Initial commit of ebook 78333 filesHEADmain

34 files changed, 65085 insertions, 0 deletions

diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6833f05
--- /dev/null
+++ b/.gitattributes
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+* text=auto
+*.txt text
+*.md text
diff --git a/78333-0.txt b/78333-0.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f368771
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-0.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,31225 @@
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78333 ***
+
+
+
+
+                        GEOGRAPHICAL LORE OF THE
+                          TIME OF THE CRUSADES
+
+
+
+
+                     AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY
+
+                         RESEARCH SERIES NO. 15
+
+                        W. L. G. JOERG, _Editor_
+
+
+
+
+           THE GEOGRAPHICAL LORE OF THE TIME OF THE CRUSADES
+  A Study in the History of Medieval Science and Tradition in Western
+                                 Europe
+
+
+                                   BY
+
+                      JOHN KIRTLAND WRIGHT, Ph.D.
+                Librarian, American Geographical Society
+
+[Illustration: AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF NEW YORK · 1854 ·]
+
+                     AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY
+                        BROADWAY AT 156TH STREET
+                                NEW YORK
+
+                                  1925
+
+
+                            COPYRIGHT, 1925
+                                   BY
+                   THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY
+                              OF NEW YORK
+
+
+                             RUMFORD PRESS
+                             CONCORD, N. H.
+
+
+                                   TO
+                                K. M. W.
+
+
+
+
+                                CONTENTS
+
+
+ CHAPTER                                                            PAGE
+      PREFACE                                                        xix
+      INTRODUCTION                                                     1
+         The Time of the Crusades                                      1
+         Scope of the Term “Geographical Lore”                         1
+         Origins of the Geographical Lore of the Time of the
+           Crusades                                                    3
+         Organization of the Present Work                              4
+
+                                 PART I
+      _Origins, Sources, and Place in the Classification of
+        Knowledge of the Geographical Lore of the Time of the
+        Crusades_
+    I THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE ANCIENT WORLD                            9
+         Sources                                                       9
+            The Pythagoreans, Plato, and Aristotle                     9
+            Roman Influence on Geography                              10
+            Ptolemy                                                   10
+            Latin Writers: Pliny, Solinus, Capella, Macrobius         11
+         The History of the Universe                                  12
+            Ancient Cosmogony                                         12
+            Celestial Influences                                      12
+            Cosmic Cycles: The Great Years                            13
+            Geographic Application of the Theory of the Great Years   14
+            Duration of the Great Years                               14
+         Shape, Movements, and Size of the Earth                      15
+            Sphericity of the Earth                                   15
+            Immobility of the Earth                                   15
+            Circumference of the Earth                                16
+         The Distribution of Habitable Regions; Zones; the
+           Distribution of Land and Water                             17
+            Zones                                                     17
+            Crates’ Theory of Four Land Masses                        18
+            Extent of the “Oikoumene”                                 19
+         Physical Geography                                           19
+            Aristotle, Seneca, and Pliny                              19
+            The Four Elements                                         20
+            Meteorology                                               21
+            Winds                                                     22
+            Climatology                                               23
+            The Water Element                                         24
+            The Sea: Its Salinity, Depth, Currents, and Tides         25
+            Subterranean Channels                                     27
+            Rivers of the Underworld                                  28
+            Origin of Rivers                                          29
+            The Nile Flood                                            30
+            The Lands                                                 31
+            Earthquakes and Volcanoes                                 31
+            Height of Mountains                                       32
+         Mathematical Geography and Cartography                       33
+            Mathematical Geography Largely Based on Itineraries       33
+            Astronomical Determination of Latitude                    34
+            Astronomical Determination of Longitude                   34
+            Cartography                                               35
+         The Expansion of Regional Knowledge                          36
+            Expansion of Greek Regional Knowledge                     37
+            Geography at Alexandria                                   38
+            Hellenistic Regional Knowledge                            39
+            Regional Knowledge of Mela and Pliny                      40
+            The “Periplus of the Erythraean Sea”                      40
+            Limits of Ancient Regional Knowledge on the South and
+              East                                                    41
+   II THE CONTRIBUTION OF WESTERN CHRISTENDOM BEFORE 1100 A. D.       43
+         Introduction                                                 43
+            Scriptural Influence on Early Medieval Geography          43
+            Ignorance of the Best Work of Antiquity                   43
+            Scientific Stagnation During the Early Middle Ages        44
+         Sources                                                      45
+            The Bible                                                 45
+            Writings of the Church Fathers                            46
+            Interpretation of the Bible                               46
+            Classical Influences                                      47
+            Encyclopedic Compilations                                 47
+            Miscellaneous Geographical Writings                       48
+            Legends                                                   49
+            Books of Travel and Description                           50
+         The History of the Universe                                  51
+            Christianity Opposed to Belief in an Eternal Universe     51
+            The Creation                                              52
+         Shape and Size of the Earth                                  53
+            Early Christian Belief in a Flat Earth                    53
+            Early Christian Belief in a Spherical Earth               54
+            Size of the Earth                                         54
+         Zones and the Antipodes                                      55
+            Zones                                                     55
+            The Antipodes                                             55
+         Physical Geography                                           57
+            Meteorology                                               57
+            The Waters Above the Firmament                            58
+            The Congregation of the Waters                            59
+            The Nile Flood                                            60
+            The Earth Upon the Waters                                 61
+            The Sea                                                   61
+            The Lands                                                 62
+         The Medieval Attitude Towards Landscape and Scenery Before
+           1100 A. D.                                                 63
+            Esthetic Appreciation of Nature in Antiquity              63
+            Early Christian Attitude Towards Nature                   64
+            Revival of Esthetic Feeling in the Middle Ages            64
+         Mathematical Geography and Cartography                       65
+            Mathematical Geography                                    65
+            Maps                                                      65
+               Macrobian Maps                                         66
+               T-O Maps                                               66
+               Sallust Maps                                           68
+               Beatus Maps                                            68
+         Regional Geography                                           70
+            Limited Geographical Horizon in the Early Middle Ages     70
+            Medieval Conception of the Known World                    71
+            Paradise                                                  71
+            Rivers of Paradise                                        72
+            Asia                                                      72
+               Gog and Magog                                          72
+               Romance of Alexander the Great                         73
+               St. Thomas in India                                    74
+            Africa                                                    74
+            Europe                                                    74
+            Explorations to the North                                 75
+            The Atlantic                                              75
+            America Reached by the Norsemen                           76
+  III THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE MOSLEMS                                 77
+         Sources                                                      77
+            Influence of Aristotle                                    77
+            Influence of Ptolemy’s “Almagest”                         78
+            Influence of Ptolemy’s “Geography”                        78
+            Az-Zarqalī and the “Toledo Tables”                        79
+            Geography in Sicily                                       79
+            Edrisi                                                    80
+            Influence of Sicilo-Moslem Geography                      81
+            Oriental Ideas Transmitted to the West                    82
+         Astronomical Geography; Theories of the Tides                82
+            The Great Years                                           82
+            Cosmic Cycles and Geographical Changes                    83
+            Theories of the Tides                                     84
+            Measurement of a Terrestrial Degree                       85
+            Geographical Positions                                    85
+            Arin                                                      86
+         Arabic Exploration and Travel                                87
+   IV THE SOURCES FOR THE PERIOD 1100–1250 A. D.                      88
+         Introduction                                                 88
+         Theological and Philosophical Works                          89
+            Theological Works                                         89
+               Peter Abelard                                          89
+               Hugh of St. Victor                                     90
+               Hildegard of Bingen                                    90
+               Peter Lombard and Peter Comestor                       91
+            The School of Chartres: Its Intellectual Independence     91
+               Bernard and Theodoric of Chartres                      91
+               Adelard of Bath; Hermann the Dalmatian; Robert of
+                 Retines                                              92
+               Bernard Sylvester                                      93
+               William of Conches                                     93
+            Alexander Neckam                                          93
+         Translations from the Arabic; Works Written under Arabic
+           Influence; Aristotelianism and Its Opponents               95
+            Adelard of Bath; Peter Alphonsi                           95
+            John of Seville; Plato of Tivoli                          96
+            “Marseilles Tables” and “Toledo Tables”                   96
+            Robert of Retines; Hermann the Dalmatian; Daniel of
+              Morley                                                  97
+            Gerard of Cremona; John of Holywood (Sacrobosco)          97
+            Aristotelianism Introduced Through Arabic Works           98
+               Gerard of Cremona                                      99
+               Michael Scot                                           99
+               Aristotelianism in the Thirteenth Century             100
+            Opponents of Aristotelianism                             101
+               William of Auvergne                                   101
+               Robert Grosseteste                                    101
+            Encyclopedic Works                                       102
+            “De Imagine Mundi”                                       103
+            Lambert’s “Liber Floridus”; Guido’s Encyclopedia         103
+            “Lucidarius”                                             104
+            Gervase of Tilbury                                       104
+            Jacques de Vitry                                         105
+            “L’Image du Monde”                                       105
+            “Konungs-Skuggsjá”                                       105
+            Great Encyclopedias of the Thirteenth Century            106
+            Dante                                                    106
+         Histories, Chronicles, Sagas, Epic Poems                    107
+            Otto of Freising                                         107
+            Gunther of Pairis                                        108
+            Walter of Châtillon; William the Breton                  108
+            Historians and Histories of the Crusades                 109
+            Scandinavian Historical Works                            110
+            Latin Histories of the North                             111
+         Legends                                                     113
+            Romance of Alexander                                     113
+            Prester John                                             114
+            St. Brandan                                              115
+         Pilgrim Narratives; Miscellaneous Records of Travel         115
+            Christian Pilgrim Narratives                             115
+            Letters of Travel                                        116
+            Jewish Travelers                                         117
+               Benjamin of Tudela                                    117
+               Petachia of Ratisbon                                  118
+         Topographical Works                                         118
+            Godfrey of Viterbo                                       119
+            Gervase of Canterbury                                    119
+            Giraldus Cambrensis                                      119
+         Maps                                                        121
+            Zone Maps                                                121
+            T-O and Sallust Maps                                     121
+            Beatus Maps                                              122
+            Maps of Lambert, Guido, Henry of Mayence, and Others     124
+            Regional Maps                                            125
+               Matthew Paris’ Maps of Britain                        126
+    V THE PLACE OF GEOGRAPHY IN THE MEDIEVAL CLASSIFICATION OF
+        KNOWLEDGE                                                    127
+         Geography Included Under Geometry                           127
+         Geography Included Under Astrology                          128
+         Geography and the Aristotelian Division of Learning         129
+
+                                 PART II
+      _The Substance and Character of the Geographical Lore of the
+        Time of the Crusades_
+   VI COSMOGONY, COSMOLOGY, AND COSMOGRAPHY                          133
+         General Character of the Cosmology and Natural Science of
+           the Period                                                134
+            The Chartres Group: Bernard Sylvester and Theodoric      134
+            Adelard of Bath and William of Conches                   135
+            Concept of Natural Laws                                  136
+            The Orthodox Tendency                                    137
+            Effects of Influx of Arabic Science                      138
+         The Creation                                                138
+            Problems                                                 139
+            The Preëxistence of Matter                               139
+               The Orthodox View                                     139
+               A Rational View                                       141
+            Processes of the Creation                                141
+               Theodoric of Chartres’ Theory                         141
+               William of Conches’ Theory                            142
+            Function of Light in the Creation                        143
+            The Nature of the Six Days                               144
+            Eternity of the Universe                                 145
+            Bernard Sylvester’s Account of the Creation              145
+            The Icelandic Account                                    146
+         Macrocosm and Microcosm                                     147
+         Shape, Movements, and Size of the Earth                     150
+            Sphericity of the Universe                               150
+            Shape of the Earth                                       152
+            Immobility of the Earth                                  153
+            Size of the Earth                                        155
+         Zones, the Antipodes, and “Climata”                         156
+            Zones                                                    156
+            Uninhabitability of Polar Caps and Equatorial Zone       157
+            Austral Continent and Antipodal Regions                  157
+            The Cratesian Theory                                     158
+            Persistence of Belief That Antipodal Regions Were
+              Inhabited                                              159
+            Manegold’s Arguments Against This Doctrine               161
+            Habitability of the Equatorial Region                    162
+            Grosseteste on the Habitable Parts of the Earth          163
+               The Equatorial Zone                                   163
+               The Southern Hemisphere                               164
+               The Polar Regions                                     165
+  VII THE ATMOSPHERE                                                 166
+         Meteorology                                                 166
+            Composition of the Atmosphere                            166
+            Temperature                                              167
+            Upper Levels of the Atmosphere                           167
+            Clouds                                                   168
+            Precipitation                                            169
+            Floods; The Deluge                                       170
+            Winds                                                    171
+               Atmospheric Circulation                               172
+               Names of the Winds                                    173
+               Qualities of the Winds                                174
+               Local Winds                                           175
+         Climatology                                                 175
+            Hot and Cold Climates                                    176
+            Distribution of Climates                                 177
+            Climatic Differences Between East and West               177
+            Topographic Influences Upon Climate                      177
+               The Sea                                               177
+               Mountains                                             178
+            Influence of Climate on Man                              180
+            Climate of Rome                                          180
+ VIII THE WATERS                                                     182
+         The Waters Above the Firmament                              182
+            Rationalistic Beliefs                                    182
+            Literal Beliefs                                          183
+            Purpose of the Waters                                    184
+         The Congregation of Waters                                  184
+            Connection Between Seas and Rivers                       185
+            The Earth Established on the Waters                      186
+         The Oceans and Seas                                         187
+            Relative Areas of Land and Sea                           187
+            Explanation of Uniform Level of Sea Surface              188
+            Salinity of the Sea                                      189
+            Tides                                                    190
+               Lunar Causation                                       190
+               Terrestrial Causation                                 192
+               Giraldus Cambrensis’ Tidal Studies                    194
+            Other Marine Phenomena Noted by Giraldus                 196
+            St. Brandan and the Spirit of the Sea                    197
+            Bottom of the Sea                                        198
+         The Waters of the Lands                                     199
+            Ground Water                                             199
+            The Sea As the Source of the Waters of the Land          200
+            Effect of Land on Waters Which Spring From It            202
+            Miraculous Wells and Springs; Geysers                    203
+            The Fountain of Youth                                    204
+            Rivers                                                   205
+            The Nile Flood                                           206
+            Lakes                                                    207
+   IX THE LANDS                                                      210
+         Classification of Land Areas                                210
+            Quantitative and Qualitative Subdivisions                210
+            Giraldus Cambrensis’ Comparison of East and West         211
+         Mountains                                                   212
+            Origin of Mountains                                      213
+            Their Size and Height                                    214
+            Miraculous Mountains                                     214
+            Accurate Observation of Orographic Phenomena             215
+            Appreciation of the Beauty of Mountains                  215
+            Religious Attitude Towards Mountains                     216
+            Normal Medieval Feeling About Mountains                  217
+            Glaciers                                                 219
+         Volcanoes and Earthquakes                                   220
+            Visits to Volcanoes                                      220
+            Volcanic Region of Southern Italy and Sicily             220
+               Michael Scot on the Eolian Isles and Etna             222
+            Volcanoes of Iceland                                     222
+            St. Brandan’s Visits to Volcanic Isles                   224
+            Volcanoes As Gates of Hell                               225
+            Causes of Vulcanism                                      225
+            Earthquakes                                              227
+         Deserts                                                     228
+         Islands                                                     229
+            Origins                                                  229
+            Miraculous Islands                                       229
+            Islands of St. Brandan                                   230
+         Influences of Geographical Environment                      231
+            On Plant and Animal Life                                 231
+            On Man                                                   232
+               Topography As a Natural Defense                       233
+               Theory of the Westward Flow of Civilization           233
+         Feeling for Landscape and Scenery                           235
+            Spiritual Feeling for Nature                             235
+            Esthetic Love of Nature                                  237
+            Practical Interest in Countrysides                       238
+            Giraldus Cambrensis’ Eye for Local Topography            240
+    X THE ASTRONOMICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE KNOWN WORLD                  241
+         Phenomena Resulting From Differences in Latitude            241
+         “Climata”                                                   242
+         Geographical Coördinates                                    243
+         Methods of Finding Latitude and Longitude                   244
+   XI CARTOGRAPHY                                                    247
+         Inaccuracy                                                  247
+            Accuracy Not Deemed Necessary                            248
+            Exaggeration                                             249
+            Distortion                                               249
+         Technique                                                   250
+            Conventions                                              251
+            Symbols and Legends                                      252
+         Summary                                                     254
+  XII REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY                                             255
+         General Character of Regional Knowledge of the Period       255
+            Geography of Tradition and Geography of Observation      255
+            Gradations of Accuracy of Knowledge                      256
+         The “Oikoumene” As a Whole                                  257
+            The “Oikoumene” Divided into Three Parts                 258
+         The Center of the “Oikoumene”                               259
+            Jerusalem As the Center                                  259
+            The Exact Position of the Earth’s Center                 260
+         The Terrestrial Paradise                                    261
+            Paradise in the East                                     261
+            Journeys to Paradise                                     263
+            The Rivers of Paradise                                   264
+         Asia                                                        265
+            The Opening of Asia in the Thirteenth Century            266
+            The Mongol Conquests                                     266
+            Thirteenth-Century Journeys                              269
+            The Great Mountain System of Asia                        270
+            The Land of the “Seres”                                  271
+            China                                                    271
+            India                                                    272
+               Subdivisions                                          272
+               Facts Known About India                               273
+               Marvels of India                                      274
+               Legend of St. Thomas in India                         275
+               Visit of Patriarch John of India to Rome              278
+         Indian Ocean                                                279
+            Islands of the Indian Ocean                              280
+            Al-Battānī on the Indian Ocean                           280
+         Scythia and Central Asia                                    281
+            Benjamin of Tudela on Central Asia                       282
+            Prester John                                             283
+               Origins of the Legend                                 283
+               Prester John’s Kingdom As Described in His “Letter”   285
+               Alliance With Prester John Desired                    286
+            Gog and Magog                                            287
+            Western Asia                                             288
+               Mesopotamia                                           289
+               Benjamin of Tudela on Baghdad                         289
+               Benjamin of Tudela on Arabia                          291
+               Syria and Palestine                                   292
+               Geographical Knowledge Enlarged by the Crusades       292
+               Occidental Population of the Levant                   294
+               European Occupation of Syria                          294
+               Asia Minor                                            295
+               Western Asia As Described by the Crusaders            296
+         Africa                                                      298
+            Egypt As Part of Asia                                    298
+            Descriptions of Egypt                                    299
+            Africa West of Egypt                                     300
+            Ethiopia                                                 302
+            Sources of the Nile                                      304
+            Traditional View of Central Africa                       306
+         The Mediterranean Sea                                       307
+            The Name “Mediterranean”                                 307
+            The Mediterranean During the Crusades                    307
+            Instructions for Navigation in the Mediterranean         308
+            Islands of the Mediterranean                             309
+               Sicily                                                311
+         Europe                                                      312
+            Northeastern Europe                                      312
+            Russia                                                   312
+            Poland                                                   313
+            Slavic Europe As Described by Benjamin of Tudela and
+              Petachia of Ratisbon                                   314
+            Hungary                                                  314
+            Balkan Peninsula                                         316
+               Constantinople                                        318
+            Italy                                                    319
+               Rome                                                  321
+               Antiquities                                           321
+            Spain                                                    322
+            The Alps                                                 323
+            Use of Terms “Transalpine” and “Cisalpine”               324
+            “Alemannia”                                              325
+            Germany                                                  325
+            Baltic Regions                                           327
+            Scandinavia                                              329
+            France                                                   331
+               Paris                                                 331
+               Alsace                                                332
+               Southern France                                       333
+         Islands of the Atlantic Ocean                               334
+            British Isles                                            335
+               Cities of Britain                                     336
+               Giraldus Cambrensis on Ireland and Wales              337
+               Ireland                                               337
+               Wales                                                 340
+               William Fitzstephen on London                         341
+               Matthew Paris’ Maps of Britain                        342
+               Orkneys and Shetlands                                 345
+            Iceland and Thule                                        345
+               Iceland in Icelandic Literature                       346
+            Greenland                                                347
+            Polar Seas                                               348
+            Wineland the Good                                        349
+            Fabulous Isles                                           350
+               St. Brandan’s Isles                                   351
+ XIII CONCLUSION                                                     353
+         The Outstanding Elements of the Geographical Lore of the
+           Time of the Crusades                                      353
+         Character of the Geographical Lore of the Time of the
+           Crusades                                                  358
+ ───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
+      NOTES TO CHAPTER I                                             365
+      NOTES TO CHAPTER II                                            378
+      NOTES TO CHAPTER III                                           392
+      NOTES TO CHAPTER IV                                            396
+      NOTES TO CHAPTER V                                             416
+      NOTES TO CHAPTER VI                                            417
+      NOTES TO CHAPTER VII                                           430
+      NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII                                          435
+      NOTES TO CHAPTER IX                                            445
+      NOTES TO CHAPTER X                                             453
+      NOTES TO CHAPTER XI                                            458
+      NOTES TO CHAPTER XII                                           459
+
+      BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE                                           491
+      BIBLIOGRAPHY                                                   503
+
+      INDEX                                                          547
+
+
+
+
+                         LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+ FIG.                                                               PAGE
+    1 Types of T-O and Sallust maps                                   67
+    2 St. Sever Beatus map                                            69
+    3 Zone map in Lambert of St. Omer’s _Liber floridus_             122
+    4 Osma Beatus map                                                123
+    5 The macrocosm, the microcosm, and the winds from Hildegard
+        of Bingen’s _Liber divinorum operum_                         148
+    6 Sketch map of the Mediterranean region and the Near East
+        plotted from the geographical positions in the
+        _Marseilles Tables_, with inset of Henry of Mayence’s
+        map                                                          245
+    7 Plan of Jerusalem from the anonymous _Gesta Francorum
+        Ierusalem expugnantium_                                      250
+    8 Two sections from the Hereford map to illustrate the
+        marvels of India                                         276–277
+    9 Matthew Paris’ map of Britain                                  343
+   10 Diagram to illustrate John of Holywood’s reasoning that
+        the earth is in the center of the universe                   422
+   11 Comparative diagram of certain parallels of latitude and
+        of the _climata_ according to various ancient and
+        medieval geographers                                     454–455
+   12 Map showing the relative positions of certain points in
+        Europe as indicated in astronomical tables of the
+        twelfth and early thirteenth centuries                       457
+
+
+
+
+                                PREFACE
+
+
+When viewed historically, geographical concepts are seen to have come
+from an immense variety of sources. They have sprung partly from
+activities that cause men to travel over the surface of the earth: war,
+commerce, pilgrimage, diplomacy, pleasure. They have also sprung from
+the accumulated learning and lore of preceding ages and to no small
+extent from unfettered flights of the imagination. The history of
+geography, therefore, leads its students into many fields, affording
+them a key by means of which they may gain a sounder understanding of
+the extensive ranges of human activity and of the evolution of important
+phases of intellectual life.
+
+This book is an attempt to illustrate and trace the origins of the most
+characteristic geographical ideas current in Western Europe at the
+height of the Middle Ages. Historians of geography have tended to
+neglect this period partly because of the dramatic appeal of the great
+Age of Discovery which was immediately to follow. It should be
+remembered, however, that, small as the known world was during the
+Middle Ages and naïve as may have been men’s conceptions of it, medieval
+learning was none the less the central element in the scholarly
+background of the Age of Discovery. The Renaissance brought no sudden
+and complete emancipation from old modes of thought. While medieval
+science persisted and some of its errors may have restricted subsequent
+progress, on the whole the positive achievements of the fifteenth and
+sixteenth centuries would have been impossible had it not been for the
+enlightenment transferred from the centuries that went before.
+
+C. R. Beazley in the second volume of his great work, _The Dawn of
+Modern Geography_ (1901), adequately treats of the travels and
+explorations of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, but to the
+more theoretical aspects of geographical knowledge in this age he gives
+but meager space. Karl Kretschmer in a monograph, _Die physische
+Erdkunde im christlichen Mittelalter_ (1889), deals systematically with
+the physical geography of the entire Middle Ages but necessarily slights
+or wholly neglects many of the more interesting writings of the century
+and a half to which the present book is devoted. Other, lesser studies
+of the geographical conceptions of this period have to do exclusively
+with points of detail. The present writer ventures to hope, therefore,
+that there is place for a book in which the geographical lore of the
+time of the Crusades is discussed with greater fullness and at the same
+time with an orientation differing in many particulars from that of any
+work hitherto devoted to the subject.
+
+Except as regards a few minor points (especially in Chapter X) he makes
+no claim to having based his work upon hitherto unpublished manuscript
+sources. The main part of the study, however (that dealing with the time
+of the Crusades, Chapters IV-XIII), is founded essentially upon printed
+editions of the primary sources for the history of civilization in the
+period. The first three chapters, on the other hand, relating as they do
+to the background of medieval geography and covering an enormous field,
+of necessity have to a large degree been written with the aid of the
+secondary works of modern scholars.
+
+The volume is an enlargement of a thesis submitted in 1922 in partial
+fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
+in history at Harvard University. Some of the research was pursued in
+Europe in 1919–1920, during which academic year the writer held the
+Woodbury Lowery Fellowship from Harvard. Subsequently the American
+Geographical Society has generously permitted him, while acting as
+Librarian of the Society, to devote much time to the revision of the
+manuscript.
+
+The writer owes a special debt of gratitude to Professor C. H. Haskins,
+largely as a result of whose advice the particular period dealt with was
+selected. Helpful suggestions and the occasional receipt from Professor
+Haskins of a photograph or transcript of a manuscript bearing upon an
+apposite topic have been a constant stimulus. Useful suggestions have
+also been made by Professor R. P. Blake of Harvard and by Monsieur
+Charles de La Roncière of the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. Dr.
+Charles Singer of the University of London courteously permitted the use
+of Plate VIII from his _Scientific Views and Visions of St. Hildegard_
+(1917) as a basis for Figure 5 of the present volume. The writer is
+indebted to Mr. W. L. G. Joerg, the editor, from whose editorial skill,
+experience, and tireless care the book has greatly profited. He also
+wishes to thank Mr. George W. Robinson, Secretary of the Harvard
+Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, Miss Genevieve R. Fallon, formerly
+of Radcliffe College, and Mr. Arthur A. Brooks and members of the
+library staff of the American Geographical Society for their painstaking
+aid with manuscript and proof.
+
+_New York, October 7, 1924._
+
+
+
+
+                              INTRODUCTION
+
+
+                        THE TIME OF THE CRUSADES
+
+The time of the Crusades, like all great constructive epochs in the
+history of civilization, was an age of contrasts. A succession of crises
+marked the progress of conflict between the ideals of Papacy and of
+Empire. The feudalism of an earlier day was giving place in Western
+Europe to centralized monarchy, in Italy to the growth of city states.
+Though faith swayed the masses of men to the undertaking of immense
+coöperative enterprises—cathedral building and crusades—the time, none
+the less, was one of questioning and doubt: faith sometimes gave place
+to heresy hunting. Keener intellects were not afraid to probe deep at
+the very foundations of established theological doctrine. A profound and
+widespread enthusiasm for scholarship expressed itself in many forms.
+The writings of older authorities were ransacked for the wisdom which
+they contained, and from them erudite and forbidding tomes were
+compiled. But wandering students and poets were abroad who hated the
+musty learning of the monastic cell and frankly rejoiced in the beauty
+of the world around them. For some time historians have been in the
+habit of speaking of a “twelfth-century renaissance.” This expression is
+not wholly apt if used in a narrow sense to imply merely a rebirth of
+interest in the Greek and Latin classics. If taken to mean a re-stirring
+of the vital forces of civilization, the twelfth and thirteenth
+centuries were an age of renaissance indeed.
+
+The purpose of this book is to illustrate a limited aspect of the
+intellectual activity of the time of the Crusades, but an aspect that is
+sufficiently broad to reveal to us something of the contrasting forces
+of this age.
+
+
+                 SCOPE OF THE TERM “GEOGRAPHICAL LORE”
+
+By “geographical lore” we mean what was known, believed, and felt about
+the origins, present condition, and distribution of the geographical
+elements of the earth. This covers a wider field than most definitions
+of geography. It comprises theories of the creation of the earth, of its
+size, shape, and movements, and of its relations to the heavenly bodies;
+of the zones of its atmosphere and the varied physiographic features of
+air, water, and land; finally, it comprises theories of the regions of
+the earth’s surface. Because many of these theories were false they are
+no less deserving of attention. The errors of an age are as
+characteristic as the accurate knowledge which it possesses—and often
+more so. Moreover, in addition to formulated beliefs, whether true or
+false, our definition of geographical lore covers man’s spiritual and
+esthetic attitude toward the various geographical facts, as
+revealed—often unconsciously—in descriptions of regions or of
+landscapes.
+
+The historian of geology or the theologian may complain that we trespass
+on their domains in discussing theories of the Creation in a book
+devoted to the history of geography. Yet this is justifiable if we hold
+with most modern geographers that some explanation of the immediate
+causes of existing terrestrial conditions is an essential part of
+geography. These causes, it was the opinion of medieval thinkers, were
+to be sought for in the processes of the Creation. No man had the
+vaguest conception of the countless eons that have elapsed during which
+air, sea, and land have been in evolution. The good Christian thought
+that the world was made by God in the course of the six days of Genesis
+and that it then assumed practically the identical geographical
+appearance it has preserved ever since. In the Middle Ages geology,
+geography, and theology were inextricably interwoven.
+
+Then again, the geographical lore of the Middle Ages involves a wider
+range of subjects in space, as well as in time, than is now included in
+geography. If medieval man had no knowledge of the age of the earth, he
+also had but the feeblest understanding of the immensity of the
+universe. To him, earth, stellar bodies, and celestial spheres were all
+part of a unified system of which the earth formed the core and most
+important member. Cosmology, astronomy, astrology, theology all dealt
+with this unified, geocentric, cosmic system; the interrelations between
+them were immediate and intimate. We cannot avoid some discussion of the
+matters in which these allied sciences bore directly on geography.
+
+
+      ORIGINS OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL LORE OF THE TIME OF THE CRUSADES
+
+Whence came the geographical lore of the time of the Crusades?
+
+Some of it came from books of earlier ages, some of it from contemporary
+observation. A sharp distinction may be made between the geography of
+the scholar and churchman, drawn largely from antiquity, and the
+geography of the merchant, soldier, and pilgrim, who learned of the
+world by travel and exploration. It was exceptional when the philosopher
+or theologian incorporated in his book the reports of recent travels.
+Indeed, we are almost startled to come across a bit of “up-to-date”
+geography in the philosophical or theological treatises. Even the
+histories and chronicles of contemporary events, though perforce
+containing more new geography than works of deeper learning, tended to
+appeal to ancient authorities in explaining the course of rivers or the
+relation of provinces or mountain chains to each other.
+
+Any consideration of the state of medieval geography inevitably
+presupposes some acquaintance with the earlier accumulation of
+geographical lore from which it borrowed.
+
+This was derived for the most part from two fountainheads of original
+observation and thought: (1) the writings of Greek historians and
+philosophers and (2) the Bible. Greek geography was the main source
+whence Latin writers of the Roman Empire and Moslems of the eighth,
+ninth, and tenth centuries of our era found their inspiration and facts.
+The Bible, as interpreted in the exegetical works of the Church Fathers,
+stimulated thought on geographical problems. The scholar of our period
+had at his disposal many Latin writings, both classical and patristic,
+and a somewhat more limited number of Arabic books and translations from
+the Arabic.
+
+
+                    ORGANIZATION OF THE PRESENT WORK
+
+The aim of the first three chapters of our study is to give an estimate
+in broad outline of the contributions of classical, patristic, and
+Oriental geography to the medieval West. The purpose is to show the kind
+of geographical ideas which a reader of the twelfth or thirteenth
+century might have gathered from older works in the libraries and to
+reveal something of the evolution of these ideas. No attempt is made to
+discuss works not well known in the Occident. The writings of famous
+Greek geographers like Herodotus, Pausanias, Strabo, Eratosthenes,
+Hipparchus, and Ptolemy receive only scant attention, and their contents
+are noted only in so far as they became familiar to Western Christendom
+through Latin media. Similarly the Greek Fathers of the Church and most
+of the more important Moslem geographers are overlooked because they
+exerted almost no influence on Western thought. Nor within the period
+itself that forms the subject of our investigation is much space given
+to writers like the Moslem Edrisi or the Greek Michael Psellos, whose
+researches did not contribute materially to the formation of Western
+science.
+
+After a fourth chapter, on the literary and cartographic sources which
+date from the time of the Crusades and upon which our estimate of the
+geographical lore of this age is based, and a fifth, on the place of
+geography in the medieval scheme of learning, there follows the main
+part of this book. The attempt is here made to illustrate from
+representative sources geographical lore of all kinds, whether original
+or borrowed, to emphasize evidences of originality where they are
+apparent, and to trace a few significant borrowed theories to their
+origins. Though the period under consideration lasted a century and a
+half, there was not much change during this time in the quantity of
+geographical information available or in the quality of geographical
+thinking. Hence it will be more convenient and enlightening to adopt a
+topical and regional arrangement for the main portion of our treatment
+than to try to arrange the material chronologically.
+
+By no means all the geographical knowledge and thought of the Crusading
+age could be stated and discussed in a volume of even many times the
+size of this. It is the writer’s hope that the materials selected are
+sufficiently diverse to give a rounded and just, though it be
+necessarily far from complete, understanding of the geographical lore of
+a significant period in the history of science and of civilization.
+
+
+
+
+                                 PART I
+ ORIGINS, SOURCES, AND PLACE IN THE CLASSIFICATION OF KNOWLEDGE OF THE
+             GEOGRAPHICAL LORE OF THE TIME OF THE CRUSADES
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER I
+                 THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE ANCIENT WORLD
+
+
+                               _SOURCES_
+
+
+                 THE PYTHAGOREANS, PLATO, AND ARISTOTLE
+
+The earliest writers who dealt with geographical matters in a more or
+less scientific spirit were the Greeks of Ionia and the Pythagorean
+philosophers of Magna Graecia. Though their theories exerted no direct
+influence on the formation of medieval geography, they should not be
+entirely overlooked. Ionic geography gave many ideas to the later
+Greeks; Pythagorean thought brought to bear a strong influence on the
+Platonic cosmology, which reached the Middle Ages through the Latin
+translation of Plato’s _Timaeus_ made by Chalcidius early in the fifth
+century after Christ, and through the Platonists Martianus Capella and
+Macrobius. Until the middle of the twelfth century Plato, of all
+philosophers, held the strongest grip on medieval thought; after that
+time the influence of Aristotle became more potent in the framing of the
+scholastic conception of the universe. We must regard Plato and, even
+more, Aristotle as the indirect sources of most of the cosmological,
+physiographic, and meteorological knowledge which, elaborated by later
+writers of antiquity and by the Moslems, reached the Middle Ages at
+second hand. Among the many writings of Aristotle those which contain
+the most material of interest to the geographer are the _De caelo_ (Περὶ
+οὐρανοῦ) and the _Meteorology_. The former, in four books, treats of the
+properties of the heavenly bodies, of the elements, and of the earth.
+Translations of the _De caelo_ in the Middle Ages often went under the
+title _De caelo et mundo_.[1][2] The _Meteorology_, besides a detailed
+discussion of the phenomena of the atmosphere, includes many
+speculations on physical geography. Theories of cosmology also found
+expression in the _Physics_ and _De generatione et corruptione_.
+
+Footnote 1:
+
+  The notes will be found at the back of the book grouped by chapters
+  and consecutively numbered within each chapter.
+
+The scientific genius of the Alexandrian Greeks of the Hellenistic
+period showed itself in the work of men like Eratosthenes and
+Hipparchus. By them the mathematical and astronomical aspects of
+geography were developed with accuracy; but unfortunately, owing to the
+almost universal ignorance of Greek in the West, the products of their
+genius had little part in the molding of medieval theories.
+
+
+                      ROMAN INFLUENCE ON GEOGRAPHY
+
+The Roman conquests tended to discredit scientific investigations and to
+bring into favor works of a descriptive nature which would appeal to the
+military chief, the provincial governor, or man of the world—to the
+practical rather than speculative type of mind. Polybius regarded
+geography as an important auxiliary science to politics and history. The
+geographical portions of his history treat of the countries of the known
+world, their peoples and customs; he is not concerned with the size and
+shape of the earth nor with the determination of latitudes and
+longitudes. Strabo, writing at the time of Augustus, represents the
+culmination of the Polybian method; but his great and comprehensive
+work, though of first importance in the history of ancient geography,
+was not read at the time of the Crusades.
+
+
+                                PTOLEMY
+
+The Greek, or more purely scientific, attitude, however, did not
+completely succumb. Posidonius[3] in the first century before Christ
+reverted to the method of Eratosthenes; and with Marinus of Tyre and
+Claudius Ptolemy, in the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, there came a
+revival of mathematical geography which almost, if not quite, equaled
+the high level reached by the Alexandrians[4]. Ptolemy was the author of
+two works, both of which were destined profoundly to modify the
+development of science in later ages. These were the _Mathematical
+Composition_ (or _Almagest_, as the Arabs called it), a treatise on
+astronomy, knowledge of which reached the medieval West through Moslem
+channels; and the _Geography_, a work which remained virtually unknown
+in Europe until the fifteenth century.
+
+
+           LATIN WRITERS: PLINY, SOLINUS, CAPELLA, MACROBIUS
+
+Though the most fertile investigations were made by Greeks, Latin
+writers naturally influenced more directly medieval thought in the West.
+Of those who dealt with geographic matters in the strictly classical
+period Pliny the Elder (23–79 A. D.) and Seneca (3 B. C.-65 A. D.) were
+the most influential. The _Historia naturalis_ of Pliny, an ill-digested
+compilation of information of all sorts, contained books on geography
+that were destined to furnish the larger part of the lettered man’s
+geographical ideas during many centuries.[5] Pliny’s work was not merely
+extensively read but was used and plagiarized by other writers of
+possibly greater popularity. The most significant of these was
+Solinus,[6] a compiler of fables in the third century after Christ,
+whose _Collectanea rerum memorabilium_ consists almost entirely of
+borrowings from Pliny or from a book from which Pliny drew.[7] The
+geographical information in Isidore’s _Etymologiae_ is largely made up
+of quotations and paraphrases from Solinus. Seneca’s _Quaestiones
+naturales_[8] was also widely read and formed the source of the bulk of
+the meteorological lore of the Middle Ages.
+
+Two Latin writers of the late Empire also contributed materially to the
+evolution of geographical knowledge, Martianus Capella (fourth or fifth
+century) and Macrobius (fifth century). Capella’s encyclopedic _De
+nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii_ is an elaborate commentary on and
+exposition of the seven arts; the book dealing with geometry gives the
+author an opportunity of presenting a résumé of geography, more
+particularly in its mathematical aspects.[9] That Martianus Capella’s
+treatise enjoyed an immense popularity in the medieval period is
+indicated by the quantity of manuscripts extant and by the frequency
+with which we find it listed in the medieval library catalogues[10] that
+have been preserved. The general sketch of the distribution of land and
+water on the surface of the globe contained in Macrobius’ commentary on
+the _Somnium Scipionis_[11] of Cicero was often quoted at later periods
+and formed the basis for some of the extremely crude maps of the world
+used in the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries.
+
+In the remainder of the present chapter a very general review will be
+given of the more important geographic ideas borrowed by the Western
+world in these centuries from Aristotle, Pliny, Solinus, Seneca,
+Martianus Capella, Macrobius, and some others, and an attempt will be
+made to indicate the relationship between the growth of these ideas and
+the broader evolution of ancient geography as a whole.
