attractions for the slave hunter,—or where else could
be found a long line of savage tribes extending to the frontiers of the
desert and of Kaúkaú? Next to the Mábiná, towards the desert, followed
the Adermá and Dafúmú, who were not strangers to the Mohammedan rites;
and then came the Túkámá (Togáma) and Angála, of whom the former have
given their name to a place in the desert not far from Kachenah, while
similar traces of the latter remain on the shores of Lake Chad.[211] The
Túkáma of Makrízí, it is true, were on the east of Kánem, near Tajúah;
but so easily do the tribes of the desert change their dwellings, that
there is no improbability in the supposition that the same tribe
subsequently spread westwards and settled near Houssa.

In considering the interpretation here offered of Makrízí’s statement,
less weight is to be allowed to the resemblance of names than to the
order, coherence, and accordance with probability which the whole
passage acquires from the mode of viewing it. Some points in it may be
obscure; but others, as Afnú and Katagum, hardly admit of doubt; and we
feel justified, therefore, in concluding that the nations or countries,
as Kaúkaú, Baḳárah, Tekrúr, &c., which Makrízí (copying Ibn Sʿaíd)
arranges west of Kánem, are all excluded from the region above
described—that is to say, from Bornú and the hills of Baúshí and Houssa
immediately encompassing it on the west.

In endeavouring to ascertain the positions of the various nations
mentioned by early Arab writers as extending across Negroland, it will
be advantageous to compare the whole series of those nations with the
list of kingdoms arranged by Leo Africanus in the same line. For this
purpose Ibn Sʿaíd’s list shall be inverted, or taken from west to east;
and then the names which are clearly related being placed opposite to
each other, we shall have the geography of Negroland in the latter half
of the thirteenth century, contrasted with that of the beginning of the
sixteenth, as in the following table:—

 IBN SʿAÍD.               LEO.

  Ghánah   ············ Gualata.

                          Ghinea.

                          Melli.

                      { Tombuto.
  Inkizár  ···········{
                      { Gago.

                        Guber.

  Kúra.

                        Agadez.

  Jábí.

                        Cano.

  Yemyem.

                        Casena.

  Kimí.

                          Zegzeg.

  Tekrúr.

                          Zanfara.

  Baghárah.

                          Guangara.

  Kaúkaú.

  Kánem    ············ Borno.

                        Gaoga.

  Zagháwah.

  Núbah    ············ Nubia.

Here then, in the first place, it is manifest that Ghánah coincides with
Gualata (Walata). The salient point of Negroland towards the north-west
ranks as the extreme west, and the countries which lie to the south,
though extending further westward, are placed after it. Hence the Ghinea
and Melli of Leo, both supposed by him to reach the ocean, nevertheless
follow Gualata.

From the southern countries, Ghinea and Melli, Leo turns eastwards down
the river to Tombuto and Gago; and thence proceeds across the desert to
Guber, on the northern frontiers of Houssa. Ibn Sʿaíd, on the other
hand, goes in two steps from Ghánah to Kúra, the western frontier (as
will be seen further on) of the same region. He seems to take the
straight road through Negroland to the eastern settlements of the
Tekrúrí, while Leo keeps to the desert and the roads frequented by
Moorish merchants. Inkizár then appears to be the region encompassed by
the great circuit of the river between Jenni and Kághó. Its collective
name, little known to geographers, probably never enjoyed political
importance, but it seems still to survive in the name of the language
called by Caillié the Kissour. This language extends from Jenni down the
river to Tomboktú, where it is spoken, as the same traveller informs us,
by the negro or indigenous population. But there is no authority for
supposing that it extends no further eastward than Tomboktú; and it
seems more reasonable to enlarge the limits of a language occupying so
important a position, so that it may fill the area encircled by the
river, and comprise Kághó (the Gago of Leo) in its domain. Inkizár then
was a kingdom situate on the right bank of the Great River, between
Jenni, Tomboktú, and Kághó, of which the political fabric has long since
fallen to ruin, while a vestige of the original bond of unity still
remains in the Kissour language.[212]

From Gago Leo passes to Guber, on the northern frontier of Houssa; then
to Agadez, which is more easterly; then to Cano and Casena, lying
further south; then to Zegzeg and Zanfara, still more in the rear, till
at length he arrives at Guangara (Wanghárah), which fills the remote
interior. But he shows his imperfect acquaintance with Houssa, by
setting Casena (Kachenah) on the east of Cano (Kanó), and Zanfara in
like manner on the east of Zegzeg. It is not surprising, therefore, that
he should place Guangara on the east of Zanfara. He may possibly have
confounded (like some modern writers) Angarú, the western province of
Bornú, with Wanghárah or Guangara; but it is more likely that his
information was substantially good, and that he knew Wanghárah to be a
region extending widely at some distance from Houssa; but his
systematical ideas left no room for such expansion south-westward from
Houssa, and consequently he was obliged to shift Wanghárah to the south-
east. Since Nufí and the other comparatively industrious countries on
the Great River, are not expressly named by him, it may be fairly
presumed that they were included in his Wanghárah.[213]

Ibn Sʿaíd, in like manner, passes from Inkizár to Houssa; not however to
the northern part of this country next to the desert, but to its western
side near the river. He goes not in the track of the merchant or slave
dealer, but in that of the slave hunter. It may appear indeed difficult
at first sight to recognize any part of Houssa in the names Kúra, Jábí,
&c., but a little patient examination will dissipate the obscurity which
involves them, and concentrate on them so many rays of probability as to
guide us safely through the difficulties encompassing the first steps of
our inquiry.

In the Geographical Dictionary of Yakút, an earlier writer than Ibn
Sʿaíd, and who is copied with little change by Abú-l-fedá, the names
Kúra and Jábí occur together, with such explanatory details as to prove
that the former is applied to the river Kowára, while the latter
(probably pronounced Gábí) seems meant for Kábí. It is there stated that
the King of Kaúkaú (Kághó) wages war with the moslim of Ghánah on the
west, and with those of Tekrúr on the east; and that a little to the
east of Kaúkaú is the Lake Kúra, which must consequently be near Tekrúr:
and, indeed, the author adds, that it is navigated by the Tekrúri and
their neighbours dwelling on its northern bank. On the shores of this
lake is Jábí, near the capital of which flows the Nile of Ghánah, so
that the continuity of the Nile of Ghánah with Lake Kúra seems to be
here offered as a fact; and this statement must not be set in the same
category with the theory afterwards enunciated by the Arab geographer,
that Lake Kúra is the common source from which issue the Niles of
Ghánah, of Egypt, and of Maḳdishó.[214]

The same authors inform us that the tribes inhabiting the countries near
Lake Kúra were cannibals: among the people of Jábí, whoever died was
eaten by his neighbours. No one had ever seen the south side of the
lake, but it was known that, at its remote end, it branched into two;
and that by some means it extended westward into Kánem, whence flowed
the Nile of Egypt. Now at the present day, the Kowára is generally
called by the natives a lake; its name, written by them, is Lake Kúra;
it is thought by them to join the sea, or rather to become a sea, a
little below Núfí; they are quite ignorant of its southern termination,
but know that it separates into what they consider as two branches, by
one of which (the Chadda) it is supposed to communicate with Lake Chad,
in Kánem and Bornú, and thence to mingle its waters with those of the
Egyptian Nile.[215] In the country adjoining the Kowára and the Chadda
are still found the Yemyem or cannibals. Thus it appears that the
rudiments of the geographical system of the thirteenth century, so far
as regards the waters of Central Africa, were precisely the same which
now compose the native accounts of the Kowára, and its supposed
continuation, the Chadda.[216]

Next to Jábí, in the east, Ibn Sʿaíd places Yemyem, then Kimi, of which
we are unable to give any account. Next to that, and towards the north
perhaps, he sets Tekrúr; then Baghárah, probably a tribe of the desert,
and then Kaúkaú, after which comes Kánem.[217] Leo, on the other hand,
passes from Guangara (Wanghárah) eastwards to Bornú, which coincides
sufficiently well with the Kánem of Ibn Sʿaíd to serve with it as an
established point of adjustment. He then goes to Gaoga, a kingdom
extending, according to him, from Bornú to Nubia, and which appears to
be the Kaúghah placed by some modern inquirers in the Baḥr el-Gazel. At
all events care must be taken not to confound the Kaúkaú of Ibn Sʿaíd,
which lay beyond the north-western bounds of Kánem and Bornú, with the
Kaughah of Leo, on the east of the latter kingdom.[218] East of Kánem
stands Zagháwah in Ibn Sʿaíd’s list, and beyond that Núbah, which
coincides with Leo’s Nubia.