+
+
+                     _THE HISTORY OF THE UNIVERSE_
+
+
+                           ANCIENT COSMOGONY
+
+Though it is not now regarded as lying strictly within the field of
+geography, the history of the evolution of theories about the origin of
+the earth is so closely allied to the history of geography that the two
+cannot well be dissociated. A marked antagonism inevitably arose between
+the usual Greek view, which regarded matter as eternal, and the
+Christian view, which was based on the first chapter of Genesis and
+conceived of the universe as created at a definite point in time or
+concurrently with time. The men of the Middle Ages tended to adhere
+strictly to the Christian opinion, for to have done otherwise would have
+been heretical. Nevertheless, the ancient theory was well known to
+Christians and exerted in its various forms no small influence on the
+development of certain phases of Christian thought.
+
+
+                          CELESTIAL INFLUENCES
+
+It was a deeply rooted belief of many classical thinkers that the events
+and conditions on this world and on all the regions below the sphere of
+the moon’s orbit are regulated by the heavenly bodies. Aristotle and his
+followers taught that the heavenly bodies themselves are made of an
+imperishable and incorruptible, almost divine, fifth element, ether,
+which distinguishes them from the four corruptible elements (fire, air,
+water, and earth) that constitute the immediate world of our senses.[12]
+By virtue of this semi-divine quality, it was argued, the sun, planets,
+and stars exert an all-powerful control over the earth around which they
+revolve—an absolutely determining control over all events both great and
+small.[13] From this fatalistic belief sprang the science of astrology,
+a science which throughout antiquity was held in equal esteem with
+astronomy.
+
+The study of the movements of the celestial bodies revealed the fact
+that at some time in the distant future, sun, planets, and stars will
+bear exactly the same relative position one to another that they do at
+the present moment. Consequently, it was inferred that the influence
+exerted by them on the sublunar regions will at that time be exactly the
+same as it now is, and all the phenomena now apparent on the earth’s
+surface will be exactly repeated. They will be repeated not only once
+but an infinite number of times at periodic intervals in the future;
+similarly they have been repeated throughout infinite cycles in the
+past.[14]
+
+
+                     COSMIC CYCLES: THE GREAT YEARS
+
+This idea of cosmic cycles, or Great Years, appears to have originated
+in the Orient, possibly with the Chaldeans.[15] It was firmly
+established among the Ionian Greeks[16] and Pythagoreans,[17] from whom
+Plato adopted it. Many and various opinions prevailed about the violence
+and character of the changes produced by the celestial cycles. The
+Chaldeans had thought that whenever all the planets come into
+conjunction on one straight line in the sign of the zodiac Cancer, the
+entire universe is destroyed by fire but destroyed only to be born
+again; similarly the world is destroyed by water when the same
+phenomenon occurs in Capricorn.[18] The theory of a complete and
+universal birth and rebirth (_palingenesis_) was held by some of the
+Greek philosophers.[19] Plato and Aristotle, however, seem to have
+restricted the destructive effects of the celestial influence to the
+sublunar sphere and maintained that the realms above the moon were
+eternal.[20] On the whole, belief in periodically recurrent destructions
+of the earth by water was more widespread and was given greater
+definition than belief in corresponding destructions by fire.[21] The
+main reason for this is probably to be looked for in the dissemination
+among nearly all peoples of legends of a great flood, but it also in no
+small measure may be attributed to rudimentary geological observations
+(notably of the presence of shells on high ground) which showed that
+portions of the earth’s surface had at one time lain beneath the
+waters.[22]
+
+
+        GEOGRAPHIC APPLICATION OF THE THEORY OF THE GREAT YEARS
+
+The theory of the Great Years was invoked to explain changes in
+geographic and climatic conditions on the earth’s surface.[23] When the
+various planets and stars bear a certain relation to one another, a
+period of dryness and heat, or a Great Summer, is experienced;
+conversely, when other stellar relationships prevail, there is a period
+of cold and wetness, or a Great Winter. Even land and sea gradually
+change places under stellar control. Certain parts of the land,
+Aristotle observed, had once been covered by the sea, and what is now
+sea had once been land: like plants and animals, land and sea grow to
+maturity and old age. If the causes adduced for these changes were not
+so utterly different from those that are now accepted, we might almost
+be tempted to think that Aristotle had some conception of climatic
+cycles and cycles of erosion.
+
+After Plato and Aristotle, as before them, the doctrine of the Great
+Years, though by no means universal, was very popular in antiquity.[24]
+The Stoics adopted it in its more extreme form involving successive
+burnings and liquefactions of the universe.[25] It entered into
+Neoplatonism and was ultimately taken over by the Jews. It seems to have
+penetrated to India, where the Greek elaboration of the theory gave
+precision to ideas that were probably already in existence there. The
+Indian belief in the recurrent reincarnations of Brahma was brought into
+connection with Hellenic calculations of the duration of the Great
+Years.[26] From the Hindus and from the Greeks the conception was
+transferred to the Arabs and by them to the knowledge of the Latin West.
+
+
+                      DURATION OF THE GREAT YEARS
+
+Numerous endeavors were made in antiquity to calculate the length of a
+Great Year.[27] The figure that was adopted by the Arabs and passed on
+to the Christian world originated in Hipparchus’ discovery of the
+precession of the equinoxes, or apparent gradual revolution of the fixed
+stars around the pole of the ecliptic.[28] Ptolemy calculated that the
+period of this revolution was 36,000 years,[29] a figure which became
+known to the Hindus and Arabs and ultimately to medieval
+Christendom.[30] The actual figure is approximately 25,800 years.
+
+
+               _SHAPE, MOVEMENTS, AND SIZE OF THE EARTH_
+
+
+                        SPHERICITY OF THE EARTH
+
+Nearly all scholars of antiquity after the fifth century before Christ
+thought that the earth was a globe.[31] The earlier opinion of a
+disk-shaped earth resting upon the waters, which appears to have been
+held by Anaximander (although some students have thought that he, too,
+believed in a spherical earth [32]), was discarded by the Pythagoreans
+and Plato, and after their time no serious thinkers questioned the
+theory of sphericity. The Pythagoreans based their opinion on
+speculative and philosophical grounds rather than on physical and
+experimental proofs; they thought that since the sphere is the most
+perfect mathematical form, the earth must therefore be a sphere. The
+whole tendency of Aristotle’s thought, less speculative and less
+hypothetical than Plato’s,[33] led him to look for proofs of
+sphericity,[34] and these he enunciated with great emphasis.
+Cleomedes,[35] Pliny,[36] Ptolemy,[37] Martianus Capella,[38] and other
+ancient writers likewise adduced more or less convincing proofs, which
+were well known and often cited in the medieval period.
+
+
+                        IMMOBILITY OF THE EARTH
+
+Though the learned men of the ancient world were almost universally
+agreed that the earth is a globe, they were not unanimous in the belief
+that it stands immovable in the center of the universe; yet the various
+theories which diverged from this orthodox view had no place in the
+development of medieval cosmology until long after our period.[39]
+Certain among the Pythagoreans maintained that there is a fire in the
+heart of the earth.[40] Plato said that the center of the earth, which
+stands immobile[41] in the center of the universe, is the seat, not of a
+fire, but of the World Soul.[42] Through its own internal movement the
+World Soul causes the movement of the universe as a whole. Belief in the
+World Soul of Plato was extraordinarily tenacious, and it emerges in the
+writings of more than one Neoplatonist of the Middle Ages. Aristotle,
+however, though he likewise held fast to the doctrine of the immobility
+of the earth in the center of the universe, differed both from the
+Pythagoreans and from Plato in refusing to believe that the center of
+the universe could be the seat of an incorruptible being of the same
+substance as the celestial bodies, be it fire or World Soul.
+Aristotle,[43] Pliny,[44] and Ptolemy[45] also brought forward proofs of
+varying validity in favor of the immobility of the earth.
+
+
+                       CIRCUMFERENCE OF THE EARTH
+
+Several figures were given by ancient authors for the circumference of
+the earth. Aristotle stated it to be 400,000 stades;[46] Eratosthenes
+determined it to be 252,000 stades according to the testimony of many
+writers, including Pliny,[47] Vitruvius,[48] Martianus Capella,[49] and
+Macrobius,[50] although Cleomedes, who gives the most circumstantial
+account of Eratosthenes’ measurement, had said that the latter’s figure
+was 250,000.[51] It is probable that Eratosthenes himself arbitrarily
+added 2000 stades to his result in order to obtain a figure more easily
+divisible.[52] Cleomedes quotes Posidonius as giving 240,000 stades,[53]
+and Strabo says that the latter gave 180,000 stades.[54] The last number
+was that adopted by Marinus of Tyre and by Ptolemy.
+
+Though we have several distinct figures cited by ancient writers, these
+assuredly do not indicate that as many distinct processes of measurement
+were carried out. The circumference given by Aristotle was a mere
+estimate; Eratosthenes’ result was the only one based on accurate
+measurements and calculations;[55] the two figures given by Posidonius
+may well have been derived from Eratosthenes, the larger arising from a
+mistaken interpretation or intentional alteration of the latter’s
+figure, and the smaller from the use of a longer stade.[56]
+
+At all events, so far as we know, only one method was employed by the
+Greeks for determining the size of the earth. This consisted of finding
+on the same day of the year the meridian altitudes of the sun at two
+places supposed to be on the same meridian of longitude, the distance
+between which was known through itineraries. The angle between the two
+meridian altitudes was then assumed to bear the same relation to the
+circumference of the heavens as the distance between the two points of
+observation bore to the circumference of the earth. Cleomedes[57] and
+Martianus Capella[58] described how Eratosthenes carried out such
+observations in Egypt.
+
+The figure determined by Eratosthenes is surprisingly accurate. Whether
+the stade used by him was 157.50[59] or 168[60] meters, as different
+modern scholars contend, the circumference according to his estimate
+would be 39,375 or 42,336 kilometers. In either case the error is seen
+to be very slight, the true circumference of the earth being about
+40,000 kilometers.
+
+
+_THE DISTRIBUTION OF HABITABLE REGIONS; ZONES; THE DISTRIBUTION OF LAND
+                               AND WATER_
+
+We see, then, that the writers of antiquity whose opinions were destined
+to mold the thought of the medieval period believed that the earth is a
+sphere, immovably fixed in the center of the universe. We must now
+examine their theories regarding the distribution of phenomena on the
+surface of the globe and the interaction of these phenomena. Of prime
+importance were their views concerning the distribution of habitable
+areas of land, but these were so closely bound up with the theory of
+climatic zones that it is absolutely necessary to understand what this
+theory was before going further, even though the subject of zones might
+more properly be included in the study of the atmosphere.
+
+
+                                 ZONES
+
+Parmenides may have been the first to conceive of zones upon the earth’s
+surface corresponding to the zones into which the astronomers had
+divided the heavens. Eratosthenes is said to have been the first to
+place the theory of terrestrial zones upon a firmly scientific footing,
+“by determining exactly upon the sphere the position of the fixed
+circles which mark the limits of each zone” (Thalamas).[61] Ancient
+geographers set the number of terrestrial zones at five, though they
+differed as to the character of the climates within them. The general
+opinion—one which was shared by Aristotle—was that the polar caps and
+the equatorial regions were incapable of sustaining life, the first on
+account of cold, the second on account of heat. Despite the fact that
+the notion of the existence of a fiery belt between the tropics was
+challenged by Polybius and Posidonius, who had heard reports from
+expeditions in these regions, this notion persisted in the writings of
+Martianus Capella, Macrobius, and many others and exerted an extremely
+restrictive effect on the subsequent development of geographical
+knowledge and enterprise.
+
+The majority of the ancient writers whose works were read in Christendom
+before 1300 also thought that the _oikoumene_, or portion of the earth
+inhabited by men of our kind, is completely surrounded by an ocean. This
+is a belief common to many early peoples.[62] In the Greek world we can
+trace it back to the Homeric and Hesiodic Ocean Stream and to the
+conceptions of early Ionian philosophers, who had gone so far as to
+maintain that the earth had been created out of water,[63] or at least
+that it was originally submerged beneath the ocean and had been brought
+forth through the evaporation of the water by sun and stars.[64] The
+theory of an encircling ocean was certainly held by Aristotle,
+Pliny,[65] Seneca, Macrobius, and Martianus Capella.
+
+
+                   CRATES’ THEORY OF FOUR LAND MASSES
+
+The two last-named writers set forth an elaboration of an opinion first
+held by the Pythagoreans and worked out in detail by Crates of Mallos in
+the second century before Christ, which gained great ascendancy over the
+minds of map makers and writers of the Middle Ages. They explained that
+the _oikoumene_ is one of four similar inhabited bodies of land on the
+surface of the globe. These bodies of land are separated from one
+another by two oceans which encircle the earth, one running east and
+west in the fiery equatorial regions, and one running north and south at
+right angles to the equatorial ocean. This idea, which we shall call the
+“Cratesian” theory after its foremost expositor, did not pass
+unchallenged either in antiquity or in the Christian period. Involving
+as it did the doctrine of the antipodes—people dwelling in quarters
+absolutely inaccessible to men of our race, eternally cut off from our
+_oikoumene_ by the fires of the equator and the terrors of the
+meridional ocean—the Cratesian theory provoked the indignation of the
+Fathers of the Church as containing the seeds of heresy.[66]
+
+
+                       EXTENT OF THE “OIKOUMENE”
+
+Aristotle, although he had derived from the Pythagoreans the theory of
+an uninhabitable torrid belt,[67] believed in a greater southward
+extension of our _oikoumene_ than would be possible in accordance with
+the Cratesian theory. He harbored no idea of the existence of another
+_oikoumene_ in the same latitude as ours. He says very clearly in the
+_De caelo_[68] that there is no great distance between India and Spain
+and hinted at the same opinion in the _Meteorology_.[69] Seneca[70] held
+similar views.
+
+The opposite theory—which has been called the continental as opposed to
+the oceanic hypothesis[71]—that Africa and Asia extended unknown
+distances south and east and that the Atlantic and Indian Oceans, like
+the Caspian Sea, were enclosed basins—also had its adherents, among them
+Herodotus, Hipparchus, and, most significant of all, Ptolemy. But
+Ptolemy’s _Geography_, though its content was reflected in Arabic
+notions of the earth’s surface, had almost no readers in the Christian
+West until the fifteenth century, and the works of Herodotus and
+Hipparchus were unknown.
+
+
+                          _PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY_
+
+
+                      ARISTOTLE, SENECA, AND PLINY
+
+Among the writers of antiquity who dealt with physical geography only
+three can be said to have influenced twelfth- and early
+thirteenth-century thought to any marked degree. These were, first and
+foremost, Aristotle, the substance of whose _De caelo_ and _Meteorology_
+had reached the West before the year 1187 through the borrowings and
+plagiarisms of later scholars and after that time could be read in
+translations from the Greek and Arabic. In the second place, Seneca’s
+_Quaestiones naturales_ was popular before the direct influence of the
+_De caelo_ and _Meteorology_ began to be felt. In the third place, as we
+have seen, the Elder Pliny’s _Historia naturalis_ was not only widely
+read in the original, but also much that it contained was familiar
+through the intermediary channels of Solinus, Isidore, Martianus
+Capella, and others. Aristotle, however, was the fundamental authority,
+for a large portion of the material in the books of the two Latin
+authors came from his treatises.
+
+
+                           THE FOUR ELEMENTS
+
+Most ancient authorities believed that the universe is composed of four
+elements, fire, air, water, and earth, arranged in concentric spheres.
+Theoretically, according to this view, the sphere of water should
+entirely enclose the earth. Practical observation shows that it covers
+the lower levels of the earth’s surface only. How to reconcile the
+theoretical conception with observed facts was a problem which, as we
+shall see, greatly puzzled geographers and physicists during the later
+Middle Ages.[72]
+
+According to Aristotle the four elements, under the control of the
+heavenly bodies and through their interaction upon each other, produce
+all the physical phenomena of the atmosphere, sea, and earth.[73]
+Working from this axiom, he, and all the ancient writers who dealt with
+the subject, attempted to explain winds, tides, earthquakes, and other
+occurrences of nature; but there was little agreement among them as to
+the manner in which these interactions were manifested. Though there
+were many theories, the actual matters under discussion were not very
+numerous. Only the most striking and unusual happenings—such as tides,
+earthquakes, and floods—attracted attention, and we find almost no trace
+of a minute and careful observation or even of a superficial
+understanding of those imperceptibly slow natural forces which modern
+geology recognizes as having fashioned mountains, rivers, and seas.
+
+A logical division of the subject matter of physical geography is into
+three studies: that of the atmosphere, that of the waters, and that of
+the earth. In each of these there is room for a great deal of
+hairsplitting about what belongs to geography and what to geology,
+geophysics, or meteorology. Physical geography merges into the other
+natural sciences as human geography merges into history, politics,
+economics, or ethnology. Even at the present day, when the often futile
+attempt is being made to delimit the domains of the various sciences
+ever more definitely, it is impossible to distinguish where one begins
+and another ends, and it would be foolish to set up hard and fast
+definitions in dealing with the lore of the ancient and medieval worlds,
+when natural science was as yet inchoate.
+
+
+                              METEOROLOGY
+
+The ancients were more interested in meteorology[74] than they were in
+oceanography and physiography (if such terms can be used for their naïve
+attempts at explaining the features of ocean and land), perhaps because
+the phenomena of the air make a deeper impression on men than the
+phenomena of the sea and earth—tides, earthquakes, and volcanoes
+excepted. Thunder and lightning, comets, rainbows, balls of fire were
+looked upon as portents, and complex theories were created to explain
+them and what they were supposed to foretell. But all this type of
+meteorological lore, however interesting in itself, is, strictly
+speaking, not geography. On the other hand, there are certain distinctly
+geographical aspects of the study of the atmosphere as pursued by the
+Greeks and Romans that deserve our attention.
+
+The men of antiquity conceived of the interaction of atmosphere and
+earth in two ways: effects produced by the land upon the atmosphere, and
+effects produced by the winds upon the land. In connection with the
+first, Seneca makes a remark which, when taken from its context, would
+not be out of place in a modern manual of meteorology. He conceived the
+lower portion of the atmosphere to be extremely variable and inconstant
+as a result of the proximity of the earth. “The earth is a more
+important cause than all others ... for the air’s changefulness and
+inconstancy. The varying positions of the land, facing here this way and
+there another way, are of great moment in determining the temperature of
+the air.”[75] Nothing is truer than this, but the reasons that Seneca
+gives for the influence of the atmosphere upon the land are not
+satisfactory, being based to a large extent on the supposition that
+winds are produced by vapors. Indeed, by the theory of vapors and
+exhalations many ancient and medieval thinkers attempted to explain
+nearly all the phenomena of the atmosphere and heavens as well.
+Aristotle had pointed out that a dry and smokelike exhalation is caused
+by the sun to rise from the earth’s surface through the air and even to
+penetrate the zone of fire.[76] While near the earth this exhalation
+takes the form of wind; when ignited at higher levels it becomes comets
+and shooting stars. Besides this, Aristotle maintained that a damp and
+watery vapor is also drawn into the atmosphere by the sun’s heat and
+when cooled turns into cloud or falls in the form of rain and snow.[77]
+These ideas of Aristotle became known to the Western world of the Middle
+Ages with translations of the _De caelo_ and _Meteorology_ and found
+their expression in the thirteenth-century writings of Albertus
+Magnus.[78] Seneca, on the other hand, explained that the winds were air
+in motion and that they might be produced by many and various
+causes.[79]
+
+
+                                 WINDS
+
+All three of the writers whom we are specially considering,[80]
+Aristotle, Seneca, and Pliny, had observed that there is a variety of
+local winds—valley, river, sea, and marsh breezes—taking their origin
+from the exhalations and vapors arising from these natural features. But
+even though their explanations of the causes for these winds are now
+regarded as archaic, the observations they made of their occurrence were
+not inaccurate.
+
+As to the effects of the winds on the earth, we encounter a theory that
+sounds most extraordinary in the light of modern science but which
+corresponds logically to the Aristotelian hypothesis of the elements and
+to the general ideas current in classical times regarding the structure
+of the earth. This theory, that the winds are the cause of earthquakes,
+can better be understood after we have examined the ancient opinions
+about the physical geography of the water and of the earth.
+
+Another persistent belief, held alike by poets, physicists, and
+geographers, originated in the Homeric mythology of the calm heights of
+Olympus, dwelling place of the gods. This was to the effect that the
+winds are limited to the lower part of the atmosphere,[81] a zone some
+ten or fifteen stades in thickness.[82] The highest mountains were
+thought to reach above into a realm of perpetual tranquillity where
+clouds and dew and frost were unknown and where the ashes of sacrifice
+would remain undisturbed for a year’s time.[83] This idea was
+transferred to the Middle Ages through the writings of Pomponius Mela,
+Solinus, and others.
+
+
+                              CLIMATOLOGY
+
+As to the climates, it has already been shown that many writers of
+antiquity divided the earth’s surface into zones: fiery, temperate, and
+frozen. Aristotle, Seneca, and Pliny do not seem to have had that more
+exact understanding of the distribution of climates which recognizes
+that two countries in the same latitude may, nevertheless, have
+different climatic conditions and products.[84] To them, all places on
+the same parallel were virtually the same from the climatic point of
+view. In this connection it must be pointed out that the parallel
+strips, or _climata_, into which Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, Ptolemy,
+Pliny, and Martianus Capella divided the _oikoumene_ were not climatic
+divisions in our modern sense—implying the prevalence of well-defined
+conditions of temperature and weather—but, rather, artificial
+astronomical divisions the boundaries of which were determined by
+arbitrary means.[85] Nevertheless, true climatic differences were well
+understood; Seneca describes vividly in more than one place in the
+_Quaestiones naturales_ the intense heat and dryness of southern
+regions[86] and the cold of the far North; Seneca and Pliny had acquired
+more detailed knowledge than Aristotle of the northern ice and
+snows.[87] Pliny made some interesting, if unsound, observations
+connecting the dark complexions of the Ethiopians with the scorching
+effects of the sun and foreshadowed a modern theory by asserting that
+the inhabitants of northern Europe are blonde (and savage) because of
+the coldness and inclemency of the climate in which they dwell.[88] A
+brief but striking passage from the _Octavius_ of Marcus Minutius Felix
+explains as follows the warming effect of the western ocean upon the
+climate of Britain: “God is mindful of our welfare not only universally
+but locally. Britain is deficient in sunshine, but this deficiency is
+made good by the warmth of the sea that flows around it.”[89]
+
+The Greeks and Romans certainly had no satisfactory understanding of the
+general circulation of the atmosphere. Only with the maritime voyages
+since the fifteenth century have we come to know the distribution of
+belts of prevailing winds and calms. Aristotle said that the etesian, or
+north, winds blow from the cold countries full of water and snow under
+the Great Bear; and that the south wind originates at, but not south of,
+the Tropic of Cancer;[90] this is the nearest he came to giving a theory
+of atmospheric circulation. Megasthenes had heard of the monsoons of the
+Indian Ocean; Pliny described the use made of them by sailors in going
+out to India,[91] but he made no attempt to explain the general areas of
+westerlies or trades. On the other hand, Aristotle,[92] Seneca,[93] and
+Pliny[94] all recognized and discussed at considerable length the
+influences of wind on weather; for example, the fact that the etesians,
+though they bring clear skies to Italy, deluge Ethiopia and India with
+rain—a conception which contains a shadow of truth.[95] Auster, the
+south wind, was supposed to bring rain to Italy.
+
+
+                           THE WATER ELEMENT
+
+Since water was one of the four—or, according to Aristotle,
+five—elements that were supposed to make up the universe, the ancient
+authorities looked upon the ocean as necessarily as old as the earth
+itself. Seneca thought that the Nile and the Ister (Danube) are of equal
+age with the primordial ocean, because of remarkable characteristics
+which differentiate them from all other streams.[96]
+
+
+           THE SEA: ITS SALINITY, DEPTH, CURRENTS, AND TIDES
+
+We must note what features of the sea interested the Greeks and Romans.
+These were primarily its saltness, its depth, its currents, and its
+tides.
+
+The problem of why the sea is salt gave rise to a good deal of
+theorizing. That the evaporation of the lighter fresh water leaves
+behind the heavy salt water was well understood, but in the further
+solution of the problem opinions diverged widely. Aristotle thought that
+the salt was the result of combustion;[97] that it was an ashlike
+substance first carried into the air by the exhalations from the earth
+and then deposited in the sea by rainfall—particularly by the autumn
+rains that accompany the south winds blowing from hot, dry districts
+where the process of combustion is most active. Pliny believed that the
+salt came partly from dry vapors intermingled with the sea waters and
+partly from the nature of the earth, which tends to impregnate the sea
+with salt.[98]
+
+Aristotle said[99] that the Pontus (Black Sea) was deeper than the
+Maeotis (Sea of Azov), the Aegean deeper than the Pontus—except in one
+place—the Sicilian Sea deeper than the Aegean, and the Sardinian and
+Tyrrhenian the deepest of all seas. Pliny quotes[100] a certain Fabianus
+to the effect that the greatest known depth of the sea is fifteen
+stades, or about 1200 fathoms—not an excessive figure, for parts of the
+Mediterranean are in fact even deeper. Pliny,[101] following
+Aristotle,[102] believed that the “Deeps of the Euxine,” opposite the
+shores of the people of the Coraxi, were unfathomable.[103] Aristotle
+had a very false idea that the Atlantic is made up of shallows and mud
+banks and that it is calm, an idea shared by the Mohammedans and one
+that may have contributed to the horror of the Western Ocean which
+lingered in the minds of Mediterranean peoples throughout antiquity and
+until the close of the Middle Ages.[104]
+
+The ancient geographers certainly had no clearer understanding of the
+general circulation of the ocean than of the atmosphere, and for the
+very same reason: they had not traveled sufficiently. Aristotle thought
+that there is a flow of water southward from the higher northern part of
+the earth,[105] and Macrobius explained a series of currents in the
+oceanic belts which he imagined surrounded the earth.[106] Certain
+currents of the Mediterranean attracted attention: the constant flow
+from the Euxine into the Aegean and the fluctuating currents of the
+Strait of Messina and the Euripus (between Euboea and the mainland). A
+tradition arose at later times that the death of Aristotle was caused by
+his disgust at being unable to explain to his satisfaction the currents
+of the Euripus.[107]
+
+Only with the travels of Pytheas of Marseilles along the North Atlantic
+coasts, the expedition of Alexander, and Nearchus’ voyage and
+exploration of the mouths of the Indus and coasts of Beluchistan and
+Mekran did the Greeks gain any adequate knowledge of tidal phenomena;
+for the tides of the Mediterranean, except in a few places, are so low
+as to be almost negligible.[108] Eratosthenes thought that the currents
+through narrows in the Mediterranean are caused by variations in the
+relative levels of the sea at either end of the channels and that these
+variations are a response of the sea to fluctuations of the tides in the
+ocean beyond the Pillars of Hercules.[109] As early as the third century
+before the Christian era the Greeks had understood the relation of the
+moon’s phases to the ebb and flood, but certainly not much earlier, for
+Aristotle appears to have been ignorant of it.[110] Posidonius was the
+first to give a full account of the manner in which the moon and sun
+regulate the tides.[111] He had accurate knowledge of the diurnal, the
+monthly, and perhaps the annual tidal periods,[112] a knowledge which
+formed a bulwark of the structure of his astrology. Pliny also believed
+that the tides were caused by lunar influence and described the three
+periods with even greater accuracy than Posidonius.[113] He recognized
+that the tides must correspond to a lunisolar cycle of one hundred
+lunations, or eight years, an astronomical cycle that had long been
+familiar to the Greeks.[114] He included in his account an astute
+observation that the tides, like everything else on the earth’s surface
+depending on celestial controls, tend to drag behind the time when these
+controls are exerted.[115] Seneca does not try to explain the tides; he
+mentions them only incidentally in connection with a graphic description
+of the terrible deluge that will overwhelm the earth at the end of the
+Great Winter. Though in some respects like the spring tides at the
+equinoxes, when the sun and moon are in conjunction, this flood will be
+bound by no law of nature and will have no curb to its fury.[116]
+Macrobius’ explanation of the tides,[117] which was copied by many later
+writers, though ingenious, was not founded on actual knowledge or
+observation. He said that the ebb and flood are caused by the impact of
+the opposing currents of the two ocean belts which encircle the earth,
+and, with Eratosthenes, he thought that the tide of the Mediterranean is
+a repercussion of the ocean tides. Indeed, after the time of Pliny there
+was no addition to the scientific understanding of tidal phenomena until
+the eighth century.
+
+
+                         SUBTERRANEAN CHANNELS
+
+Evaporation was given by Aristotle as a reason why the sea does not
+overflow its bed on account of the constant inflow from the rivers.[118]
+Another explanation of this puzzling circumstance was found by
+Pliny[119] in a curious theory that prevailed throughout antiquity and
+the Middle Ages to the effect that the land is seamed with veins,
+cavities, and tunnels.[120] Into some of these the air enters; others
+are the passages for rivers which sink into the ground; through still
+others the water of the sea finds its way to wells, springs, and
+fountains, where, made fresh by its passage through the earth, it bursts
+forth to form rivers which return it to the sea. A continuous
+circulation of the waters of the earth is thus maintained through
+passages corresponding to the veins, arteries, and canals of the human
+body.[121]
+
+The origin of the latter theory is undoubtedly to be sought for partly
+in the nature of the ground in Greece and the Aegean region and partly
+in the age-old belief that the interior of the earth is the abode of the
+dead.
+
+The soluble character of the limestone rocks throughout parts of the
+Balkan Peninsula has led to the production of what is now known as
+_karst_ topography, so called from the Karst, a plateau between Trieste
+and Fiume, where it has attained its most typical development. In such
+regions many streams disappear into hollows of the ground; caverns and
+underground galleries are extremely common; and the traveler
+occasionally comes across a full-grown river bursting out of the depths
+of the earth. The old and persistent story that the river Alpheus of the
+Peloponnesus passes beneath the Ionian Sea only to gush forth in the
+well of Arethusa in Syracuse was destined to have a medieval counterpart
+in the explanation of the subterranean courses of the rivers of
+Paradise.
+
+
+                        RIVERS OF THE UNDERWORLD
+
+Among the most famous and sinister of the subterranean streams of
+antiquity were the dark waters of Cocytus, Acheron, Pyriphlegethon, and
+Styx.[122] These were the streams of the nether world, the world of the
+dead. Belief in the subterranean position of the after-world, the Hades
+of the Greeks, the Inferi of the Italian folk, was widespread and
+lasting among early Mediterranean peoples. Hellenic mythology placed not
+only Tartarus, the abyss of torment, but also the Elysian Fields in the
+depths. Plato taught that within the bowels of the earth are immense
+caverns, some filled with fire, some with water, others the abode of the
+shades. To be sure, rationalistic arguments against such doctrines were
+raised by the incredulous. Aristotle had believed that of all four
+elements the earth is the most dense and solid and that its position is
+at the center of the universe. Although the earth might be seamed with
+small water channels, it would be a reversal of the physical laws of the
+universe to suppose that within it there could exist caverns large
+enough to “hold Tartarus, the Elysian Fields, and the infinite multitude
+of the dead” (Cumont).[123] Hence some would identify the Elysian Fields
+with the Islands of the Blessed, placing them in the antipodes, and
+would relegate Tartarus to the lowest hollow of the celestial
+sphere.[124] But even this explanation could not be reconciled with the
+more mature cosmography of the Alexandrian age. The Epicureans resorted
+to out-and-out disbelief in a future life and future dwelling place of
+the spirit.[125] Others looked for the shades in the atmosphere below
+the moon’s orbit or else treated the whole problem in a lofty vein of
+allegory. Rationalistic questioning of the subterranean position of the
+next world, however, did not shake faith in this doctrine as it
+persisted among the ignorant, and the doctrine was given new life, if in
+somewhat different forms, by the Neoplatonic movement and the influx of
+Oriental cults during the waning years of the Western Empire.[126] The
+Neoplatonists reverted to Plato’s theory that the interior of the earth
+may well include hollows large enough to contain the future abode of
+men’s souls. The religion of Mithras tended to spread throughout the
+Occident the dualistic cosmology of an eternal conflict between the
+powers of light and goodness on high and the powers of darkness and evil
+below. In the words of Franz Cumont, whose truly fascinating study of
+this subject we are here following: Oriental dualism cut “the abode of
+the souls into two halves, of which it placed one in the luminous sky
+and the other in subterranean darkness. This was also the conception
+which, after some hesitation, became generally accepted by the Church
+and which for long centuries was to remain the common faith of
+Christendom.”[127] In the period with which it is our special problem to
+deal, then, we shall find that Hell is almost invariably placed in the
+heart of the earth.[128]
+
+
+                            ORIGIN OF RIVERS
+
+To return from this digression to the vexed question of the origin of
+super-terrestrial rivers, we find that the circulation of water from the
+sea either by underground passages or by rain was not regarded by the
+majority of ancient thinkers as sufficient to account for the huge
+volumes of water that rivers constantly pour into the sea. Plato had
+thought that there were enormous reservoirs in the interior of the earth
+which served to keep the rivers supplied,[129] but Aristotle rejected
+this hypothesis.[130] A reservoir as large as the entire earth, he said,
+would be necessary for the purpose. His explanation was worked out of
+the theory that one element actually may be transformed into another. In
+a relatively unscientific age what is more natural than to believe, when
+one sees soluble substances passing into solution in water, that they
+actually become water? Or when one sees the condensation of invisible
+vapor into clouds and of clouds into rain, that the air is actually
+turning to water? Aristotle, followed by Seneca,[131] argued that the
+air which penetrates into the internal cavities and recesses of the
+earth is chilled and liquefied by the cold encountered there, just as
+air seems to be condensed by cold in the outer atmosphere. Aristotle
+cited as a proof of this the supposed fact that most great rivers have
+their sources in mountains.[132] Mountains were to be looked upon as
+enormous elevated sponges exuding water on all sides. Aristotle
+concluded likewise that the northern part of the earth must be high and
+mountainous,[133] because many great rivers originate there. But, if the
+air is transmutable into water, why, then, was it not perfectly logical
+to suppose that the earth could also undergo a similar change? This as a
+theory to explain the origin of some of the water of rivers was clearly
+expressed by Seneca and, among the early Church Fathers, by Gregory of
+Nyssa.[134] The faulty character of Seneca’s scientific thought is seen
+in his failure to account satisfactorily for the logical demands of his
+theory, i. e. for the replacement of the land lost by its liquefaction.
+
+
+                             THE NILE FLOOD
+
+One of the natural phenomena most puzzling to the Greeks and Romans was
+the inundation of the Nile.[135] Herodotus in his famous book on Egypt
+had given a lengthy account of the Nile and what it meant to Egypt. He
+had called Egypt the “gift of the Nile,” for he understood the alluvial
+character of the country. His theory as to the cause of the flood—he
+held that the normal height of the river was its flood height but that
+the etesian winds, by driving the sun southward out of its course in
+winter, caused the sun to dry up the headwaters of the stream—was less
+successful than his description of the features of the flood itself.
+Seneca also gives a long and extremely picturesque description of the
+inundation[136] and sets forth various older explanations of its origin,
+all of which he tries to refute without presenting an opinion of his
+own. He tells how, starting in the upper reaches of the river, the flood
+travels downstream and arrives in Egypt about midsummer; how it adds to
+the fertility of the country by its deposits of silt; and how—here
+Seneca repeats the crisp phrase of Herodotus—Egypt is the creation of
+its stream. Among the various theories which he comments upon and
+refutes it is rather significant to find one which had been propounded
+by Anaxagoras and which is now recognized, in part at least, as the
+right explanation: that the high water is caused by the melting of the
+snows on the Ethiopian mountains. Seneca said that there were twenty
+proofs available to refute this hypothesis.[137] Another view which
+Seneca rejected was that the flood was caused by the etesian winds
+backing up the water, a theory fated to reappear in many medieval books,
+among them the _Expositio in hexaemeron_ of Peter Abelard.[138] Pliny
+discussed the Nile and its peculiarities.[139] Like Herodotus, he
+believed that it rises in the western part of Africa and reaches the
+Sudan and Upper Egypt only after a series of long subterranean journeys.
+He described the flood, giving statistics of the various heights of the
+water on the nilometer and explaining which heights meant plenty and
+which meant famine. He shows a lack of critical sense in his remarks on
+the causes of the high water; for he held that two theories are equally
+worthy of credence, the theory of the etesian wind, which we have just
+examined, and the true explanation that the floods are due to summer
+rains in Ethiopia.
+
+
+                               THE LANDS
+
+To turn now from water to land. We have already discussed Aristotle’s
+idea of the gradual transposition of continents and oceans under the
+control of the celestial bodies. Pliny describes a large number of local
+changes of land and sea:[140] the building of new land by alluvial
+deposits, the sudden appearance of land and islands out of the depths of
+the waters, the separation of islands from the mainland, the tying of
+islands to the shore, the total disappearance of entire countries
+beneath the sea—Plato’s Atlantis is given as an example[141]—the
+collapse of mountains; but in all this, though he tells where such
+prodigies took place, he rarely tries to explain how and why they
+happened.
+
+
+                       EARTHQUAKES AND VOLCANOES
+
+The explanation of the causes of earthquakes and volcanoes, however, was
+attempted by Plato, Aristotle, Pliny, Seneca, and many other writers of
+antiquity with no small measure of ingenuity. We have seen that ancient
+philosophers almost universally were of the opinion that the earth is
+honeycombed with cavities and subterranean passages. Plato said that
+some of these cavities were filled with water and air but that others
+contained mighty swamps and streams of fire, including the immense fiery
+river Pyriphlegethon. The volcanoes of the earth’s surface were
+outpourings from these internal streams, and their minglings with the
+atmosphere and strivings to burst forth were the cause of
+earthquakes.[142] Aristotle, on the other hand, denied the possibility
+of subterranean fires. According to his scheme of physics the place for
+fire in the universe was above the sphere of air. He maintained that the
+dry and smokelike exhalation which causes the winds of the atmosphere
+not only penetrates into the cavities of the earth from the outside but
+is generated within the earth’s interior[143] and that when this
+exhalation tries to escape and is opposed by any obstacle—for example,
+by the sea—there is a tremendous upheaval and the land is shaken.
+Seneca[144] and Pliny[145] ascribed the cause of earthquakes to the
+winds. Pliny believed that after a great storm, in which wind is driven
+down and compressed in the interior of the earth, it frequently strives
+to come forth and in so doing shakes the earth’s surface far and wide.
+Occasionally, if the pressure is too tremendous to be withstood by the
+crust of the earth, the winds burst through, accompanied by a violent
+tempest and a rain of sparks and cinders. Aristotle describes such a
+volcanic eruption in the Eolian (Lipari) Isles.[146] While this was the
+explanation of violent eruptions, the quiescent volcanic activity of
+mountains like Etna was usually attributed to a different cause.
+Pliny[147] speaks of Etna, Chimaera in Lycia, and various other
+volcanoes as burning, and it would seem that he connected them with such
+phenomena as burning naphtha wells and pits of bitumen and sulphur.
+
+
+                          HEIGHT OF MOUNTAINS
+
+A word must be said about classical estimates of the height of
+mountains.[148] Aristotle suggested that these altitudes might be
+determined by observing the duration of sunlight on the peaks. He would
+have us believe that the Caucasus range is illumined by the sun for a
+third of the night after sunset and for a corresponding time before
+sunrise. If this were true, these mountains would be from 60 to 180
+miles high![149] Less fantastic were the estimates of Dicaearchus and
+Eratosthenes. The former, Pliny tells us, measured Pelion and found it
+to be 1250 paces (10 stades) in height.[150] If we are right in our
+understanding of the length of the pace here employed, this represents
+5167 feet[151]—certainly not far short of the actual altitude (5308
+feet). We do not know the method used by Dicaearchus in this survey, but
+his calculation was probably determined from simple triangulation with
+the aid of a diopter, an instrument for measuring angles.[152]
+Triangulation as a means of finding the height of trees and buildings
+was well understood. Eratosthenes probably did not carry out a
+triangulation of his own but adopted the results obtained by
+Dicaearchus, asserting that the highest mountains in the world do not
+exceed 10 stades in elevation. He demonstrated by an ingenious and
+graphic mathematical proof that the volume of mountains is so utterly
+insignificant in comparison with the volume of the earth as a whole that
+the earth can be regarded as essentially a sphere,[153] a conception
+which became well established in the astronomical thought of antiquity
+and one which reappeared in the Middle Ages.[154] When the Greeks
+learned something of the Alps, they were able to correct Eratosthenes’
+underestimate of the maximum height of mountains. Posidonius argued that
+15 instead of 10 stades should be taken as the correct figure and that
+the maximum depth of the sea was no greater than 15 stades.[155]
+
+
+                _MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY_
+
+Mathematical geography deals in part with the accurate determination of
+the location of places and with the accurate representation of the
+earth’s surface on maps.
+
+
+          MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY LARGELY BASED ON ITINERARIES
+
+The method almost universally employed by ancient geographers for
+determining locations was the compilation of itineraries; the position
+of a place was found, not by accurate surveys, but by reference to other
+places at so many stades or so many days’ journey in such and such a
+direction. Whatever maps the Romans may have had (for example the great
+representation of the Empire set up by Agrippa in the Porticus Octaviae
+in Rome) were probably compiled entirely from route traverses. The
+greater part of the information which even the most accurate and
+scientific of the Greek geographers, Eratosthenes, Marinus of Tyre, and
+Ptolemy, possessed, was drawn from such itineraries and from estimates
+of sea voyages. The figures for the latitude and the longitude of the
+large number of places given in Ptolemy’s _Geography_ are for the most
+part not the result of astronomical observations, and the tables cannot
+be regarded as analogous to modern tables of latitudes and longitudes
+but must be considered rather as guides for the construction of
+maps.[156]
+
+Other methods besides these simple reckonings of locations were well
+known, none the less.
+
+
+                 ASTRONOMICAL DETERMINATION OF LATITUDE
+
+The determination of latitude has always been a comparatively easy
+astronomical problem. No complicated instruments are needed to measure
+either the vertical elevation of the sun on the meridian or of the north
+celestial pole, and from both of these the latitude of the observer can
+be calculated with extreme accuracy. The instrument commonly used by the
+Greeks for measuring the angle of the sun[157] consisted of an
+hemispherical bowl (_scaphe_) with a vertical rod (_gnomon_) for a
+radius. The shadow of the rod on the concave interior of the bowl gives
+the elevation of the sun (with an error of 16′[158]) and thereby the
+latitude. Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, and Ptolemy were all familiar with
+the latitudes of several places that had thus been determined.
+
+
+                ASTRONOMICAL DETERMINATION OF LONGITUDE
+
+To find longitude by astronomical means is a more difficult matter for
+people who have neither chronometers nor telegraphs. Eratosthenes,
+Hipparchus, Pliny, and Ptolemy all understood that it may be found by
+observing the time of eclipses in different localities.[159] Hipparchus
+believed that an extensive series of observations should be carried out
+in order to ascertain, by mathematical and astronomical means alone,
+latitudes and longitudes of a large number of places.[160] To facilitate
+such a survey he prepared tables of lunar eclipses and tables to aid in
+the determination of latitudes, but the practical difficulties of the
+undertaking were too great and the work was never completed. In fact,
+throughout antiquity the total number of places whose position had thus
+been accurately determined probably does not exceed half a dozen, if it
+is as many.
+
+Pliny gives[161] an account of two different occasions when observations
+were made of the same eclipse at two different places. He says that at
+the time of the battle of Arbela the moon was eclipsed at the second
+hour of the night, when at the same hour it was rising in Sicily. He
+also speaks of an eclipse of the sun that was seen in Campania between
+the seventh and eighth hours and in Armenia between the eleventh and
+twelfth, indicating a difference in longitude of four hours, or 60°. The
+actual distance is no more than half of this. Ptolemy also cites[162]
+the eclipse of 331 B. C. as giving the distance between Carthage and
+Arbela. We shall see later that much greater accuracy was attained by
+the Arabs in their calculations of longitude and that some of their
+figures were passed on to the Western world in astronomical tables
+during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
+
+
+                              CARTOGRAPHY
+
+Little need be said of the cartography of antiquity,[163] for although
+medieval maps undoubtedly owe much to classical predecessors, none of
+the classical maps which were destined directly to influence the
+cartography of the Middle Ages have come down to us. Indeed we have good
+copies of only two. These are the maps of Ptolemy and the so-called
+Tabula Peutingeriana,[164] or Peutinger Table. Ptolemy’s maps exerted no
+influence whatever on the cartography of the age of the Crusades.[165]
+
+The Tabula Peutingeriana is preserved in a manuscript of the twelfth
+century or earlier and probably was originally copied from a large chart
+showing the main routes and provinces of the Roman Empire. It is an
+extremely long and narrow affair in which the geography is woefully
+distorted. Though in itself hardly representative of the best in the
+Roman cartographer’s art, the original may have been compiled from a
+contemporary Roman map of the world and adapted through its long and
+narrow form to the especial purpose of illustrating itineraries. We know
+that maps of the world were officially drawn in imperial Rome and posted
+up for the benefit of the public: the one constructed by the order of
+Agrippa and Augustus in the Porticus Octaviae was the most famous;[166]
+and others are mentioned in literary sources.[167] Certain medieval maps
+of the world are possibly related to some of these Roman charts,[168]
+but unfortunately in the absence of the Roman maps themselves the exact
+relationships cannot satisfactorily be worked out.
+
+Although the ancient astronomers knew a variety of projections for
+representing the heavens—stereographic, orthographic, and
+others[169]—these were not applied to maps of the earth until long after
+our period. Ptolemy describes several projections, among them the conic,
+which he may have used; but there is no question of any mathematical
+projections in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and none of the
+cartographers of that period took account of the fact that they were
+endeavoring to show a globe on a flat surface.
+
+
+                 _THE EXPANSION OF REGIONAL KNOWLEDGE_
+
+We have seen what the geographers of antiquity thought about the general
+distribution of land and water and about the physical processes of the
+earth’s surface. We now must study a subject which is less concerned
+with what they thought than with what they actually knew—however vague
+and inexact this knowledge was. Though the heritage of knowledge which
+antiquity left to the Middle Ages of the countries and regions of the
+_oikoumene_ was vast, much had been lost and much garbled in the process
+of transmission. Hence it would be beside the point to discuss the
+details of topographic information contained in the works of Strabo,
+Pliny, and Ptolemy; our aim is merely to indicate in a broad way the
+limits of the regional knowledge of the ancient world. This can best be
+done by sketching the various stages in which the horizon of geography
+was expanded until it reached the Shetlands and Scandinavia in the
+north, China in the east, and, perhaps, the Central African mountains in
+the south.
+
+
+                 EXPANSION OF GREEK REGIONAL KNOWLEDGE
+
+Homer’s geographical horizon was limited by the Mediterranean—one might
+almost say Aegean—shores; Italy, Sicily, and everything to the west was
+a realm of fable, and his acquaintance with the Black Sea coasts was
+little better. The colonizing movement of the eighth to the sixth
+centuries before Christ brought Greek settlers to these coasts; and
+through them there was gained some acquaintance with the country behind
+them, which found expression in the writings of Hecataeus at the close
+of the sixth century. With this writer ancient geography begins to
+assume its familiar classical form. He shows some slight knowledge of
+Central Asia beyond the Caspian Sea and is even aware of the existence
+of India—or at least of the northwestern portions of that peninsula. The
+great struggle with Persia brought the Greeks into much closer relations
+with Asia, and a corresponding increase in geographical knowledge
+ensued. This was summed up by Herodotus. Much of his geography is
+fabulous and legendary, but much of it is of surprising detail and
+accuracy. The voyage of Scylax of Caryanda from the Indus to the Persian
+Gulf had brought the Indian Ocean within Greek ken. Herodotus also
+describes the rivers of Scythia and of Central Asia and displays
+detailed familiarity with Egypt and northeastern Africa; he knew less of
+the West, although at about this same time the voyages of the
+Carthaginian Hanno in the Atlantic Ocean extended the horizon at least
+as far as the Canaries, which were destined to remain on the limits of
+the known world in that direction for many centuries to come. Shortly
+after Herodotus, Ctesias, who had lived seventeen years at the Persian
+court, wrote his _Persica_ and _Indica_, in which we find collected
+together many of the fabulous and marvelous tales of Oriental animals
+and monsters which were later to figure so strikingly in the _Historia
+naturalis_ of Pliny, in the medieval encyclopedias, and in the
+_Physiologus_, a collection of animal lore widely read in the Middle
+Ages. Further detail regarding the local features of Mesopotamia and
+Armenia was learned from the expedition of Cyrus and preserved for the
+future in Xenophon’s _Anabasis_. But the events which did most to expand
+the regional knowledge of the ancients were those connected with
+Alexander’s conquests and with the reigns of his successors. Alexander’s
+march in itself opened to Greek eyes wide territories that had been
+unknown before; it brought Greek armies and, after them, Greek merchants
+into the innermost heart of Asia; it established direct connections with
+India; rumors reached the companions of Alexander of an enormous island
+of Taprobane in the Southern Ocean, an island which we now recognize to
+be Ceylon. With the voyage of Nearchus came a better understanding of
+the Indian seas; and subsequently under Seleucus I (Nicator),
+Megasthenes, who was sent as ambassador to the court of an Indian
+potentate on the Ganges, gave a detailed description of the tribes and
+products of Hindustan, more extensive notes on Taprobane,
+and—unfortunately—a repetition of the fabulous legends of Ctesias.
+Patroclus, in command of the easternmost provinces of the kingdom of
+Antiochus I, provided some valuable statistical and geographical facts
+about the peoples of the Caspian region, although he was quoted as an
+authority for the belief that the Caspian communicates with the outer
+ocean and that it is an easy matter to sail thence to India.
+
+
+                        GEOGRAPHY AT ALEXANDRIA
+
+In addition to the reports of travelers and eyewitnesses, the
+establishment of Greek control over Egypt and the greater part of
+southwestern Asia led to a scientific awakening that centered in
+Alexandria. One of the greatest triumphs of Hellenistic science was the
+geographical and astronomical school that flourished at Alexandria under
+the Ptolemies. Eratosthenes and Hipparchus were undoubtedly the most
+famous representatives of this school, and in them we see the
+culmination of Greek scientific geography; for their work, all things
+considered, surpassed that of Claudius Ptolemy, and the work of no other
+man approached it. Though Eratosthenes’ researches were significant
+mainly in the field of mathematical geography, he made use of much of
+the regional knowledge which was available in the library at Alexandria
+and which he could gain from enterprising Greek traders, administrators,
+and soldiers who had actually visited the countries with which he deals
+in his treatises.
+
+One striking result of this broadening of regional knowledge was the
+lesson it taught in regard to the countries south of the Tropic of
+Cancer. The progress of exploration in Upper Egypt and in India showed
+that these countries were not only habitable but thickly settled.
+Adherents of what we have called the Cratesian theory were obliged to
+acknowledge that the tropic could not be taken as the beginning of the
+burning zone. Eratosthenes pushed the limit of the _oikoumene_ as far
+south as latitude 11½° N.[170]
+
+
+                     HELLENISTIC REGIONAL KNOWLEDGE
+
+While Greek military enterprise had been opening up the Orient and
+exploratory enterprise penetrating the tropics, an important advance was
+made in the direction of the northwestern seas and the British Isles.
+The voyage of Pytheas of Marseilles, about 330 B. C., had brought within
+the scope of ancient knowledge Britain, Scandinavia, Thule, and the
+frozen ocean beyond. Thus, in the Hellenistic period the frontiers of
+knowledge included the Orkneys, Shetlands, Faroes—or whatever of the
+northern isles was meant by Thule—the Canaries, tropical Africa, and
+Ceylon. No further notable extension of these borders seems to have been
+made until the first century after Christ, except that vague rumors of a
+people called “Seres” and of the use of silk had crept into the Roman
+world in Virgil’s time. This may have indicated acquaintance with China,
+although Horace took the Seres to be a tribe of Central Asia.[171] The
+Scythian invasions which overwhelmed the Greek kingdom of Bactria and
+the conquest by the newly risen power of Parthia of the provinces of the
+Seleucids east of the Euphrates tended to cut all communication with the
+interior and farther parts of the Asiatic continent; but the Mithridatic
+wars, as described by Theophanes, familiarized the public with the local
+geography of Armenia, Pontus, and the Caucasus. Similarly Caesar’s
+campaigns in Gaul, Germany, and Britain opened Western Europe to the
+Roman world.
+
+
+                  REGIONAL KNOWLEDGE OF MELA AND PLINY
+
+The most complete and accurate summing up of the regional geography of
+the ancients was the _Geography_ of Strabo, written in Greek probably
+shortly before 17 A. D. But, as we have seen, this work was unknown to
+our period of the Middle Ages, when men had to rely on Latin writers
+like Pomponius Mela and Pliny, whose writings were of distinctly
+inferior quality and included a great deal of fabulous and worthless
+material. Devoid of that critical judgment which characterized
+Eratosthenes and Strabo, Mela and Pliny were content to bring together
+huge quantities of miscellaneous information, much of which was derived
+from antiquated Greek sources. Mela, for example, closely follows
+Herodotus’ description of the marvels of Asia, and Pliny retails many of
+the fanciful legends of Ctesias and Megasthenes. Pliny’s contributions
+to geography were somewhat more satisfactory than those of Mela; for he
+added some details about Asia that had not been mentioned before,
+especially in his description of Serica and of India and in his account
+of the monsoons. On the other hand Mela was the first writer to mention
+the Baltic Sea, or “Sinus Codanus,” which he described as a great gulf
+full of islands.
+
+
+                  THE “PERIPLUS OF THE ERYTHRAEAN SEA”
+
+Nearly contemporaneously with Pliny there came an advance in the
+knowledge of the Indian Ocean in the anonymous Greek _Periplus of the
+Erythraean Sea_, a manual for sailors and merchants. This is of interest
+because it gave indications of the existence of coasts and islands
+beyond India, the islands of Chryse, the land of the Seres, and, at the
+end of the earth to the east, a region of “Thin”—the first mention of
+the word “China” in the West unless we take into account the “Sinim” of
+Isaiah xlix, 12, which may or may not have referred to the great nation
+of the Far East.
+
+At about the same time, as we have already seen, the upper reaches of
+the Nile, possibly as far as the great marshes of the White Nile in
+about latitude 9° N., were explored by the expedition described by
+Seneca and Pliny which Nero sent out to solve the age-long mystery’ of
+the sources of the river of Egypt.[172] Pliny accordingly placed the
+southern border of the _oikoumene_ some 7½° south of the position to
+which Eratosthenes had assigned it, or at about latitude 4° N.[173]
+
+
+       LIMITS OF ANCIENT REGIONAL KNOWLEDGE ON THE SOUTH AND EAST
+
+Before the days of Marinus of Tyre and Ptolemy the limits of
+geographical knowledge were again much extended both southward and
+eastward. The Ptolemaic map depicts a wealth of detail in the interior
+of Africa, although we are unable to say with assurance what most of
+this detail represents in reality.[174] Ptolemy certainly had some
+knowledge of the great lakes and mountains of east-central Africa. The
+snow-covered mountains which he placed at the sources of the Nile may be
+associated with reports derived from the east coast of Africa, of Kenya,
+Kilimanjaro, or possibly the Ruwenzori range.[175] Farther to the west
+he describes a river, the Nigir, flowing from a region south of the
+country of the Garamantes (probably modern Fezzan) to the westward into
+a lake near the Atlantic. It seems altogether likely that by this river
+he meant the Niger. Ptolemy mentions two expeditions that had been made
+at an unknown period to the south from the land of the Garamantes, one
+under Septimius Flaccus, who arrived at the country of the Ethiopians
+after three months’ journey, and the other under Julius Maternus and the
+king of the Garamantes, a four months’ journey to a country called
+Agisymba, abounding in rhinoceroses. Ptolemy’s regional knowledge
+certainly extended as far south as the equator, and he was well aware of
+the fact that the equatorial zone is inhabited.
+
+In the east, also, the Ptolemaic map reveals an advance in knowledge
+over its predecessors. Chryse appears as a peninsula, and other islands
+and coasts are shown that certainly indicate familiarity with the Malay
+Peninsula and China, possibly also with Borneo and Java. We shall find,
+however, that these valuable extensions of knowledge eastward and
+southward were universally lost sight of in the West in the Middle Ages
+and that cosmographers were united in placing India or Paradise as the
+farthest end of the world in the one direction and either the shores of
+the Ethiopian Ocean immediately beyond the Garamantes or the edge of the
+uninhabitable zone at the tropic or not far beyond it, as the extreme
+limit in the other.[176]
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER II
+       THE CONTRIBUTION OF WESTERN CHRISTENDOM BEFORE 1100 A. D.
+
+
+                             _INTRODUCTION_
+
+The geographical lore of antiquity was carried over to the Western
+Europe of the Crusading age by the Christians of the first eleven
+centuries of our era and by the Moslems. In this chapter we shall study
+the manner in which it was transmitted, transformed, and augmented by
+Christian agencies.
+
+
+            SCRIPTURAL INFLUENCE ON EARLY MEDIEVAL GEOGRAPHY
+
+Our primary problem is to examine the effects of Christianity on
+geographical knowledge and belief, effects which sprang in large measure
+from men’s varying attitudes toward the Bible. Some believed that
+Scripture contains the absolute and only truth, but others were willing
+to grant a partial authority to pagan teachings. The evolution of
+science was profoundly modified by the conflicts between these divergent
+tendencies of thought and by the efforts made to reconcile one with the
+other. The general result spelled disaster to clear thinking in
+geography. Moreover, many of the facts which the scholars of antiquity
+had gathered together were wholly lost sight of in the confusion that
+accompanied the disintegration of Roman civilization. The horizon of the
+known world was narrowed from the wide bounds it had reached in the time
+of Ptolemy.[177] New information acquired by exploration and travel was
+ignored; and a host of legends, fancies, and false theories took the
+place of the reasonably accurate body of information which the Greeks
+and Romans had possessed.
+
+
+                IGNORANCE OF THE BEST WORK OF ANTIQUITY
+
+During these long years Constantinople was the only great metropolis of
+Christendom, the only center where the arts and sciences of civilization
+were cultivated without interruption. We might expect, therefore, that
+the Byzantine influence upon Western geography would be as marked as it
+was upon Western art and architecture. But this was not the case.
+However much the scholars of Constantinople may have been interested in
+the historians of antiquity, they neglected the geographers; and the
+scientific geography of the Greek Empire was at best a work of lifeless
+compilation and commentary. Furthermore, knowledge of Greek was at no
+time widespread in the West until the Renaissance, and the great
+majority of Western scholars were profoundly ignorant of Byzantine
+literature.[178] For their geography the men of the Occident turned
+rather to the Bible and to the mediocre and worse than mediocre works of
+an age of intellectual degeneracy. Solinus, Martianus Capella,
+Macrobius, Aethicus of Istria, and Orosius became authorities from which
+later writers derived their facts.
+
+
+           SCIENTIFIC STAGNATION DURING THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES
+
+The earlier Fathers of the Church, whatever may have been their merits
+as theologians and dialecticians, were not distinguished by an ability
+to understand the truths of natural science or to combat error in that
+field. With the establishment of the barbarian kingdoms between the
+sixth and eighth centuries came an epoch of mental stagnation in nearly
+all realms of science and scholarship. Learning in general and geography
+in particular suffered almost universal eclipse. Yet dark and ignorant
+as the times may have been, the torch of civilization was kept burning,
+if feebly, by a few Irish and English monks[179] and by contacts with
+the Levant that were maintained through Greek, Asiatic, and Egyptian
+traders in the principal cities of Europe.[180] If not much authentic
+geographical information was contributed to Western society by these
+agents of enlightenment, they served to disseminate certain geographical
+legends and traditions destined to seize a strong hold on the Western
+imagination.
+
+In the days of Charlemagne came the new awakening sometimes known as the
+“Carolingian Renaissance;” and, although tenth-century Europe relapsed
+temporarily into a torpor, a current of theological interest and, with
+it, interest in the natural sciences had by then once more set in—a
+current which was to reach full flood at the time of the Crusades.
+
+
+                               _SOURCES_
+
+What works widely read during these centuries served as sources of
+geographical information for the scholar of the era of the Crusades?
+
+
+                               THE BIBLE
+
+First and foremost we must place the Bible. Certainly in the pagan world
+no one book had ever held the paramount position in the minds of
+thoughtful men that Scripture held during the Middle Ages. As we saw in
+the Introduction, the two great fountainheads of medieval geography were
+the works of Greek philosophers and historians and the Bible. The
+geographic material in Scripture is neither very extensive nor very
+explicit in comparison with the contributions of such writers as Strabo
+and Ptolemy to the geographic education of mankind, and yet so
+tremendous was its authority that it tended at one time completely to
+supersede classical teachings. Slight and confusing as may have been its
+geographical references, the man of the Middle Ages attached to all of
+them paramount importance. Simply compare a map of the world
+reconstructed from Ptolemy’s data[181] with one of the crude Beatus
+sketches reflecting Biblical beliefs,[182] and some of the changes which
+the reading of Scripture had wrought become strikingly apparent.
+
+Genesis was the most important book of the Bible from the geographical
+point of view. Here we find, in the history of the Creation, texts which
+were the starting point of many speculations about the origin of the
+world and the elucidation of which was attempted in many a long
+commentary on the Works of the Six Days.[183] Furthermore, in Genesis we
+find the description of Paradise and its four rivers, which figured
+largely on most medieval maps, and the account of the division of the
+earth among the descendants of Noah, which lay at the bottom of the
+crude ethnography of the Middle Ages. By some writers the description of
+the tabernacle of the Lord and its furnishings[184] was regarded as an
+allegorical account of the heavens and earth. Gog and Magog, described
+in Genesis, Ezekiel, and Revelation, were prominent among the supposed
+medieval tribes of Asia.[185] And in the apocryphal Acts of the
+Apostles, which, though technically not a part of Scripture, were often
+given the authority of Scriptural truth, we find accounts of the
+preaching of the Gospel in far lands, India, Ethiopia, Babylonia.[186]
+
+
+                     WRITINGS OF THE CHURCH FATHERS
+
+These and many other incidental references gave rise to those relatively
+restricted portions of the vast mass of patristic literature which deal
+with geography, but which nevertheless inevitably marked out the
+channels that certain elements of geographic thought and tradition were
+destined to follow until the beginnings of the Renaissance. How these
+passages were interpreted was, then, of great importance.[187]
+
+
+                      INTERPRETATION OF THE BIBLE
+
+According to the Church Fathers there were four methods of
+interpretation; but for our purposes we need consider only two of these,
+the literal and the allegorical.[188] Both led to pitfalls: the literal
+interpretation tended to narrow the thought and make it correspond to
+the exact words of a text; the allegorical, unjustifiably to expand the
+meaning of simple statements.[189] To these dangers were added the
+difficulties and contradictions due to the manifold authorship of
+Scripture and to the misunderstanding of passages woefully faulty from
+the textual point of view.
+
+Yet the writers of the early Christian age were in most cases unaware of
+these pitfalls and did not even know when they had fallen into them.
+Faith in the truth of the Holy Word was usually sufficient to render men
+supremely oblivious to conflicting and inconsistent assertions that
+would otherwise have been revolting to reason. Tertullian said: “When we
+believe, we desire nothing besides belief. For we believe this in the
+beginning: that there is nought which we need to believe beyond
+it.”[190]
+
+
+                          CLASSICAL INFLUENCES
+
+This faith in the truth of the written Word persisted throughout the
+Middle Ages and down to our own day. During the earliest Christian
+centuries the Bible was sometimes regarded as the only source of truth,
+and the teachings of pagan writers were often looked upon with
+abhorrence. Lactantius Firmianus (early fourth century), with an
+inconsistency characteristic of many of the Church Fathers, made use in
+his _Institutiones divinae_ of the classical authors themselves to prove
+the supposed fallacies and evils of pagan science.[191] About the fourth
+century men began to try to amplify and expound the fundamental Biblical
+truths by appeal to the legacy of classical learning. To effect a
+reconciliation and combination of Christian teachings with the
+classics—especially the works of Plato and his followers—became one of
+the main preoccupations of theologians. Platonic and Neoplatonic
+influences made themselves felt in the thought of churchmen and
+scholars, and among the most popular works of the entire period was
+Chalcidius’ translation of the _Timaeus_ of Plato. Neoplatonism was
+interwoven into the theological system of Augustine.[192] In the ninth
+century it appears in the writings of the great Irish scholar, John Scot
+Erigena.[193] In the tenth and eleventh centuries the Platonic
+commentary by Macrobius on Cicero’s _Somnium Scipionis_ enjoyed an
+immense vogue;[194] it was read by the mathematician and astronomer Pope
+Sylvester II (Gerbert) at the end of the tenth century and on the
+threshold of our period aroused the protests of the more old-fashioned
+churchmen like Manegold, who objected to the seeds of heresy which it
+contained.[195]
+
+
+                       ENCYCLOPEDIC COMPILATIONS
+
+For more strictly geographical, rather than “cosmogonic” or cosmological
+material, we must turn to the encyclopedias rather than to the
+thoughtful and speculative theological books of such men as Augustine.
+Like the mighty volumes of Aristotle or the _Natural History_ of Pliny
+these encyclopedias were attempts to encompass and to put in convenient
+form the entire range of human knowledge. The most significant was the
+_Etymologiae sive originum libri XX_ of Isidore of Seville (died 636
+A. D.). This large compilation of miscellaneous information served as a
+model of style and composition as well as a mine out of which later
+writers dug their “facts.” For the geographical portions of the
+_Etymologiae_, Isidore used the Bible and classical authorities alike;
+he derived much from Orosius and Solinus; and, though it is doubtful
+whether he was acquainted with Pliny at first hand,[196] he incorporated
+in his book not a little Plinian material taken from Solinus. Isidore’s
+method was followed, and much of his work copied, by the Irish and
+English monastic encyclopedists of the eighth and ninth centuries. We
+find a great deal from Isidore in the Venerable Bede’s (died 735 A. D.)
+_De natura rerum_, in Raban Maur’s (776–856 A. D.) _De universo_, in
+Dicuil’s _De mensura orbis terrae_ (825 A. D.),as well as in the _De
+imagine mundi_ of our period. John Scot Erigena, the great Platonist of
+the eighth century, stands out among his contemporaries as one of the
+most original and critical scholars of the Middle Ages. The range of his
+interests was very broad, and it seems probable that he understood
+Greek. In his _De divisione naturae_, beside the Latin sources which
+Isidore, Bede, and other encyclopedists had copied, he made use of the
+_De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii_ of Martianus Capella and also of
+various Greek works, including the _Geography_ of Ptolemy.[197]
+Martianus Capella was held in high favor during this epoch, and his
+works were commented upon by such men as Remy (Remigius) of Auxerre, the
+master of Gerbert, and by Adam of Bremen.[198]
+
+
+                  MISCELLANEOUS GEOGRAPHICAL WRITINGS
+
+Closely akin to the geography of the encyclopedias, and not infrequently
+borrowed from by the encyclopedists, are a number of miscellaneous
+writings, which, though intrinsically of slight value, nevertheless
+profoundly affected the development of geographical ideas. The most
+important of these was the brief description of the countries of the
+world forming the second chapter of the first book of Orosius’
+_Historiae adversus paganos_ (fifth century). Enjoying great popularity,
+as is testified by the existence of over two hundred manuscripts, this
+was much plagiarized by later scholars: parts of it became incorporated
+into Isidore’s _Etymologiae_; it was translated into Anglo-Saxon by King
+Alfred the Great;[199] and during our period it was extensively quoted
+and copied by nearly all who attempted to write on geographical
+subjects. Another of this miscellaneous group is a seventh-century
+cosmography in barbarous Latin, a pretended translation of a fictitious
+work originally written in Greek by Aethicus of Istria.[200] We find set
+forth here for the first time many of those marvels of Scythia and the
+northern regions employed by later writers to add interest to their
+pages. Priscian’s sixth-century translation of the geographical
+poem[201] of Dionysius Periegetes was also extensively quoted. In the
+middle of the seventh century an anonymous cleric of Ravenna wrote a
+description of the world in five books. Though entirely the result of
+compilation, this cosmography is in many respects the most elaborate and
+interesting geographical book dating from the early medieval West. The
+sources quoted and utilized are extremely varied, including the Bible,
+“Jordanis” (Jornandes), Ptolemy, Orosius, Isidore, and possibly the
+Tabula Peutingeriana, in addition to a number of Greek, Roman, and
+Gothic writings otherwise unknown.[202] The main importance of the work
+of the Ravenna geographer in relation to the geography of the Crusading
+age lies in the fact that a large portion of it was included in a
+compilation made by a certain Guido in 1119.[203]
+
+
+                                LEGENDS
+
+During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries many legends were current in
+the West, some of which contained geographical elements. Though we shall
+have occasion to discuss this subject in greater detail later on, the
+fact should be brought out here that the origin of most of these legends
+may be traced far back into the centuries before the beginning of the
+Crusading age.
+
+Perhaps the most significant was the cycle of stories of the exploits
+and adventures of Alexander the Great which originated in a Greek
+history purporting to be the work of Callisthenes, a companion of the
+Macedonian conqueror, and is hence known as the _Pseudo-Callisthenes_.
+Written in Alexandria about the beginning of the third century after
+Christ, this work subsequently became widely dispersed through the East,
+where translations were made into Syriac, Arabic, Ethiopic, and other
+Oriental tongues. Put into Latin by Julius Valerius about the middle of
+the fourth century, again translated in the tenth century,[204] given
+further Latin vernacular renderings with many additions at later dates,
+the Romance of Alexander had come, by the time of the Crusades, to form
+the nucleus of a mass of stories and fables whose scenes were laid in
+distant Asiatic countries. With it had been associated those mysterious
+tales and prophecies of Gog and Magog whose origins were ultimately
+connected with the Biblical revelations of the end of the world.[205]
+Alexander the Great and Gog and Magog appear in the _Pseudo-Methodius_,
+a book of prophecy which foretold the dread events of the Last Day.
+Rendered into Latin at an early period from a Greco-Syrian original, the
+_Pseudo-Methodius_ made a deep impression on the medieval mind,
+especially at the time of the Mongol invasions in the early thirteenth
+century.
+
+Writers of our period like Gervase of Tilbury and Giraldus Cambrensis
+also drew on the legends found in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s mythological
+history of Britain, many of which had entered into the composition of
+the Romance of King Arthur. Some of the latter were of slight
+geographical interest.
+
+Finally, the mythology and folklore of Ireland, with infusions from
+classical and even Arabic literature, gave rise to the story of the
+wanderings of St. Brandan[206] among mysterious islands in the Western
+Ocean, an account of which we have in a manuscript dating back perhaps
+to as early a period as the ninth century.[207]
+
+
+                    BOOKS OF TRAVEL AND DESCRIPTION
+
+The most important books describing actual travels and explorations
+written between the conversion of Constantine and the Crusades were for
+the most part in languages unknown to the men of the West—Greek and
+Arabic. Zemarchus’ account of the tribes and trade of Central Asia[208]
+and the _Meadows of Gold_ of Al-Masʿūdī, wherein were described things
+personally seen by the travelers between Spain and Burma and south as
+far as Madagascar, were treasures of geographical lore unknown to
+Occidental readers of this age.
+
+In Adam of Bremen’s _Gesta Hammenburgensis ecclesiae pontificum_,
+written in the latter half of the eleventh century, we find a
+description of the countries of the North. This was based on knowledge
+acquired from the voyagings of the Northmen between the eighth and
+eleventh centuries and, together with the Sagas, will be discussed in a
+later chapter.
+
+From the varied narratives of Christian pilgrims the Western student
+might have gleaned some arid details about routes eastward and about the
+topography of the Holy Land.
+
+
+                     _THE HISTORY OF THE UNIVERSE_
+
+We saw in the first chapter that Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, and most of
+the other Greek philosophers had believed that the universe is eternal,
+though subject to ever-recurring destructions by fire or water, followed
+by “rebirths” (_palingeneses_).[209] Aristotle had attributed to the
+stars control over all occurrences in the sphere below the moon; not
+only over physical and material happenings, but over the mind and will.
+He had believed that this was by virtue of the fact that the celestial
+bodies are formed of a divine substance different from the four
+corruptible elements which constitute the sublunar world. On this theory
+of the stars had been built the “science” of astrology.
+
+
+         CHRISTIANITY OPPOSED TO BELIEF IN AN ETERNAL UNIVERSE
+
+What could be more antagonistic to such ideas than the teachings of the
+Bible? The antagonism, however, was not felt by all the Fathers of the
+Church. The fascination of Platonism led many to seek for analogies
+between Greek and Biblical cosmology. Clement of Alexandria, for
+instance, thought that the destruction of the world by fire prophesied
+in Deuteronomy (xxxii, 22) was one of those general burnings which would
+occur when the stars find themselves in conjunction in Cancer.[210]
+Indeed, it was a common belief, and one shared by Augustine, that the
+Greeks themselves had actually derived the best of their theological
+concepts from the Bible.[211] But the glaring contradictions between
+Scriptural and classical cosmology could not be overlooked even by the
+Augustinians, and classical theories of the periodicity of the universe
+in general were vigorously combated. Christian monotheism could never be
+reconciled with a fatalistic doctrine that attributed to the stars in
+their control over the destinies of the world a quality that approached
+the divine; and through Christian teachings the astrology built on this
+doctrine was discredited and the stars stripped of their divinity.[212]
+This alone was enough to strike a deathblow at the idea of the unvarying
+periodicity of the universe under celestial controls; but other
+arguments equally potent were leveled against it. Augustine refused to
+believe that Christ had been incarnated an infinite number of times in
+the past or was destined to suffer the Passion an infinite number of
+times in the future.[213] Origen declared that another Adam, another
+Moses, another Judas were unthinkable and asked how the belief in the
+stellar control of man’s actions and volition could be reconciled with
+the Christian doctrine of the freedom of the will.[214]
+
+Perhaps the most fatal argument lay in the express contradiction, by the
+Old Testament account of the Creation, of the Hellenic idea of an
+eternally recurrent universe.[215] Neoplatonist and Peripatetic alike
+had denied that there ever had been a first day or a first Great
+Year.[216] Yet the words of Scripture are very definite and very
+explicit: “In the beginning God created heaven and earth.” Neither
+Christian nor Jew could question the meaning of these words nor think
+otherwise than that all things were created at a certain fixed and
+calculable point in time or else, following Augustine, that the universe
+and time were created simultaneously.
+
+In spite of these fatal objections, neither the Great Year theory nor
+astrology perished completely in the Middle Ages. Lingering on
+underground, they gave an heretical and pagan tinge to the thought of
+many a philosopher and theologian during our twelfth and thirteenth
+centuries and thereafter.[217]
+
+
+                              THE CREATION
+
+Even the Scriptural history of the Creation did not wholly satisfy the
+inquiring curiosity of theologians or philosophers. One of the primary
+problems dealt with by scholars was the problem of the first chapters of
+Genesis. This inquiry led into the domain of metaphysics and theology:
+through it men hoped to arrive at an understanding of the nature of God
+and of his relation to the universe, to time, and to man. It also led to
+innumerable speculations about the actual manner in which the will of
+God operated in fashioning the world and to discussions of this question
+from very diverse points of view—literal, allegorical, transcendental.
+Indeed, there were even a few writers, notably the Venerable Bede, who
+went so far as to try to reconcile a physical conception of the
+processes of creation with the account given in the Bible[218] and who
+thus prepared the way for more rationalistic studies of the Works of the
+Six Days in the centuries which were to follow.
+
+
+                     _SHAPE AND SIZE OF THE EARTH_
+
+
+                 EARLY CHRISTIAN BELIEF IN A FLAT EARTH
+
+Prevalent among most peoples in an early stage of their intellectual
+development is the natural and obvious theory that the earth is a flat
+disk covered by a dome-shaped heaven. This view was held by the
+Assyrians, Chaldeans, Egyptians,[219] and, as we saw in the first
+chapter, by the early Greeks; it was long believed by the Jews[220] and
+is found in the Koran;[221] it was undoubtedly reflected in the words of
+Scripture, although what is said there on the subject is by no means
+definite and occurs in connections wholly incidental to other subjects.
+We read in Isaiah (xl, 22):[222] “It is he that sitteth upon the circle
+of the earth, and the inhabitants thereof are as grasshoppers; that
+stretcheth out the heavens as a curtain and spreadeth them out as a tent
+to dwell in.”
+
+This can hardly be called an exhaustive dissertation on the shape of the
+universe, yet on it and on other scraps even less detailed were erected
+the medieval arguments in favor of the flatness of the earth, a firm
+belief in which was probably held by the majority of the earlier Church
+Fathers, especially those of the East.[223] Not only were the ancient
+proofs of sphericity overlooked; but such ideas were regarded as
+heretical, and elaborate new systems were raised on the weak foundations
+of littleunderstood Scriptural texts. The most remarkable theories of
+the universe, however, were devised by the Greek fathers Patricius,
+Cosmas Indicopleustes, and Severian of Gabala.[224] They remained
+unknown to the men of the Western world and consequently do not concern
+us. The Latin father Lactantius contented himself with endeavoring to
+prove by pseudo-scientific means that the earth is not a sphere; a
+spherical heaven, he argued, does not necessitate a spherical earth; and
+the idea of the possibility of antipodes was to him thoroughly
+absurd.[225]
+
+
+              EARLY CHRISTIAN BELIEF IN A SPHERICAL EARTH
+
+On the other hand, the theory that the earth is a globe never, perhaps,
+suffered complete eclipse.[226] Augustine was non-committal in this
+regard, evidently troubled and puzzled by contradictory statements in
+the Bible and in the writings of classical astronomers.[227] Isidore
+quotes writers of antiquity who favored a spherical earth, though if we
+interpret correctly texts in the _De natura rerum_[228] and
+_Etymologiae_[229] we are impelled to think that he himself conceived of
+a flat earth surrounded by a spherical heaven. The Venerable Bede, on
+the contrary, did not mince matters; he stoutly maintained that the
+earth is a sphere and cited as proof the fact that stars visible in one
+latitude are invisible in another.[230] After the so-called Carolingian
+Renaissance the world of thinkers seems gradually to have outgrown the
+primitive notion of a flat earth. To the _De nuptiis Philologiae et
+Mercurii_ of the Neoplatonist Martianus Capella may be ascribed much of
+the credit for keeping alive the doctrine of sphericity during these
+centuries. This immensely popular work, with its condensed argument in
+favor of a globe-shaped earth, doubtless contributed to the formation of
+the opinions of men like John Scot Erigena, Gerbert, Hermann of
+Reichenau, and Adam of Bremen, adherents to the only theory compatible
+with any observation better than the most superficial and any reasoning
+better than the most trivial.[231]
+
+
+                           SIZE OF THE EARTH
+
+With the reëstablishment of the belief in a spherical earth we find men
+again making conjectures about its size, though there is no evidence
+that attempts were made in Christendom (as in the Moslem world) actually
+to measure the circumference. In the ninth century John Scot Erigena
+gave, from Martianus Capella, a full explanation of the famous
+Eratosthenic measurements.[232] An unknown author of the ninth or tenth
+century of a work on geometry often attributed to Gerbert also
+explained, from Capella, Eratosthenes’ method of measuring a
+degree;[233] and the eleventh-century mathematician Hermann of
+Reichenau[234] had learned (possibly from Macrobius) how the length of a
+degree could be ascertained from observations of the pole star. His
+result, 700 stades, was the same as that of Eratosthenes, a fact which
+alone indicates that he did not himself undertake any measurement. Thus
+we see that as a result of the Platonic movement between the ninth and
+eleventh centuries knowledge of one of the most magnificent achievements
+of classical geographical investigation had been revived.