The results obtained by comparing Ibn Sʿaíd’s list of Negro nations with
that furnished by Leo, are not, in a general view, of a doubtful
character. At the extreme west, the coincidence of Ghánah with Walata is
manifest. It is hardly less certain that Inkizár is the country embraced
by the Great River, between Jenni and Kághó, and in which the Kissour
(perhaps rather N’Kiṣár) language prevails. Though the Kánem of Ibn
Sʿaíd and the Bornú of Leo do not exactly coincide, yet they approach so
nearly to coincidence as to serve for terms of adjustment in the
compared schemes. The tracts extending therefore between Inkizár and
Kánem, in the one author, and from Gago to Bornú, in the other, may be
said to lie between the same meridians, and to contain either the same
countries under different names, or contiguous and intermingled
countries. Now within those limits Leo describes the greater part of
Houssa, proceeding, or meaning to proceed, from west to east, and from
north to south. Ibn Sʿaíd, commencing with Kúra, goes on to Tekrúr and
Kaúkaú, evidently from west to east, and from south to north. Tekrúr
extended westwards from Zamfara (which may indeed have been included in
it) to the desert, and therefore Kúra, Jábí or Gábí, Yemyem and Kimí,
were all south-westward of the countries of Houssa named by Leo.[219]
There can be little doubt that Kúra was a district situate on the Great
River, the name of which is variously written or pronounced Kúra, Kuḍa,
Quorra or Quolla. Jábí was Kábí, to the east (or south-east) of which
lay Yowí or Yúfí (the modern Núfí), on the northern shore of Lake Kúra,
and under which, as we are also informed, flowed the Nile of
Ghánah.[220]

The difference between Ibn Sʿaíd and Leo in their modes of viewing the
same region, may be naturally ascribed to changes in the channels and
manner of intercourse with it. The people of Gúber once possessed the
desert of ʿAhír, but were displaced by the Tawárik. The invasion of
Tekaddá by the people of Málí, had probably for its object to relieve
the trade of Kághó from the exactions levied on caravans in the desert.
It can hardly have failed to improve the road through that country, and
increase the influx of strangers. A few years later, Aghades was
founded, probably by the Kiliwah (the Kolluvi of Hornemann), who are now
the predominant Berber tribe on the frontiers of Houssa. When these
various changes are all taken into consideration, it will no longer
appear surprising, that while Ibn Sʿaíd viewed Houssa from the road
opened to it by the people of Tekrúr, Leo should look at it only from
the opposite quarter, or from Aghades.[221]

It is needless to follow the parallel between the systems of Ibn Sʿaíd
and Leo beyond the western frontiers of Kánem and Bornú. Further east,
the few points touched on by Arab geographers are not liable to
misinterpretation. The inquiry into the early geography of Negroland, so
far as concerns representations founded on fact, might here terminate.
But it is worth while to observe how the framers of theories, the
compilers of Dictionaries and Complete Treatises of Geography, dealt
with the obscurer portion of it: how they endeavoured to fill up every
void, and by arbitrary suppositions to give unity and coherence to their
fragmentary information. The popular belief that the Great River of
Negroland unites with the Nile of Egypt, is of ancient date, and may
perhaps be traced back even to the time of Herodotus. It is stated with
more or less distinctness by all the Arab geographers. Leo, however,
discarded it, and adopted an original opinion of his own. The Shary,
according to him, is the source of the Niger; for this river, he says,
rises in the Desert of Seu (or country of the Shaúá), south-east of
Bornú, and enters the Lake of Gaoga (the Chad). Respecting the
hypothetical course of the river westwards from the lake, he is quite
silent; and when he says that Cano is 500 miles east of the Niger, he
seems to acknowledge his ignorance of its course south of that country.
However, he believed it to flow westwards by Tomboktú and Jenni to the
Western Ocean.

At the present day all African geographers believe in the junction of
the Kowára with Lake Chad. Some suppose the line of connexion to be
formed by the Quorrama and the Yeou; others look upon the Chadda as the
continuation of the Kowára, and think that they can trace its course
into Lake Chad by the river of Katagum and the Yeou; while others again
carry it through Adamawa into the Shary.[222] All this hypothesis arises
naturally from the constitution of the human mind, which is averse from
doubt and systematic suspension of opinion. It hurries on to the
solution of every problem presented to it. Furnished with a knowledge of
portions of seas, continents, or rivers, it feels no pleasure in
devising their limits and separations, but prefers joining the fragments
together, as if it thus advanced a step in discovery, or mounted to a
higher and simpler truth. Illustrations of this remark might be drawn
from the history of geography in every age and country. It is not
extraordinary therefore that Yaḳút, copied by Abú-l-fedá and others,
should delineate decisively and with the air of a master, that
assemblage of waters in Central Africa, the existence of which seemed
proved by popular belief. Lake Kúra, says Abú-l-fedá, is 1000 miles
long. On its western side, near Jábi, flows the Nile of Ghánah; and at
its north-eastern angle, near the capital of Kánem, the Nile of Egypt
issues from it. Here it is apparent that the lake Kúra described by Ibn
Fáṭimah, the lake Kúra, or river Kowára or Quorra of the present day, is
supposed to be united with Lake Chad, and that it gives its name to the
great inland sea, thus formed by theory. The lake Kúra of Yáḳút and Abú-
l-fedá derives its origin from facts arbitrarily combined and expanded;
it owes its magnitude to the distance between the waters thus connected
together, and its name to the western portion of them, the river Kowára
or Quorra.