+
+
+                       _ZONES AND THE ANTIPODES_
+
+
+                                 ZONES
+
+Most Greek thinkers had agreed in dividing the earth’s surface into five
+zones, though they differed as to whether or not the equatorial zone was
+habitable. By Ptolemy’s time the discovery of countries in the heart of
+the tropical regions and possibly beyond had exploded the old idea of an
+equatorial ocean and fiery belt around the middle of the globe.
+Unfortunately the broader regional knowledge which had been at Ptolemy’s
+disposal was lost in the Middle Ages, and older views reappeared. The
+maps of the period show us the encircling ocean in which Homer had
+believed, and nearly all writers of the patristic age thought that
+Africa has a very limited extension toward the south.[235] Beyond
+Africa, they said, lies an equatorial ocean and an equatorial zone
+uninhabitable on account of heat.
+
+
+                             THE ANTIPODES
+
+Whether or not there were other regions of the world on the other side
+of this equatorial zone or beyond the waters of the western ocean, and
+whether or not such regions were inhabited, were questions which piqued
+the curiosity of the Church Fathers. The possibility of antipodal
+regions—perhaps continents—must, in the logic of things, have been
+admitted by those who were ready to believe that the earth is a sphere;
+and even those who were not believers in the sphericity of the earth
+were prone to discuss the possibility of a fourth, or austral,
+continent, usually called by analogy the region of the antipodes, lying
+immediately south of the equatorial zone.[236] Bede adopted Crates’
+theory of two oceans encircling the earth, east and west, and north and
+south, dividing its surface into four temperate habitable areas; and
+after the interest in Macrobius had become widespread in the ninth
+century this theory undoubtedly must have been generally familiar if not
+generally accepted.
+
+Whether or not the antipodes were actually inhabited was another matter.
+Lactantius, who thought that the world is flat, was a determined
+opponent of the possibility of inhabited antipodes for physical reasons.
+His arguments were obvious but seem puerile to us: “Is there any one so
+stupid,” he asked, “as to believe that there are men whose feet are
+higher than their heads?”[237] It puzzled him to explain how trees could
+grow upside down or rain fall upward. More serious were the religious
+objections to the possibility of inhabited regions in other parts of the
+earth, for this was as antagonistic to the words of the Bible as the
+Great Year theory and antagonistic in much the same way. The theory of
+the antipodes, as generally presented in association with the theory of
+a fiery equatorial zone, presupposed the existence of other races of men
+absolutely cut off from our race. How, then, inquired Augustine,[238]
+could such races be descended from Adam, who, the Bible tells us, was
+the forefather of all men? How could Christ have died for antipodeans?
+How could the Gospel have been preached in “the four corners of the
+earth” if half the earth is cut off from our quarter by tropical fires?
+How could the text of Romans x, 18, be true which says: “Yes, verily,
+their sound went forth over all the earth, and their words unto the ends
+of the whole world”? Isidore[239] and Bede[240] categorically denied the
+possibility of inhabitants of antipodal regions. Their authority,
+together with the strength of their arguments and the arguments of
+Augustine, were sufficient to arouse suspicions of the man who ventured
+to believe in this doctrine. Such a man must certainly be a heretic. A
+tenth-century interpreter of Boëthius wrote: “God forbid that anybody
+think we accept the stories of antipodes, which are in every way
+contradictory to Christian faith.”[241] In the middle of the eighth
+century the question reached a head in a controversy between St.
+Boniface and a certain Virgil, bishop of Salzburg.[242] The latter, who
+doubtless thought that there were antipodal regions if not antipodeans,
+was accused by Pope Zachary, to whom St. Boniface had complained, of
+holding “perverse and iniquitous doctrines regarding another world.”
+Unfortunately we do not possess Virgil’s own account of the incident and
+are unable to tell exactly what these doctrines were.[243] At all
+events, belief in antipodes contained the seeds of bitter religious
+quarrels and was one of the charges brought against Cecco d’Ascoli, who,
+after our period, was burnt to death for holding this and other damning
+convictions.[244]
+
+
+                          _PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY_
+
+In the field of physical geography slight was the contribution of the
+early medieval writers.
+
+
+                              METEOROLOGY
+
+Classical ideas about the atmosphere were repeated and garbled,[245]
+little progress was made in the development of earlier theories, and
+little new was added but superstition. Isidore, followed closely by Bede
+and Raban Maur, was the primary authority in matters of
+meteorology.[246] The ancient view persisted, that the polar regions
+were uninhabitable on account of cold and the equatorial zone on account
+of heat. The sort of popular meteorology that prevailed is illustrated
+in an early ninth-century treatise written by Agobard, archbishop of
+Lyons, and entitled _Against the Absurd Opinion of the Vulgar Touching
+Hail and Thunder_.[247] This was an attack on charlatans who claimed
+that they could control the weather, produce storms and hail at will,
+and who asserted that there is a region, called Magonia, “whence ships
+come in the clouds” (Poole’s translation).[248] Natural enough as it is
+for the uneducated in any age to believe such things,[249] the
+significant fact here is that Agobard did not attempt to invoke
+scientific arguments to confute the claims of the impostors. Poole says:
+“He disdained to allege scientific reasons to overthrow what was in its
+nature unreasonable. He could only fall back on ... broad religious
+principles. He argued that God’s relation to nature is immediate and
+least of all conditioned by the artifices of men.”[250]
+
+
+                     THE WATERS ABOVE THE FIRMAMENT
+
+One distinctly new idea, however, was introduced by the Bible into the
+circle of what we may, with a slight stretch of the imagination,
+consider the medieval physical geography of the water element. This new
+conception tended to revolutionize theories based on classical physics
+and to cause much confusion and doubt in the minds of the Fathers of the
+Church. The orthodox classical physicists had held that the elements
+normally form four concentric spheres surrounding the center of the
+universe, in order, from the heaviest to the lightest, earth, water,
+air, fire. Genesis (i, 6–7) states that “God said: Let there be a
+firmament made amidst the waters; and let it divide the waters from the
+waters. And God made a firmament, and divided the waters that were under
+the firmament from those that were above the firmament.” Though belief
+in waters above the firmament is found in the cosmologies of the ancient
+Egyptians and Persians and is there closely associated with belief in a
+disk-shaped earth covered by a dome-shaped heaven, water in such a
+position was very far removed from its proper place in the scheme of
+nature of Aristotle and his followers. The Church Fathers, nevertheless,
+were unwilling to doubt the actual existence of these waters, and in
+general they accepted the text literally.[251] Gregory of Nyssa even
+went to the extent of imagining mountains on the back side of the
+firmament and that the waters were contained in the hollows and valleys
+between them.[252] Others thought the waters were in the form of clouds
+or fine drops. Jerome, Josephus, Ambrose, and Bede all held that the
+waters were crystal.[253] Augustine was non-committal, though he
+gathered together the statements of many who had expressed concrete
+views on the subject.[254] Ambrose argued from analogy that if the earth
+can hang in the center of the universe without support so also can the
+waters hang unsupported above the firmament.[255]
+
+The purpose which the waters were to serve was also a thorny problem.
+Ambrose said they were intended to cool the axis of the universe,
+overheated by its perpetual rotation;[256] others thought that they were
+meant to screen the earth from the fiery heat generated by stars and
+sun;[257] others that they were stored up as a reservoir to supply
+hydraulic resources at the time of the Great Flood.[258]
+
+
+                     THE CONGREGATION OF THE WATERS
+
+According to the description of the Creation in the book of Genesis “God
+also said: Let the waters that are under the heaven be gathered together
+into one place; and let the dry land appear. And it was so done.” The
+difficulty in explaining this text was to account for what became of
+these waters. Great as are the seas, they were not considered large
+enough to absorb all the primordial waters, and consequently arguments
+were elaborated in favor of the existence of vast reservoirs within the
+earth. Bede, for example, was of the opinion that the waters under the
+firmament at first took the form of clouds and that when they became
+condensed and fell as rain the water was sequestered in caverns of the
+earth’s interior.[259]
+
+Of even greater significance was the assertion that God had gathered the
+waters below the firmament into “one” place. This could mean nothing
+else than that all the waters of the earth, whether in subterranean
+reservoirs, oceans, lakes, rivers, or in the atmosphere, must be
+connected and must constitute a unit. Probably with this idea in mind
+Isidore wrote: “The abyss is the deep water which cannot be penetrated,
+whether caverns of unknown waters from which springs and rivers flow, or
+the waters which pass secretly beneath, whence it is called abyss. _For
+all waters or torrents return by secret channels to the abyss which is
+their source_” (Brehaut’s translation).[260] Certainly most medieval
+theorizing about the origin of springs and rivers[261] was dependent on
+the doctrine of a “congregation of waters.” In further elaboration of
+this doctrine it was often said that the water of the sea found its way
+by underground channels to the Garden of Eden and returned again to the
+sea, flowing first through a subterranean passage and thence through the
+four rivers of Paradise. Augustine maintained that the words of Genesis
+(ii, 6), “But a spring rose out of the earth, watering all the surface
+of the earth,” mean that all the waters of the earth come from a single
+source.[262] Rainfall as a source of springs and well water, however,
+was also recognized,[263] and Gregory of Nyssa accepted and elaborated
+the classical theory of the transmutation of earth into water.[264]
+
+
+                             THE NILE FLOOD
+
+The strange phenomenon of the flood of the Nile brought forth no new
+theories during the Middle Ages, and Isidore, whose words were most
+often copied, reverted to the explanation of Thales that the flood was
+caused by the building of sand bars at the mouth of the river during the
+summer when the etesian winds blow.[265]
+
+
+                       THE EARTH UPON THE WATERS
+
+Another Biblical phrase that provoked discussion of the problems of
+hydrography was in the one hundred and thirty-fifth Psalm (Vulgate):
+“Praise ye the Lord of lords, ... Who established the earth above the
+waters” (_qui firmavit terram super aquas_). Many writers took this
+literally and thought of the earth as actually floating upon water, held
+up by the arbitrary force of God’s will. A few, despite the explicit
+words of Scripture, were inclined to doubt; they either explained the
+phrase by urging that the word “above” (_super_) should be taken to mean
+“beside” or argued that all that was meant here was that the land rises
+to a higher level than the sea.[266] The difficulty was also avoided, as
+was frequently the case with puzzling Scriptural passages, by saying
+that the passage was allegorical and should not be taken literally.
+
+
+                                THE SEA
+
+There is not much to record about the development of knowledge or theory
+concerning the physical geography of the sea. The ancients themselves
+had known little enough about the sea to pass on to an age when maritime
+ventures were almost unknown—to learned men at least—and certainly we
+cannot find a great deal of marine lore in the Bible. Occasional
+glimmerings of intelligence, however, break the darkness of the times in
+this respect. Dicuil, for instance, in his _De mensura orbis terrae_,
+questions Fabianus’ statement that the sea is at most fifteen stades
+deep. “Has Fabianus measured its depth?” he asks; “if not, how can we
+believe what he says?”[267] Bede understood the difference in density
+between fresh and salt water; and in accord with Isidore and others he
+explained why the seas do not overflow their banks by pointing out that
+water is constantly being removed into the air and into the land.[268]
+
+Though the Church Fathers stood out valiantly against those teachings of
+astrology which tended to exaggerate the powers of the heavenly bodies,
+they were none the less ready to admit that the moon may exert a
+physical attraction on the ocean and in that way may produce the tides.
+Basil even explained that there is a corresponding lunar control over
+the atmosphere.[269] Augustine and Ambrose believed that the moon causes
+tides;[270] and a certain Augustine, writing in the seventh century,
+described the spring and neap tides and tried to show how they follow
+not only the moon’s phases but also the equinoxes and solstices. He made
+a serious mistake by placing spring tides at the time of the
+solstices.[271] Bede corrected this in his _De natura rerum_, apparently
+from personal observation—a rare thing at this time—and noted a number
+of tidal peculiarities which had not been commented on before.[272]
+
+Not all writers attributed the action of the tides to the moon. Most
+significant among the opponents of the lunar theory was Paul the Deacon
+(720–780 A. D.). In his _Historia gentis Langobardorum_ he
+described[273] the maelstrom on the coast of Norway. He asserted that
+this gigantic whirlpool and another one, which he placed off the coast
+of Ireland, made the tides by sucking in and spewing out vast quantities
+of water twice a day. With the fashion of reading Macrobius a theory
+became popular that the flood and ebb result from the impact of opposing
+ocean currents; and in the twelfth century, as we shall see later,[274]
+William of Conches and Giraldus Cambrensis made curious combinations of
+the theories of Paul the Deacon with those of Macrobius.
+
+
+                               THE LANDS
+
+There was no science of geomorphology in the Middle Ages. The medieval
+mind interested itself for the most part only in those natural phenomena
+that force themselves upon the attention or seem out of the ordinary.
+Commonplace and static elements of the earth’s surface such as hills,
+valleys, and plains were taken more or less for granted by those who
+sought to explain the secrets of Nature. In the geographical writings of
+the period, on the other hand, not a little space was devoted to
+volcanoes and earthquakes. Their violent and spectacular qualities have
+made these the object of interest throughout all time. And yet in the
+early Middle Ages there seems to have been no originality in observing
+them or in speculating about their causes. Men were content uncritically
+to accept what classical writers had said.[275] Isidore, for example,
+following Aristotle and Pliny, wrote that volcanoes were burning
+mountains rather than vents for deep-seated terrestrial fires and that
+the whole of Sicily was filled with seams of sulphur and bitumen,
+readily kindled by the winds into flame. The eruption of Etna, more
+especially, was caused by winds driven down into the interior of the
+earth by the waves of the Strait of Messina.[276] This theory of
+vulcanism was reiterated by Bede, Dicuil, and the multitude who copied
+from Isidore’s work. Other writers explained volcanoes as the outlets of
+profound subterranean fires,[277] a view fostered by Plato and one that
+gained authority in the minds of many of the Church Fathers as well as
+of laymen through the widespread belief, derived from classical
+mythology[278] as well as from the Bible, that the heart of the earth is
+the seat of Hell.[279]
+
+
+_THE MEDIEVAL ATTITUDE TOWARDS LANDSCAPE AND SCENERY BEFORE 1100 A. D._
+
+Man has been accustomed to look upon the geographical elements of the
+earth’s surface from widely different points of view. So far we have
+been concerned with the record of his scientific or pseudo-scientific
+investigations of these elements. Let us now turn for a moment to his
+emotional attitude toward them. The impression made upon the heart and
+imagination by the aspects of countryside, mountain, and sea has
+constantly changed with changing religious and philosophical beliefs and
+with shifting social régimes. We may estimate the character of these
+changes in a multitude of descriptions of landscape and scenery
+scattered throughout the whole realm of literature.
+
+
+              ESTHETIC APPRECIATION OF NATURE IN ANTIQUITY
+
+It is probably safe to assert that there prevailed in antiquity a
+genuinely esthetic appreciation of nature. If the Greeks seldom made
+conscious efforts to paint word pictures of the form and colors of their
+land, their poetry and drama none the less show in many a turn of phrase
+that they were alive to its beauty. The Romans rejoiced in the tranquil
+serenity of mild and cultivated landscapes as an escape from the welter
+of city life.[280] Perhaps the Roman attitude toward nature was tinged
+with pessimism, with regret that beauty is transient, that man’s span of
+life is short, and that all too soon we must cease to find solace in the
+loveliness of the world.[281] With the crystallization of Latin literary
+forms there appeared a stereotyped conception of the ideal landscape in
+which the essential elements were always the same: a rich meadow shaded
+by laurels, myrtles, and elms and watered by a murmuring stream, clear
+and cool; a placid spot where eternal spring prevails and where rain and
+storm, frost and heat are alike unknown.[282] This formula was used by
+the Latin poets in describing the blessed Isles of the Hesperides and
+the Elysian Fields; ultimately it was employed by the Christians in
+picturing the terrestrial Paradise.[283]
+
+
+                EARLY CHRISTIAN ATTITUDE TOWARDS NATURE
+
+A new and different spirit pervaded the early Christian’s attitude
+towards nature. His thoughts were turned to the world to come and to the
+glory of the Kingdom of God.
+
+The more austere and ascetic of the Church Fathers believed that, as it
+is sinful to take pleasure in things of this world, so also sin must
+lurk in the breast of him who derives personal and esthetic satisfaction
+from scenes of natural beauty. This is one of the reasons why hermits
+retired to deserts and rugged mountains, where they might no longer be
+tempted either by things of the flesh or by the charm of green and level
+meadows or of rolling, cultivated hillsides. Among some of the hermits
+there arose an actual love for the grandeur of the very wildernesses to
+which they betook themselves. Jerome regarded the desert as a place of
+beauty: in deep valleys, rough mountains, and steep rocks he saw not
+only negative excellence, in so far as these were free from the
+pollutions of “civilization,” but also a congenial background for his
+work and thought.[284] The eremitic movement was primarily
+characteristic of the Eastern branch of Christendom, but it extended to
+the West, where its influence was powerful during the early centuries of
+our era.[285] Nevertheless an ascetic disdain for the haunts of man and
+glorification of the wilderness was, at best, alien to Western modes of
+thought. The normal habit of the Occidental Christian was, rather, to
+take joy in the immensity of earth and heaven and in the marvelous
+detail of the created world because these stand as manifestations of the
+unity and glory of the Deity, symbols of the omnipotence of God.
+
+
+             REVIVAL OF ESTHETIC FEELING IN THE MIDDLE AGES
+
+On the other hand, pleasure in a landscape by reason of the merely
+personal satisfaction it affords the beholder was exceptional before the
+time of the Renaissance. But, though exceptional, an esthetic as
+distinguished from a religious or transcendental love of nature was by
+no means wholly lacking. Certainly from the eleventh century onward we
+find many poems and letters that testify to the existence of a truly
+pagan enjoyment of scenery. Whether this can be said of the earlier
+periods is more doubtful. Ganzenmüller, whose important study of the
+feeling for nature in the Middle Ages we are following in this
+connection, maintains that the term “Carolingian Renaissance” is more or
+less of a misnomer because under Charlemagne the classical spirit was
+lacking, even though classical forms of expression were revived; that
+the classical influence on descriptions of landscape was but rarely
+felt; and that we find at that time nothing of the subjective and
+pessimistic attitude of the Roman poets. In short Ganzenmüller concludes
+that the feeling for nature was altogether Christian.[286]
+
+However this may be, there is no question that throughout a century or
+more before the age of the Crusades individuals not only among the laity
+but even in the monasteries were openly writing poems of earthly love
+and openly lauding the beauty of natural scenery in more or less the
+vein of the Romans.[287] This was but one aspect of the worldly tendency
+in Church and society which brought about the Cluniac and later
+movements of reform.
+
+
+                _MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY_
+
+
+                         MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY
+
+We may pass over the mathematical geography of the Christian period
+before 1100; no discoveries were made, nor were there any attempts to
+apply the results of older discoveries. Gerbert, indeed, in his _Liber
+de astrolabio_, gives a few details of the division of the earth’s
+surface into seven climates, details which he had probably derived
+entirely from Latin authors like Pliny and Martianus Capella.[288]
+Though Gerbert owed much to Arabic writers, he did not draw from them
+the semi-geographical portions of his writings. Certainly in the strict
+application of mathematical geography to the determination of
+positions—latitudes and longitudes—nothing was done in the West. Ptolemy
+was forgotten, and the labors of the Arabs in this field were as yet
+unknown.
+
+
+                                  MAPS
+
+Though very few maps dating from these centuries are actually in
+existence, maps were then made in no inconsiderable numbers.[289] Three
+circumstances convince us of the truth of this statement. In the first
+place, we find frequent references to lost maps in contemporary
+literature. Then again, many of the cosmographies and encyclopedic
+works, such as those of Orosius, Isidore, and the Ravenna geographer,
+show undeniable indications that they were either compiled from maps or
+else were accompanied by maps as illustrations. And, finally, most of
+the examples of twelfth- and early thirteenth-century cartography can
+only have been derived from older models, some of which in the final
+analysis may well have been inspired by the cartography of the period of
+the Roman Empire.[290]
+
+With a few exceptions[291] the existing specimens of the cartography of
+Western Europe dating from before 1100 may be classified as regards form
+in four more or less well-defined groups, representatives of each of
+which are also found from the Crusading age and even later. The
+character of the maps was largely determined by the purposes intended to
+be served.[292]
+
+
+                            _Macrobian Maps_
+
+The first group consists of outline diagrams illustrating Macrobius’
+division of the earth’s surface into zones and is to be found in
+manuscripts from as early as the ninth century. This group cannot
+properly be said to include true maps.[293]
+
+
+                               _T-O Maps_
+
+The second group is made up of simple representations of the three
+continents, often called T-O maps (Figs. 1a-1b). On these the known
+world is shown as a circle within which a T is drawn dividing it into
+three parts. East is at the top. The upper compartment, that above the
+crossbar of the T, represents Asia; the two lower compartments, Europe
+and Africa. The surface is usually unadorned with vignettes or
+conventional symbols of any sort, and the legends are reduced to a
+minimum. It seems likely that Augustine had before him such a diagram
+when he wrote a passage in _De civitate dei_ which describes to
+perfection the division of the known world as the T-O maps show it, and
+it may well be that the map which Orosius must have used when he wrote
+the geographical chapter of his history was a modified example of the
+same type. An extremely large number of T-O maps are to be found in
+codices dating from the eighth century onward, illustrating the writings
+of Isidore, Bede, Raban Maur, and others.[294]
+
+[Illustration:
+
+  FIG. 1—Types of T-O and Sallust maps. (Figs. 1a and 1b from Santarem,
+    _Essai_, 1849–1852, atlas, vol. i, pl. 5, figs. 5 and 1; Fig. 1c
+    from Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, fig. 43.)
+]
+
+
+                             _Sallust Maps_
+
+Closely akin to the T-O maps, but somewhat more elaborate, are the
+sketches of the third group (Fig. 1c). These accompany manuscripts of
+Sallust’s works and may have been drawn to illustrate a passage in
+Sallust’s _De bello Jugurthino_ describing briefly the countries of the
+known world. The T-O form is carefully followed, but legends and
+pictures add a touch of life. The oldest example (tenth century) is
+strictly classical and fails to show Jerusalem, a stock feature in most
+medieval maps. Later specimens reveal the influence of the Christian
+tradition, and upon them Jerusalem figures as an immense church or
+castle.[295]
+
+
+                             _Beatus Maps_
+
+The fourth group is by far the most interesting. In the latter part of
+the eighth century a priest, Beatus, of the Benedictine abbey of
+Valcavado in northern Spain wrote a commentary on the Apocalypse,
+destined to become very popular in later times. To demonstrate
+graphically the division of the world among the twelve apostles, which
+is spoken of in a passage included in this commentary, either Beatus or
+one of his contemporaries drew a map. Though the original of this is not
+now extant, no less than ten subsequent maps for which it served as a
+model are preserved in manuscripts of the tenth century and later. The
+researches of Miller[296] have shown that three of these ten were
+probably derived from a fairly full and faithful copy of the original,
+but that the others represent merely a generalized outline. The best
+example, the so-called St. Sever map, dating from about 1050 and now in
+the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, displays an immense wealth of
+detail, legends, vignettes, and pictures of all sorts (Fig. 2).
+
+[Illustration:
+
+  FIG. 2—St. Sever Beatus map. In the original, east is, as here, at the
+    top. The geographical features (e. g. the Mediterranean, the Nile
+    and its delta) may be recognized more readily, however, by viewing
+    the map with north at the top. (From Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. i,
+    1895, colored reproduction in pocket.)
+]
+
+
+                          _REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY_
+
+
+         LIMITED GEOGRAPHICAL HORIZON IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES
+
+In the first chapter, under the heading “The Expansion of Regional
+Knowledge,” was discussed the expansion of actual knowledge of the
+earth’s surface, and a careful distinction was made between that section
+dealing with actual knowledge and the preceding sections of the chapter
+which had been concerned with theories. We cannot make this distinction
+in speaking of the regional geographical ideas of the early Christian
+centuries, for fact and fancy were irrevocably blended. In the Greek and
+Roman age knowledge of the earth’s surface was widened by exploration,
+trade, wars, and conquests; but in the early Middle Ages the limits of
+the accurately known world contracted, and the ocean, Asia, Africa, even
+Western Europe itself, became domains of legend and fable.
+
+This does not mean that exploration, trade, and conquest did not
+progress. Commerce in silk flourished in the sixth century between
+Byzantium and the nations of Central Asia, and much knowledge of those
+distant countries was thereby acquired in the Greek world.[297] Between
+the eighth and the beginning of the twelfth centuries the Northmen had
+penetrated in their open ships to the innermost recesses of the White
+Sea[298] and westward as far as Iceland, Greenland, and the shores of
+America. Throughout the Middle Ages there was an intermittent flow of
+pilgrims to and from the Holy Land. At a very early date the Italian
+cities began to lay the foundations of their great Levantine trade. Why,
+then, was geographic knowledge not enriched by all this activity? There
+were many reasons. The spirit of the age turned the scholar’s mind
+almost exclusively to religious and theological matters. He felt no
+particular interest in voyages unless they had some religious
+significance. He cared nothing about the exploits of piratical Norse
+rovers in subarctic seas or about things that Byzantine traders and
+diplomats might have seen in the heart of Asia. Even if he could have
+read the languages in which the stories of these discoveries were
+written, he probably would not have troubled to investigate them. The
+pilgrim, forcing his way through hardships and privations to the Holy
+Land, was certainly stirred by no interest in the geography of the lands
+and seas through which he passed beyond that of finding the best and
+quickest practicable route. Once arrived in Palestine, he may have felt
+some slight enthusiasm about studying out the topography of the sacred
+places. On the whole, however, pilgrim narratives added as little to
+Western geographical knowledge of the East as American soldiers’ letters
+during the World War added to our geographical knowledge of France.
+
+
+                 MEDIEVAL CONCEPTION OF THE KNOWN WORLD
+
+The usual medieval conception of the known world was of a circular or
+oval area, divided into three continents. Asia occupied the eastern
+portion and was cut off from Europe by the Tanaïs (Don) and from Africa
+by the Nile. The Mediterranean, piercing the center of the western
+section, separated Europe from Africa. The relative size of the
+continents was variously represented; Asia was usually thought to be
+much larger than either Europe or Africa. The two latter were believed
+to be of about the same size.
+
+
+                                PARADISE
+
+One of the principal Biblical contributions to medieval geography was
+Paradise with its four rivers.[299] In the maps of the period, the
+garden is drawn at the easternmost limits of the world in accordance
+with the words of Genesis (ii, 8), “And the Lord God planted a garden
+eastward in Eden.”[300] Martianus Capella, however, by following a Greek
+tradition which placed the Hyperboreans in a favored and delightful
+country of the far north, caused certain of the Church Fathers to look
+northward for Paradise.[301] Modeling their account of Paradise on the
+Biblical description and on the ideal landscape of the Roman poets,[302]
+the men of the Middle Ages conceived of the garden as a deliciously cool
+and shady meadow, made beautiful with flowers of many sorts, watered by
+murmuring streams, and redolent with sweet odors.[303] Many theories
+were elaborated concerning the surroundings of the forbidden
+garden.[304] In order that men be kept out, an impassable barrier must
+have encircled it. Some believed that this was an immense wall; others,
+a ring of flames; others, mountains and deserts. Some placed Paradise on
+an island in the ocean; Cosmas removed it beyond the ocean to the shores
+of unknown lands in the east; Augustine, Origen, and Philo regarded it
+as allegorical and not real at all.
+
+
+                           RIVERS OF PARADISE
+
+“And a river went out of Eden to water the garden; and from thence it
+was parted, and became into four heads” (Gen. ii, 10).[305] These four
+heads were the sources of the four rivers of Paradise: the Pison, later
+thought to be either the Indus, the Ganges,[306] or, sometimes, the
+Danube; the Gihon, or Nile; the Hiddekel, or Tigris; and, finally, the
+Euphrates. It was a little difficult for some persons at first sight to
+understand how all these rivers, whose upper reaches were known in
+reality to be very far apart, could actually spring from one
+source.[307] Many cosmographers were even tempted to place Paradise in
+Armenia, near the known sources of the Euphrates and Tigris. In general
+an appeal to the simple theory of the existence of subterranean
+watercourses sufficed to solve the problem and to explain the otherwise
+absurd belief that the Nile had its headwaters in the far east beyond
+the Red Sea.
+
+
+                                  ASIA
+
+
+                            _Gog and Magog_
+
+Asia was frequently made the scene of Paradise and of the creation of
+man. Here, too, medieval tradition placed Gog and Magog,[308] whose
+advent at the Last Day should bring destruction to the world. There are
+three different Biblical accounts of Gog and Magog. On the basis of
+Genesis (x, 2), which makes Magog a son of Japhet, a Jewish tradition
+conceived of this shadowy and fearful personage as the progenitor of the
+Scythian tribes. In the book of Ezekiel (xxxviii, xxxix) we read the
+prophecy of the ravages and destructions of “Gog, the land of Magog, the
+chief prince of Meshech and Tubal,” who should issue with his terrible
+hordes from the north and bring death and devastation to the lands of
+Israel. Finally, in Revelation (xx, 7) we are warned that “when the
+thousand years shall be finished, Satan shall be loosed out of his
+prison, and shall go forth and seduce the nations which are over the
+four quarters of the earth, Gog and Magog, and shall gather them
+together to battle, whose number is as the sand of the sea.” Here “Gog
+and Magog” are not the names either of men or of a country, but rather
+of savage tribes. Most medieval writers, following the Jewish tradition,
+thought of these tribes as Scythian barbarians of the north—so Josephus,
+Jerome, and Isidore, though Eusebius believed that they were Kelts, and
+Jerome referred to a certain history which identified them with the
+Goths; one chronicle even made the Aquitanians their descendants.[309]
+
+The apocalyptic story of Gog and Magog spread widely in the Orient as
+well as through the Christian world. In the East, curiously enough, it
+was made a part of the Romance of Alexander. We read in the Koran[310]
+that the “two-horned Alexander” built a great wall of bronze and pitch
+and brimstone, behind which he enclosed the wild peoples of Yajūj and
+Mājūj (Gog and Magog) until they should break forth on the day of the
+Last Judgment. This story was probably told for the first time in
+connection with Alexander the Great by Procopius in his _De bello
+Persico_.[311] It formed one of the most important parts of the
+immensely popular work, the _Pseudo-Methodius_, which foretold with
+considerable detail the events of the Last Day.[312] It entered into
+later versions of the Romance of Alexander itself, although it formed no
+part of the versions of the _Pseudo-Callisthenes_ or of the translation
+of Julius Valerius.[313]
+
+
+                    _Romance of Alexander the Great_
+
+The Romance of Alexander, one of the most widely known of the various
+cycles of medieval legend, deserves some comment here because the scene
+of most of Alexander’s exploits was laid in Asia. The Romance contains
+some fantastic geographical details concerning the East in general and
+India in particular. The classical stories of the monsters and marvels
+of these mysterious lands are here preserved in attractive form. We meet
+with Amazons and mermaids, griffons, and men who live on the smell of
+spices. We have a text of correspondence between Alexander and the
+Brahmin king, Dindimus, in which the latter explains to the Macedonian
+conqueror his religion and the simple habits of the Brahmins.[314]
+
+
+                         _St. Thomas in India_
+
+India was also supposed in the Middle Ages to have been visited by St.
+Thomas, the Apostle,[315] who was said to have built therein a great
+castle for King Gundophorus. Though little geography is to be gleaned
+from the apocryphal legends of St. Thomas and St. Bartholomew in India
+and of St. Matthew in Ethiopia, they served to carry the reader’s mind
+to distant corners of the earth and are of passing interest to us
+because certain elements of the story of St. Thomas became part of the
+fabric of the great twelfth-century legend of Prester John. If we are to
+believe the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_,[316] an Englishman visited India in
+the ninth century, for we are told that King Alfred sent a certain
+Sighelm to the shrines of Saints Thomas and Bartholomew in A. D. 883.
+
+
+                                 AFRICA
+
+Africa was utterly neglected. Unlike Asia, it did not become the habitat
+of legend and fable. Supposedly of small extent and made up mostly of
+desert, it failed to arouse much interest until long after our period.
+The universal testimony of cosmographer and cartographer during the
+entire age under consideration was to the effect that the African
+continent stops well to the north of the equator at the borders of the
+sea.
+
+
+                                 EUROPE
+
+Europe was of course less a land of romance than Asia, but geographical
+ideas concerning it were crude enough, as a glance at any contemporary
+map or at the brief and dry catalogue of facts given in the encyclopedic
+works will show. Isidore, Orosius, and Bede added little to what
+classical writers had already said. Local mythology tended to creep into
+the geographical conceptions of the best-known countries and to blur
+what had been in classical times fairly distinct and clean-cut
+conceptions.
+
+
+                       EXPLORATIONS TO THE NORTH
+
+In one quarter, however, to the north, the horizon of geographical
+knowledge was immensely widened. The inner shores of the Baltic, of
+which the Romans and early Christians had known next to nothing, became
+from the eighth century familiar ground to the Northmen. Furthermore,
+the widespread rovings of these adventurous seamen carried them not only
+westward and southward to harry Britain, France, and Spain and to
+penetrate into the Mediterranean but also northward along the long
+stretch of Norwegian coast. Alfred the Great appended to his translation
+of Orosius an account of the journey in 890 of Othere of Halogaland
+around the North Cape and into the White Sea even as far as the shores
+of Biarma Land (near modern Archangel; the word “Biarma” is said to be
+related to the Russian “Perm”). In later years Norse expeditions visited
+the remote coasts of Finnmark and Biarma, seeking trade and carrying war
+and destruction.[317]
+
+
+                              THE ATLANTIC
+
+The maritime wanderings of the early Irish and their successors, the
+Northmen, gave rise to a circle of legends regarding fabulous islands in
+the Atlantic and fabulous voyages among them. The poetic imagination of
+both Kelt and Viking contributed marvelously to the growth of these
+tales. Great and often misguided ingenuity has been shown in modern
+times in attempts to find the seeds of truth from which these stories
+may or may not have sprung.[318] The most famous legend and the one
+destined to exert the strongest influence on the imagination of the
+future told of St. Brandan’s journeyings among enchanted isles and
+fantastic seas to the west and northwest of Ireland. Actual discovery in
+these quarters is recorded in the pages of the ninth-century Dicuil, who
+narrates the finding of Thule by Irish priests some thirty years before
+his time (825 A. D.) and describes the cold of those regions and the
+long twilights at the time of the summer solstice, when one day merges
+into the next.[319] The Northmen reached Iceland in 860 and settled
+there a few years later; Greenland was discovered by them in 877, though
+it was not colonized until the close of the following century.
+
+
+                    AMERICA REACHED BY THE NORSEMEN
+
+Icelandic rovers also reached America in the latter years of the
+tenth century.[320] The _Landnámabók_, compiled from an original
+version written about 1200, tells how, about the year 983, Ari
+Marsson “was driven out of his course at sea to White-men’s-land
+(_Hvitramanna-land_), which is called by some persons Ireland the
+Great (_Irland-it-mikla_); it lies westward in the sea near Wineland
+the Good; it is said to be a sail of six _doegr_ west of Ireland”
+(Reeves’s translation).[321] Though we may not be certain whether
+this brief passage is rightly to be interpreted as referring to
+America, it is undeniable that soon after Ari Marsson’s discovery
+the northeastern shores of our continent were visited by Biarni, the
+son of Heriulf, and by Leif, the son of Eric the Red, and that the
+latter were followed by Thorfinn Karlsefni and others.[322] Sailing
+southwestward, these adventurers came to the shores of a barren
+country of flat stones which they called Helluland; thence they
+coasted southward past the forested Markland and past long beaches
+and sand reefs, until they reached Wineland, with grapevines, a mild
+climate, and savage inhabitants (or Skraellings). From some of the
+latter, captured by Karlsefni in Markland, the Icelanders learned
+that “kings governed the Skraellings” and that “there was a land on
+the other side over against their country which was inhabited by
+people who wore white garments and yelled loudly and carried poles
+before them to which rags were attached” (Reeves’s translation).
+This land they identified with White-men’s-land, or Ireland the
+Great.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER III
+                    THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE MOSLEMS
+
+
+There is no necessity here of giving a general review of the very broad
+field of Arabic geography. The works of the foremost Mohammedan
+geographers, Al-Masʿūdī, Ibn Ḥauqal, Al-Iṣṭakhrī, were unknown in Europe
+during the Middle Ages, and formal Arabic geography certainly
+contributed next to nothing to the knowledge of the earth possessed by
+the Occidentals of the Crusading age.
+
+
+                               _SOURCES_
+
+Other branches of Arabic science, however, profoundly influenced the
+development of European thought at this time. As transmitters of
+classical learning to the West, the Saracens reintroduced fragments of
+the geographical lore of the Greeks. The two classical authors in whom
+they had taken the deepest interest were Aristotle and Ptolemy. Their
+most important contribution to Western geographical knowledge was to
+make known to the West geographical speculations in the works of these
+men and in the various treatises which the Moslem writers themselves had
+composed under Peripatetic and Ptolemaic influences.
+
+
+                         INFLUENCE OF ARISTOTLE
+
+Aristotle held a position of preëminent authority among the Moslems in
+all matters scientific. Arabic scholars had received his writings both
+through Syriac translations and direct from Greek texts. Vast
+commentaries on his works were made by Avicenna (Ibn Sīnā, 980–1037
+A. D.) in the Eastern Caliphate and by Averroës (Ibn Rushd, 1126–1198
+A. D.) in Spain. Aristotelian astronomy, as distinguished from
+Ptolemaic, was reproduced with modifications in the work _On the Sphere_
+of Al-Biṭrūjī of Cordova, known to the Christians as Alpetragius.[323]
+By the end of the twelfth century, owing to the rising interest in
+Aristotelianism in Europe (the “flood of Aristotelianism,” as Duhem
+calls it), translations had been done from the Arabic into Latin of a
+large number of Aristotelian works on astronomy, physics, meteorology,
+and many other subjects.[324] It was in these works that most of
+Aristotle’s thought and observation in geography had found expression.
+Aristotelian physical geography, transmitted through these channels, was
+destined to dominate the geographical speculations of many Christian
+writers of the thirteenth century.
+
+
+                   INFLUENCE OF PTOLEMY’S “ALMAGEST”
+
+The Moslems of the Eastern Caliphate also had become familiar with
+Ptolemy’s _Almagest_ and _Geography_ through Syriac translations and
+through versions of the original Greek text.[325] A manuscript of the
+_Kitāb al-Majisṭī_, or _Almagest_, was translated into Arabic in the
+days of Hārūn ar-Rashīd by that caliph’s vizier, Yaḥyā, and other
+translations appeared during the middle part of the ninth century. Study
+of the _Almagest_ stimulated Arabic scholars and incited them to write
+such original treatises of their own as Al-Farghānī’s (Alfraganus’) On
+the _Elements of Astronomy_, Al-Battānī’s _On the Movements of the
+Stars_, or _Astronomy_,[326] and Ibn Yūnūs’ _Ḥakīmī Tables_.