Some of the systematic Arab geographers divided Africa into three great
regions, viz. Genéwah, Kaúkaú or Karkar, and Habesh or Abyssinia; others
into four, Genéwah, Nubia, Habesh, and Zinj.[223] Genéwah, or the
western division, was disproportionately enlarged, owing to the
protraction of the Great River, the incurvations of which were
overlooked, and because, in speculative geography, the known has a
constant tendency to encroach upon and narrow the limits of the unknown.
Zinj, on the other hand, must have been diminished, since Ibn Baṭúṭah
believed Sofálah to be but a month’s journey distant from Yúfi (Núfí),
on the left bank of the Great River, before it turned towards Nubia. The
centre of the continent, where those divisions met, was occupied by Lake
Kúra, whence issued the Niles of Ghánah, Egypt, and Maḳdishó. The shores
of the lake were inhabited by the Demdem or (in the Arabicised plural)
Demádem, who therefore stood, as occupants of the remote interior, in a
defined relation with the coasts to which those rivers descended. When
Arab writers, therefore, in speaking of the eastern coast of Africa,
state that the interior is possessed by the Demádem, who invaded
Abyssinia and Nubia in the early part of the thirteenth century, it is
obvious that they speak the language of system (the name Demdem or
Demádem being in reality unknown on the eastern coast), and
hypothetically trace the course of the invaders from the shores of Lake
Kúra and the sources of the great rivers.[224]

There is no injustice done to the Arabs in thus ascribing altogether to
theory a positive statement made by many of their best authors. It is in
the highest degree improbable, that with little or no knowledge of the
various Black nations inhabiting the eastern coast of Africa, they
should have had any accurate acquaintance with the remote interior: and
besides, the acquiescence in system here imputed to them, is no greater
than must have inevitably arisen from the imperfect state of their
knowledge. Little more than a century ago, European geographers
represented Abyssinia as occupying nearly a fourth of the African
continent; on its eastern borders they placed a great lake, from which
issued the Egyptian Nile, and all the great rivers of Southern
Africa.[225] The maps of Africa of that date exhibit less vacant space
than they do at the present day. The improvement of geography, with
respect to that quarter of the globe, has consisted chiefly in reducing
what is known within its proper limits. Distant nations were of course
as easily brought together and united as distant countries. The
different African tribes which, in the course of the sixteenth century,
devastated the widely-separate coasts of Sierra Leone, of Angola, and of
Melinda, were, by a sweeping generalization, all supposed to be one and
the same people, and were furthermore identified with the Agows and
Gallas of Abyssinia.[226] Vestiges of these ideas still remain in our
treatises of geography, and in some of the latest maps, nor is the
system of thinking from which they emanated yet quite obsolete.[227] But
the close resemblance of European theories respecting the mysterious
interior of Africa to those of the Arabs, is strikingly manifest in the
following words of the Portuguese historian, Da Couto:—“About the year
1570, a horde of barbarians, like locusts, issued from the heart of
Ethiopia, from the great lake whence flows the Cuama, the Zaire, the
Rhapta, and the Nile.”[228]—Here then we have the exact counterpart of
Lake Kúra and the Demdem or Demádem. The subsequent history of the horde
referred to by Da Couto is taken up by other learned writers, who affect
to describe its march southwards from Mombása to the Cape of Good Hope;
thence to Angola, whence it spread to Sierra Leone and elsewhere: so
that not even the Demádem were ever carried by conjecture so far from
their native homes.[229] Thus it appears that the theories ascribed
above to the Arabs, much excelled in sobriety, while they were exactly
parallel in design with the geographical speculations of a later age.

The position of the kingdoms of Negroland enumerated by Arab writers
having been now discussed and determined, and the efforts of Arab
theorists to mould into unity and form the isolated facts before them,
having been traced out, our task is at an end. The demonstration of the
fact that Ghánah lay between the desert and the Great River near
Tomboktú, at once reconciles with nature and probability, the history of
the constant intercourse of that state with Sijilmésah. The nation whose
language is spoken in the most important part of Negroland, is now
brought into light. The Tekrúr have been traced from the vicinity of
Silla to the eastern bank of the Kowára. The History of Málí has been
made known, and the limits of that empire partially determined. It has
been clearly shown that Kághó was also called Kaúkaú, but that the
application of the latter name to one or more other places, further
east, has caused incurable confusion. The ignorance and erroneous
hypothesis of the Africans respecting the course of the Kowára, have
been detected in the ancient accounts of Lake Kúra; and the limits of
the positive knowledge of the Arabs have been ascertained in the fact
that their theoretical geography embraced that lake, and the Demdem who
inhabited its shores.

It will not be necessary to dwell here on the general harmony and
widely-extended coincidence attending the conclusions arrived at in the
preceding pages. A long series of inferences, each stamped with the
character of likelihood, and all agreeing perfectly among themselves,
yet obtained independently of one another, not by straining arbitrarily
selected texts, but by eliciting and examining each author’s fullest
meaning, and which form together a complete whole, reconcileable not
only with geographical facts, but also with that speculative mind, which
in the history of human knowledge is itself an incontestible though not
easily seized fact;—such a series of inferences, we say, carries with it
an internal evidence of truth not easily impugned. It remains therefore
only to recal attention to the chief historical revolutions brought to
light in the course of our inquiries. The wars and conquests of the
Morabites eventually opened the Western Desert to commercial enterprise.
The impulse given by the religious enthusiasm of the same people to
Tekrúr, spread rapidly through western Negroland, till at length the
wave recoiling on the desert, the Ṣúṣú first, and then the people of
Málí, became masters of Ghánah, and reckoned some of the Zenágah tribes
among their tributaries.[230] The outlines of the history of Málí
deserve particular attention. The establishment of extensive empires in
the early stages of society, almost always give rise to a better order
of things, by breaking down the obstructions to general intercourse, and
allowing free scope to aspiring industry. The progress of Tekrúr
eastwards, the foundation of Aghades, and the change effected by both
these events in the condition of Houssa, have been already pointed out,
and need not be further insisted on.[231]

It is impossible to deny the advancement of civilization in that zone of
the African continent which has formed the field of our inquiry. Yet
barbarism is there supported by natural circumstances with which it is
vain to think of coping. It may be doubted whether, if mankind had
inhabited the earth only in populous and adjoining communities, slavery
would have ever existed. The Desert, if it be not absolutely the root of
the evil, has, at least, been from the earliest times the great nursery
of slave hunters.[232] The demoralization of the towns on the southern
borders of the desert has been pointed out; and if the vast extent be
considered of the region in which man has no riches but slaves, no
enjoyment but slaves, no article of trade but slaves, and where the
hearts of wandering thousands are closed against pity by the galling
misery of life, it will be difficult to resist the conviction that the
solid buttress on which slavery rests in Africa, is—The Desert.


[Footnote 195: At the present day the servile and perhaps most numerous
class of the population of the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, are
Zinj, or Blacks, originally from Zinjibar (corrupted into Zanguebar), or
the eastern coast of Africa. In Zinjibar, that is, the country of the
Zinj, on the other hand, the rulers and upper classes are chiefly Arabs
from ʿOmán and the Persian Gulf. The tribe of the Lámí, who have given
their name to Lámú, near Patta, are originally from the neighbourhood of
Baṣrah. The event related in the text ceases to appear improbable when
the nature and antiquity of the intercourse between Zinjibar and the
Persian Gulf are considered.]

[Footnote 196: The Berbers here spoken of are the inhabitants of the
country called by the Greeks in general Βαρβαρία, and by the Arabs
Al-ʿajemí—that is, foreign; which latter name has been converted by
ancient geographers into Azania (Ptolemy; and Arrian, Perip. Mar.
Eryth.), and by moderns into Ajan. The name Berber, in this as in most
other instances, originated in the commercial and diplomatic language of
the Roman Empire. The east-African Berbers are now called Somáli; but
their ancient designation still remains to Berberah, a town or rather
encampment opposite to ʿAden. The tribe who possess Maḳdishó (the
Magadoxa or Magadocia of our maps) are the Bajúna or Bagúna, called by
the Sawáḥilí, or natives of the coast of Zinjibar, Wagúña. They are the
Baẓúnah of El Idrísí (Jaubert’s Idrísí, I. p. 55, where مدونه is read
for بذونه). It will be shown further on, that the Demádem have been
transferred to the eastern side of Africa by an ordinary effort of
speculative geography.]

[Footnote 197: The title of the Emperor of Abyssinia was Negusa Negast,
or King of Kings. (Ludolf. Comment. p. 11.) The city called by the Arab
writer Kʿaber was Ankó-ber (or the Pass of the Ankó, a tribe formerly
occupying that tract, but now removed further north), at present the
capital of Shoa. The Arabs and Abyssinians in ancient times were
intimately connected. The language of Tigré, or Northern Abyssinia, is
of Arabic origin, and even the Amharic is thought by Gesenius (Ersch and
Gruber’s Encyklopedie, art. Amharische sprache) to be an older offset of
the same stock.]

[Footnote 198: The Bojá or Bogá are the Βουγαείται of the Greek
inscription of Axum, copied by Salt (Trav. p. 410). Under that general
name was included all the tribes of the desert between Abyssinia and
Egypt; the Blemyes of ancient geographers, and the Bisharee or Bishareen
of modern travellers.]

[Footnote 199: By the expression that the Nubians are brethren of the
Zinj, it must be understood that they are of negro origin; and indeed
there is little reason to doubt that the Nubians on the Nile were
originally a servile population, the progeny of the Nubah of Kordofán,
who, in the course of events, became sole possessors of their master’s
domains. Their emancipation was forwarded by powerful external causes
(see Edinb. Rev. No. 125. p. 297), and does not appear to have been
accomplished by means of revolt or invasion, as was the case with the
Zinj in Baṣrah, and the Funj in Sennár (Bruce’s Trav. vol. VI. p. 370).
When the Arabs conquered Nubia, they exacted an annual tribute of
slaves, which was called _Bakt_ (Quatremère, Mémoires sur la Nubie, II.
p. 42), a word evidently derived from the ancient Egyptian language, in
which _Bok_ signified a slave.]

[Footnote 200: The family of Abú Ḥafṣ, of Berber origin, rose to the
sovereign power in Tunis, in the early part of the thirteenth century.
(Makrízí in Hamaker, Spec. Cat. p. 105.)]

[Footnote 201: The names of nations from Kaúkaú westwards, enumerated by
Ibn Sʿaíd, are written as follows by Ibn Khaldún (MS. B.M. fol. 90) and
Makrízí (Hamaker, Spec. Cat. &c. p. 107, whose orthography is here
retained) respectively: ?aghárah ٮغارة I.K.; Baḳárah بقارة M.—At-Tekrúr
التكرور I.K. & M.—Kimí كمي I.K.; Nama نمي M.—?emyem ٮميم I.K.; Temím
تميم M.—Ḥáyí (?) حايى I.K.; Já جا M.—Kúra كورى I.K.; omitted by
Makrízí.—Inkizár انكزار I.K. & M.]

[Footnote 202: The comparison of texts made in the preceding note proves
that Makrízí borrowed from Ibn Sʿaíd, but it is not easy to define the
extent of his obligations to that writer. The Tunisian dynasty of Abú
Hafṣ, the wars of the Zagháwah with the Wathekú (the opponents of that
dynasty), and the invasion of Mábiná by the King of Kánem in 1252,
referred to by Makrízí, all belong to the age of Ibn Sʿaíd, from whom he
probably obtained his knowledge of them. But, on the other hand, Makrízí
names the King of Kánem reigning in A.D. 1398, a century later than Ibn
Sʿaíd. It appears more probable that his list of the Black nations near
Kánem was the fruit of his own inquiry, than a transcript from an
earlier writer.]

[Footnote 203: As names changed from Arabic to European writing are apt
to acquire thereby a more determinate form than properly belongs to
them, those mentioned in the text shall be here represented in their
original character, that the reader may be enabled to appreciate our
conjectures respecting them. Iklí اكلي; Afnú افنوا; Mambó منبو.
Caancouma (in Hamaker) كانكوما is evidently Kátakúmá كاتكوما wanting a
point. In like manner Hamaker’s Caancou must be changed into Kátakú. It
may be thought that there is not sufficient authority to prove that
Kátakúmá and Kátakú are distinct countries. But Burckhardt (Trav. in
Nubia, p. 433) has stated the position of the latter, and the districts
comprised in it (nearly all pointed out by Denham) with so much
precision, that his testimony, corroborated by that of Mohammed Miṣrí
(Journ. of the Roy. Inst.), decisively separates Kátakú from the Katagum
(Kátakúmá), which was visited by Clapperton.—Ibkarem ابقرم—Rábúmá
رابوما—Haúdama هودمي—Ankarar انكرر is probably written by an error of
the pen for Ankarú انكرو.]

[Footnote 204: Shádí شادي; Mábiná مابنا; Abham ابهم; Atʿaná اتعنا;
Yáfalam يافلم; Mekba مكبا; Kálkín كالكين.]

[Footnote 205: Aderma ادرما; Dafúmú دفومو; Abkalá ابكلا we have ventured
to change into Ankalá انكلا; Túkámá توكاما.]

[Footnote 206: Afnú is the name given by the people of Bornú to Houssa
(Lucas in Proc. Afr. Assoc. I. p. 165), or the eastern part of it.
Einsiedel (Cuhn’s Merkw. Reisen. III. p. 439) understood that Hafnou
(Afnú) lies between Bornú and Zegzeg. Abdu-r-Raḥmán Aga, Niebuhr’s
informant (Walck. Rech. p. 72) also uses the name Afnú as equivalent to
Houssa. The Sultan of Tekrúr, he says, who possessed Mara (Marra), was
tributary to the Sultan of Afnú, residing in Zamfara. Seetzen also (Von
Zach’s Monatliche Correspondenz, vol. XXI. 1810, p. 152), places Affano
immediately to the west of Bornú. See also the Bulletin de la Soc. de
Geogr. de Paris, tom. VI. p. 169, where Kachenah is stated to be the
capital of Afnú. It is remarkable that in Bornú, and the adjoining
deserts, the Arabic expression Súdán (country of the Blacks) is always
given to Afnú or Houssa (Lucas, as above; Denham’s Discoveries, &c. II.
p. 85), a strong proof that it was the country of the Remrem or Demdem,
and the point to which the slave merchants directed their march.]

[Footnote 207: Kátakú comprises Mandara, Musgow, and the other provinces
on the west of the River Shary, which are therefore not named. It is not
to be ascribed to mere chance, that two names are changed, by the
addition of a single point to each, into Kátakúmá (the Katagum of
Clapperton) and Kátakú, the Katákó of Burckhardt, the Kotoko of the
native of Bornú cited in the preceding note (Bullet. Soc. Geogr.), and
the Kotko of Seetzen (p. 153).]

[Footnote 208: Umburm is in the country of the Yemyem near Jacoba
(Clapp. Sec. Exped. p. 250). In Sultan Bello’s account of Baúshí (Denham
and Clapp. Disc. II. p. 451), he mentions a province of that country
called Aádám. We cannot venture to say whether this is the root from
which Adamawa is derived, but it might be easily changed in discourse
into Haúdama. Angarú (Ankarú) is three long days’ journey west of the
capital of Bornú (Mohammed Míṣrí, in Jour. Roy. Inst.), and within the
dominions of Bello (Clapp. in Denh. Disc. II. p. 313). It is the Ungura
of Hornemann, which was supposed to be identical with Wanghárah (Proc.
of Afr. Assoc. II. p. 200).]