+
+
+                   INFLUENCE OF PTOLEMY’S “GEOGRAPHY”
+
+Furthermore, Ptolemy’s _Geography_ was certainly known to the Moslems in
+Syriac translations and probably also in copies of the original Greek
+text.[327] With the _Geography_ as a model a number of Arabic treatises,
+usually entitled _Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ_, or _Book of the Description of
+the Earth_, were composed at an early period of Islam and served as
+bases on which later geographical writers built more complex systems.
+One of the most significant was the _Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ_ of
+Al-Khwārizmī, composed about the time of Al-Maʾmūn (813–833 A. D.), the
+full text of which was discovered forty-four years ago by Spitta.[328]
+From another book of the same sort and title Al-Battānī derived the
+geographical details included in his _Astronomy_.[329] The latter was
+translated into Latin during the twelfth century; and Al-Khwārizmī’s
+work was known in Europe at second hand.[330]
+
+
+                   AZ-ZARQALĪ AND THE “TOLEDO TABLES”
+
+Ptolemy was studied in the western as well as in the eastern centers of
+Islam. Toledo, notwithstanding its conquest by the kings of Castile in
+1085, long remained a scientific center, where the Arabic spirit of
+investigation lingered on among Jew, Christian, and Moor. It was largely
+through Spanish channels that the Latin West found its Oriental
+inspiration in astronomy and astrology.[331] About 1080 Az-Zarqalī, of
+Toledo,[332] who had devised a new type of astrolabe, wrote various
+works on astronomical subjects, including a commentary on a series of
+astronomical tables that had been constructed by a group of Jewish and
+Moslem scholars before his time.[333] These so-called _Toledo Tables_,
+with Az-Zarqalī’s _Canons_ explaining them, contained some incidental
+geographical information derived in part from Ptolemy’s _Geography_ and
+from Al-Khwārizmī.[334] They were rendered into Latin in the twelfth
+century by the famous Gerard of Cremona, who probably found in Spain
+most of the manuscripts from which he made his many Latin
+translations.[335]
+
+
+                          GEOGRAPHY IN SICILY
+
+Ptolemy’s _Geography_ was also studied in Sicily under the Moslem emirs
+and their successors, the Norman kings. From the eleventh century date
+several Arabic descriptions of Sicily now known only in fragments but
+bearing eloquent witness to a true enthusiasm for geography prevalent
+among the Moslem aristocracy of the island.[336] The Normans, who became
+masters of Sicily between 1060 and 1071, preserved much that was best of
+Arabic traditions and culture, and Moslem scholars played a brilliant
+part in the intellectual life of the court. Roger II himself was a
+devotee of geography, occupying much of his spare time in collecting
+Arabic geographical treatises and in questioning travelers about distant
+parts of the earth. “He gave himself up to this work tirelessly for
+fifteen years, never ceasing to examine personally into all geographical
+questions, to search for their solution and to verify facts, in order
+that he might obtain in complete form all the information that he
+desired” (from Jaubert’s translation of Edrisi).[337]
+
+
+                                 EDRISI
+
+At Roger’s instigation and with his aid Al-Idrīsī, or Edrisi (as the
+name is more usually written), who had come to the Sicilian court from
+Spain, undertook a great series of geographical labors. Little is known
+of the life of Edrisi besides a few details to be gleaned from later
+biographers[338] and what he himself tells us in the preface to his
+_Geography_, as it is usually known, or, to cite its Arabic title, _The
+Recreation for Him Who Wishes to Travel Through the Countries_, which
+was completed in 1154 or later.[339] We know that he constructed for
+Roger a celestial sphere and a disk-shaped map of the world, both of
+silver. Furthermore, we are told that Roger provided him with special
+facilities for the construction of maps and for the compilation of his
+great treatise. It appears that the king and Edrisi together selected
+“certain intelligent men, who were despatched on travels and were
+accompanied by draftsmen. Just as soon as these men returned Edrisi
+inserted in his treatise the information which was thus communicated to
+him.” On the basis of observations made in the field, data derived from
+Ptolemy and earlier Arabic geographers were correlated and brought up to
+date. The book and the maps which were drawn to elucidate the book are
+for this reason unquestionably among the most interesting monuments of
+Arabic geography; furthermore, the book is the most voluminous and
+detailed geographical work written in twelfth-century Europe. After a
+very brief description of the earth as a globe, the hemispheres,
+climates, seas, and gulfs, Edrisi launches into a long and minute
+account of the regions of the earth’s surface. He takes up the seven
+climates in order, dividing each climate into ten sections, an
+arrangement that is artificial to excess. None the less, Edrisi’s works
+are of exceptional quality when considered in comparison with other
+geographical writings of their period, partly by reason of their
+richness of detail but mainly because of the scientific method used, the
+coöperative employment of many observers, and the critical correlation
+of their observations—a procedure which was indeed unlike that adopted
+by Latin scholars of the time.
+
+
+                  INFLUENCE OF SICILO-MOSLEM GEOGRAPHY
+
+The question of the full extent to which the fruits of this Sicilian
+geographical school became known in the Latin Europe of the late twelfth
+and early thirteenth centuries is a matter that awaits further
+investigation.
+
+Certainly the influence of Edrisi’s _Geography_ could not have been
+great in the world of letters or else traces of it would more easily be
+detected in Western literature. Unlike a multitude of Arabic writings of
+far less intrinsic value, the _Rogerian Description_ (as the _Geography_
+of Edrisi is often called) found no Gerard of Cremona to put it into
+Latin, and the authoritative geographical knowledge of the Western world
+was destined to develop unenriched by the treasures which Roger and
+Edrisi together had amassed.
+
+On the other hand, there is no question but that the Sicilo-Norman
+enthusiasm for geography exerted an indirect influence on the evolution
+of geographical knowledge, an influence that was to make itself felt
+more especially after the close of our period. This enthusiasm for
+geography was the product of a mingling of Arabic scientific and
+scholarly traditions with Norman maritime enterprise in an island which
+occupied a central position in relation to the world of its day. It was
+an enthusiasm that arose partly from pure love of knowledge but also in
+very large degree from the practical necessities of a sea-faring people,
+and it was early applied to the solution of the problems of navigation.
+In the words of De La Roncière, “The use of coast charts was destined to
+become general in Sicily; a rational method of navigation to be
+substituted for the routine of pilotage, and thus the way was prepared
+for the progressive conquest of the world.”[340] As De La Roncière goes
+on to point out, the Genoese learned the arts of navigation from the
+Sicilians in the early thirteenth century and transmitted them
+subsequently to the Spaniards, Portuguese, French, and English; and a
+new science of the sea was developed upon the foundations originally
+laid by Sicilian Moslems and Normans.[341]
+
+
+                 ORIENTAL IDEAS TRANSMITTED TO THE WEST
+
+Besides the classical heritage, the Moslems also transmitted some
+peculiarly Oriental ideas to the West. Al-Khwārizmī was the author of a
+treatise with astronomical tables, the translation of which by Adelard
+of Bath usually goes under the name of _Khorazmian Tables_.[342] The
+original work was a redaction of a book drawn ultimately from Hindu
+sources and known as the _Little Sindhind_.[343] Thus it was from Hindu
+sources, as is shown by this work, that the Mohammedans got their idea
+of the world center of Arin. Hindu religion, furthermore, contributed
+something toward the molding of Greek and Moslem doctrines of the
+periodicity of the universe and of the Great Year—doctrines which became
+widely known in the West through Hermann the Dalmatian’s Latin
+translation of the Persian Abū Maʿshar’s book, _The Great Book of the
+Introduction_, entitled in the Latin, _Liber introductorius in
+astrologiam_.[344] Hindu influences were also felt in an anonymous but
+widely read Arabic treatise falsely attributed to Aristotle in the
+Middle Ages and called _Liber de proprietatibus elementorum_.[345]
+
+
+            _ASTRONOMICAL GEOGRAPHY; THEORIES OF THE TIDES_
+
+Turning now from the sources to the material substance of the
+contribution of the Moslems, we find that, except in so far as it
+brought a knowledge of Aristotle to Europe, it added little to Western
+notions either of physical or of regional geography. Though the Moslems
+entirely failed to share with the Western World their wide practical
+acquaintance with lands and seas, the Arabic writers did nevertheless
+introduce some new ideas in the fields of astronomical—or, better,
+astrological—geography and in the closely allied study of tidal
+phenomena.
+
+
+                            THE GREAT YEARS
+
+The theory of the Great Years was very popular among the Orientals,
+possibly because it appealed to their fatalistic spirit. Arabic
+astronomers adopted Ptolemy’s calculation of the length of the Great
+Year at 36,000 terrestrial years[346] and seem to have believed that
+after every complete revolution of the sphere of the fixed stars, the
+planets, as well as the fixed stars, will find themselves in the same
+relative positions that they held at the beginning of the
+revolution.[347] The Arabic work on this subject most read in the Latin
+West was Hermann the Dalmatian’s translation of Abū Maʿshar’s book, in
+which it was explained that astral influences—especially the perpetual
+circulation of the fixed stars—are the cause of everything which is born
+and dies and of everything which occurs between birth and death on this
+earth.
+
+
+                 COSMIC CYCLES AND GEOGRAPHICAL CHANGES
+
+In much the same way that the Chaldeans, Hindus, and Greeks had done,
+the Moslems worked out a theory of the supposed influence of these
+cosmic cycles on geography.[348] The most striking elaboration of the
+theory was made by the “Brothers of Piety and Sincerity,” who formed a
+philosophical school in the tenth century after Christ. In the great
+encyclopedic work[349] produced by this school (which, incidentally,
+contains many other interesting speculations on the subject of physical
+geography) gradual alterations in the relative position of land and sea
+are ascribed to almost imperceptible changes in the longitude of the
+fixed stars resulting from the precession of the equinoxes. Not only do
+lands and seas change places, but various types of terrain; in the
+course of time “cultivated land becomes desert, desert becomes
+cultivated land, steppes become seas, and seas become steppes or
+mountains.”[350]
+
+Whereas this curious theory was accepted by the Aristotelian Al-Biṭrūjī,
+the author of the pseudo-Aristotelian _Liber de proprietatibus
+elementorum_ vigorously opposed to it the following argument.[351] If
+the fixed stars revolve around the earth in 36,000 years, the land ought
+to revolve around the 34,000 miles which he believed make the
+circumference of the earth in the same time, or, as we may infer, at a
+rate of slightly less than a mile per year. We should therefore expect
+to find certain cities much nearer the coast and other cities farther
+from the coast than they used to be. The anonymous author says that if
+the theory were valid one ought to be able to observe great changes in
+the position of such places as Arin, Ceylon, Byzantium, and Rome in
+relation to the sea. But since, as a matter of fact, no such changes are
+apparent, the whole theory of the transposition of land and sea falls to
+the ground.
+
+Obvious as it may seem to us, this reasoning is remarkable at a time
+when actual observation as a foundation for, or check on, theorizing was
+rare indeed; and hence it is gratifying to note that the _Liber de
+proprietatibus elementorum_ with its argument against the Great Year,
+rather than the encyclopedia of the “Brothers of Piety and Sincerity”
+with its argument for it, was the work on this subject that was read by
+Occidental scholars.
+
+
+                         THEORIES OF THE TIDES
+
+The Moslems did not add much to the classical theories of the tides
+which they transmitted to Christendom. Their fundamental work concerning
+tides was that treatise of Abū Maʿshar which we have already mentioned,
+a work from which, as Duhem says, all the Middle Ages learned the laws
+of the ebb and flood.[352] Here, in the chapters on the moon,[353] a
+full description is given of the various characteristics of the tides
+together with copious speculations regarding their causes. The actual
+observations of fact were exact and careful. Abū Maʿshar explains with
+not a little accuracy the relation of the tides to the moon’s rising and
+setting, to her phases, and to the position of the sun; he understood
+that winds might cause exceptionally high water; he recognized the
+influences of local topographic features, that some seas display
+different tidal phenomena from others and that the flood waters may be
+retained by reefs, or valleys, or deep bays. On the other hand, Abū
+Maʿshar’s treatment of the causes of the tides was less successful.
+Though he believed firmly that the moon produces the ebb and flood, he
+failed to account for the presence of the high tide at the time of the
+moon’s opposition. His explanation of the moon’s attraction of the
+waters was in keeping with astrological methods of reasoning. Our
+satellite was supposed by astrologers to be of peculiarly aqueous nature
+and for that reason exceptionally capable of governing the movements of
+the liquid element of the earth.
+
+Other theories of the tides entered the West from Arabic sources.
+Al-Biṭrūjī’s _On the Sphere_ ascribed their origin not to the moon but
+to the general circulation of the heavens.[354] Averroës, in a
+commentary on the _Meteorology_ of Aristotle, devoted a confused
+chapter[355] to an attempt at showing that ebb and flood are the results
+partly of currents produced by differences in level between the ocean
+and certain seas and partly of the moon’s attraction of the waters. The
+possibility of differences in level between seas and ocean had probably
+become known to the Spanish scholar through some garbled rendering of
+Eratosthenes’ observations on the currents and levels of the
+Mediterranean.[356]
+
+
+                  MEASUREMENT OF A TERRESTRIAL DEGREE
+
+That the Saracens also were interested in the more strictly mathematical
+aspects of astronomical geography is emphatically proved by the fact
+that they undertook actually to measure the length of a terrestrial
+degree[357] and thereby to determine the circumference of the earth.
+Some knowledge of this great work came to the Western world in our
+period through translations of the _Astronomy_ of Al-Farghānī.[358]
+
+
+                         GEOGRAPHICAL POSITIONS
+
+The Arabic investigations, however, which most profoundly interested the
+men of the West were those concerned with the determination of the
+location of places on the earth’s surface rather than those whose aim
+was to find the size of the globe. Stimulated by their interest in
+Ptolemy, the Moslems felt a special need for the accurate knowledge of
+positions, for upon such knowledge depended the construction of mosques,
+which, according to religious law, must face in the direction of Mecca.
+Astrology also necessitated this type of investigation. In order to cast
+a horoscope one must know what stars are overhead at a particular
+moment; and, to ascertain this, one must know latitude and longitude. In
+the Arabic astronomic works there occur rules for determining positions
+and tables of the latitudes and longitudes of places throughout the
+world.[359]
+
+One of the most practical results of Arabic investigations in this field
+was a reduction of Ptolemy’s exaggerated estimate of the length of the
+Mediterranean Sea. The Greek geographer gave the length as 62° or about
+half again too long. Al-Khwārizmī cut this figure down to about 52°,
+and, if we are right in our interpretation of the available data,
+Az-Zarqalī still further reduced it to approximately the correct figure,
+42°. As we shall see in a later chapter, the results of these
+corrections became known in the medieval West.[360]
+
+The Moslems, as a general rule, measured longitudes from the prime
+meridian which Ptolemy had used, that of the Fortunate Islands (now the
+Canaries), situated in the Western Ocean at the westernmost limit of the
+habitable earth; but individual writers came to make use of another
+meridian farther west, a meridian destined to become known to the
+Christian world as that of the True West as distinguished from the
+supposed border of the habitable West.[361] Abū Maʿshar, on the other
+hand, referred his prime meridian to a fabulous castle of Kang-Diz, far
+to the east in the China Sea.[362]
+
+
+                                  ARIN
+
+The western prime meridian was commonly supposed to be 90° from a
+mythical city called Arin (or Arim) situated on the equator, halfway
+between the farthest east and the farthest west. This city was said to
+have neither latitude nor longitude, and its meridian came arbitrarily
+to be placed at 10° east of that of Baghdad. The idea of Arin probably
+originated among the Hindus,[363] who believed that the city of Langka
+in Ceylon (or perhaps Sumatra)—the abode of devils—lies on the equator.
+They traced their prime meridian from Langka through Odjein, a place in
+India, to Mount Meru at the north pole—the abode of angels. Odjein was
+transliterated into Arabic as “Arin” or “Arim” and was shifted by the
+Moslems to the equator. It was made known to the Christian world through
+such works as Adelard of Bath’s translation of the _Khorazmian Tables_
+(which, as we have already seen, was an Arabic redaction of a Hindu
+work) and Plato of Tivoli’s translation of Al-Battānī’s _Astronomy_. In
+the latter, Arin was represented as a cupola or tower; and on Christian
+maps and diagrams of the Middle Ages it was not infrequently so
+depicted.
+
+
+                    _ARABIC EXPLORATION AND TRAVEL_
+
+This sums up briefly a few of the more significant original ideas that
+the Moslems added to twelfth-century geographical knowledge in the
+West. By way of contrast, it is not out of place briefly to recall
+what they had actually accomplished in the field of geographical
+investigation.[364] Moslem trade between the seventh and ninth
+centuries reached China by sea and by land; southward it tapped the
+more distant coasts of Africa, including Zanzibar; northward it
+penetrated Russia;[365] westward Mohammedan navigators saw the unknown
+and dreaded waters of the Atlantic. Al-Masʿūdī speaks of the presence
+of Moslem traders in the heart of Europe, in a country to which he
+gave the name Ad-Dir (probably Bohemia).[366] Arabic literature
+abounds with descriptions of the lands within these wide borders; of
+their products and kingdoms and marvels, true and fanciful. But all
+this was destined to remain a sealed book to the man of the Latin
+Occident,[367] who as a rule felt little genuine interest in the world
+beyond his immediate ken. He looked to Arabic books for practical aid
+in making calendars and star tables and horoscopes; he looked to
+Arabic translations and commentaries on Aristotle for help toward a
+better understanding of the dark and hidden meaning in the words of
+Scripture. The geographical knowledge which he acquired from the
+Moslems during our period was merely incidental to other interests, a
+sort of flotsam borne in on the great wave of astrologic and
+Aristotelian lore sweeping into Europe at this time.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IV
+               THE SOURCES FOR THE PERIOD 1100–1250 A. D.
+
+
+                             _INTRODUCTION_
+
+To gain anything approaching complete understanding of the status of the
+geographical lore in Western Europe during the Crusading period, one
+would be obliged to undertake the colossal task of ransacking
+practically all the available literature of this age. From an
+examination of selected specimens of various types of document, however,
+we may arrive at a fairly correct conception of the kind of geographical
+thought and information that was current. Certainly our view of the
+subject would not be materially modified by the further accumulation of
+illustrative examples. We must, none the less, look to a large variety
+of sources: to the writings of theologians, philosophers, historians,
+chroniclers, and topographers; to maps, poetry, romances, and even to
+works of art. These show us what the sedentary man of the Middle Ages
+could learn of geography through reading and study. Pilgrim narratives,
+letters, commercial and diplomatic treaties, and many other
+miscellaneous documents throw light upon the actual extent of travel
+during this century and a half.
+
+Writers of the Middle Ages did not specialize as we do at the present
+day. They treated subjects of the most diverse nature within the pages
+of the same book. We shall group their productions into a few broad
+categories: philosophical and theological writings that were read for
+the most part by the scholar and churchman; translations from Arabic
+scientific treatises and other works written under Arabic influence;
+encyclopedic compilations or attempts to encompass the whole range of
+human learning, also for the scholar, and popularizations of these in
+prose and verse for the intelligent layman; histories and chronicles;
+pilgrim narratives and other records of travel; topographical works;
+and, finally, maps.
+
+Other more instructive classifications might well be made. One in which
+the works were grouped according to the type of thought of which each is
+the expression might bring out the conflicting intellectual
+crosscurrents of the age. In such a classification the great
+differentiation could be emphasized between writers bound by respect for
+authority and writers of originality and independence; between those who
+interpreted the words of Scripture literally, those who interpreted them
+allegorically, and those who went so far as to neglect or to doubt them.
+The classification which follows, based upon the purposes which the
+various groups of writings were intended to serve, is merely one of
+convenience.
+
+
+                 _THEOLOGICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS_
+
+The distinction between theology, philosophy, and the physical and
+natural sciences was not sharply drawn during the earlier Middle Ages.
+Only after the ninth century did the tendency to mark off theology and
+philosophy as separate spheres of thought become gradually evident,[368]
+and it remained for a much later age to set off the physical and natural
+sciences from philosophy.
+
+
+                           THEOLOGICAL WORKS
+
+Though not much geography is found in the strictly theological writings
+of our period, those portions of them which deal with the Creation
+embody cosmogonic and cosmographic speculations which have a geographic
+character for reasons that have already been explained.[369] Many of the
+philosophical writings, on the other hand, are rich in passages of
+geographical interest; for the physical geography, like the natural
+history, of the Middle Ages was the province of the philosopher.
+
+
+                            _Peter Abelard_
+
+Among the outstanding theologians of the twelfth century was Peter
+Abelard (1079–1142), whose tragic history is well remembered. In his
+_Expositio in hexaemeron_, _Sermones_, and more famous _Sic et non_ we
+find a few scattered observations of a geographical character. Though
+Abelard’s fame rests upon the keenness of his reasoning and the
+destructive brilliance of his dialectic, his position when dealing with
+the Works of the Six Days was that of mystic.[370] We shall have
+occasion to see how the geographical passages from his works reveal a
+love of elaborate allegory.
+
+
+                          _Hugh of St. Victor_
+
+The monastic school of St. Victor in Paris was preëminently a center of
+twelfth-century mysticism.[371] A leading figure here was Hugh of St.
+Victor, who held the direction of studies after about the year 1125 and
+who enjoyed during his lifetime (he died in 1141) a great reputation for
+learning in things divine.[372] Among Hugh’s writings we find
+_Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pentateuchon_, containing speculations on
+the Creation, and the curious treatises _De arca Noë mystica_, _De arca
+Noë morali_, and _De vanitate mundi_,[373] which display a love of
+symbolism and include the exposition of a strange theory of the westward
+course of the tide of civilization.[374]
+
+
+                         _Hildegard of Bingen_
+
+Hildegard (1098–1179 or 1180), abbess of a Benedictine convent near
+Bingen on the Rhine, was another lover of the symbolic. Her mystic
+exaltation took the form of visions in which were revealed to her the
+secrets of the universe. With the knowledge thereby attained she served
+her fellow man as a prophetess and healer of disease. Besides a series
+of letters, she wrote three works recording her visions: _Scivias sive
+visionum ac revelationum libri tres_ (1141–1150), _Liber vitae
+meritorum_ (1158–1162), and _Liber divinorum operum simplicis hominis_
+(1163–1170). She was also probably the author of two treatises,
+_Subtilitates diversarum naturarum creaturarum_ and _Causae et curae_,
+which, though not avowedly the record of visions, could hardly have been
+written except as the result of some form of religious experience.[375]
+Her “cosmology and physiology,” as Thorndike points out, were none the
+less in essential conformity with “the then prevalent theories of
+natural science” although she “displays no little originality in giving
+a new turn to the familiar concepts.” She does not, however, “evolve any
+really new principles of nature.”[376]
+
+
+                   _Peter Lombard and Peter Comestor_
+
+To turn from the imaginative and visionary writings of Hugh and
+Hildegard to the more coldly intellectual theology and philosophy of the
+age, we find in the _Sic et non_ of Abelard the first example of a new
+method of handling philosophical and theological questions. This
+so-called didactic method was destined to find its culminating
+expression in the mighty volumes of Thomas Aquinas. Its essence was to
+incite discussion by placing in juxtaposition divergent and
+contradictory Scriptural and patristic texts on the same subject.
+Abelard did this in the _Sic et non_ without giving interpretations of
+his own. Peter Lombard (died 1164), who in his _Sententiae_ followed
+Abelard’s method, usually gave in addition his own views on a subject,
+though not infrequently the reader was left faced by two or more
+conflicting theories. It might almost be said that the _Sententiae_
+served to standardize the orthodox doctrine of the age. Shortly after
+Peter Lombard’s death Peter Comestor (the “eater”), at one time dean of
+the cathedral church in Troyes and lecturer in Paris, produced an
+extensive treatise entitled _Historia scholastica_. This compilation of
+commentaries on Scripture enjoyed an immense popularity at a later
+period, especially towards the close of the thirteenth century.[377]
+Comestor, like Peter Lombard, represented the more orthodox point of
+view.
+
+
+         THE SCHOOL OF CHARTRES: ITS INTELLECTUAL INDEPENDENCE
+
+Unusual intellectual independence was displayed during the twelfth
+century by the philosophical writers of the school of Chartres[378] and
+by those who came under their influence. Well known early in the
+eleventh century, this cathedral school had acquired, in the first half
+of the twelfth, a European reputation, founded on the boldness and
+originality of its masters and on the widespread influence which they
+exerted through their pupils and associates.
+
+
+                  _Bernard and Theodoric of Chartres_
+
+Two brothers stand out preëminently among them, Bernard and Theodoric
+(or Thierry). Very little in detail is known about the life of either.
+Bernard was probably born late in the eleventh century and was
+chancellor between 1124 and 1126.[379] He enjoyed an immense reputation
+and was called by John of Salisbury the most perfect Platonist of his
+century.[380] It seems likely that he died before 1130 and was not the
+same man as Bernard Sylvester of Tours, with whom he has often been
+confused.[381]
+
+We know even less of Theodoric, who enjoyed a contemporary fame as great
+as, if not even greater than, that of his brother. Theodoric was
+mentioned by a disciple as the foremost philosopher of the whole of
+Europe.[382] Master of the school (_magister scholae_) in Chartres in
+1121, the successor to Gilbert de la Porrée as chancellor in 1141, he
+produced a large work on the seven liberal arts (the _Heptateuchon_) and
+a treatise describing the Creation.[383] The latter, entitled _De sex
+dierum operibus_, was in many respects unique, representing a remarkably
+rationalistic discussion of a subject in the treatment of which any
+display of reason or independence almost inevitably was deemed
+heresy.[384]
+
+
+      _Adelard of Bath; Hermann the Dalmatian; Robert of Retines_
+
+Bernard and Theodoric maintained scholarly connections throughout
+Western Europe and counted many famous men among their disciples. The
+Englishman Adelard of Bath[385] belongs to their broader circle, for it
+is likely that he was acquainted with the Chartres scholars, at least by
+reputation, and his important work, _Quaestiones naturales_[386] (dating
+from between 1107 and 1142), shows that he held many ideas in common
+with the most famous of Bernard’s pupils, William of Conches. In his
+wide travels[387] and in his translations from the Arabic[388] Adelard
+exemplifies another phase of the awakening intellectual life of the age,
+a turning to Moslem literature for new sources of information and
+inspiration beyond the standard and easily available collections of
+classical, Scriptural, and patristic authorities.
+
+Among the disciples of Theodoric may also be counted the travelers and
+translators from the Arabic, Hermann the Dalmatian (or Hermann the
+Carinthian) and Robert of Retines, to whose translations we shall later
+have occasion to refer.[389]
+
+
+                          _Bernard Sylvester_
+
+Very closely akin in spirit with the scholars of Chartres was Bernard
+Sylvester, who taught at Tours in the fifth decade of the twelfth
+century.[390] It has long been a moot point whether or not Bernard
+Sylvester was the same as Bernard of Chartres. There are very potent
+arguments in favor of identifying them, among the most convincing being
+the remarkable manner in which the philosophy of the _De mundi
+universitate_ (or _Cosmographia turonense_),[391] written by Bernard
+Sylvester between 1145 and 1148, gives expression to theories which John
+of Salisbury ascribes to Bernard of Chartres. Yet, despite these
+extraordinary similarities, the weight of evidence seems opposed to the
+theory that the two names refer to the same man.[392] In any case, if
+Bernard Sylvester was not the brother of Theodoric of Chartres, he was
+acquainted with Theodoric and with the latter’s work, for it was to
+Theodoric that he dedicated the _De mundi universitate_.
+
+
+                          _William of Conches_
+
+Another member of the Chartres group, William of Conches, was a disciple
+of Bernard of Chartres in his youth. He taught at Chartres probably as
+early as 1126. Between 1140 and 1150 he acted as tutor to the young
+Henry and Geoffrey Plantagenet.[393] Hauréau says that William believed
+that “la philosophie tient subordonnées à ses principes généraux, comme
+deux sciences subalternes, la théologie et la physique.”[394] His most
+significant book, the _De philosophia mundi_,[395] throughout
+exemplifies this attitude and reveals to us a mind deeply interested in
+physics and natural science for their own sakes and a desire to explain
+the phenomena of the universe according to natural and observable laws.
+The rationalism of his philosophy brought him into conflict with the
+ecclesiastical authorities and necessitated his retracting various
+opinions late in life.[396] He died either in 1150 or 1154.
+
+
+                            ALEXANDER NECKAM
+
+The scholars of the Chartres group formed the intellectual élite of
+their age. More in keeping with the normal habit of the period than
+their mode of thought was the manner in which the Englishman Alexander
+Neckam dealt with matters of natural science. Born in 1157, Neckam had
+become a professor at the University of Paris by 1180; later in life he
+returned to England, became abbot of Cirencester in 1213, and died in
+1217.[397] His principal works were _De naturis rerum_, in prose, and a
+verse paraphrase and enlargement of it entitled _Laus sapiencie divine_,
+or _De laudibus divinae sapientiae_.[398] In these works we see that
+Neckam, though inspired by a lively curiosity and even by some degree of
+understanding of experimental and observational science, was on the
+whole less original and less courageous intellectually than either
+Theodoric of Chartres or William of Conches. Instead of trying to
+explain rationally the phenomena of nature as these earlier writers had
+done, he was nearly always content merely to describe these phenomena as
+facts and to draw lengthy moral lessons from them.
+
+                  *       *       *       *       *
+
+These are merely a few characteristic representatives of the host of
+theologians and philosophers of the twelfth and early thirteenth
+centuries. Their works serve to illustrate widely diverse tendencies of
+thought: the heretical independence of the scholars of Chartres as
+contrasted with the mysticism of Hugh of St. Victor, the orthodoxy of
+Peter Lombard and Peter Comestor, and the cautious inquisitiveness of
+Alexander Neckam. Though these men differed in mental caliber, their
+learning was based almost exclusively on the Latin writings of classical
+and earlier Christian authors, and most of their geographical knowledge
+was borrowed from the sources we have discussed in Chapters I and II.
+But our period was also memorable by reason of the influx of a new body
+of learning destined to bring about profound modifications in the
+methods of European scholarship and to add materially to the sum total
+of European knowledge. This new body of learning was made available
+through translations from the Arabic.
+
+
+  _TRANSLATIONS FROM THE ARABIC; WORKS WRITTEN UNDER ARABIC INFLUENCE;
+                   ARISTOTELIANISM AND ITS OPPONENTS_
+
+The enthusiasm for the work of translation which prevailed during our
+period foreshadowed a far broader enthusiasm of the same sort that
+marked the great age of the Renaissance. Only a relatively few scholars,
+however, were familiar with Greek; and the number of direct translations
+from the Greek was limited.[399] The men of the Crusading age received
+the results of Greek scientific investigation primarily through the
+medium of the Moslems.
+
+We saw in Chapter III how the Moslems had translated certain works of
+Aristotle, of Ptolemy, and of the Hindus and had themselves composed
+sundry treatises under Peripatetic, Ptolemaic, and Hindu influences.
+Many of these Arabic translations, in turn, were converted into Latin by
+Occidental scholars of our period.[400]
+
+Western interest in Moslem science centered at first on the translation
+of astronomical and mathematical treatises and somewhat later on Arabic
+versions of Aristotle. Indirectly through both of these channels
+important geographical conceptions gained currency in Europe.
+
+
+                    ADELARD OF BATH; PETER ALPHONSI
+
+Among the early translators of astronomical and mathematical treatises
+was Adelard of Bath, whose connections with the school of Chartres we
+have already mentioned. Through Adelard’s Latin version of the so-called
+_Khorazmian Tables_[401] of Al-Khwārizmī, made in the year 1126,[402]
+knowledge of the Hindu conception of a world center, Arin, was
+introduced into Europe. The _Khorazmian Tables_ had found their way to
+Spain by the beginning of the eleventh century and were there adapted
+from the era of Yezdegerd to that of the Hejira by a certain Maslama
+al-Majrīṭi of Madrid.[403] In addition to Adelard’s version of Maslama’s
+work, there is reason to believe that the _Khorazmian Tables_ were also
+put into Latin by Hermann the Dalmatian.[404]
+
+A contemporary of Adelard of Bath was the Jew, Peter Alphonsi[405] (or
+Petrus Anfusi), who was baptized in 1106 at the age of forty-five and
+subsequently became an ardent devotee of Christianity. His _Dialogus cum
+Judeo_ contains references to Arin and a few significant observations on
+astronomical geography.
+
+
+                    JOHN OF SEVILLE; PLATO OF TIVOLI
+
+In 1135 John of Seville (also known as Johannes Hispanensis, or John of
+Luna) translated Al-Farghānī’s _On the Elements of Astronomy_,[406] a
+work from which John of Holywood borrowed much of the materials that he
+incorporated into his _De sphaera_ and which thereby was fated to
+produce a profound effect on the future development of astronomical
+geography during the later Middle Ages. Gerard of Cremona also
+translated the same work.[407]
+
+From about 1140 dates Plato of Tivoli’s version of the _Astronomy_ of
+Al-Battānī,[408] a close rendering into Latin of Al-Battānī’s chapters
+on the theory of astronomy but not of the astronomical and geographical
+tables that followed in the original Arabic. Our interest in the
+chapters lies in the fact that they contain (Chapter 6) a brief general
+description of the inhabited earth widely differing from those found in
+contemporary Latin geographical works.
+
+
+                “MARSEILLES TABLES” AND “TOLEDO TABLES”
+
+Preserved in a twelfth-century manuscript of the Bibliothèque Nationale
+is a set of astronomical tables for Marseilles dating from 1140, the
+work of a certain Raymond of Marseilles.[409] The _Canons_, or
+introductory explanation, of these tables are drawn largely from the
+astronomical _Canons_ of Az-Zarqalī;[410] the tables are an adaptation
+for the meridian of Marseilles of the _Toledo Tables_. Both Az-Zarqalī’s
+_Canons_ and the _Toledo Tables_, with their modifications like the
+Marseilles set, contained not a little incidental material of importance
+from the point of view of astronomical geography, including a list of
+cities with their latitudes and longitudes derived ultimately from
+Al-Khwārizmī.[411] That this material enjoyed wide popularity during our
+period and later is proved by the existence of a large number of
+manuscripts.[412] One of the translations of Az-Zarqualī’s _Canons_ was
+done by the hand of the famous Gerard of Cremona, as we have already
+seen in Chapter III.[413]
+
+
+       ROBERT OF RETINES; HERMANN THE DALMATIAN; DANIEL OF MORLEY
+
+It is almost certain that before 1143 the _Astronomy_ of Al-Battānī was
+again put into Latin, this time by Robert of Retines[414] (or Robert of
+Chester). We do not, as in the case of Plato of Tivoli’s version,
+possess the text of this translation, though we have what was probably
+Robert’s adaptation to the meridian of London of Al-Battānī’s and
+Az-Zarqalī’s astronomical tables. This adaptation, for 1149–1150, forms
+a continuation of tables for the meridian of Toledo in 1149.[415]
+Furthermore, Al-Battānī is cited, and some of the geographical ideas
+expressed in his _Astronomy_ are reflected, in the as yet unpublished
+_Liber de essentiis_ of Hermann the Dalmatian, who was a close associate
+of Robert and a student of Theodoric of Chartres. The _Liber de
+essentiis_ was written at Béziers in 1143.[416] Robert also adapted
+Adelard’s _Khorazmian Tables_ to the meridian of London.[417] Another
+Englishman, Roger of Hereford, was probably the maker of tables for the
+meridian of Toledo and certainly of a series for Hereford dating from
+1178, based on tables for Toledo and Marseilles.[418] Towards the end of
+the century, still another Englishman, Daniel of Morley, journeyed to
+Spain in search of Arabic astronomical lore. Here, at Toledo, he came in
+contact with Gerard of Cremona. On his return to England he took with
+him “a precious multitude of books” and, “to explain the teaching of
+Toledo to Bishop John of Norwich” (1175–1200),[419] wrote a work called
+_De philosophia_, or _Liber de naturis inferiorum et superiorum_, the
+astronomy of which, as in the case of John of Holywood’s _De sphaera_,
+was mainly based on the writings of Al-Farghānī.
+
+
+            GERARD OF CREMONA; JOHN OF HOLYWOOD (SACROBOSCO)
+
+At about the same time, Gerard of Cremona produced a short independent
+treatise, the _Theorica planetarum_,[420] which became a stock text from
+which later writers borrowed extensively. This is merely a summary of
+the _Almagest_, produced apparently before Gerard made his famous
+translation of that great work in 1175,[421] and is of interest to us
+because it contains an account of methods of transposing astronomical
+tables to different longitudes. It had certainly been read by the author
+of the London tables of 1232,[422] a set which, in addition to being of
+astronomical value, contains a few incidental notes of geographic
+importance.
+
+The _De sphaera_[423] of John of Holywood (also known as John of
+Halifax, or John Sacrobosco), dating from the very end of our period,
+includes citations from Al-Farghānī’s _Astronomy_ as well as from
+classical authors and was the most influential work in the field of
+astronomical geography of its century, though the intrinsic value of its
+contents was not great.
+
+
+            ARISTOTELIANISM INTRODUCED THROUGH ARABIC WORKS
+
+The translators of Arabic mathematical and astronomical works during the
+twelfth century prepared the way for an event of the first magnitude in
+the intellectual history of the Middle Ages—the reintroduction of
+Aristotelian learning into the West.[424] It would lead us far beyond
+the bounds of this study to try to discuss the immense influence of
+Aristotelianism on the development of European philosophy and theology
+in and after the thirteenth century. Something of the geographical
+content of Aristotle’s writings on physics and natural science, however,
+was indicated in Chapter I, and it was during the closing years of the
+twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth centuries that these works
+began to gain a hold on European thought. Their influence at this time
+was for the most part exerted through roundabout channels: probably in
+some cases through Latin translations of Arabic translations from the
+original Greek; unquestionably in others through Latin translations of
+Arabic translations of Syriac translations from the original Greek; and
+in still others through Latin translations of Arabic commentaries on
+Aristotle or of works inspired by his writings. The desire or ability to
+tap the sources of Aristotelian lore by direct recourse to Greek texts
+themselves was exceptional before the middle of the thirteenth century.
+
+The precise date when the Occident became acquainted with the _Physics_
+and _De caelo_ is a matter of some doubt. It is likely that Avicenna’s
+version of these two books had been converted into Latin at Toledo
+before the middle of the twelfth century by Dominicus Gondisalvi,[425]
+who worked there under the patronage of Archbishop Raymond, but the
+extent to which these early translations influenced European science is
+a subject of controversy. It has been suggested by Duhem that Latin
+translations of Aristotle were known to the scholars of the Chartres
+school, Theodoric, Gilbert de la Porrée, and William of Conches,
+passages in whose works certainly reveal some familiarity with
+Peripatetic theories.[426] On the other hand, there are no actual
+citations of Aristotle which would enable us to prove that the passages
+in question show first-hand knowledge of the books of the
+Stagirite.[427] The fact that much Peripatetic thought had been brought
+to the West through the writers of the late Roman and earlier Christian
+periods often makes it difficult, in the absence of actual citations, to
+distinguish between what had been learned from these earlier sources and
+what was contemporaneously derived from the Moslems.