[Footnote 209: One of the natives of Houssa, interrogated by M. Menézes
de Drummond (Hertha, July, 1827, p. 12), mentioned the Schadŭh (Shádí)
among the tribes depending on Zegzeg. Can the name Mábiná be the same
word as Foobina, said by Mohammed Másíni (Clapp. Sec. Exped. p. 335) to
be sometimes affixed to Adamawa? The name Bobyra, given in the Quarterly
Review (No. 77, p. 178), on the authority of Clapperton, in whose
published Journal it nowhere occurs, might easily have its origin in
Fobina, or even Mabina ill-written in Arabic. According to Abdu-r-Raḥmán
Aga, the King of Tekrúr possessed Marra and Adana. One of the
Itineraries collected by Dupuis (Resid. in Ashantee, App. p. 129,)
places an Etana on the river west of Marra.]

[Footnote 210: Clapperton found the plains of Zamfara covered with a
chain of lakes which are connected in the rainy season; and Lyon (Trav.
in N. Afr. p. 151) was told that the country between Kanó and Zegzeg is
annually covered with water.]

[Footnote 211: The name Angalawha, occurring on the northern shores of
Lake Chad, is easily traced by an analogy of the Bornowí language
indicated by Denham (the tree Kuka being called also Kukawha,) to
Angala, which name also occurs on the southern shores of the lake. The
town or station of Togáma is seven days distant from Kachenah, on the
road to Aghades (Lyon’s Trav. p. 131). Hornemann (Proc. Afr. Assoc. II.
p. 300) gives some account of the tribe so called.]

[Footnote 212: If we suppose the word Kissour pronounced N’Kissúr with
the nasal sound, which among the Africans so often precedes the letter
_k_, then its affinity with Inkizár becomes more apparent. The
Portuguese, like the Arabs, employ an initial vowel in prefixing the
nasal; thus for N’Yáka, N’Yambána, N’Góla, they write Inhaqua,
Inhambana, Angola. Of the guttural pronunciation which seems to foreign
ears to confound the _a_ and _u_, many examples might be given. Leo
Africanus says that one language (which he calls Sungai) extended from
Málí to Kághó; and as we know that the Kissour, commencing at Jenni, now
extends at least to Tomboktú, we are justified in concluding that it is
the Sungai, or the language to which the Zagháï, the chief inhabitants
of Inkizár, lent their name. We have seen that the word Daḳno, the name
of the ordinary beverage of the people from Jenni downwards, was in use
below Tomboktú in the fourteenth century. (See above, p. 84.) It avails
little against this, that the Sungai language was also spoken in Málí:
for what is more natural than that the language of the most populous and
industrious part of an empire should be generally spoken in its capital;
and that a Moorish merchant should give little attention to the language
of the lower classes?]

[Footnote 213: Two intelligent natives of Kanó, who were in London a few
years ago, when interrogated respecting Wanghárah, agreed in stating
that it is “behind Ako,” or Yariba. In the same vague manner probably,
Leo Africanus, little acquainted with the interior, conceived it to be
behind Zamfara. But his description of Wanghárah (pt. VII. c. 14), the
nature of the journey to it, its trade, and its fear of Tomboktú, leave
no doubt as to the country intended by him. The meditated invasion of
Wanghárah by the King of Bornú, may indeed provoke scepticism; but let
it be considered that the historical traditions related to Clapperton
(Second Exped. p. 102, 103) by the King of Boussa (Busá), testify the
former conquests of Bornú on the western side of the Kowára. Leo had a
very inadequate idea of the extent of Negroland south of the Great
River. He even speaks of the ocean encircling the desert from Cape Nún
to Gaoga (pt. I. c. 2). He could not, consistently with such views,
place the distant and populous country of Wanghárah south-westwards from
Zamfara.]

[Footnote 214: Ibn Sʿaíd died A.D. 1286, at an advanced age. Yaḳút, of
whose Geographical Dictionary the Bodleian Library possesses a copy,
flourished somewhat earlier. Both these writers are quoted by Abú-l-
fedá, who died A.D. 1331. Yaḳút and Abú-l-fedá cite Ibn Fáṭimah with no
other variance than is usual in different MS. copies of the same work.
The Jábí of Abú-l-fedá is clearly preferable to Yáḳút’s Ḥání (see Note
201); but the Bedí of the former and the Yuthí of the latter are
probably equally erroneous. It may seem a bold emendation to alter them
into Yúfí or Núfí; but let it be considered that the country now called
Núfí or Níffí may have changed its name with its population; that Ibn
Baṭúṭah clearly means Núfí when he speaks of Yúfí; and that the name
written Yúfí in the Gayangos MS., is in other MSS. written Yuwí (Lee and
Kosegarten, Lee’s Ibn Baṭúṭah, p. 238), and in others Buwí (Burckhardt,
Trav. in Nubia, p. 491; and Lee). Now Bedí بدي and Yuthí يُذي lie, with
respect to Buwí بُوي, Yúwí يُوي and Yúfí يُوفي, within what may be
called reasonable limits of corruption, and the proposed change brings
all into order.]

[Footnote 215: Abú-l-fedá and Yakut wrote Kúra كُورَى; in one of the
Routes (No. 4) published by Dupuis the river is called Koara كُوَرَا,
though had the points been correctly written, we should probably have
had Kúrá. Bello writes in his map Kowára كوارَ, or, as our travellers
have called it, Quorra. In Brahima’s Itinerary (Bowdich, Mission, &c. p.
491), and in another translated by De Sacy, (Walck. Rech. p. 453), the
Great River is named Lake Koad or Caudh كوض, which ought rather to be
read Kúḍa. Further on we shall show that in these Itineraries the Arabic
letter Dád ض is substituted for _r_; so that Lake Kúra is here intended.
The Kowára, Kúra, or Quorra is frequently styled by the natives a sea or
lake, according to some accounts, of forty-eight days’ sail in extent
(Ali Bey Badia’s Travels, I. p. 338). Clapperton (Denham, Disc. II. p.
269) was told that the river Kowára falls into the sea (of Nyffi or
Núfí) at Raka, where it is as wide as from Kano to Katagum, or about 150
miles. But not to multiply authorities, it will be sufficient to observe
that Sultan Bello believed Raka (Rághá),—which has been recently reached
by Mr. Jamieson’s steamer Ethiope,—to be a sea-port, and represented it
as such in his letter to the King of England.]

[Footnote 216: According to Ibn Fáṭimah, “when any one among these
people dies, they cast the dead body to their neighbours, and their
neighbours do the like for them.” So Sultan Bello related (Clapp. Sec.
Exped. p. 251) that in Umburm, where those who ail are killed at once,
for economy, “the person falling sick is requested by some other family,
and repaid when they have a sick relation.”]

[Footnote 217: Kimí might without much violence be changed into Límí,
and thus explain the name Al-Límiyín. At-Tekrúr we may assign, on the
authority of Abdu-r-Raḥmán Aga, to Marra, which probably extended from
Zamfara westwards between Guber and Kábí. The Baghárah or Baḳárah were
probably a tribe of the desert. The Kaúkaú of Ibn Sʿaíd is too far east
to be the city of that name on the Great River; we must suppose him
therefore to extend this name to Karkar.]

[Footnote 218: Leo’s Gago seems to be identical with the Caugha of
Hornemann, or Kaúka of Burckhardt (Trav. in Nubia, p. 436). Its empire
extended, he says, from Bornú to Nubia. The use of the name Bornú, in
former times, however, and the modern geography of the countries round
Lake Chad, are involved in an obscurity which it does not lie within the
scope of this essay to dispel. Leo’s text offers not only the names Gago
and Gaoga, but also, in two instances, Gaogao. He says (pt. VII. c. 14),
that while he was in Negroland, the King of Bornú marched against
Wanghárah; but learning, on his way, that Omar, King of Gaogao,
meditated an attack on his dominions, he turned back, and Wanghárah was
saved. But, in this passage, Gaogao is a misprint for Gaoga, as Leo
himself discloses by naming the King of Gaoga “Omar chi oggidí regna.”
In the other instance (pt. VII. c. 1), his Gaogao is justly changed by
Marmol (vol. III. fol. 21) into Gaoga. Leo (pt. I. c. 7) having
enumerated the fifteen kingdoms of Negroland visited by him, adds, that
there are three times as many, sufficiently well known, lying to the
south of the preceding; and names five of them, viz. Bito, Temiam,
Dauma, Medra, Goran. Marmol (vol. I. fol. 15), in copying this passage,
omits Dauma, and substitutes for it Mandinga. But Leo had no idea of
increasing the kingdoms of Western Negroland. His Bito is the Bede of
Denham and Clapperton, adjoining or comprised in the modern Bornú.
Einsiedel names together, Schikou—the Schaïkou of Lyon (Trav. in N. Afr.
p. 126), two days from the capital of Bornú—Bitou (Leo’s Bito), and
Engar (Angarú). Temiam may be an error for Yemyem: Dauma is probably the
Doma of our maps, or the country on the right bank of the River Chadda.
Medra seems to be Mandara, one letter being obliterated in the Arabic
MS. Goran (in Marmol Gorhan), which is often referred to by Leo, is
evidently the Desert of Kordofán. This name كردفان might easily become,
in negligent writing, Korhán كرهان; or as Leo, uniformly writing _kef_
with a _g_, and omitting the aspirates, would represent it, Goran.
Another region often named by Leo, may be fitly considered here. In the
Desert of Seu, south of Bornú (pt. VII. c. 15), and environing an
immense lake (pt. I. c. 27), called the Lake of the Desert of Gaoga (pt.
I. c. 2), he places the sources of the Niger (pt. I. c. 3). It is
obvious that the lake alluded to is Lake Chad, and that the name Seu is
the root of the appellative Showy, and the name Shouaa, respectively
given by Denham to a town on the Shary, and the Arab tribes inhabiting
the adjacent country.]

[Footnote 219: Yaḳút and Abú-l-fedá both mention the towns of Maghzá and
Jájah in the vicinity of Lake Kúra. Al-Maghzá, according to the former
writer, was the port in which were fitted out the fleets of the King of
Tekrúr, “who wages perpetual war with the infidels to the south of his
states.” Al-Maghzá signifies the place whence invaders sally forth. Abú-
l-fedá however differs from Yaḳút in assigning both Maghzá and Jájah,
not to Tekrúr, but to Kánem. Jájah (perhaps the Gagai of Clapperton,
Sec. Exped. p. 174) was the capital of a petty state situate probably
between those two kingdoms. It was remarkable for its fertility and
variety of its productions; among other things for its spotted sheep
(described by Lander in Clapp. Sec. Exped. p. 259-60). But it must be
observed that the Arab geographers, in describing the bearings of those
places, particularly in reference to the lake, speak in general the
language of misconception.]

[Footnote 220: Bowdich remarks (Mission to Ashantee, p. 478 note), that
the name of the river written Kúra, Kúda, &c. was always pronounced
Quolla by the natives in their conversations with Mr. Hutchinson. Ignaz
Pallme (in the Athenæum, 1840, p. 54), a traveller in Kordofán, relates
that the natives of that country think that the Bahr el-Abiad may be
followed westward through Baghermi, Kúḳo (Kouka), and Niero (Naroo, the
hilly country north-east of Zegzeg); and “further on (he says), in Kúla
(Kúra) flows a river not identified” (that is, different from the Nile).
Browne also (Travels in Africa, p. 254) heard in Darfúr of Darkulla (the
Land of Kúla or Kúra), where pepper was in abundance, and the rivers
were navigated in large canoes. He indeed supposed Darkulla to lie
towards the south. But his map exposes his mistake; for the rivers Bahr
Wullad Ráshid, B. el Salamat, and B. Heimad, crossed on the route to
Darkulla, and which he places to the south and west of Baghermi, bear
the names of Arab tribes dwelling in Wadaí and on the shores of Lake
Chad (Burckhardt, Trav. in Nubia, pp. 433, 436). The route therefore
went westwards.]

[Footnote 221: The Kiliwah (the Kalawa of Capt. Lyon, Kolluvi of
Hornemann), a Tawárik tribe, are masters of Asben, or the territory
between Houssa and Aghades. Their town in Guber is called by Clapperton
Killiwawa or Calawawa, by the Tatar merchant Wargee, Galibaba.
Clapperton frequently mentions also the Kilghí (whom he calls Killgris),
another powerful tribe of the same nation. Their territory is the
kingdom called by Bowdich (p. 208), Kallaghee, fourteen days’ journey
from Gamhadi (Kambari), or from the Quolla, crossing the Gambarou
(Kamba-róa, or Kamba water) on the tenth. Kamba is apparently the name
given by the indigenous population to Kábi, or a part of Yaúrí (Dupuis,
Append. 85). The Gambarou of Bowdich is the Gulbi Kambáji, or river of
Kambáji or Konbash of Dupuis’ Itineraries (App. 126 and 192). The name
Kilghí is changed by the Blacks into Kilinghi (see Note 162), whence
comes the title Kilinghiwa given to the King of Kachenah (Walck. Rech.
p. 451).]

[Footnote 222: Hají Hamed (Quart. Rev. 1820, No. 45, p. 232), among
others, bears witness to the course of the Great River from the Sea of
Nyffé to Egypt by Kachenah and Kano. Capt. Lyon’s informant, however
(Lyon’s Trav. p. 142), traces the stream from Funda to Katagum, while
Ben Yusuf, Hornemann’s son (Denham, I. p. 334), and Mohammed Miṣri
(Jour. Roy. Inst. 1823, p. 5) are equally positive in making it flow
through Adamawa. Much has been said of the unanimity of the natives in
connecting the waters of Lake Chad with the River Chadda, but they agree
only in the vague outlines of a theory, not in facts; they are unanimous
in making the Kowára flow into the Chad, and not the Chad into the
Kowára.]

[Footnote 223: The author of the Kitábu-l-Jʿarafiah divides Africa into
three parts, one of which is Karkar: Shehabeddin (Not. et Extr. tom. II.
p. 156), adopting the same division, writes Kaúkaú. The division into
four parts is frequently referred to by Marmol (tom. I. pp. 18, 21, 31),
who follows probably Ibn Gezzar.]

[Footnote 224: El Bekrí probably wrote Remrem; though El Idrísí, copying
him, writes Demdem; the latter author names also the Lemlem. Ibn Sʿaíd
may be conjectured to have written Yemyem, but the doubtful text of the
MSS. leaves the point undecided. Abú-l-fedá mentions not only the
Demdem, but also the Nemnem, which latter people he places south of
Saharte (the most eastern district of Tígré in Abyssinia) and of Samhar
(the Dankali coast), and consequently in what is now called the Taltal
country. All those names, Nemnem excepted, refer to the same people.]

[Footnote 225: In the maps of Forlani and others of the sixteenth
century, the Nile, Zaire, Cuama, and Spirito Santo, were all made to
flow from Lake Zambere. Sanson however (1650) allowed that lake no
outlet towards the east, but Hollar (London, 1667) still joined the
river of Kílwah with Lake Zaflan, which, as well as Lake Zambere, was
connected with the Nile. In all these maps Abyssinia extended to lat.
18° S. Delisle was the first who reformed these absurdities.]