+
+
+                          _Gerard of Cremona_
+
+We are on much firmer ground when we turn to the work of Gerard of
+Cremona,[428] for we know as a fact that before his death in 1187
+this indefatigable translator had put into Latin, of the works of
+Aristotle of geographical interest, the first three books of the
+_Meteorology_,[429] the _Physics_, the _De caelo et mundo_,[430] and
+the _De generatione et corruptione_.[431]
+
+
+                             _Michael Scot_
+
+Michael Scot, who died in 1236[432] and was remembered by later ages as
+a great magician, was another student of Aristotelian science. After
+studying in Spain this Scotsman became court astrologer of the Emperor
+Frederick II in Sicily. He learned Arabic and composed treatises on
+astronomy, astrology (_Liber introductorius_ and _Liber particularis_)
+and physiognomy under the influence of Moslem learning. He also
+undertook the translation of sundry works on alchemy and astronomy,
+among them the treatise of Al-Biṭrūjī, based on Aristotelian astronomy,
+and Aristotle’s _De caelo_ with Averroës’ commentary. Associated with
+the _Liber particularis_ we have the text of a questionnaire[433] which
+Frederick II presented to Michael and which reveals something of that
+versatile Emperor’s burning interest in cosmology and physical
+geography. The philosopher’s “brief statements” in reply “concerning
+hell, purgatory, heaven, and the terrestrial paradise are followed by an
+account of the marvels of nature—strange lakes and rivers of the East,
+wondrous metals, stones, plants, drugs, and animals, with their
+respective virtues” (Haskins).[434] Michael in this connection also
+gives expression to familiar, traditional opinions on the earth as a
+sphere, though he includes some original observations on volcanoes and
+hot springs.[435]
+
+
+              _Aristotelianism in the Thirteenth Century_
+
+By the time of Michael Scot Aristotelian theories of physics and of
+physical geography as introduced through Moslem channels were finding
+fairly general currency in the West. Arnold the Saxon, for instance, in
+his encyclopedic treatise written perhaps about 1225, gave citations
+from the _De caelo et mundo_, the _Meteorology_, and the _Physics_, as
+well as from Averroës and other Arabic admirers of Aristotle.[436]
+Aristotelian cosmology, astronomy, and metaphysics, however, were not
+accepted by Western scholars until after a strenuous intellectual battle
+had been waged over them. Serious efforts were made to place these
+teachings forever under the ban of the church. In 1210 and 1215 strict
+prohibitions against the study of the Averroïstic versions of the
+_Physics_ and _Metaphysics_ were issued by the authorities of the
+University of Paris.[437] This shows that by that time not only had the
+commentaries of Averroës been translated but that they must have become
+popular.[438] Indeed, the popularity of Aristotle and Averroës was
+destined to increase despite all prohibitions, and after their works, by
+the middle of the thirteenth century, had been purged of objectionable
+matter by the ecclesiastical authorities, they became prescribed studies
+in the curriculum of the University of Paris. Aristotelianism dominated
+the scientific thought of the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries;
+and the physical geography of the great encyclopedist, Albertus Magnus,
+was largely based upon it. Albert, indeed, was sometimes unjustly called
+Aristotle’s ape.
+
+
+                      OPPONENTS OF ARISTOTELIANISM
+
+On the other hand, there were many individuals who, though accepting the
+teachings of Aristotle and his Arabic commentators in regard to specific
+facts and theories, were none the less sternly opposed to blind and
+uncritical adoption of them.
+
+
+                         _William of Auvergne_
+
+William of Auvergne, bishop of Paris from 1228 to his death in 1249, was
+leader of the ecclesiastical party that stood out against the study of
+Aristotelian philosophy and theology in that city. It was nevertheless
+true, as Duhem tells us, that William’s erudition “had received in
+abundance additions from sources which had not enriched the erudition of
+earlier centuries: that is from the works of Aristotle and Arabic
+authors.”[439] The _De universo_ of William contains much material on
+cosmology and natural history.
+
+
+                          _Robert Grosseteste_
+
+The great English churchman, Robert Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln from
+1235 until his death in 1253, presents an even more striking example of
+the scholar, well read in Aristotelian and Arabic learning, who was
+prone to question many of the Peripatetic doctrines. Grosseteste
+deserves a high place in the history of medieval science by reason of
+the depth of his scholarship and the originality of his ideas. His
+style, however, is often difficult and obscure. From the geographical
+point of view several of his treatises are of unusual interest. The _De
+sphaera_ is devoted to problems of astronomical geography. In the _De
+impressionibus aëris seu de prognosticatione_ rules are laid down for
+the preparation of weather forecasts based upon astrological
+considerations. The _De luce seu de inchoatione formarum_ explains
+Robert’s theory of the Creation. The _De natura locorum_, in which the
+influences of celestial rays upon the earth’s surface are discussed,
+gives expression to many views that were elaborated in fuller detail by
+Robert’s more famous pupil and intellectual successor, Roger Bacon.[440]
+
+
+                          _ENCYCLOPEDIC WORKS_
+
+Our period was marked by the production of encyclopedic works the object
+of which was to bring together as much human knowledge as possible in
+convenient, readable, and, frequently, in popular form. These
+encyclopedias carried on the traditions of Pliny, Solinus, Isidore,
+Bede, and other earlier writers and for the most part were lacking in
+originality. Made up of paraphrases and word-for-word excerpts from
+older books, they exemplify better than any other type of literary
+production the respect which the man of the Middle Ages felt towards the
+authority of the written word and his lack of critical acumen. Their
+immense popularity shows that they satisfied a distinct want: the lore
+contained in them, however worthless and puerile it often may seem to
+us, formed an important part of the intellectual cargo of the medieval
+mind. It is imperative, therefore, that representatives of this type of
+work should be consulted by anyone who wishes to arrive at a just
+estimate of the status of medieval knowledge.[441]
+
+Most of the geography of the encyclopedias was a geography handed down
+from classical times, a geography but distantly related to contemporary
+facts and one in which fabulous elements tended to persist and multiply
+at the expense of sound and accurate information. Yet it was the
+geography of the majority of the lettered men, and the man who did not
+himself actually travel found here practically the only convenient means
+of learning about the countries of the world. He might pick up
+occasional details of routes to Rome and Palestine from pilgrims,
+traders, or soldiers; but only in the pages of the encyclopedias could
+he find anything approaching a systematic treatment of the earth and its
+various parts.
+
+
+                           “DE IMAGINE MUNDI”
+
+The most widely read book of this nature was the _De imagine mundi_,
+which dates from about 1100. Though this has often been attributed in
+recent years to Honorius of Autun (it has also been ascribed to St.
+Anselm and with far greater probability to an unknown Honorius
+Inclusus), the evidence at hand is insufficient to warrant us in coming
+to any definite conclusions on the vexed question of its
+authorship.[442] The general character of the compilation is illustrated
+by a remark at the close of the dedicatory letter: “I place nothing in
+this work except that which is approved by the best authorities.”[443]
+The main source of the geographical chapters was the _Etymologiae_ of
+Isidore, though the author also drew directly from Orosius.[444] It
+seems likely, indeed, that the geographical chapter of Orosius served as
+a basis for the entire compilation and provided an outline which was
+embellished by copious excerpts of detail from the more elaborate
+writings of Isidore, Augustine, and Bede. Furthermore, it is even
+probable that the unknown author had a map before him.[445] He appears
+to have borrowed directly from the _Collectanea rerum memorabilium_ of
+Solinus his account of the marvels of India, though elsewhere he taps
+Solinus at second hand through the medium of Isidore.[446]
+
+
+            LAMBERT’S “LIBER FLORIDUS;” GUIDO’S ENCYCLOPEDIA
+
+Dating from approximately the same period is a similar work, the _Liber
+floridus_ of Lambert. Practically all we know of the author is that he
+was a canon of St. Omer early in the twelfth century.[447] His book, a
+hodgepodge of notices, geographical and otherwise, from Isidore, Bede,
+Martianus Capella, Raban Maur, and others, though it did not enjoy
+popularity comparable to that of the _De imagine mundi_, nevertheless by
+no means lapsed into obscurity during the centuries that followed. There
+are at least eight manuscripts of it preserved in the libraries of
+Europe, and it was referred to with high praise by writers of the
+thirteenth century.[448] The manuscripts are illustrated by crude maps,
+among the few remaining relics of twelfth-century cartography.
+
+Of much the same nature is an encyclopedic compilation made by a certain
+Guido, probably an Italian, in 1119.[449] It contains excerpts from a
+variety of sources, including Isidore, the Romance of Alexander, Paul
+the Deacon, and, more especially, the anonymous Ravenna geographer.
+
+
+                              “LUCIDARIUS”
+
+The _De imagine mundi_ became an important source for later writings. It
+was a standard authority during the closing years of the Middle Ages for
+those who deliberately undertook to give a geographical description of
+the earth. The _Lucidarius_ (or _Aurea gemma_) was a popular
+encyclopedia written in German towards the end of the twelfth century at
+the order of Henry the Lion. Though embodying the peculiar and fabulous
+features of the _De imagine mundi_, it omitted the drier but more
+correct geographical and topographical details.[450] The principal
+source of much of the natural science in the _Lucidarius_ was William of
+Conches’ _De philosophia mundi_. The _Lucidarius_ was translated at a
+later date into Danish, Dutch, and Bohemian,[451] and from it were
+derived the geographical portions of the famous _Hortus deliciarum_ of
+the abbess Herrad of Landsperg.[452]
+
+
+                           GERVASE OF TILBURY
+
+Another widely read book that came under the influence of the _De
+imagine mundi_ was the _Otia imperialia_ of Gervase of Tilbury,[453] a
+protégé of Otto IV and by him appointed marshal of the kingdom of Arles.
+The _Otia_, composed to entertain the emperor during the leisure moments
+of his struggle with Frederick II, is in large measure a compilation of
+facts, fables, and theories borrowed from earlier works. The
+cosmological chapters are drawn from Peter Comestor’s _Historia
+scholastica_, the geographical ones from Orosius, Isidore, and, more
+particularly, the _De imagine mundi_, which furnished a framework into
+which the statements of the other writers were made to fit.[454] The
+large number of manuscripts of the _Otia_ bears witness to its great
+popularity.
+
+
+                            JACQUES DE VITRY
+
+Jacques de Vitry, bishop of St. John of Acre until 1220, in his
+_Historia hierosolymitana_[455] also borrowed from the _De imagine
+mundi_, especially in describing Palestine and Asia. His interest in the
+remarkable caused him to include, as had been done by the authors of the
+German _Lucidarius_, most of the fabulous elements of the earlier book
+as well as to add fabulous stories from other sources. It was these
+stories, derived in part from the _Historia hierosolymitana_ and in part
+directly from the _De imagine mundi_, that accounted for the great
+popularity of a poem to which we must now turn.
+
+
+                           “L’IMAGE DU MONDE”
+
+This poem, the _Image du Monde_,[456] destined to be read for over three
+centuries, was decidedly the most important of the many works that felt
+the influence of the _De imagine mundi_. Like its Latin predecessor, it
+is an attempt at the popularization of universal knowledge. The work of
+popularization, however, was here carried to the stage of translation
+into a popular tongue, which rendered the book available to a much
+broader circle of readers. The style was vivid and not lacking in
+originality, and the subject matter contained sufficient of the
+grotesque and unexpected to assure the poem a long-lived success. Though
+the question of authorship and exact date is a somewhat perplexing one,
+it seems likely that the _Image du Monde_ was partially composed in Metz
+in 1245 or 1247 by a certain Gossouin and within the following two or
+three years was added to either by Gossouin himself or by a certain
+Walter of Metz, to whom the entire work has occasionally been
+attributed.[457] Prior, however, to the composition of the second verse
+redaction by Gossouin or Walter, the poem had been put into a prose
+form,[458] from which translations were subsequently made into Hebrew,
+Judeo-German, and English (the last by Caxton in 1480).
+
+
+                           “KONUNGS-SKUGGSJÁ”
+
+From the very end of our period there dates an Icelandic dialogue of
+more or less encyclopedic scope, a work which might well be called a
+northern counterpart of the _De imagine mundi_. This _Konungs-Skuggsjá_,
+or _King’s Mirror_,[459] written about the year 1250 or perhaps as late
+as 1260, contains chapters that reveal to us something of the status of
+Scandinavian knowledge of the geography and natural phenomena of
+Iceland, Greenland, and the Arctic seas. But, like the Sagas, so far as
+we know, it was not translated into Latin or into the vernacular
+tongues, and the type of knowledge contained in it remained until the
+great age of discovery virtually the exclusive property of the peoples
+of Iceland and of the far north of Europe.[460]
+
+
+             GREAT ENCYCLOPEDIAS OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY
+
+We cannot well leave the subject of encyclopedic compilations without
+mentioning such gigantic thirteenth-century productions as the _Specula_
+of Vincent of Beauvais,[461] the various writings of Albertus
+Magnus,[462] and the relatively less ambitious popularizations of
+Bartholomew Anglicus,[463] Brunetto Latino,[464] and others.[465] The
+_Opus majus_ of Roger Bacon is also encyclopedic in scope. These great
+works contain a wealth of reference the systematic study of which would
+unquestionably shed much additional light on the substance of medieval
+geographical knowledge. The innumerable pages of Albertus Magnus,
+indeed, show not a little originality; and Roger Bacon stands somewhat
+apart from his contemporaries as a fearless exponent of scientific
+method.[466] On the whole, however, there is no very essential
+difference between the geography of these men and that of their less
+well-informed and perhaps less diligent predecessors. This is one reason
+why we have felt justified in failing to treat them in detail. Another
+reason is that adequate treatment of the geography of the
+thirteenth-century encyclopedists would fill another volume at least the
+size of the present one.
+
+
+                                 DANTE
+
+A figure, however, whom we cannot refrain from mentioning in this
+connection, though he lived after 1250 and though his genius far
+transcended that of any encyclopedist of any age, is Dante. Much of the
+information amassed by the laborious compilers of encyclopedic works
+(especially Brunetto Latino) was fused by the poet into the _Divine
+Comedy_ and molded into his various prose writings. The universality of
+Dante’s knowledge embraced the geography and cosmography of his age.
+Though we shall not attempt to deal with Dante’s geographical lore[467]
+in the pages which follow, it would be a serious mistake to omit all
+reference to one who flourished so soon after the end of our period and
+who, besides being a poet of all time, was an outstanding figure in
+medieval scholarship and, incidentally, in the history of medieval
+geography.
+
+The reader who wishes to investigate the geography of Dante and of the
+encyclopedists of the thirteenth century will find brief summaries and
+references in Notes 92–98 to the present chapter.
+
+
+               _HISTORIES, CHRONICLES, SAGAS, EPIC POEMS_
+
+The writings of the historians and chroniclers of the Middle Ages,
+though they do not as a rule include systematic expositions of
+geography, nevertheless often contain incidental geographical matter of
+no slight interest. The present section is devoted to a very few
+selected specimens of historical narrative of the Crusading age, whether
+prose or verse, that are of particular significance from the
+geographical point of view.
+
+
+                            OTTO OF FREISING
+
+Among the outstanding medieval historians was Otto of Freising.[468] A
+man of intelligence and breadth, steeped in the academic literature of
+his age, Otto, though never going out of his way to write of
+geographical subjects, always maintained an attitude of open and
+receptive interest toward all branches of science. The range of his
+literary and scholarly learning is a key to the intellectual attainments
+of the average man of the world of his period. Born about 1114 or 1115
+of a noble or even royal family—his maternal grandfather was the Emperor
+Henry IV—Otto studied in Paris probably early in the second quarter of
+the century. After his return to Germany in 1132 or 1133, he became a
+Cistercian and was subsequently made bishop of Freising. His principal
+works were a _Chronicon_, running from the beginning of the world to the
+year 1146, and the _Gesta Friderici_, recording the deeds of Frederick
+Barbarossa down to the year 1156 and continued after that date by
+Ragewin (or Rahewin).[469] Among other classical authorities Otto may
+have used Seneca’s _Quaestiones naturales_: most of his geographical
+ideas, however, were derived from Isidore and Orosius and from certain
+unknown “topographers” whom he cites as giving details on the rivers of
+Europe.[470]
+
+
+                           GUNTHER OF PAIRIS
+
+On the _Gesta Friderici_ was based an historical poem composed about
+1186 by Gunther of Pairis (in Alsace), of whom we know next to
+nothing.[471] This work, the _Ligurinus_, adds little of material nature
+to the sources from which it was taken, although the poet converts the
+simple, straightforward narrative of Otto and Ragewin into a poem
+vividly expressed. It has been shown that the _Ligurinus_, even though
+the work of a German author, is a typical product of the poetical school
+of France of the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries.[472] Where
+the writer expands and converts into verse Otto’s and Ragewin’s words
+describing natural features of the earth’s surface and geographical
+regions, he displays a sense of color and a feeling for nature that are
+striking,[473] even though the actual epithets employed are hackneyed
+and drawn from well-known classical models. Furthermore, in the
+description of Germany he departs so widely from his literary sources
+that it seems more than likely that he actually based his lines on
+personal acquaintance with the country.[474]
+
+
+                WALTER OF CHÂTILLON; WILLIAM THE BRETON
+
+Two other historical poems of the same school and of analogous character
+to the _Ligurinus_ are the _Alexandreis_[475] of Walter of Châtillon
+(also known as Walter of Lille), written about 1180, and the _Philippis_
+of William the Breton, published about 1225.[476] These are Latin
+hexameter epics modeled on Virgil and Lucan; full of allusions to Latin
+literature and mythology, they also show originality and a power of
+accurate description of scenes and country.[477] The _Alexandreis_ sings
+the deeds of Alexander the Great; the _Philippis_ the exploits of Philip
+Augustus of France.
+
+
+                HISTORIANS AND HISTORIES OF THE CRUSADES
+
+Our period was the age of the reopening of the Levant and the regions of
+the Black Sea to Western knowledge through the Crusades and through the
+expansion of commerce that came in their train. The historians of the
+Crusades, consequently, furnish us with geographical notices of a kind
+differing from the stereotyped and secondhand geography of the
+encyclopedias. The items in the Crusaders’ records are often the results
+of actual experience. They give us an impression of freshness lacking in
+the pages of dry compilations like the _De imagine mundi_. But the
+Crusaders were not geographers and were without any true geographical
+instinct. They rarely felt an interest in anything besides the immediate
+events they were undertaking to describe or in matters not purely
+practical or utilitarian.[478]
+
+The most important work, from this point of view, is the _Historia rerum
+in partibus transmarinis gestarum_ of William of Tyre (born 1130).[479]
+This covers events in Palestine and in the Crusaders’ states during the
+years between 1095 and 1185 and abounds in observations on the products
+and appearance of the country, on the habits of the Arabs—whose language
+William had probably learned[480]—and on other peoples of the East.
+
+The _Gesta regis Ricardi_, which has sometimes been erroneously ascribed
+to Benedict of Peterborough,[481] records the voyage of Richard
+Coeur-de-Lion to the Holy Land in 1190. In the description of the routes
+to and from Palestine[482] we find a wealth of detail about the
+countries, isles, and seas traversed. The distinctly nautical style and
+content in places make it seem not at all improbable that a part of the
+book at least was derived from some sailing manual. Roger of Hoveden in
+his _Chronica_[483] (to the year 1201) made use of the same sources as
+those on which the author of the _Gesta regis Ricardi_ drew, though
+Roger’s account is fuller and more detailed, especially regarding Spain.
+Another source for the Crusade of Richard Coeur-de-Lion is the _Estoire
+de la guerre sainte_ by Ambroise,[484] a professional writer, who took
+part on the expedition and who described the Holy Land with less
+understanding than William of Tyre almost exclusively from the point of
+view of the sufferings and hardships experienced by the Crusaders.
+
+The _Prise de Constantinople_[485] of Robert de Clari, a history of the
+Fourth Crusade by a participant, is the work of a man of relatively
+humble estate but of a man who felt more or less genuine interest in
+strange peoples and their customs. This interest is manifested
+particularly by the data that he gives on the Komans of the Russian
+plains, some of whom he undoubtedly had seen on the streets of
+Constantinople.
+
+A letter from the patriarch of Jerusalem to Innocent III, entitled _La
+devision de la terre de oultremer et des choses qui i sont_,[486] was
+composed about 1200 in reply to a request from the Pope for information
+concerning the Saracen countries. In this anonymous work a geographical
+sketch of Egypt and Palestine shows that its author had no limited
+acquaintance with the Moslem faith and the Mohammedan peoples.
+
+
+                     SCANDINAVIAN HISTORICAL WORKS
+
+The geographical knowledge acquired by the Crusaders became the common
+property of all Western Europe. That which was acquired by the Vikings,
+on the other hand, was disseminated practically not at all among the
+peoples of the Latin West. Brief mention, therefore, must suffice for
+the Scandinavian sources, even though of all European folk the Vikings
+were the most adventurous voyagers and their geographical horizon the
+widest.
+
+The introduction of Christianity marked the end of the heroic age of
+Norwegian and Icelandic history. It also ushered in an extraordinary
+period of literary productivity, the age of the Sagas[487] and
+Eddas.[488] The composition of the Sagas began in the twelfth and lasted
+on into the fourteenth century, but the events which they relate
+occurred far back in pagan days. For the most part bald but telling
+narratives of adventure, war, and litigation, they devote little space
+to comment or description; and the numerous place names mentioned are
+referred to as if the reader were already familiar with them.
+
+The records of the farthest voyages of the Vikings to the shores of
+Wineland the Good were not given the final written form in which we now
+know them until after the close of the thirteenth century.[489] On the
+other hand, the history of Iceland was told by Ari Frodhi (1067–1148) in
+his _Íslendingabók_;[490] and the chronicles of the settlement of the
+coasts of this isle and of the discovery of Greenland are recorded in
+the _Landnámabók_,[491] or _Book of Settlements_, the original of which
+probably dates from the twelfth century. The famous _Heimskringla_ of
+Snorri Sturluson, the greatest of early Scandinavian historians, records
+the history of the kings of Norway. Its title means “the Round World,”
+and the prelude consists of a brief geographical description of the
+principal countries of the world. The text includes no less than sixteen
+Sagas, among them that of Sigurd the Crusader chronicling an adventurous
+voyage (1109) of a king of southern Norway to the Holy Land by way of
+the Strait of Gibraltar and homeward overland. Scattered geographical
+references are found in other Sagas and in the _Icelandic_[492] and
+_Greenland Annals_[493] which, though written after our period, throw
+light on events that took place before the mid-thirteenth century.
+
+
+                      LATIN HISTORIES OF THE NORTH
+
+Besides the Sagas, three historical works written in Latin by Northern
+writers of our age deserve particular mention inasmuch as they all
+contain geographical descriptions of the Scandinavian world. The first
+of these is the history of Adam of Bremen. On strictly chronological
+grounds Adam, who died about 1076, belongs before the opening of the
+Crusading age. We shall discuss him, however, among the historians of
+the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, to whose works his writings
+are more akin in spirit than to those of the earlier Middle Ages. Adam
+was canon of Bremen and master of the cathedral school of that city in
+the time of the great Archbishop Adalbert, who had “made Bremen an
+Arctic Rome and his court the greatest center of Northern learning”
+(Beazley).[494] The archiepiscopal province of Bremen was the largest in
+the entire medieval church, including all of Scandinavia, Iceland,
+Greenland, the Orkneys, the Faroes, and the Hebrides. Adam was thus
+placed in a most favorable position to gather together materials on the
+geography and history of these northern lands. His great work (called
+sometimes _Gesta Hammenburgensis ecclesiae pontificum_, sometimes
+_Historia ecclesiastica_, and sometimes _Bremensium praesulum historia_)
+is in four books, the last of which deals with the geography of the
+North. Much of this was based on information derived from
+contemporaries; but Adam was also well read in Latin literature and
+often quotes and copies from the works of Macrobius, Martianus Capella,
+Solinus, and Orosius.
+
+From somewhat more than a century later we have another Latin history of
+the Scandinavian North—if Saxo Grammaticus’ curiously heterogeneous
+combination of mythology, folklore, poetry, and accurate observation
+deserves the name of history. The first book of this work, known as the
+_Gesta Danorum_, contains a formal geographical sketch of Denmark, the
+Baltic, the Scandinavian Peninsula, and remoter countries and isles
+beyond the Atlantic, wherein fact is blended with romance. There are
+also occasional observations of geographical interest scattered through
+the later books.
+
+Finally, in an anonymous _Historia Norwegiae_ dating from the early
+thirteenth century we find an introductory passage on the geography of
+the regions with which this history deals: a concise description of
+Norway is followed by briefer comments on the tributary islands,
+Iceland, Greenland, the Orkneys, and the Faroes. Especially interesting
+are the author’s observations upon the volcanoes of Iceland. The
+contents show that, like Adam of Bremen and Saxo Grammaticus, the writer
+must have been familiar with the standard geographical books of the
+Middle Ages, with Bede and Solinus, and perhaps with Isidore and Pliny.
+The _Historia Norwegiae_, however, can never have enjoyed great
+popularity, or else more than one manuscript would be known at the
+present day.[495]
+
+
+                               _LEGENDS_
+
+Many of the legends of our period contain material of geographical
+significance, and a few of these may claim our particular attention.
+
+
+                          ROMANCE OF ALEXANDER
+
+The stories of Alexander the Great served to direct men’s attention
+eastward, for, besides narrating the adventures of the Macedonian
+conqueror, they gave, as we have already seen,[496] details of a sort
+about the geography of Asia, particularly of India.[497] Not only were
+the earlier Latin versions derived from the _Pseudo-Callisthenes_
+paraphrased and copied by historians,[498] but new elements were added
+to the cycle—notably the _Iter ad Paradisum_,[499] an account of
+Alexander’s journey to Paradise. Walter of Châtillon (or of Lille),
+about 1180, composed in the style of Lucan a great Latin hexameter poem
+entitled _Alexandreis_, based in part on the legendary stories of the
+Macedonian and in part on the more authentic histories of Justin and
+Quintus Curtius.[500] The widest currency, however, was given to the
+Romance through its translation into the vernacular tongues. The oldest
+French version, which covers the earlier portion of the Romance only,
+was written by Alberic of Besançon (early twelfth century?) in
+octosyllabic verse of the dialect of the Dauphiny.[501] This was
+translated into German by one Lamprecht and was rendered into the
+_langue d’oïl_ in decasyllabic form.[502] The Romance reached its
+highest vernacular development in a version in alexandrines,[503] the
+joint composition of Lambert li Tors of Châteaudun, Alexander of Bernai
+(or of Paris), and Peter of St. Cloud. The existence of more than twenty
+manuscripts testifies to the popularity of this great poem, which is a
+sort of mosaic from various sources.[504] Much of it came from the
+_Pseudo-Callisthenes_ through the medium of Valerius, the _Epitoma_ of
+Valerius, Alberic of Besançon, and the decasyllabic poem; but some
+elements can be traced back to Orosius, Justin, Quintus Curtius,
+Eustatius, and Josephus, and the texts show many later interpolations of
+unknown origin. The Romance in alexandrines was drawn upon in its turn
+by later compilers. From the mid-thirteenth century there dates a poem,
+probably by one Eustace of Kent, which incorporates much material from
+this and other sources.[505] It includes miscellaneous geographical
+elements; and certain of the manuscripts are adorned with a wealth of
+magnificent miniatures, representing, among other things, the marvels of
+India and all the fantastic creatures encountered by Alexander
+throughout the East.
+
+
+                              PRESTER JOHN
+
+During our period the belief was spread abroad in the existence of a
+numerous Christian population in Asia. We find an account of Christians
+in India in an anonymous report of the visit of a certain Patriarch John
+of India to Rome in 1122, the authenticity of which is apparently
+confirmed in a letter of Odo, abbot of St. Remi in Rheims, to a certain
+Count Thomas.[506] Of far greater importance was the fabulous story of
+Prester John. Belief in this mighty Christian potentate and his immense
+kingdom may be traced in large measure to the widely read _Letter of
+Prester John_, dating in its earliest form from before 1177,[507]
+addressed in some manuscripts to the Byzantine Emperor[508] and
+elsewhere to other Western monarchs. The popularity of this is attested
+by the fact that Zarncke, its editor, knew of no less than eighty
+manuscripts. The question of the sources of the _Letter_ in its original
+form is obscure, though the origins of the numerous interpolations can
+nearly all be explained. Much, certainly, was borrowed from the
+Alexander stories, and much from the legend of St. Thomas in India;
+other parts are indubitably connected with the great Oriental reservoir
+of fabulous and miraculous lore. The account of the visit of Patriarch
+John to Rome and the _Letter of Prester John_ constituted the principal
+sources of an anonymous and highly fanciful description of India and of
+Prester John’s country found in a twelfth-century manuscript in the
+Heiligenkreutzerstift, near Vienna, and commonly called the _Elysaeus_
+account.[509] The _Letter of Prester John_ was not only extensively read
+in its various Latin versions but was translated into French, Italian,
+German, and English.[510]
+
+
+                              ST. BRANDAN
+
+Another legend which enjoyed perhaps an even greater popularity was that
+dealing with the wanderings of St. Brandan (or Brendan) in the Western
+Ocean. The story occurs in several distinct forms.[511] The Latin
+version had already taken shape before our period opened and perhaps
+dates back to the ninth century or earlier. From it was derived in part
+an Anglo-Norman version composed in 1121, which ultimately found its way
+into the _Image du monde_. The legend furthermore gained currency among
+the Teutonic peoples in a somewhat different version developed probably
+from a twelfth-century French original.
+
+
+         _PILGRIM NARRATIVES; MISCELLANEOUS RECORDS OF TRAVEL_
+
+The travels of pilgrims and traders during the Middle Ages have been the
+subject of more careful research in recent years than many other aspects
+of our study.[512] Consequently, it will suffice merely to give a very
+brief statement of the more significant pilgrim records dating from the
+Crusading age.
+
+
+                      CHRISTIAN PILGRIM NARRATIVES
+
+The first pilgrim after the conquest of Jerusalem in 1099 who has left a
+fairly complete account of the Holy Land was the Anglo-Saxon,
+Saewulf,[513] a traveler who visited Palestine in 1102 and 1103,
+combining trading enterprise with religious zeal. From the middle of the
+century the journeys of John of Würzburg,[514] of his follower
+Theoderic,[515] as well as of the Icelandic abbot, Nikulás Bergsson[516]
+of Thverá, deserve mention because in these records we find a personal
+touch that distinguishes them from the majority of similar narratives.
+The latter as a rule show that the pilgrims, like the medieval men of
+learning, suffered from that tendency, so characteristic of their age,
+to copy slavishly what others had said rather than to rely on their own
+powers of observation. This is particularly well illustrated by the
+majority of pilgrim records dating from after the early years of the
+twelfth century, when, as Beazley puts it, a decline had set in,
+“hastened by the compilation of standard guidebooks, which may be
+faintly described as legendary and inaccurate, and from which the later
+pilgrim narratives blindly copy, to the ever growing exclusion of
+anything independent or scholarly. Two of these handbooks, known as the
+_Old_ and the _New Compendium_, are the source of most of the tracts on
+the Holy Road which have been left us, under various names, from the
+time of the Second Crusade to the close of the Middle Ages.”[517] To
+this dry, guidebook type belong the narrative ascribed to Fetellus,
+archdeacon of Antioch,[518] and a series of anonymous accounts of
+pilgrimages dating from the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries.
+Though several of these contain more or less original matter, the
+desiccating influence of the _Old Compendium_ is nearly everywhere
+apparent.[519]
+
+Besides the pilgrims other travelers were on the road, and the records
+of their travels have in some cases come down to us. The journeys of
+Giraldus Cambrensis through Wales and Ireland will be discussed in the
+next section, on topographical works. Narratives of travel are also
+occasionally to be found in historical works and chronicles, poems, and
+letters.
+
+
+                           LETTERS OF TRAVEL
+
+The letter was an honored form of literary expression throughout
+antiquity and the Middle Ages. Carefully composed epistles of the
+ecclesiastic and educated man of the world were looked upon as more than
+mere media for the conveying of information. Not infrequently they were
+highly polished specimens of stylistic art, worthy of finding a
+permanent place in literature. From our point of view, they are of
+interest for the personal accounts of journeys which they sometimes
+contain.[520] Guy of Bazoches, for instance, who was precentor of the
+church of St. Stephen at Châlons, gave a brilliant description of his
+experiences and of what he saw on the Crusade of 1190 in a series of
+letters to his nephew and to others.[521] Conrad of Querfurt, bishop of
+more than one see in Germany during the last years of the twelfth
+century, wrote enthusiastically of his wanderings through Italy in a
+letter preserved for us in Arnold of Lübeck’s _Chronica Slavorum_.[522]
+A thorough study of the epistolography of the Crusading age would surely
+reveal a wealth of geographical lore.
+
+
+                            JEWISH TRAVELERS
+
+The Jews of the Middle Ages often journeyed farther afield than their
+Christian contemporaries. Their travels, for the most part in the
+interests of commerce, though in some instances in the nature of
+pilgrimages to Jerusalem, a city holy to Jew and Christian alike,[523]
+were facilitated by the presence of Hebrew communities in nearly all the
+cities of Europe and Western Asia. Strongly imbued with the racial
+consciousness of a vigorous and often oppressed people, the members of
+these communities did all in their power to receive the travelers and
+speed them on their way. The books composed by such Jewish wanderers as
+Benjamin of Tudela and Petachia of Ratisbon have been preserved and are
+invaluable as geographical records. It should be remembered, however,
+that they were written by men of a despised race and in a tongue unknown
+to the Christians of the West and that the geographical lore which may
+have been widespread among the more intelligent Hebrews never became an
+integral part of the geographical knowledge of Christendom. Hence in the
+pages which follow and which deal primarily with the geographical
+knowledge of Western Christendom but relatively little space can be
+devoted to Jewish geography.
+
+A few words, nevertheless, must be said of Benjamin and of Petachia.
+
+
+                          _Benjamin of Tudela_
+
+Rabbi Benjamin came from the small Spanish city of Tudela on the Ebro.
+It was probably about the year 1159 that this observant wanderer
+journeyed eastward from his native town, moving leisurely through
+southern France, Italy, Greece, Constantinople, and thence by sea to
+Syria. After a thorough examination of the cities of Syria and Palestine
+he made his way overland to Baghdad. It is unlikely that he penetrated
+beyond Mesopotamia, though on his homeward journey he visited Egypt
+sometime before 1171 and returned to his home in Castile in 1173. He
+appears to have kept a record as he went along, and from a critical
+examination of his book it is possible in a general way to reconstruct
+his route. He describes in detail the cities he passed through and the
+distances in days’ journeys, though not the directions, from one to
+another. He notes particularly the names of the leading Jews of each
+place and gives estimates of the numbers of the Jewish population.
+Indeed, probably one of his main purposes was to get in touch with Jews
+of as many countries as possible in order to determine where they were
+treated well. One result of the Crusades was an outburst of persecution
+of Hebrews throughout Christendom, and Benjamin, besides traveling for
+the sake of trade, was undoubtedly seeking for places “where his
+expatriated brethren might find an asylum” (Adler).[524] But, as well as
+revealing an interest in the Jewish inhabitants of the regions he
+traversed, his book gives us many significant data in regard to commerce
+and politics, monuments and natural features. For the regions actually
+visited by Benjamin this information is accurate and precise, but for
+the farther parts of Asia it becomes confused and often legendary.[525]
+
+
+                         _Petachia of Ratisbon_
+
+The second of the great Hebrew travelers of the twelfth century was
+Rabbi Petachia of Ratisbon in Bavaria. In the ninth decade of the
+century Petachia traveled eastward from Prague through Poland, Russia,
+Transcaucasia, and Kurdestan to Baghdad, whence he returned homeward by
+way of Palestine. The outward journey was a most unusual exploit for
+this time, traversing the steppes of Russia then infested with wild
+Tatar tribes. Unfortunately, much that was most important and
+significant in Petachia’s book appears to have been removed by Rabbi
+Yahudi the Pious, “who acted as Petachia’s literary mouthpiece”
+(Beazley).[526]
+
+
+                         _TOPOGRAPHICAL WORKS_
+
+We must now examine a few works on the geography and topography of local
+regions.
+
+
+                           GODFREY OF VITERBO
+
+In a manuscript of the mid-twelfth-century writings of Godfrey of
+Viterbo, and in all probability to be ascribed to Godfrey, there is a
+poem entitled _Denumeratio regnorum imperio subjectorum_.[527] The
+writer explains his purpose in the following terms: “Not the wars of
+kingdoms are here set forth, but their fortune (pride?), their rivers,
+the extent and kind of regions which constitute them, the types of
+customs, the manner of harvesting and of trade.”[528] In the course of
+the poem he treats of Rome, of Apulia and other Italian districts
+subject to Rome, of the kingdom of the Lombards, of Venetia, of “true
+France”—by which he means the lands of the Franks along the lower
+Rhine—of Basel, of Alsace, of Strasburg, of Worms; but, though much of
+the detail constitutes a poetic geography of peoples and cities, little
+attention is paid to physical features.
+
+
+                         GERVASE OF CANTERBURY
+
+Among the lesser writings of the English chronicler, Gervase of
+Canterbury, we find a _mappamundi_ dating from about the year 1200.[529]
+This is a brief account of England, its dimensions[530] and languages,
+followed by a table in three columns showing, for each county. (1) the
+most important ecclesiastical officers, archbishops, bishops, abbots,
+and priors; (2) the names of the churches; and (3) the religious orders
+and mother churches to which the various ecclesiastics appertained.
+After this there follows a list of hospitals, castles, islands, fresh-
+and salt-water springs, and other curiosities.
+
+
+                          GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS
+
+By all means the most important topographical works of our period,
+however, came from the pen of Giraldus Cambrensis, or Gerald of Barry
+(_c._ 1146-_c._ 1222).[531] This active and intelligent Norman-Welsh
+ecclesiastic, who at the time had already made one visit to Ireland, was
+appointed chaplain to Henry II in 1184 and in the following year was
+sent as counselor to the young Prince John on the latter’s expedition to
+Ireland. During the expedition he collected materials for two treatises,
+the first of which, the _Topographia Hiberniae_, was completed in 1188.
+Though Giraldus’ knowledge of Ireland in reality was limited, barely
+extending beyond the areas occupied by the English, though his
+impression of the Irish people was prejudiced and hostile, and though he
+overburdens us with the recitation of marvels, his books show, none the
+less, that their author possessed a keen interest in natural history and
+geography and that his powers of observation were far from mediocre. The
+second treatise, the _Expugnatio Hiberniae_, or history of the English
+conquest of the island, contains much less geographical material than
+the _Topographia_.
+
+In 1188, when Henry II was about to start out on the Crusade, he sent
+Archbishop Baldwin of Canterbury into Wales to preach there and urge the
+people to take the cross. Giraldus accompanied the archbishop on this
+tour and subsequently wrote an account of it in his _Itinerarium
+Kambriae_. Together with the _Descriptio Kambriae_ that followed a few
+years later, this contains many accurate and important remarks and notes
+on the physical and human geography of Giraldus’ native land.
+
+These treatises on Ireland and Wales hold a unique position in the
+literature not only of our period but of the entire Middle Ages. Brewer,
+in his introduction to the collected works of Giraldus, says that the
+_Topographia Hiberniae_ is a “monument of a bold and original genius”
+and that Giraldus “must take rank with the first who descried the value
+and, in some respects, the proper limits of descriptive geography.”[532]
+Though this may be a little too strong, we readily agree with Dimock’s
+estimate of the treatises on Wales: “His account of the land and the
+people of Wales will bear very honourable comparison with any
+topographical attempt that had appeared up to his time and with any that
+appeared for many ages afterwards.”[533] Giraldus was in a very real
+sense the forerunner of the modern writer of the better sort of book of
+travel. His works reveal to us a mind keenly interested in the results
+of its own observation and not merely in collecting what others had
+said. Giraldus was certainly enthusiastic, and we are almost tempted to
+say that he was endowed with an “outdoor” and even “Rooseveltian”
+interest in the world about him.