[Footnote 226: Labat (Rel. Hist. de l’Ethiopie Occidentale, II. p. 90),
copying, but not faithfully, Cavazzi de Montecucoli, states, with
surprising coolness, as matter of history, the supposed origin of the
Jagas in the country of the Monoemugi (Monomoézi). The country of the
Jagas, that is to say, of the chieftains so entitled, lies immediately
behind Angola, perhaps not above 250 miles from the sea coast, and there
is nothing in the history of their followers calculated to show that
they come from the remote interior. Andrew Battel, who was seized on the
coast and carried off by the Jagas, with whom he spent above a year,
says (Purchas’ Pilgrims, II. p. 973), that they told him they come from
Sierra Leone. This absurd statement shows that Battel had got into his
head some of the geographical speculations of his day. The Jesuit
Sandoval (Hist. de Ethiop. p. 48) thus abridges the information of the
missionaries: “About ninety years back, a nation called in their own
country Gangedes, in Congo, Jagas, in Angola, Guindes, in India (Eastern
Africa), Zimbas, in Ethiopia (Abyssinia), Gallas, and in Sierra Leone,
Zumbas (Cumbas, in Jarric, probably for Çumbas), which name they changed
for Manes, and who lived on human flesh, issued forth,” &c. Finally,
Anguiano (Epitome Historial &c. del Imp. Abyss. 1706, p. 8), speaking of
the Agows, assures us that the names Agáo, Agag, and Giagos, or Giacos,
are all the same.]

[Footnote 227: A writer in a popular journal, says of the Zoolus
(properly Amazúla,) near Natal,—“They extend much further northward,
where they are found under the names Sualies and Gallas.” (Quart. Rev.
Febr. 1837, p. 178.) The Arabic word Sowáḥilí means “inhabiting the
coasts.”]

[Footnote 228: The portion of Da Couto’s History here quoted (Decade X.
lib. 6, c. 15) has never been printed, but the Library of the British
Museum possesses two MS. copies of it. The lake here referred to is
called by De Barros Zambere, a name copied servilely by all succeeding
writers, though it was doubtless a misprint for Zambeze. Cuama is the
name given to the lower portion of the Zambeze, which river is so named
according to Dos Santos (Ethiop. Orient. p. 44), because, on quitting
the Great Lake, from which proceed the chief rivers of Southern Africa,
it flows through a territory inhabited by a people of that name.” The
people alluded to are the Ambios of Da Couto, the Movíza of the
Portuguese of the present day, but who call themselves M’Bíza. The true
name of the river, therefore (and that intended also to be given to the
lake), is Zambíza. N’yassi, or _the sea_, as this lake is called by the
natives (whence D’Anville’s Massi, by mistake for Niassi), is commonly
but erroneously designated in our maps Lake Marávi. The Marávi country,
that is to say, the country in which the chieftains bear the title of
Marávi, extends from the Zambíza to the Livúma behind Cape Delgado, and
touches but does not encompass the lake. Da Couto, following De Barros,
borrows the name Rhapta from Ptolemy. It serves to indicate eruditely
rather than clearly what the Arabs call the River of Maḳdishó, that is,
the Juba.]

[Footnote 229: Cavazzi de Montecucoli, a laborious and sincere writer,
relates (Istorica Descrittione de tre Regni, &c. 1690, book II. c. 3)
that a chief named Zimbo raised an army in Congo, with which he invaded
Melinda on the opposite coast. Being there defeated, he retired towards
the Cape of Good Hope, and afterwards attacked Angola, &c. Zimbo’s
marches equalled those of Tamerlane. The enormous exaggerations and
mistakes of the Catholic Missionaries respecting the interior of
Southern Africa, still retain their places in works of geography.]

[Footnote 230: A Mandingo warrior named Abba Manca (Mança?), conquered
Bambúk in the beginning of the twelfth century, and compelled its
inhabitants to adopt the Mohammedan rites (Golberry, Fragmens d’un Voy.
I. p. 419). Silla was one of the first converted of the negro towns; and
as, in the Mandingo language, the word Silla means a way, road, pass, or
ferry, and might therefore have been naturally employed to designate a
town situate on the line of traffic, it may be conjectured that Silla
belonged to the Mandingoes from the beginning. It may be here observed
that the termination _boo_ (see Note 52), characterizing the names of
villages in Bambara, signifies a hut. (Dard. Dict. Wolofe, pp. 19, 22;
Caillié, III. p. 301).]

[Footnote 231: The Sultan of the Fellátah dynasty in Houssa styles
himself Sultan of Tekrúr. The Fellátah conquerors of Houssa issued, in
the beginning of the present century, from the province of Ader,
adjoining Kábí on the north, and where they may have been long
established. It is possible then that the kingdom of Tekrúr, mentioned
to Niebuhr by Abdu-r-Raḥmán Aga, and also heard of by Hutchinson
(Bowdich, p. 483), may have belonged to the Fellátah dynasty now
dominant in Houssa.]

[Footnote 232: The Garamantes, a Libyan nation, chased, in chariots
drawn by four horses, the Ethiopian Troglodytes (Herodotus, book IV. c.
152). El Idrísí (in Jaubert’s Trans. I. p. 110,) remarks that stealing
children to sell them to strangers for a trifle, is a general practice
in the desert, and “no one there sees harm in it.”]




                              POSTSCRIPT.

                               * * * * *

                           REMARKS ON HOUSSA.


The route from the capital of Ashantí, through Gonja, to the Kowára or
Quorra opposite to Yaúry, is determined as satisfactorily as can be
expected from native information. Three different itineraries of that
route agree in the chief points, conducting from Lake Buro, or from
Salagha (which is the same as Dagwumba), through Tonuma, Jabzogho,
Ghofil, Zogho, Jambodú, Suso and Kúka to Nikki, the capital of Borghú.
Beyond this place is the town of Rugha, the River Wori, and the
mountains over which lies the road to Sholo on the banks of lake Kúra
(the Quorra). But in two of the itineraries the names Rugha, Wori, and
Kúra are written Ḍugha, Woḍi, and Kúḍa.[233]

From Sholo the route conducts by Kambashi, Ghúnti, and Yendukka to
Kachenah in twenty-five days. Other native routes, passing northwards of
this through the mountainous country of Fagh, cross the river at Gongo
(_i.e._ the ferry,) to Múrí (Múli), and then proceed through Kábí, over
the Gulbi Kambaji to Raka, and thence through Kotú-n-kúra to Marki, and
crossing the hills near Surami to Kachenah. The Gulbi Kambaji (river of
Kambaji) of Dupuis, it has been already observed, is the same as the
Gambarou (Kamba-roa, or Kamba water) of Bowdich. The latter writer
places to the north of it, Mallowa, Kallaghee (Kilghí), Barrabadi
(Beráberi), and Kachenah. On the south side of his Gambarou, or between
it and the Quorra, he sets Gauw, Gamhadi (Kombori), Fillani, Goubirri,
Zamfarra, Yaoura, and Noufí. If a partial error in the position of
Mallowa be allowed for, and a more decided one in the case of Gauw, it
will be evident that the river dividing the countries here enumerated is
the Quorrama, or river of Kábí.[234]