+
+Before leaving the topographical works, mention should be made of a
+little anonymous guide to the monuments and antiquities of Rome, the
+_Mirabilia urbis Romae_,[534] dating from the late twelfth century and
+widely read during the years that followed.
+
+
+                                 _MAPS_
+
+From the age of the Crusades date several of the most characteristic
+medieval maps. These highly important sources, which serve so admirably
+to illustrate the geographical conceptions of the time, have been made
+the object of such thorough and careful research by Konrad Miller,[535]
+the results of whose investigations are well summarized in Beazley’s
+_Dawn of Modern Geography_,[536] that it hardly seems necessary here to
+devote a great deal of space to them. Let us merely indicate what the
+more important maps were, and show in a general way their relation to
+the literature of the age, leaving for Chapter XI a brief discussion of
+them as typifying medieval geographical thought.
+
+We saw in Chapter II that the maps of the world drawn before 1100 and
+now extant could nearly all be classified in four groups.
+
+
+                               ZONE MAPS
+
+1. Of the first, zone maps, or diagrams illustrating the division of the
+earth’s surface into zones, examples occur in twelfth- and
+thirteenth-century manuscripts of Macrobius, of the _De imagine mundi_,
+of Lambert’s _Liber floridus_ (Fig. 3), of William of Conches’ _De
+philosophia mundi_, of Herrad of Landsperg’s _Hortus deliciarum_, and of
+John of Holywood’s _De sphaera_.[537] The Paris manuscript of Peter
+Alphonsi’s _Dialogus_ also contains two related diagrams, one showing
+the eccentricity of the sun’s orbit and the other the division of the
+northern hemisphere into climates. Arabic influence upon Peter Alphonsi
+is revealed by the fact that south is at the top of his diagrams,
+instead of east, according to the almost universal custom of medieval
+Christian cartography.[538]
+
+
+                       T-O MAPS AND SALLUST MAPS
+
+2. The diagrammatic T-O group are also represented. By all means the
+most interesting of these is a map preserved in a manuscript in St.
+John’s College, Oxford, and dating from 1110. Somewhat more elaborate
+than others of the same type, this one assigns Greek names to the
+cardinal points of the compass, a circumstance which has given rise to a
+plausible conjecture that it may have been a copy of an original found
+in the Levant at the time of the First Crusade.[539]
+
+[Illustration:
+
+  FIG. 3—Zone map in an early twelfth-century manuscript of Lambert of
+    St. Omer’s _Liber floridus_, viz. Ghent Codex 2, fol. 24 vo. East is
+    at the top. (From Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, fig. 59.)
+]
+
+3. There also date from our period several examples of the ornamented
+T-O maps drawn to illustrate Sallust’s works.[540]
+
+
+                              BEATUS MAPS
+
+4. We saw that the existing specimens of that series of maps of the
+world drawn to elucidate a passage in Beatus’ commentary on the
+Apocalypse appear to have come from two sources: (_a_) maps which were
+modeled closely on the original map of Beatus or a contemporary copy and
+(_b_) those which were merely generalized outlines of it.[541]
+
+_a._ A map dating from 1203 and preserved at Osma in Old Castile comes
+nearest to the original in design and form, if not in the richness of
+detail (Fig. 4). Alone of all the Beatus type this shows the heads of
+the twelve apostles scattered over the earth’s surface. Another map,
+probably derived from the same source, is to be found in the
+Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris; though it is rich in detail, little
+attempt was made to show localities in their proper relative positions,
+and consequently the geography represented is chaotic to an extreme.
+
+[Illustration:
+
+  FIG. 4—Osma Beatus map dating from 1203 showing the division of the
+    world among the twelve apostles. East is at the top. (From Miller,
+    _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895, p. 35.)
+]
+
+_b._ There are also three or four maps dating from our period from the
+second source. Their main interest lies in the remarkable naïveté of
+workmanship.
+
+
+          MAPS OF LAMBERT, GUIDO, HENRY OF MAYENCE, AND OTHERS
+
+In addition to the above, for which we have prototypes from the period
+before 1100, there are a number of maps of the world of the twelfth and
+early thirteenth centuries, the prototypes of which either have been
+lost or never existed. Among the most notable of these is one found in
+certain manuscripts of Lambert’s _Liber floridus_.[542] It was compiled
+from the usual medieval authorities, Isidore, Orosius, Julius Honorius,
+Martianus Capella, Pomponius Mela, Solinus, the _Pseudo-Callisthenes_,
+and the Bible, though there also appear upon it a few names that could
+have been taken only from contemporary sources. The influence of
+Macrobius is most strikingly revealed, for, unlike most other medieval
+maps which indicate the known world (Asia, Europe, and Africa) as
+occupying the entire area or by far the greater part of the world disk
+(as in the Beatus group), Lambert’s map divides the disk along its
+diameter by a zone representing the course of the sun and places in the
+southern hemisphere an austral continent of magnitude equal to that of
+the _oikoumene_.[543]
+
+Guido’s compilation of geographical works, made in 1119, contains in two
+manuscripts not only a T-O map but also a map of the world accompanying
+a selection from the book of the anonymous Ravenna geographer and a
+detailed map of Italy and the surrounding lands. The map of the world is
+peculiar because of the enormous area which the Mediterranean occupies.
+Miller believes it to be a reduced sketch of a large map of the world
+and holds that the detailed map of Italy is a copy of a small portion of
+this same original.[544]
+
+A compilation of the _De imagine mundi_, put together by one Henry,
+canon of the Church of St. Mary in Mayence, in 1100 and preserved in a
+late twelfth-century copy in Cambridge, England, contains a world map
+(see below, p. 245, Fig. 6, inset). Though indirectly made from the
+sources that the writers of the _De imagine mundi_ and other medieval
+cosmographies utilized, it was probably not compiled directly from the
+_De imagine mundi_ but rather from a large wall map. Its affinities to
+the immense late thirteenth-century world disk in Hereford Cathedral
+make it seem possible that both had a common source. In addition to the
+older nomenclature, about a dozen more modern place names are to be
+found upon it.[545]
+
+A map of the world which somewhat resembles that of Henry of Mayence is
+also to be found in two manuscripts of the _Chronica maiora_ (or
+_Historia maiora_) of Matthew Paris. Though there are many names that
+have come down to modern times, the geography is meager and poor, in
+striking contrast to the detail of Matthew’s map of Britain,[546] to
+which reference is made below.
+
+To complete the discussion of _mappaemundi_, mention must be made of a
+very small but very neat little map in a late thirteenth-century Psalter
+in the British Museum. If this was not actually drawn during our period,
+it undoubtedly had predecessors much like it, and it shows marked
+resemblances to the map of Henry of Mayence as well as to the Hereford
+and Ebstorf maps.[547]
+
+
+                             REGIONAL MAPS
+
+Several of the regional maps, or maps of limited areas, dating from our
+period may be merely fragments or copies of small portions of maps of
+the world. This is certainly true of the map of Europe in the Ghent
+manuscript of Lambert’s _Liber floridus_, which depicts that continent
+crammed into slightly more than a quarter of a circle with no attempt to
+show the articulations of the coast. The Guido map of Italy, as we have
+already seen, probably represents a portion of a larger map, and the
+same can possibly be said of the maps of the East and of Palestine which
+follow a treatise by Jerome, entitled _De situ et nominibus locorum
+Hebraicorum_, or _De Palestinae locis_, in a manuscript now in the
+British Museum. Though these two maps were actually drawn in the twelfth
+century, they represent the cartography of a very much earlier age and
+perhaps may be attributed to Jerome himself.[548] They were drawn to
+illustrate the Biblical geography of Palestine and the Orient, and they
+show a great wealth of Scriptural legends. Other legends were taken from
+profane sources, such as the writings of Isidore, Orosius, Julius
+Honorius, Dionysius, and the Romance of Alexander; and affinities to the
+Peutinger Table show that the draftsman was under the influence of the
+cartography of the Roman imperial epoch.
+
+Among the regional maps that had no connection with _mappaemundi_ are
+plans of Jerusalem (“Situs Ierusalem”) accompanying twelfth- and
+thirteenth-century manuscripts of an anonymous work written about 1109
+and entitled _Gesta Francorum Ierusalem expugnantium_ (Fig. 7, p. 250,
+below). Though these plans reveal many names from the early Crusading
+age, their outlines as a whole—the fact, for instance, that Jerusalem is
+shown to be circular instead of rectangular—make it seem probable that
+they represent a schematic diagram of the Holy City going back to as
+early as the sixth century and brought up to date by the anonymous
+compiler of the Crusading epoch.[549]
+
+
+                    _Matthew Paris’ Maps of Britain_
+
+In addition to the map of the world of which we have spoken already, the
+works of Matthew Paris contain no less than five regional maps.[550] Two
+of these, the “Situs Britanniae” and the “Schema Britanniae,” are simple
+diagrams of Britain and are of no particular importance. The other three
+are far more significant. The first, a pictorial itinerary of the route
+from London to southern Italy, with legends in Old French and Latin,
+delineates vividly towns and principal topographic features. The second
+is a map of Palestine which superficially resembles that of Jerome; the
+names, however, are in French, and the legends refer to places familiar
+to the contemporary pilgrim and Crusader. Finally come the three
+manuscript variants of Matthew’s map of Britain, which, as Beazley
+observes, “among all designs of purely medieval origin ... show the best
+evidence of critical study, the most systematic attempt at the exact
+delineation of a particular country”[551] (for one variant, see below,
+p. 343, Fig. 9). There is a profusion of detail and accuracy in the
+representation of the relative position of places refreshing when we
+contemplate the confusion and credulity manifested in the earlier works.
+This map is also the first example of late medieval cartography in which
+north instead of east is shown at the top of the sheet.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V
+   THE PLACE OF GEOGRAPHY IN THE MEDIEVAL CLASSIFICATION OF KNOWLEDGE
+
+
+Geography in the Middle Ages did not form a distinct and separate
+science. The student who learned anything of geography learned it
+incidentally to the study of other subjects and never thought of it as
+sufficiently dignified to enjoy a place by itself in the scholastic
+curriculum. Even the word “geography” was scarcely ever used.[552] The
+term _cosmographia_, sometimes employed to distinguish certain aspects
+of our subject from geometry, included practically all branches of
+natural history, the sciences of animals, rocks, monstrosities, and
+meteorological phenomena. On the other hand, cosmography did not
+comprise many of the topics with which we are concerned, particularly
+those lying on the border line between geography, astronomy, and
+geology. The question of the origin of the earth was in the province of
+the theologian of the Middle Ages.
+
+
+                   GEOGRAPHY INCLUDED UNDER GEOMETRY
+
+The well-known seven liberal arts formed the foundation of the work in
+the medieval schools. From them the student might advance to higher
+researches in philosophy and theology, but the seven arts were the base
+of all learning.[553] Martianus Capella’s _De nuptiis Philologiae et
+Mercurii_ was an attractive and somewhat imaginative exposition of the
+arts and had become one of the most popular of medieval textbooks long
+before the twelfth century.[554] Here each art is personified as a
+gorgeously clad woman, and the seven together compose the escort of
+“Philosophy.”
+
+In practical teaching, the arts were divided into two groups: the
+trivium, comprising grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic (or logic); and the
+quadrivium, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy (astrology), and music.
+Geoffrey of St. Victor, in his _Fons philosophiae_, gives[555] an
+allegorical description of the arts as a spring which divides into two
+main streams, the trivium and quadrivium, that in turn separate into
+three and four lesser streams respectively. The teaching of practically
+all the natural science of the Middle Ages was included in the
+quadrivium. Geometry was generally expanded to include geography and
+quite naturally so in view of prevalent opinions regarding its origin.
+Adelard of Bath, in his _De eodem et diverso_, repeats an old story to
+the effect that in the early days men began to set up stones as
+boundaries.[556] Disputes about claims inevitably arose, in Libya
+because of sand, and in Egypt because the Nile often obliterated or
+destroyed the stones. This necessitated the invention of the science of
+geometry, or surveying, by the application of which the bounds might be
+replaced so that it would be “possible for all the centuries to have an
+everlasting rule for the measurement of land.”[557] Out of the invention
+of geometry, Adelard adds, arose subsequently the custom of subdividing
+territory into areas of various sizes.[558] Thus it happened that
+geometry had become closely allied in the classical and medieval mind
+with matters of geographical or topographical interest. Capella includes
+his long geographical discourse among chapters devoted to geometry and
+makes his symbolical figure of the latter science carry in one hand a
+compass and in the other a sphere to represent the terrestrial
+globe.[559] Alan of Lille, in the _Anticlaudianus_, describes Geometry
+as carrying a scale with which she measured the earth: “The maid carries
+a rod by which she encircles the entire earth.”[560] In the sculptured
+figures of the cathedrals Geometry is often depicted compass in
+hand.[561]
+
+
+                   GEOGRAPHY INCLUDED UNDER ASTROLOGY
+
+Geography was not always placed in a subordinate position to geometry in
+the quadrivium. In the _De divisione philosophiae_ of Dominicus
+Gondisalvi, which follows the Aristotelian rather than the Platonic
+division of knowledge, we find our science grouped under astrology. Of
+the latter art, Dominicus says,[562] there are three parts: the first is
+concerned with the number and shape of the heavenly bodies; the second
+with their movements; and the third with the earth, those regions that
+are inhabited and those that are not, the climates, and the varying
+influences exerted by the location of places and the revolutions of the
+universe over happenings on the earth’s surface.[563]
+
+
+          GEOGRAPHY AND THE ARISTOTELIAN DIVISION OF LEARNING
+
+Both geometry and astrology belonged in the quadrivium. Where did the
+higher study of the arts of the quadrivium fall in the general
+classification of knowledge?
+
+The medieval mind tended to seek for a logical and symmetrical
+subdivision of the sum of all knowledge. The desire for systematization
+found its supreme expression in the great philosophic structures of the
+thirteenth century, the systems founded on Aristotle and devised by such
+men as Albertus Magnus. Prior to the thirteenth century confusion had
+reigned. According to the Platonists, who divided philosophy into logic,
+ethics, and physics, the study of the mathematical and natural
+sciences—and, therefore, of geography—fell under the heading of physics.
+Aristotle, more logically perhaps, had divided the subject matter of all
+human learning into two great categories, theoretical knowledge and
+practical knowledge. Theoretical knowledge included physics,
+mathematics, and metaphysics (or theology). The studies of the
+quadrivium were thrown by the Aristotelians under the heading of
+mathematics: geography, then, became to those who followed the
+Aristotelian classification—Gondisalvi, Hugh of St. Victor,[564] Roger
+Bacon—a sub-department of mathematics.
+
+But on the whole we need not linger over this topic, because the
+question of exactly where geography belonged in the artificial systems
+devised by the medieval mind was largely a matter of academic interest
+even in the Middle Ages and was without influence on the actual
+condition of the geographical lore of that time.
+
+
+
+
+                                PART II
+THE SUBSTANCE AND CHARACTER OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL LORE OF THE TIME OF THE
+                                CRUSADES
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER VI
+                 COSMOGONY, COSMOLOGY, AND COSMOGRAPHY
+
+
+In the preceding chapters the attempt has been made to show the origins
+of a large part of the geographical lore of the Crusading epoch, the
+sources from which we may learn about it, and where it stood in the
+classification of learning. Now we may turn to our central theme: an
+estimate of its actual substance and character.
+
+This geographical lore was in no sense a unified body of knowledge and
+belief. It was no more a unit than the religious thought of the age, or
+the philosophy, astronomy, or morals. No one in the Middle Ages was
+acquainted with all the facts and theories with which we shall have to
+deal. Mental caliber, credulity, critical spirit, curiosity,
+opportunities for research and for travel—these all varied widely with
+the individual and determined his geographical concepts. Nevertheless,
+though there was no unity of knowledge or belief in regard to specific
+facts and no unity of point of view, the reader will not fail to
+perceive, in the multitude of illustrative details which are presented,
+that certain habits of thought and modes of expression were typical of
+the epoch as a whole.
+
+We must first discuss what was known and believed about the earth in its
+larger relations, both in time and space, to the remainder of the
+universe: opinions about the Creation, about the size and shape of our
+terrestrial globe, about the influences exerted by the heavenly bodies
+in determining or affecting geographical conditions upon its surface.
+
+In the Introduction we explained why it is justifiable when dealing with
+ancient and medieval geography to wander into the fields of cosmogony
+and cosmography far beyond what are now regarded as the rightful limits
+of geography. The present chapter, it is hoped, will make clear how
+closely medieval conceptions of the present condition of the earth may
+be connected with the medieval idea of the origins and nature of the
+universe.
+
+
+ _GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE COSMOLOGY AND NATURAL SCIENCE OF THE PERIOD_
+
+These difficult questions of cosmogony, cosmology, and cosmography
+excited keen and vivid thinking because they lie on the border between
+philosophy and theology. Men were more interested in attempting to solve
+the insoluble mysteries of God and the universe than they were in the
+world of nature immediately surrounding them. Immense and weighty
+volumes were written in commentary on the Works of the Six Days, wherein
+complicated arguments were elaborated with the finesse of scholastic
+logic. In an age of faith, the religious enthusiasm of the architect and
+artisan was transmuted into lofty cathedrals; that of the theologian
+turned to the elucidation of the words of Scripture. To analyze these
+words, to comment upon their minutest detail, to reveal the meaning that
+presumably lay behind them was not only a work of piety and devotion but
+an absorbing intellectual pastime for keen-witted thinkers. In more
+concrete realms of natural science, the epoch was characterized by
+little enough observation and creative thought. The teachings of Plato,
+of Aristotle, and of the other available classical, Arabic, and early
+Christian authorities were accepted and adopted uncritically. Very
+different was the case with matters of cosmogony and cosmography. Here
+was highly controversial ground where classical opinions were either
+enthusiastically defended as casting light on Scripture or else bitterly
+attacked as subversive of all truth.
+
+
+          THE CHARTRES GROUP: BERNARD SYLVESTER AND THEODORIC
+
+We have seen in Chapter IV that the scholars of the Chartres group and
+their pupils during the early twelfth century were endowed with peculiar
+freedom of thought.[565] We note in the works of Bernard, Theodoric,
+Adelard of Bath, William of Conches, and Bernard Sylvester a wide
+departure from authoritative, orthodox theology. Theodoric, William, and
+the two Bernards were readers of Chalcidius’ translation of the
+_Timaeus_, of Macrobius, and perhaps of the writings of the great
+ninth-century Platonist, John Scot Erigena, and all four felt the
+powerful and seductive attraction of Platonism. Bernard Sylvester was
+almost an out-and-out pagan, so much so, indeed, that his writings can
+hardly be considered to lie within the pale of Christian theology.[566]
+Theodoric and William tried harder to reconcile Platonism with the
+teachings of the church, yet they did so in a rationalistic spirit
+almost as abhorrent to strict orthodoxy as the paganism of Bernard
+Sylvester. Theodoric expressly stated in his _De sex dierum operibus_
+that he was going to explain the different Works of the Six Days
+“according to physical principles,” and, following the letter of the
+text,[567] he proposed to avoid all allegorical and moral
+interpretations of Scripture. He believed that the best way to attain a
+genuine knowledge of God was through an accurate understanding of what
+God had created; and his explanation of the Creation, as we shall soon
+see, was independent to a degree that amazes us in a writer of his time.
+The following phrase is particularly significant where Theodoric extols
+Moses’ treatment of the Creation in Genesis, saying: “He shows in a
+rational manner the causes out of which this world has come into
+existence and the order of time in which this same world was founded and
+adorned.”[568] Hauréau writes of the first book of Theodoric’s
+commentary: “Quant au premier livre, essai d’accord entre la Genèse et
+le _Timée_, où l’on voit la religion et la philosophie conspirant à
+résoudre le plus grave et le plus obscur des problèmes, le problème de
+l’être, et se déclarant satisfaites de l’avoir résolu, ce premier livre
+est ... de plus grand intéret.”[569]
+
+
+                 ADELARD OF BATH AND WILLIAM OF CONCHES
+
+In the _Quaestiones naturales_ Adelard of Bath gives vent to his scorn
+for the mentality that blindly accepts beliefs merely because they have
+the weight of authority behind them. In an extraordinary passage he
+expresses these ideas thus (as translated and paraphrased by Professor
+Haskins[570]): “‘It is hard to discuss with you,’ Adelard tells his
+nephew [in the dialogue form of the _Quaestiones naturales_], ‘for I
+have learned one thing from the Arabs under the guidance of reason; you
+follow another halter, caught by the appearance of authority, for what
+is authority but a halter?’... ‘If reason is not to be the universal
+judge, it is given to each to no purpose.’[571]... While plants spring
+from the earth by God’s will, this does not act without a reason.[572]
+Human science must first be listened to ... and ‘only when it fails
+utterly should there be recourse to God’ as an explanation.”[573]
+
+William of Conches shows the same spirit where he insists that God acts
+reasonably and not capriciously. He writes: “I am aware that some people
+assert, ‘Though we do not know how this happens to be so, we know that
+God can make it so.’ Wretched ones! What is more craven than to talk in
+that way! Because God can do something is no sign that he actually does
+it, nor any reason why he should do it, nor any reason why it is useful
+that it should be done. For God does not do whatever he can do. To
+employ a rustic expression: ‘God can make a calf out of a tree trunk,’
+but does he ever do so?”[574] William apparently, unlike Theodoric,
+thought that we are justified in avoiding irrational deductions from
+Scripture by an appeal either to an allegorical interpretation or—what
+is even more surprising at a time when the word of authority was usually
+regarded as all-sufficient—to one’s own intellect: “We may begin our
+reasoning from the authority of a master, but it should be perfected by
+our own intellect.”[575]
+
+
+                        CONCEPT OF NATURAL LAWS
+
+Thus we see in the writings of Adelard, Theodoric, and William that the
+approach was tentatively made toward the acceptance of the doctrine that
+the universe is governed by natural laws. This doctrine, upon which the
+edifice of modern science has been built, was also given partial
+expression by other thinkers of the twelfth century. John of Salisbury
+stated in effect that a sequence of causes gives rise to all things that
+we may perceive with our senses, that we call these causes nature, that
+nothing happens that is not the result of natural causation even though
+the operation of this causation may be concealed from us; finally, that
+the first cause of all is the will of God.[576] Alan of Lille clothed a
+similar theory in allegory by personifying Nature in poetic form as the
+representative of God and making her say: “Hear how in this universe, as
+in a great city, order is established by the control of a majestic
+government” (Moffat’s translation).[577] Much the same opinion was
+expressed by an anonymous Scandinavian historian of the early thirteenth
+century in his Latin _Historia Norwegiae_. After describing a terrible
+volcanic upheaval from the bottom of the sea,[578] this writer adds that
+many people regard such occurrences as prodigies, believing that the
+world itself thereby gives warning of its own destruction.[579] Citing
+Solinus, he goes on to set forth a purely physical explanation of
+earthquakes and volcanic eruptions and adds that, though it may not be
+possible to attain to clearsighted understanding of these phenomena and
+of the major marvels of the world, they should not be looked upon as
+prodigies nor considered as portents of universal cataclysm. On the
+contrary they are, as it were, the servants of the all-knowing and
+immutable founder of the universe to whose nature through some marvelous
+process they have been placed in bondage.[580]
+
+
+                         THE ORTHODOX TENDENCY
+
+This sort of reasoning, however, was exceptional. In the mid-twelfth
+century the appearance of Peter Lombard’s _Sententiae_ tended to divert
+the theologian’s mind from Platonic and rationalistic studies and to
+restore Church Fathers and Scripture to paramount authority.[581] We
+look in vain for traces of the liberal attitude of the Chartres scholars
+in the orthodox works of such prolific writers but perhaps less clear
+thinkers as Peter Comestor, Giraldus Cambrensis, Gervase of Tilbury or
+even Alexander Neckam. Giraldus’ _Symbolum electorum_[582] contains a
+cosmography in verse which explains the Scriptural view of the Works of
+the Six Days, and though we feel in this poem the influence of the
+Peripatetic physics—which by this time were becoming universally
+known—no attempt was made to expound the work of the Creation according
+to physical laws. In the _Topographia Hiberniae_[583] Giraldus
+illustrates his own attitude and the dominant attitude of his age by the
+moral he draws from the story of eagles which occasionally fly so high
+that they scorch their wings in the sun. This he compared to the
+hopeless vanity of the man who tries to solve by reason or by knowledge
+God’s riddles of the Creation and of the universe. Neckam also despairs
+of explaining the mysteries of nature and asks, “Who may comprehend the
+causes of things?” He describes thunder and lightning briefly but adds,
+“The herald of the thunder fills the mind with terror and shows how
+great is the creator thereof.”[584] Even Michael Scot, who enjoyed the
+patronage of the enlightened, scientifically minded Emperor Frederick
+II, attributed the fact that the waters of the spherical earth are held
+in place to “a secret virtue ... beyond human ken and merit”
+(Haskins).[585] Gervase of Tilbury reproduces uncritically in his _Otia
+imperialia_[586] the ideas compiled by Peter Comestor regarding the
+Creation. These were strictly correct opinions on which no suspicion of
+heterodoxy could be thrown. Comestor went out of his way to express
+opposition and antagonism to Platonic teachings.
+
+
+                  EFFECTS OF INFLUX OF ARABIC SCIENCE
+
+The conventional orthodox position, however, did not remain
+unchallenged. The influx of Moslem Aristotelian lore at the end of the
+twelfth century was held to be as menacing to the integrity of the
+ecclesiastical tradition as any of the Platonic doctrines. But, though
+stern prohibitions were leveled against the study of Aristotle and his
+Arabic interpreters, the seductions of Aristotelianism could not be
+resisted, and those elements of Peripatetic science which did not seem
+utterly outrageous to Christian theology became the accepted and
+authoritative science of the West in the mid-thirteenth century. William
+of Auvergne, bishop of Paris, stood out valiantly against what he
+regarded as teachings subversive of Christianity and of morals and in
+his vigorous opposition to Aristotelianism even went so far as to adopt
+many of the Platonic doctrines that had been popular among the scholars
+of Chartres during the preceding century.[587] But translators like
+Gerard of Cremona had done their work too well, and the enormous tomes
+of Albertus Magnus were based to a large extent on the learning of the
+Stagirite.
+
+
+                             _THE CREATION_
+
+The usual medieval treatise on the Works of the Six Days as described in
+the Book of Genesis deals with many problems. Some of these are abstruse
+and metaphysical: questions of the nature of God and the nature of time
+and space. With these we are not concerned. Others are more concrete:
+questions of the materials out of which God made the universe and of the
+actual manner in which he worked.
+
+
+                                PROBLEMS
+
+For the sake of clearness let us state some of these questions as
+follows, (1) The question of whether matter existed prior to God’s
+creation of the world. That is to say, Did God fashion the universe out
+of a pre-existing substance or did he make it out of nothing? (2) The
+question of the manner in which the universe was fashioned after it was
+once “created.” (3) The question of what furnished the light during the
+first three days before the creation of the sun. (4) The problem of
+whether the Six Days were actual divisions of time or merely
+hypothetical divisions of the process of creation. (5) The question of
+the nature of the waters above the firmament. (6) Various problems
+arising in regard to the nature and location of Paradise and of the four
+rivers flowing from Paradise. The first four problems are discussed
+briefly in the present chapter. That of the waters above the firmament
+is left for Chapter VIII (on waters), and that of Paradise for Chapter
+XII (on regional geography).
+
+
+                       THE PREËXISTENCE OF MATTER
+
+(1) Did matter exist prior to God’s creation of the universe as we now
+know it?
+
+Consistently with his Platonism, Bernard Sylvester thought that God
+formed the universe out of what he termed _materia primordialis_—a
+chaotic mingling of the elements that had coexisted with God before he
+converted the universe into its present shape.[588]
+
+
+                          _The Orthodox View_
+
+Theodoric of Chartres, on the other hand, explicitly denied the
+coëxistence of the _materia primordialis_ with God before the Creation.
+In this respect he showed himself far less divergent than Bernard from
+the Christian point of view. The work of the first day, he said, was the
+creation from nothing of the _materia_ of the universe, out of which
+earth and heaven, fire and water and life were to be evolved.[589] This
+_materia_ was the _hyle_, or chaos, of the ancient philosophers, he
+explained, and was designated by Moses in the book of Genesis under
+various names.[590] For example, when Moses wrote, “In the beginning God
+created the heaven and the earth” (Gen. i, 1) the words “heaven” and
+“earth” referred to chaos; when Moses wrote, “And the earth was without
+form and void” (Gen. i, 2) the word “earth” referred to the primordial
+mixture of land and water, a mingling of land that was not solid and of
+water that was not liquid. Air and fire at that time were of about the
+density of water.
+
+Theodoric’s interpretation of the initial process of the Creation was
+entirely in keeping with the views of more orthodox writers. Peter
+Lombard, for instance, wrote as follows: “In the beginning God created
+the ‘heaven,’ that is to say the angels, and the ‘earth,’ by which is
+meant the material which composed the four elements. The latter were as
+yet in the confused and formless condition to which the Greeks gave the
+name of chaos, and this was before any day.”[591]
+
+Peter Comestor also set forth an orthodox view of the Creation. In his
+commentary on Genesis he revealed a love of the number three and
+classified every thing possible into groups of three.[592] He pointed
+out how Moses had avoided three errors. “First, that of Plato, who had
+conceived of three coëxistent things, God, _ile_ (_hyle_, or chaos), and
+time, and that the world was made out of _ile_; second, that of
+Aristotle, who had conceived of two coëxistent things, the world and the
+fashioner thereof (_mundus et opifex_); and third, that of Epicurus, who
+had also conceived of two, space (_inane_) and matter in the form of
+atoms, and that in the beginning natural processes had brought together
+certain atoms to form water, others to form earth, and others to form
+fire. Moses, however, had said that God alone was eternal and that the
+world was created out of nothing, for there was no matter in existence
+prior to the ‘Creation.’”[593] “In the beginning” meant in the beginning
+of time as well as of matter, for time and matter were coëternal.[594]
+
+
+                           _A Rational View_
+
+William of Conches refused, on rational, physical grounds, to believe in
+the possibility of a chaos preëxisting the Creation.[595] Having
+accepted the classical doctrine whereby the four elements were arranged
+in concentric spheres in order from heaviest to lightest,[596] he was
+unable to conceive of a time when they could have been so intermingled
+that they contradicted this law, though there may have been a time, he
+conceded, when the earth was completely enveloped in a thick mantle of
+water reaching very high and when air and fire themselves were denser
+than they now are. Such a condition, William thought, was that described
+in Genesis i, 2.[597]
+
+
+                       PROCESSES OF THE CREATION
+
+
+                    _Theodoric of Chartres’ Theory_
+
+(2) How was the universe converted into its present form after God had
+once created it?
+
+Most commentators answered this either by saying or tacitly implying
+that it was through the immediate operation of God’s will alone.
+Theodoric of Chartres’ theory, therefore, is peculiarly interesting,
+because Theodoric maintained that the formation of the universe resulted
+from what we should now style a series of purely mechanical and chemical
+reactions which began, once the composition of the _materia_ was
+completed, on the first day. For its time this was an extremely
+hazardous view, akin in some respects to the modern belief in the
+sufficiency of physical and chemical action to produce practically all
+observable phenomena.
+
+Let us examine Theodoric’s theory in a little greater detail. In Genesis
+i, 2, we read the words, “And the spirit of God moved upon the face of
+the waters.” Theodoric explained that by the “waters” was meant the
+whole of matter:[598] the “spirit of God” was that which was destined to
+give order and form to the chaos, that is to say the “force which
+fashioned” or “operated” (_virtus artifex_ or _virtus operatrix_). Plato
+had called this force the World Soul, the Christians called it the Holy
+Ghost,[599] and through its agency the evolution of the universe out of
+chaos by physical processes was rendered possible.
+
+Coincidently with the creation of the original _materia_ the universe
+had assumed a rotary motion,[600] each complete rotation marking a day.
+In the further unrolling of the universe, fire was the active element
+(_artifex et efficiens causa_), earth the passive element, and air and
+water stood as intermediaries between fire and earth. During the first
+rotation, or first day, the fire heated and illumined the inferior
+elements in such a manner as to cause the air to be released from them
+(_aer ex inferioribus elementis spissatus_), and thus the atmosphere
+came into existence.[601] On the second day the fire, by illuminating
+the air, transmitted heat to the third element, water, which rose in the
+form of clouds. Some of this vaporized water ascended so high that it
+passed into the second heavenly sphere, where it became the “waters
+above the firmament,” the firmament itself, according to Theodoric,
+being the atmosphere.[602] So much water in this manner was absorbed out
+of the original _materia_ that inevitably on the third day the earth
+appeared like islands in the midst of the waters remaining behind.
+Theodoric compared these to islands that are formed when water dries
+after it has been spilled upon a table. Immediately the heat of the
+atmosphere was mingled with the humors of the earth, and the latter
+thereby received the power of producing vegetable life, herbs and trees.
+On the fourth day the stars were formed out of the waters which had been
+drawn above the firmament. On the fifth day the heat of the universe
+brooded over (_incubuit_) the waters of the earth’s surface and gave
+birth to fish and birds. Finally, on the sixth day, the life-giving heat
+reached the earth; and from it the animals were created, including, of
+course, man.[603]
+
+
+                      _William of Conches’ Theory_
+
+William of Conches’ theory of the Creation did not differ a great deal
+from that of Theodoric, except that the _materia primordialis_ was not,
+in his opinion, a chaotic mingling of the elements; for within it, he
+thought, as we have already seen,[604] that the elements were arranged
+in their proper order according to accepted classical laws of physics.
+The lands were uncovered by the removal of the waters, though this took
+place later in the process according to William than it did according to
+Theodoric. William attributed the drying off of the waters partly to the
+warmth of the stars (which were not formed until the fourth day) and
+partly to the creation of the water and land animals on the fifth and
+sixth days respectively.[605] In different portions of this primordial
+land, when it was just in the act of emerging from the waters, fiery,
+watery, earthy elements were present in varying quantities. This
+condition gave birth to divers varieties of animals. Where the fiery
+element was in excess, choleric animals, like the lion, came into being;
+where the water element prevailed, phlegmatic animals, like the pig; and
+the earthy element produced melancholic creatures like the ass and cow.
+At the one and only place where the combination was absolutely equal,
+man appeared. Woman, on the other hand, was made from a combination
+almost like that of man but one in which the colder elements were very
+slightly in excess, because the warmest of women by nature is colder
+than the coldest of men! This last, an extremely free and heretical and
+from our point of view unchivalrous theory, William retracted in his old
+age.[606]
+
+
+                   FUNCTION OF LIGHT IN THE CREATION
+
+(3) What was the nature of the light which God made when he said, “Let
+there be light”? Although Augustine had interpreted this passage
+allegorically or mystically as referring to the creation of the world of
+the angels,[607] he had also suggested that God might have created an
+actual body of light corresponding to the sun. Bede[608] developed the
+latter suggestion and maintained that there must have been a luminary
+revolving around the earth as does the sun. In the twelfth century Hugh
+of St. Victor and Peter Comestor, both of whom interpreted Scripture
+more or less literally in this respect, followed Bede. Hugh maintained
+that this original light was like a luminous cloud which rose in the
+east and set in the west,[609] and Comestor spoke of it in much the same
+terms.[610] Other theologians, however, refused to believe that such a
+light could have actually existed and reverted to Augustine’s first
+explanation that by the light was meant the world of angels as distinct
+from the world of evil spirits below.[611] Peter Lombard referred to
+both interpretations, though he appears to have been inclined to favor
+the more literal and materialistic theory of Bede.[612]
+
+With Robert Grosseteste light is made to play the leading part in the
+entire process. In his unpublished _Hexaemeron_[613] and in the _De
+luce_[614] he sets forth a theory of cosmogony which was derived in part
+from the Moslems but in essentials was original.[615] We trust that the
+following brief statement of the theory does not do violence to the
+thought of Grosseteste as expressed in the _De luce_. He conceived of
+light as the first corporeal form and also as giving form to the
+_materia prima_ of the universe. By radiating through the unformed
+_materia prima_ the light converted it into a sphere. Thereupon the
+light made its way from the outer edge of the sphere towards the center.
+As it passed through the various realms of the universe it diffused,
+rarified, and purified the _materia_ of each, but with each stage of its
+advance its powers were diminished and correspondingly the potentiality
+of each successive realm of being purified was diminished. Thus thirteen
+concentric spheres were produced, nine celestial spheres and four
+spheres of the elements, and each of these was more complex, dense, and
+impure than its neighbor above.
+
+
+                       THE NATURE OF THE SIX DAYS
+
+(4) Were the Six Days described in the book of Genesis actual divisions
+of time? The words of the Bible seemed to be contradictory on this
+point. From the words of Genesis alone one would gather that the
+completion of the universe was accomplished in six days. On the other
+hand, we read in Ecclesiasticus (xviii, 1), “He that liveth forever
+created all things together” (Qui vivit in aeternum, creavit omnia
+simul). According to Theodoric of Chartres[616] these two statements
+referred to different events. The passage in Ecclesiasticus applied only
+to the creation of the _materia primordialis_ on the first day. The
+works of the succeeding days were the result of the automatic
+development of natural processes by which the universe became as we now
+know it. Belief in the reality of the duration of the Six Days was
+shared with Theodoric by most commentators, such as William of Conches,
+Hugh of St. Victor,[617] Peter Lombard, and Peter Comestor. Augustine,
+however, had argued in a more abstruse vein that the “days” were not
+actual units of time but that they represented merely so many distinct
+operations in the work of creation.[618] And in our period Arnold of
+Chartres urged that the Creation was carried out in one day and all at
+once (_uno die et semel_).[619]
+
+
+                        ETERNITY OF THE UNIVERSE
+
+Though they differed in the details of interpretation, these theories
+were all based on the fundamental acceptance of the axiom, deduced from
+Scripture, that God created the universe out of nothing. In Chapter II
+was explained the antagonism between this view and the Aristotelian
+doctrine of an eternal, periodically re-formed universe. Certainly,
+among Christians of our period, no one believed either in the eternity
+or in the periodicity of the universe, although the existence and nature
+of these concepts were well known. Both theories were set forth in
+Seneca’s _Quaestiones naturales_,[620] in translations of Plato’s
+_Timaeus_[621] and of Aristotle’s _Meteorology_[622] and _De generatione
+et corruptione_,[623] and in translations from the Arabic such as the
+_Liber introductorius in astrologiam_ of Abū Maʿshar[624] and the
+pseudo-Aristotelian _Liber de proprietatibus elementorum_.[625] When
+William of Conches specifically denied the possibility of more than one
+deluge he may have had in mind the pagan association of Noah’s flood
+with the Great Winter.[626] Certainly one of the primary objections of
+the orthodox Christians to the acceptance of Aristotelian science during
+the early years of the thirteenth century lay in the fact that Averroës,
+the great interpreter of Aristotle, was firmly convinced that the
+universe is eternal.[627] William of Auvergne also vigorously attacked
+the Aristotelian theory as it found expression in Avicenna’s commentary
+on the _Metaphysics_[628] and Robert Grosseteste leveled destructive
+criticism against it in his _Summa super libros octo Physicorum_, a
+commentary on the _Physics_ of Aristotle, and in other works.[629]
+
+
+              BERNARD SYLVESTER’S ACCOUNT OF THE CREATION
+
+Before leaving this aspect of the subject, a few words should be said
+about two other accounts of the Creation that found literary expression
+in Western Europe during our period. Very dissimilar, these two accounts
+are akin only in the circumstance that they were both based upon the
+mythology of an older age and that, though written by Christians,
+neither referred in any way to the Scriptural story. One was the
+remarkable allegory in Bernard Sylvester’s _De mundi universitate_, the
+other the Icelandic myth of the Creation as recorded in the _Edda_ of
+Snorri Sturluson.