Mohammed Masíní, describing the Kowára, says, “this great river issues
from the Mountain of the Moon; and what we know of it is, that it comes
from Sookan (Sókaí) to Kiya (Kiyaú, the Gauw of Bowdich), to Kabi, to
Yaouri, to Boossa, to Wawa, and to Noofee; but in that place there is
another river that springs from Zirmá, to Ghoober, to Zeffra, to Kory or
Koora, and then enters Noofee; its name is Kaduna. On the north of it
Kanbari lies; on the east is Kory; on the south are Cankan and Kafath;
and on the west is Bassoa or Bashwa (Busawa, the territory of Busá).
About the centre of it is the kingdom of Noofee, with that of Abyou
(Abbiwa).”[235]

The river here described under the name of Kaduna, as running first
northwards from Zirmá to Guber, and then southwards to Núfí, is
apparently the same described by Clapperton in these words: “This stream
rises only a day’s journey in the mountains or hills south of Guari,
runs through part of Zamfrá, and divides in one part the states of
Katongkora and Guari, and enters into the Kodonia in Nyffé.” The Kaduna
or Kadunia enters the Kowára in the vicinity of Raka and Rabba, perhaps
a little above the latter place. According to the native accounts, it is
during part of the year a great river, navigated in canoes made of a
single trunk of a tree, yet large enough to carry nine horses, but in
the summer it is quite dry.[236]

The country called by Mohammed Masíní, Kory or Koora (Kúra), is either
the Guari of the maps, or else Kotú-n-kúra. The resemblance of this name
to that of the great river (Lake Kúra) deserves attention. It appears
probable that the natives of Houssa name the Great River from what they
conceive to be its sources in their own country, tracing it from Kowára
(the Guari of Clapperton), through Zamfara and Kábí, down to the sea of
Kúra or of Núfí.[237] Hence it is not surprising, that, while Ibn Sʿaíd
mentions Kúra among the kingdoms of Negroland, Yaḳút and Abú-l-fedá
should apply that name to the great water which there received the Nile
of Ghánah.


                                LONDON:
                J. HOLMES, TOOK’S COURT, CHANCERY LANE.


[Footnote 233: One of these routes is given by Dupuis (App. 124),
another by Bowdich (p. 491), and a third, translated from the original
Arabic by De Sacy, is inserted in Walckenaer’s Recherches (p. 453). The
comparison of this last route with the fragment (No. 11) in Dupuis’
Appendix (p. 135), shows that its author was Mohammed al Marrawi, the
servant of Ibrahim, from whom Bowdich derived his information. The Sholo
of the Itineraries is the Sooloo of Lander (Exped. to the Niger, II. p.
28), who means by the expression “the left bank of the river,” the bank
on his left hand, and contra-distinguishes it from the east bank, on
which his horses were. The systematic substitution of _d_ for _r_ by the
natives of a part of Houssa, is manifest from these itineraries. The
words Barrabadi and Gamhadi, for Beráberi and Kombori, are other
instances of the same change; and probably the savage and naked people
called Maradi, said to inhabit the country between Kachenah and Guber
(Lyon, p. 140), are no other than the Marrí, or people of Marra. The
deposed King of Houssa lives in Maradi (Lander, Sec. Exped. p. 63, 153).
Dupuis describes a route from Salagha, a little eastward of north, to
what he calls the great city of Andari, respecting which there is room
for some curious conjectures. But it will be sufficient for the present
to remark that his Andari عنظر (Itin. No. 6) and Fadaly فضلى (No. 10),
on the importance of both of which places he dwells with complacency,
are in reality one and the same.]

[Footnote 234: For the Gharanti and Yendoto of Dupuis, Ghúnti (the Gonde
of Clapperton) and Yendukka (the Yendukwa of that traveller, and
Yendakka of Lyon,) are here read, the change in Arabic writing being
extremely easy. The name Kandashy, which Mr. Dupuis gives to a part of
Houssa, originated in a mistake. He joined the word Dúshi, signifying
the hills or mountains, to a part of some preceding word. Marina,
Kandashy, ought to be Markí, and Dúshi, or the hills. Mr. Dupuis
continues, “Great Souy is the name of the adjoining country; there is
also another Souy, where the water is very broad, and bears the name of
Boromi Mághami.” For Souy سُوْوِ in this place we must read Surmi
سُرْمِ, a name variously altered into Solan, Zulami, Zurmie and Zirmie.
The situation of Surmi, or rather Surami the less, is pointed out by
Clapperton (Sec. Exped. p. 164). Lander crossed the river of Makamie
(Mághami). The word Boromi apparently signifies river, in some dialect
the use of which extends into Bornú and Kánem.]

[Footnote 235: The Cankan of Mohammed Masíní is probably the Ghana-
ghanah of Wargee. (Asiat. Journ. 1823, vol. XVI. p. 23.)]

[Footnote 236: There is, no doubt, some difficulty in believing that the
mouth of the Kadunia is above Rabba, when Lander states so clearly that
it is below Fofo; yet a MS. sketch of the route from Kano to the Kowára
in Núfí, drawn by Clapperton from native information, places it between
Rabba and Leechee, and directly opposite to Raka. Bakani, the capital,
is one day from the mouth of the river; it seems to lie directly in the
road from Kanó and Zegzeg to Raka and Katunga (Hertha, July 1827, Geogr.
Zeit. pp. 11, 14). From one of Clapperton’s MS. vocabularies,
communicated to me by my invaluable friend, the Rev. G. C. Renouard, it
would appear that the word Kaduna, in the Houssa language, signifies
_little_. If this be correct, which appears very questionable, there are
probably several rivers of that name. Here it may be remarked, that when
Dupuis (pt. II. p. 100) speaks of Saghona, the capital of Yekoo (Ako or
Yariba), he means Raka, which is also called Saguda (Clapp. p. 60).]

[Footnote 237: Clapperton (Sec. Exped. p. 232) says that the capital of
Zegzeg is called Quorra. He probably means to speak of the town which he
elsewhere calls Guari, but the name of which, in the native maps brought
home by him, is written Ḳowárah. When he speaks of Kóra (p. 133), he
appears to have in view the capital of Kotú-n-Kúra. This name is,
through obvious mistake, written Kotunfauda in Bello’s map. Kotú is a
name of frequent occurrence, as in Kotú-n-karafi (in the maps Cuttum
Curraffee), “where there is a copper mine” (Bello in Denh. Disc. II. p.
451). Karafi means metal in general. The country named Kúra is
mentioned, together with Niffi and Raka, by the Kaíd ben Yusuf (Denh.
Disc. I. p. 334). The slaves Boniface and Francisco agreed in
representing to M. Menézes de Drummond (Hertha, pp. 13, 14), that the
Kowára rises in the centre of Houssa, and that it takes its name from
the country named Kuara (Kowára), through which it flows.]




Transcriber's note:


  Vowel diacritics in Arabic names have sometimes been adjusted to
  match their transliteration.

  Unpointed Beh-shape letters in medial or initial form have been
  represented with the Alef Maksura (ى) character. Other unpointed
  consonants are shown as printed.

  Changes in the CORRECTIONS have been done, as well as:

  pg xv, Changed: "GHÁNAH, AUDÁGHOST, AÚLÍL" to: "AÚDAGHOST"

  pg 6, footnote 9, Changed: "Támedelt تَلمدَلْت (MS. B.M.)"
  to: "تَامدَلْت"

  pg 12, footnote 24, Changed: "Agharef أَغَوَفْ MS. B.M." to: "أَغَرَفْ"

  pg 111, footnote 185, Changed: "(Walcknenaer, Rech. p. 450)." to:
  "Walckenaer"

  pg 124, Changed: "it it manifest that Ghánah coincides" to: "it is"

  pg 134, Changed: "thirteenth century, it it obvious" to: "it is"

  Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78434 ***