+
+In the _Megacosmus_, or first part of the _De mundi universitate_,
+Bernard tells us of the confusion of matter in the eternal ages that
+preceded the “Creation.”[630] Nature, personified, laments to “Nous,” or
+Providence, about this confusion and demands that the universe be put
+into an orderly condition: “Nous,” moved by the appeal, carries out the
+task, separating the elements, arranging the nine hierarchies of angels,
+placing the stars in the firmament and regulating their orbits, ordering
+the four winds, and, finally, fashioning the earth in the midst of the
+universe. The last process gave Bernard occasion to digress and to tell
+of the riches and beauties of this earth.
+
+The _Microcosmus_, or second part of the book, goes on to relate the
+story of the creation of man. “Nous” sees the barren desolation of an
+inanimate world and orders Nature to undertake the work of peopling it.
+With the aid of Urania, goddess of the stars, Nature seeks for Physis,
+goddess of life, whom she finds in the terrestrial paradise after Urania
+has conducted her on a long journey through the heavenly spheres. Here
+she tells Physis her mission; and Physis carries out the fashioning of a
+human body, in which the soul is then established. Thus was man created.
+
+No comment is needed to bring out the pagan character of this account,
+wherein the Six Days are not even mentioned! It would probably be wrong,
+however, to assume that this work of literary imagination, any more than
+Snorri’s graphic record of the beliefs of his forefathers, represents a
+formulated and accepted doctrine of its author.
+
+
+                         THE ICELANDIC ACCOUNT
+
+The Icelanders were converted to Christianity in the mid-eleventh
+century, and the mythology of their pagan days still remained fresh in
+their minds and hearts during the period we are studying. The old gods
+were looked upon with affection, and the old story of the Creation was
+remembered with sympathetic understanding. The Icelandic myth of the
+Creation is one of great beauty and vigor. In it is revealed the
+impression made upon the minds of a northern people by struggles against
+the cold and stormy darkness of the subarctic winter. The outline of the
+story, which is worked out in much detail in the _Eddas_, is about as
+follows.[631]
+
+In the beginning a great abyss lay between the icy rivers and the
+drizzling rains and blasts of wind of the north and the blazing heat of
+the south. This was before heaven and earth and sea were made. “And
+Fimbultyr said: Let the melted drops of vapor quicken into life, and the
+giant Ymer was born in the midst of Ginungagap[632] [the abyss]. He was
+not a god but the father of all the race of evil giants. This was Chaos.
+
+“And Fimbultyr said: Let Ymer be slain and let order be established. And
+straightway Odin and his brothers ... gave Ymer a mortal wound, and from
+his body they made the universe; from his flesh, the earth; from his
+blood, the sea; from his bones, the rocks; from his hair, the trees;
+from his skull, the vaulted heavens; from his eyebrows, the bulwark
+called Midgard. And the gods formed man and woman in their own image of
+two trees, and breathed into them the breath of life. Ask and Embla
+became living souls, and they received a garden in Midgard as a dwelling
+place for themselves and their children until the end of time. This was
+Cosmos” (Anderson).[633]
+
+
+                       _MACROCOSM AND MICROCOSM_
+
+All medieval accounts of the Creation culminate in the creation of man,
+as modern outlines of evolution conclude with man’s evolution from lower
+forms of life. Christian theology taught that the universe itself was
+made for man, a view that persists even to this day. Grosseteste
+asserted that when man “no longer requires the processes of generation
+and corruption which the movements of the heavens cause, the heaven
+itself will cease to move and time will be no longer.”[634] Rupert of
+Deutz explained that mountains were placed upon the earth to protect
+human beings against the winds.[635] But if the universe and all its
+parts were made for man, medieval thinkers held, with the Stoics of
+antiquity,[636] that man himself was a lesser universe (_minor mundus_),
+or microcosm, comprising all the elements both physical and spiritual
+which constitute the greater universe, or macrocosm.
+
+[Illustration:
+
+  EXPLANATION OF FIG. 5—The human figure here represents the microcosm
+    in the midst of the universe. The heads of the animals give rise to
+    the winds, which Hildegard believed controlled the movements of the
+    celestial bodies (see p. 171). The blast originating in the human
+    head at the right and moving in a counter-clockwise direction runs
+    opposite to the movement of the firmament. “This blast did not give
+    forth his breath earthward as did the other winds, but instead
+    thereof it governed the course of the planets” (_Liber div. op._,
+    in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcvii, col. 791, as cited by Singer,
+    _op. cit._ p. 28).
+
+  In another miniature from the same manuscript (fol. 9 ro) shown in
+    Singer, _op. cit._, pl. VII, the universe is revealed in much the
+    same manner with the human figure as the microcosm. There is also
+    represented the macrocosm, as a larger figure standing behind and
+    holding the sphere of the cosmos; only its head, feet, and hands
+    appear.
+
+
+  FIG. 5—The macrocosm, the microcosm, and the winds, from a miniature
+    in an illustrated codex of Hildegard of Bingen’s _Liber divinorum
+    operum_ in the Municipal Library at Lucca, fol. 27 vo. (Redrawn, by
+    permission, from Singer, _Scientific Views and Visions of Saint
+    Hildegard_, 1917, pl. VIII.) For explanation, see bottom of opposite
+    page.
+]
+
+The doctrine of man as the microcosm had its roots far back in
+antiquity. Medieval writers from the time of Isidore elaborated upon it
+with detail and ingenuity. In the literature of our period it occurs in
+many a passing comparison of the phenomena of nature with the human
+body, such as that of the _De imagine mundi_ where rivers are compared
+with blood vessels.[637] It forms an important element in the cosmology
+of Bernard Sylvester’s _De mundi universitate_[638] and of Herrad of
+Landsperg’s _Hortus deliciarum_.[639] Hildegard of Bingen’s writings are
+full of similes and medical recommendations based upon it (Fig. 5).[640]
+In her _Subtilitates_ the abbess says: “In the creation of man from the
+earth other earth was taken, and all the elements served man because
+they perceived that he lived; both the elements and man worked together
+to each others’ advantage in all relationships.”[641] The thought is
+expressed more clearly in the _Causae et curae_: “Oh, man! Look at man,
+for man has in himself heaven and earth and all other things that are
+created, and his form is one and in him all things lie hidden.”[642] To
+illustrate the detail in which Hildegard worked out this theory we may
+do no better than to quote from Thorndike’s summary. “She compares the
+firmament to man’s head, sun, moon, and stars to the eyes, air to
+hearing, the winds to smelling, dew to taste, and ‘the sides of the
+world’ to the arms and sense of touch. The earth is like the heart, and
+other creatures in the world are like the belly. In the _Liber divinorum
+operum_ she goes into further detail.... From the top of the cerebral
+cavity to the ‘last extremity of the forehead’ there are seven distinct
+and equal spaces, by which are signified the seven planets which are
+equidistant from one another in the firmament. An even more surprising
+assumption as to astronomical distances is involved in the comparison
+that as the three intervals between the top of the human head and the
+end of the throat and the navel and the groin are all equal, so are the
+spaces intervening between the highest firmament and lowest clouds and
+the earth’s surface and center.... As the heart is stirred by emotion,
+whether of joy or of sorrow, humors are excited in the lungs and breast
+which rise to the brain and are emitted through the eyes in the form of
+tears. And in like manner, when the moon begins to wax or wane, the
+firmament is disturbed by winds which raise fogs from the sea and other
+waters.”[643] The preface to the _Subtilitates_ contains another
+discussion of the microcosm in the course of which the stones of the
+earth are likened to bones and it is pointed out that the earth has
+sweat, humors, and other by-products of the body.[644] Much of the
+argument of the _Causae et curae_ is based upon the assumption that the
+very diseases of man have their counterparts in the facts of the
+macrocosm.
+
+
+               _SHAPE, MOVEMENTS, AND SIZE OF THE EARTH_
+
+When once created, what form did this universe take, and the earth
+within it?
+
+
+                       SPHERICITY OF THE UNIVERSE
+
+Nearly all the authors of our period appear to have shared in the belief
+that the universe is a sphere and that the earth is situated in its
+center. Lambert of St. Omer says in his _Liber floridus_: “We say the
+earth is the center, that is, the point in the middle of the sphere.”
+“For the earth is located as a central point in the midst of the
+celestial circle through which the sun passes.”[645] Robert Grosseteste
+stated that the sphericity of the universe was necessitated by the
+nature of the substances composing the heavenly bodies and that it could
+be proved by simple astronomical observations.[646] There is, perhaps,
+an echo of Pythagorean mathematical doctrines in the exposition which we
+find in the _Image du monde_, that the world is round since God desired
+it to be so, because roundness is the most perfect of all forms.[647]
+Al-Farghānī, whose work was translated more than once during our period
+and formed the basis of much that is found in John of Holywood’s _De
+sphaera_,[648] had said that there was no difference of opinion among
+learned men that the universe was a sphere. That the earth is in the
+center of the heaven, he asserted, was shown by the fact that half the
+heaven is always visible from all parts of its surface.[649] The author
+of the _De imagine mundi_ had also thought the same way:[650] he
+compared the universe to a ball, or to an egg of which the shell
+corresponds to the upper heavens, the white, to the upper air, the yolk,
+to the lower air, and the _pinguedinis gutta_, or drop of grease in the
+center, to the earth.[651] Gervase of Tilbury,[652] who borrowed the
+idea from Comestor,[653] and the author of the _Image du monde_[654]
+make similar comparisons, although Peter Abelard,[655] William of
+Conches,[656] and Daniel of Morley conceived of the four parts of the
+egg as corresponding exactly to the four elements.[657] Michael Scot
+compared the earth, surrounded by water, to the yolk of an egg and the
+spheres of the universe to the layers of an onion.[658]
+
+In her _Causae et curae_, on the one hand, and in her _Scivias_ and
+_Liber divinorum operum_, on the other, Hildegard of Bingen makes
+contradictory statements in regard to the position of the earth in
+relation to the heavenly spheres. Scientific consistency was not,
+perhaps, the ascetic abbess’s strongest quality, and too much emphasis
+should not be laid upon contradictions found in the writings of one who
+believed herself to be favored by special divine revelations. The
+passage in the _Causae et curae_, however, diverges so widely from
+current medieval opinion that it is worth translating. “The earth,”
+writes Hildegard, “is of moderate size and is near the base of the
+firmament, because if it were in the center of the firmament, then it
+would have to be larger; and even so it would easily fall and be
+shattered to pieces, had it the same expanse of air beneath that there
+is above.”[659] On the contrary, in her _Liber divinorum operum_ she
+tells how she saw in a vision the universe as a wheel[660] and that “in
+the midst of the air the earth was placed in such a way that the air
+measured an equal distance above the earth, below the earth, and on
+either side of the earth.”[661]
+
+
+                           SHAPE OF THE EARTH
+
+Most writers of the Crusading age thought the earth also was a sphere,
+though there was less unanimity in this belief. The _De imagine mundi_
+calls it a sphere, whence comes the term _orbis_.[662] William of
+Conches[663] furnishes us with the Aristotelian proofs of sphericity. If
+the earth is flat, he says, it would be day at the same time in the
+farthest east as in the farthest west. Certain stars are visible in one
+latitude that cannot be seen in another, and this would not be the case
+if there were no curvature from north to south.[664] John of Holywood,
+following Al-Farghānī, gave two proofs that the earth is round and two
+that the water is round.[665] That there exists a swelling or curvature
+of the earth (_tumor terrae_), he says, is shown by the difference in
+the time of eclipses between places in the east and west as well as by
+differences in the visibility of stars.[666] The curvature of water
+surfaces is demonstrated by the fact that a person standing at the foot
+of a mast is frequently unable to see objects visible to somebody at the
+masthead. Furthermore, since water is a homogeneous body, all parts of
+it must partake of the nature of the whole. Therefore it follows that
+because a drop is round, the mass of the waters of the earth must also
+be spherical.[667]
+
+Gervase of Tilbury has been accused of believing that the earth is
+square, though the evidence in the text of the _Otia imperialia_ on
+which this accusation is based is very slender; and other texts would
+seem to support the opposite contention, that he accepted the theory of
+sphericity.[668]
+
+Two passages in the _Causae et curae_ of Hildegard can apparently be
+explained only on the supposition of a flat earth.[669] Hildegard seems
+also to have been haunted by the old belief that bulked so large in the
+imagination of Cosmas Indicopleustes,[670] the belief that the earth
+rises into an immense mountain in the north.[671] She asserted that this
+mountain prevented the light of the east from penetrating the darkness
+of the north and the darkness of the north from obscuring the light of
+the east. On the other hand, in her visions the abbess more than once
+saw the earth as a globe.[672]
+
+In the writings of the mystic Hugh of St. Victor we have a typical
+medieval allegorical interpretation of the words of Scripture regarding
+the earth’s form, with instructions as to how a map of the world ought
+to be made.[673] Hugh compares the _orbis terrae_ to an “oblong circle,”
+or oval, drawn around the ark, touching each corner. An oval shape was
+necessitated by the rectangular ground plan of the ark. Within this oval
+the _mappa mundi_, or map of the world, is to be drawn, with the front
+of the ark facing the east, and its rear, the west. In the segment
+formed to the east, between the ark and the circle, is Paradise; in that
+to the west the resurrection will take place; the chosen will go to the
+right, and the damned to the left into Hell, which forms the segment
+toward the north. Beyond this “oblong circle” another circle is to be
+drawn to show the zones, and the space between the two is the
+atmosphere.
+
+One hesitates to draw conclusions from this as to what shape Hugh
+imagined the earth to be; probably he himself had no very definite
+theory. The picture which his description seems to invoke in our minds
+is that of a flat oval earth covered by an ovoid heaven, and certainly
+it is in every respect inconsistent with belief in a spherical earth.
+
+
+                        IMMOBILITY OF THE EARTH
+
+However men may have thought about the shape of the earth, there was no
+questioning the fact that it stands immobile and firm. Doctrines like
+that of the Pythagorean Philolaus had no place in medieval thought.[674]
+The ignorant, nevertheless, were often puzzled by the problem of what
+supports the earth. The author of the _De imagine mundi_ was content
+uncritically to explain that no fulcrum or support is necessary for this
+purpose but that the “divine power” is all-sufficient.[675] He quoted
+the one hundred and third Psalm: “Who hast founded the earth upon its
+own bases: it shall not be moved for ever and ever.”
+
+Theodoric of Chartres, Adelard of Bath, and John of Holywood, on the
+other hand, adduced proofs of the immobility of the earth which had been
+derived indirectly from Aristotle. Theodoric asserted[676] that the
+earth does not gain its compactness either from its inherent nature,
+because earth is actually observed on occasions to become mingled with
+air; or from the weight of the overlying atmosphere and sphere of fire,
+because these have no weight. What, then, keeps it from flying to
+pieces? Here Theodoric appealed to the Peripatetic reasoning that the
+circular motion of the heavens necessitates the existence of a solid and
+immovable body in the center.[677] All heavy bodies acquire their
+_substantia_, or solidity, from the motion of light bodies; and
+conversely light bodies derive their motion from heavy bodies.
+
+The _Quaestiones naturales_ of Adelard of Bath is in the form of a
+dialogue between Adelard and a nephew who asks questions. The nephew was
+much puzzled by the fact that, whereas heavy objects like rocks need a
+piece of wood or other support to hold them up in the air, the earth as
+a whole, much the heaviest of all, requires no such support.[678]
+Adelard replies first that the earth does not fall because there would
+be no utility in its doing so; then he proceeds to show by a rational
+argument (_rationabiliter_) why the earth does not need a support. The
+principal quality of earth he says, is heaviness; heavy bodies naturally
+seek the lowest position (_infimum_); the lowest position of a spherical
+body like the universe is its center—though why this latter proposition
+is so, Adelard fails to make clear. At all events, the earth tends to
+seek the center of the universe, just as a stone thrown into an
+imaginary hole piercing the center of the earth would come to a halt
+there.[679] Since the center of the universe is one point, not several,
+the earth forms a single unit, not several; and for these reasons,
+moreover, the earth is stable and immobile.
+
+John of Holywood explained[680] the same thing more briefly than Adelard
+by simply stating that the immobility of the earth is due to its weight,
+since it is the nature of all heavy things to seek the center of the
+universe and since the earth is the heaviest of all elements. Both
+Adelard’s and John of Holywood’s arguments suggest the Aristotelian
+doctrine of an equilibrium of forces around the center of the globe,
+though this doctrine is not cited in so many words. Like most medieval
+writers, Adelard and John seem only partially to have understood the
+obscure texts from which they derived their proofs and to have left out
+many links in their chains of reasoning.
+
+
+                           SIZE OF THE EARTH
+
+Though the geocentric hypothesis prevailed in the Middle Ages, there is
+plenty of evidence to show that the smallness of the earth in relation
+to the heavenly bodies was understood.[681] William of Conches had
+thought that the sun was eight times as big as the earth.[682] In the
+_Image du monde_ this theme is elaborated:[683] we are told that it
+would take more than a hundred years for a rock to fall from the
+heavens; that the earth is like a tiny star in comparison with the
+immensity of the cosmos and is one hundred and sixty-six and
+three-twentieths times smaller than the sun.[684] John of Holywood
+quoted Alfraganus (Al-Farghānī) to the effect that the smallest fixed
+star is larger than the earth[685] but that the dimensions of such a
+star are as but a point in the firmament. He argued that the extreme
+smallness of the earth is proved by the fact that it is possible to see
+the middle of the firmament (_medietas firmamenti_) not only from the
+center of the earth but also from the earth’s surface.[686] His
+argument, which certainly proves nothing as it stands, is evidently a
+confused reflection of Ptolemy’s reasoning in the _Almagest_.[687]
+
+As to the actual size of our planet various figures were occasionally
+quoted. The _De imagine mundi_[688] gives Posidonius’ estimate of the
+circumference as 180,000 stades, or 12,052 miles (_duodecies mille
+millaria et quinquaginta duo_). The _Image du monde_,[689] however,
+gives 20,428 miles. Eratosthenes’ 252,000 stades appears in Lambert of
+St. Omer’s _Liber floridus_[690] and John of Holywood’s _De
+sphaera_.[691] In the latter work it is cited on the authority of
+Ambrose, Macrobius, “et Eristenis philosophorum,” along with a brief
+account of the great Alexandrian geographer’s method of measurement.
+
+
+                 _ZONES, THE ANTIPODES, AND “CLIMATA”_
+
+The surface of the terrestrial sphere, surrounded as it is by the
+heavens, is naturally subjected directly to the influence of the
+heavenly bodies. We must now examine those general phenomena of the
+globe as a whole which were conceived to be consequences of the earth’s
+shape and position in relation to the remainder of the universe,
+postponing for a later chapter the study of the more local features of
+the _oikoumene_ (or habited quarter), which also result from the same
+circumstances.
+
+
+                                 ZONES
+
+The most primitive observation reveals the fact that the heavenly bodies
+in their course through the sky revolve around two points and mark out
+certain circles. Very elaborate and often admirable discussions of the
+celestial poles, Arctic and Antarctic circles, equator, tropics, and
+ecliptic, are to be found in the numerous astrological and astronomical
+works of our period.[692] The study of these matters was already a
+highly developed science, but except in its geographical bearing it does
+not fall within our province.
+
+We saw in Chapter I that ancient astronomers had drawn imaginary circles
+around the terrestrial sphere corresponding to the circles of the
+heavens and had designated these lines as the boundaries of zones on the
+earth’s surface.[693] The classical theory of five zones, divided from
+each other by parallels of latitude, was accepted by the geographical
+writers of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, although, as in
+classical times, opinions diverged widely regarding the characteristics
+of each zone. All, however, believed that the two polar caps were cold
+and that the equatorial regions were hot. For example Bernard Sylvester
+says in his _De mundi universitate_:[694] Nous, or Providence,
+“encompassed the earth with five parallels; on the one hand the extremes
+are frozen, on the other the central portions are hot. Also she made
+temperate two zones by placing on both sides of them the coldness of the
+extremities and the course of the sun over the midst of the earth.”
+
+
+           UNINHABITABILITY OF POLAR CAPS AND EQUATORIAL ZONE
+
+Furthermore, a widely prevalent but not universal theory made the polar
+caps and equatorial zones not only cold and hot but also uninhabitable.
+The author of the _De imagine mundi_[695] and Gervase of Tilbury[696]
+plagiarized what Isidore had written on this subject.[697] They called
+the five circles separating the zones and the zones themselves from
+north to south, respectively, _septentrionalis_ (our Arctic Circle and
+North Polar zone), _solstitialis_ (our Tropic of Cancer and North
+Temperate zone), _equinoctialis_ (our Equator and Torrid zone),
+_brumalis_—or _hyemalis_ according to Gervase—(our Tropic of Capricorn
+and South Temperate zone), and finally _australis_ (our Antarctic Circle
+and South Polar zone). Of these they thought that only _solstitialis_
+was habitable. William of Conches likewise believed[698] in
+uninhabitable torrid and frigid zones, though he rejected the theory
+that in the heavens above the sphere of the moon there are qualities of
+heat and cold corresponding to those of the terrestrial zones.
+
+
+                AUSTRAL CONTINENT AND ANTIPODAL REGIONS
+
+Speculation was rife as to what lay beyond the equatorial zone and in
+those mysterious parts of the earth of which man had no knowledge.
+Rumors and conjectures of an austral continent and of antipodal regions
+figure widely in the geographical literature of the age. A fourth
+continent beyond the equatorial ocean (or Mare Rubrum) is shown on all
+the Beatus maps. It is represented as a strip of land along the
+southernmost edge of the earth (see Figs. 2 and 4, pp. 69 and 123,
+above). A legend, taken from Isidore, informs us on the St. Sever map
+that “In addition to the three parts of the world, there is a fourth
+part beyond the ocean in the midst of the south and unknown to us on
+account of the heat of the sun. Within its confines the antipodeans are
+fabulously said to dwell.”[699] The Osma Beatus map locates the
+_skiapodes_, or sun-shade-footed men, here (see Fig. 4). Confusion
+between true antipodal regions on the opposite side of the world and an
+austral continent lying south of the equator was not uncommon in
+antiquity and during the Middle Ages.[700] Belief in the latter did not
+necessarily involve belief in a spherical earth, and it has been argued
+that the Roman cartographers (whose maps may have inspired Beatus)
+showed such a fourth continent south of the equator, even though they
+did not deem the question of the sphericity of the world worthy of
+serious consideration. The Beatus maps themselves may easily be
+reconciled with an implicit belief in a flat world disk.
+
+While this may be true of the Beatus maps, it cannot be said of the
+_mappamundi_ of Lambert of St. Omer or of references to the antipodes
+elsewhere in the literature of our period where it is impossible to
+question the conviction in the cartographers’ or writers’ minds that the
+earth is a sphere.
+
+On Lambert’s map the austral continent occupies half of the circle of
+the earth. A long legend explains,[701] in terms similar to those of the
+St. Sever Beatus map, that this region is unknown to mankind because of
+the sun’s heat; that philosophers say the antipodeans dwell here; and
+that winter prevails during our summer. In addition to the austral
+continent, Lambert indicates without a shadow of doubt his faith in the
+existence of other antipodal regions. A large island on the western
+margin of his map is labeled, “Here dwell the antipodeans, but they have
+a different night and opposite days.”[702] We know from other parts of
+the _Liber floridus_ that Lambert was strongly influenced by Macrobius.
+A Macrobian sketch of a spherical world showing the five zones is
+inserted in the Ghent and other manuscripts. This reference to the
+antipodes can only apply to the unknown regions on the opposite side of
+the globe, beyond the meridional ocean which, as we have seen in Chapter
+I, had been described by Crates of Mallos and popularized in Macrobius’
+_In somnium Scipionis commentarius_ and in Martianus Capella’s _De
+nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii_. Belief in a spherical world is
+essential to belief in these theories.
+
+
+                          THE CRATESIAN THEORY
+
+Crates of Mallos’ conception of the arrangement of the world, introduced
+to Western knowledge through the works of Macrobius and Capella, was
+well known in our period. William of Conches, Adelard of Bath, and
+Bernard Sylvester all show the influence of the Crates-Macrobian system
+in their belief in a great equatorial ocean.[703] Giraldus Cambrensis
+and the author of the _De imagine mundi_, by their explanation of the
+causes of the tides, make it plain that they accepted the same opinion.
+Geoffrey of St. Victor gives a clear exposition of it in his
+_Microcosmus_.[704] Robert Grosseteste adopts it in his _De sphaera_,
+explaining carefully the two seas that encircle the earth and calling
+the equatorial sea “Occeanus” and that which includes the poles
+“Amphitrites.” He believed that only one of the areas of land separated
+by these seas is inhabited.[705] The same idea is reflected in words of
+the _Image du monde_[706] to the effect that only a quarter of the
+earth’s surface is inhabited and in the recommendation to the reader in
+his imagination to cut the globe into four quarters like an apple and to
+think of the habitable part as occupying the surface of one of the
+quarters. Godfrey of Viterbo points out the significance of the golden
+ball of empire which formed part of the regal insignia of the Holy Roman
+Emperors upon which, he said, the fourfold division of the lands of the
+earth’s surface was shown.[707] Among the imperial treasures
+(_Reichskleinodien_) in Vienna the golden apple dating from the twelfth
+century is of this form. Two bands encircling the regal ball at right
+angles represent the Cratesian idea of oceans girdling the earth.[708]
+
+In one version of the legend of St. Brandan there is a curious passage
+where not only the possibility of antipodal regions is indicated but the
+pious necessity of belief in such regions.[709] St. Brandan is here
+reported to have read in an old book that beneath this earth there is
+another world, where day prevails when it is night with us. Unable to
+accept such a story, Brandan burned the book in a fit of exasperation;
+and as a punishment for his incredulity God made him voyage nine years
+upon the seas. What the book was we are not informed, but perhaps we do
+not err in assuming that the poet had in mind a copy of the _In somnium
+Scipionis commentarius_ or possibly the _De nuptiis Philologiae et
+Mercurii_.
+
+
+      PERSISTENCE OF BELIEF THAT ANTIPODAL REGIONS WERE INHABITED
+
+An essential feature of the theory as it had been expounded by Macrobius
+and Capella, however, was the insistence that the other three temperate
+areas are inhabited by races of men like our own. As belief in the
+existence of inhabitants in the antipodal regions rested in our period
+on the authority of Capella and Macrobius and was subjected to lively
+discussion and controversy, it is not out of place for us to observe
+what these two writers had actually said.
+
+Capella, after briefly stating that three out of the five zones are
+uninhabitable on account of cold and heat, declared that the other two
+are tempered by a wind which encourages life.[710] The inhabitants of
+the quarter south of us, beyond the equator, he called _antoikoi_; those
+of the quarter also in the southern hemisphere but beyond the
+north-south ocean, who have winter when we have summer, _antichthones_.
+Those in our own temperate zone beyond the ocean, who have the same
+summer and winter as ours but who have night when we have day, he called
+_antipodes_.[711] No commerce or communication is possible between us
+and these other groups of human beings, nor between one group and any of
+the others. Macrobius set forth this theory in similar terms,[712]
+expressly emphasizing the point that reason teaches us that the southern
+zone must be inhabited because its climate is temperate like ours.
+However, he added, it is not peopled by men like ourselves—Greeks,
+Romans, barbarians—nor shall we ever be able to learn what sort of men
+the inhabitants actually are.
+
+Though, as we have seen, out-and-out belief in antipodeans was heretical
+during the epoch we are studying, there is plenty of evidence to show
+that the possibility of such a thing was an attractive subject of
+speculation. The legends on the Lambert maps to which reference has been
+made above would alone be sufficient to convince us of this. William of
+Conches spoke very guardedly on the matter;[713] his avowed theory was
+that the other temperate regions were habitable but not actually
+inhabited. But are we not justified in thinking that in denying the
+existence of antipodeans he was merely making a verbal concession to
+theological prejudice, especially when he went on to explain that, if
+there were people dwelling in other quarters, they would be called
+_antoikoi_, _antipodes_, and _antichthones_, and that some would have
+summer when we have winter, others night when we have day?
+
+Gervase of Tilbury relates a fanciful story which might be interpreted
+to show that he too liked to dally with the pleasing fancy that there
+may be antipodeans, even though elsewhere he rejects such a possibility.
+He tells of a cave in a mountain belonging to the domain of the castle
+of Bech in Great Britain.[714] From this there nearly always blew a
+violent wind; but once, when the wind did not happen to be blowing, a
+swineherd entered the cave to look for a breeding sow which had wandered
+in. Here he found an open plain with cultivated lands and harvesters
+bringing in their crops, and from the harvesters he recovered his sow.
+To this Gervase adds, “It was an extraordinary circumstance that wintry
+coldness coming from these subterranean harvest fields seemed to
+penetrate into our hemisphere, which phenomenon I think ought to be
+attributed to the sun’s absence and presence elsewhere.”[715]
+
+
+               MANEGOLD’S ARGUMENTS AGAINST THIS DOCTRINE
+
+The most convincing proof of the persistence in the early twelfth
+century of a tendency to believe in antipodeans is furnished by the fact
+that Manegold in Alsace,[716] sometime after 1103, saw fit to write a
+vigorous pamphlet attacking a certain Wolfelm of Cologne, whom he
+accused of harboring an heretical opinion. Manegold’s _Contra Wolfelmum
+opusculum_ illustrates admirably the orthodox, or even obscurantist,
+point of view. He accused Wolfelm of adhering to Macrobius’ teachings
+about the four inhabited quarters of the earth. Granting that there are
+four such quarters, he demanded, how can the teachings of the Holy and
+Apostolic Church, buttressed by all the authority of the Fathers, the
+patriarchs, and the prophets from the earliest times, be true? And how
+can we believe the prophecies that the Savior will come to bring
+salvation to the entire human race, if these branches of the human race
+are cut off from the rest, as Macrobius would have it, by the zones and
+temperatures of the earth’s surface? How could the prophecy have been
+true, “All the ends of the earth will bow down before our God (_salutare
+Dei nostri_), if certain ends of the earth are inhabited by men to whom
+the voice of the prophets and the apostles could not reach through
+impassable tracts of water, of cold, and of heat?”[717]
+
+
+                 HABITABILITY OF THE EQUATORIAL REGION
+
+Macrobius’ theory was also contradicted from a position opposite to that
+of the orthodox churchmen. The study of Moslem astronomy brought to
+Europe the opinion that the equatorial zone itself was not only
+habitable but actually inhabited. In the preamble to the _Marseilles
+Tables_[718] of Raymond of Marseilles, which reproduces ideas expressed
+by the Spanish-Moslem astronomer Az-Zarqalī, we have an explanation of
+the current theory among “philosophers” of the uninhabitability of the
+polar and equatorial regions. The latter the author of the treatise
+refuses to believe because the city of Arin and the temple of “Jupiter
+Arenosus” are both known to lie within the equatorial zone. He proceeds
+then to explain why it is physically possible for the regions beyond the
+equator to be inhabited.
+
+Peter Alphonsi,[719] also influenced by Arabic reasoning, argued that
+the existence of Arin on the equator was sufficient evidence of the
+habitability of the equatorial regions and gave a glowing account of the
+temperate climate and attractions of those parts of the world. Man can
+live throughout the entire area covered by the seven climates, he
+maintained, and, as his interpretation of ancient authorities led him to
+suppose that the first climate began at the equator, he was convinced
+that the equator also would support human life. On the other hand, he
+did not agree with the preamble to the _Marseilles Tables_, for he
+maintained that the parts of the earth in the southern hemisphere beyond
+Arin were not habitable. This was because the sun, on account of the
+eccentricity of its orbit, approaches much nearer the earth in those
+climes than it does in more northern latitudes. In this way he accounted
+for the excessive cold of the Arctic and polar regions and a (supposed)
+excessive heat of the trans-equatorial zones.
+
+Plato of Tivoli’s translation of Al-Battānī’s work brought to Western
+knowledge another Arabic discussion of the probable characteristics of
+the areas of the earth’s surface unknown to man.[720] As to the equator,
+Al-Battānī said, it was uncertain whether men had actually been there or
+not. The climate, however, could not be excessively hot, because the sun
+in crossing the zenith, as it does twice a year between the tropics,
+does not remain directly overhead very long. Al-Battānī saw no reason
+why winters and summers should not be temperate in countries along the
+equator and believed that these latitudes must have, in fact, a climate
+not greatly unlike that of Aden and Yemen, which, however hot it may
+seem to the European, apparently did not impress the Arabs by its
+torridity. The unknown districts of the world, Al-Battānī went on to
+explain, comprise eleven-twelfths of the whole. Though no man had ever
+reached them, he thought it not irrational to suppose that they were
+like the known parts, for the sun and stars must pass across them and
+produce in the same way winter and summer, the tides of the sea, and
+animal and vegetable life.
+
+
+            GROSSETESTE ON THE HABITABLE PARTS OF THE EARTH
+
+When we come to the close of our period, we find that Robert
+Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, and after him his more famous pupil
+Roger Bacon, like Peter Alphonsi, took over from the Moslems much
+geographical and astronomical lore which they interpreted and freely
+criticized.
+
+In a book entitled _De lineis angulis et figuris_ Grosseteste elaborated
+some general principles relating to the incidence and reflection of rays
+from celestial bodies. The _De natura locorum_ is an attempt to show how
+far these principles may be used to account for various phenomena of the
+earth’s surface. Grosseteste conceived of celestial rays and influences
+as emanating in an infinite number of cones, or “pyramids,” as he called
+them, the apexes of which were the celestial bodies; the longer and more
+oblique these pyramids, the weaker the effect of the rays upon the
+earth’s surface and vice versa.[721]
+
+Let us see how Robert applied the principle of the pyramids to explain
+conditions in the equatorial zone, in the southern hemisphere, and in
+the polar regions.
+
+
+                         _The Equatorial Zone_
+
+Logically the equatorial zone should be scorched and burnt by the sun
+because the pyramids are there the shortest and the angles at which the
+rays reach the earth approach nearest to a right angle. As a matter of
+fact, Robert had it on the authority of Ptolemy and Avicenna that,
+whereas the subtropical regions are intensely hot, the subequatorial
+zone is not only temperate but extremely temperate (_temperatissimus_);
+indeed, he said, theologians place Paradise under the equator in the
+Orient. A modification of the principle of the pyramids was therefore
+necessary. In his readiness to admit such modifications of rules that he
+had laid down, Robert showed an open-minded and a scientific spirit. In
+order to allow for the circumstance of a supposedly temperate equatorial
+region, he stated that the heat received during the daytime must be
+neutralized by the coolness of the nights, since day and night between
+the tropics are always approximately the same length, as they are in the
+latitudes of Europe during spring and autumn only.[722]
+
+
+                       _The Southern Hemisphere_
+
+The southern hemisphere, on the other hand, Robert thought to be
+uninhabitable on account of the intense heat of summer and bitter cold
+of winter. The excessive heat he ascribed to the fact that the
+eccentricity of the solar orbit around the earth brings the sun no less
+than five degrees nearer the earth during the southern summer than it
+approaches during the northern summer.[723] The pyramids, or lines of
+heat radiation, are therefore shorter and the heat is more intense.[724]
+Conversely the southern winter must be colder than that of the north
+because the sun at that season is farthest from the earth.
+
+Granting a geocentric universe, this reasoning was sound though its
+consequences were exaggerated. It is quite true that the earth is nearer
+the sun in the summer of the southern than in the summer of the northern
+hemisphere, yet no extreme results flow from this circumstance, and
+there is no great difference in the amount of heat received by each
+hemisphere.[725]
+
+An exaggerated idea of the differences in temperatures north and south
+of the equator led Robert,[726] and after him Roger Bacon,[727] to doubt
+the validity of the theory of the precession of the equinoxes. This
+phenomenon would inevitably produce a gradual shifting of the climatic
+conditions of the southern hemisphere to the northern, and, as a result,
+the latter would presumably in the course of time become uninhabitable.
+Since this seemed incredible to Grosseteste and Bacon, they were
+impelled to deny the possibility of its cause.
+
+
+                          _The Polar Regions_
+
+In discussing the climate and habitability of the polar regions,[728]
+Robert cites a work, _De vegetabilibus_ (erroneously ascribed to
+Aristotle in the Middle Ages) and a commentary upon it. Here the
+extraordinary view was expressed that no plants or animals could survive
+in the polar zone because the heat of the sun would burn them up! This
+view originated in the known fact that the sun shines continuously for
+half the year at the pole and at no time sinks very far below the
+horizon. The commentator pointed out that the sun never retires more
+than 23° out of sight and that it is capable of illuminating and heating
+the atmosphere at 18° below the horizon. The theory, however, failed to
+take into account the very important fact that the sun’s rays reach the
+polar regions at a sharply oblique angle and that consequently their
+powers of generating heat are limited. This circumstance together with
+the “observations and reasoning of Aristotle, Ptolemy, and other
+authorities” led the Bishop of Lincoln conclusively to reject the
+singular theory of the _De vegetabilibus_ and to attribute to the polar
+zones a climate that, in so far as it was dependent upon the disposition
+of the heavens, rendered these regions uninhabitable on account of the
+cold. Nevertheless, he recognized that there might be accidental local
+conditions, such as the presence of mountains of peculiar shape, capable
+in the polar regions of producing areas of intense heat or of
+delightfully temperate climate. But to this subject we shall revert in a
+later section devoted to the influence of mountains on climate.[729]
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VII
+                             THE ATMOSPHERE
+
+
+At the present time we divide the study of the atmosphere into the
+sciences of meteorology, devoted to the investigation of individual and
+local atmospheric phenomena, and climatology, devoted to the
+investigation of the geographical distribution of weather conditions
+throughout the world as observed during long periods of time. We may
+make the same arbitrary division in dealing with the theories current in
+the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Meteorology and climatology,
+however, merge into each other. Some understanding of one is absolutely
+essential to an understanding of the other, and hence we must take
+certain meteorological theories into consideration before attempting to
+deal with the more truly geographic subject of climatology.
+
+
+                             _METEOROLOGY_
+
+Probably the most complete and satisfactory extant treatment of
+meteorology from our period is to be found in the writings of William of
+Conches, whose interest in physics and in the natural sciences led him
+to study carefully the views of Seneca and also to express at great
+length opinions of his own about the atmosphere.[730]
+
+
+                     COMPOSITION OF THE ATMOSPHERE
+
+In the first place, William had very definite ideas concerning the
+composition of the air. The aerial and aqueous spheres, he said, act as
+intermediaries between the spheres of fire and earth.[731] The qualities
+of the two latter are opposite; but the atmosphere partakes more or less
+of the qualities of each, for neither sphere is made up exclusively of
+one element. William was an atomist: he thought that matter is composed
+of minute atoms and that each atom is the smallest conceivable particle
+of one of the four elements.[732] He explained that the atmosphere,
+which extends up as far as the moon’s orbit, contains in addition to the
+aerial atoms a certain number of aqueous particles in its lower levels
+and of fiery atoms higher up. Hence its density and humidity decrease
+progressively from the earth’s surface upward; the higher air is clear
+and lucid, the abode of good demons or angels, messengers of God to man,
+whereas the lower air is full of clouds and constitutes the abode of
+evil spirits.[733]
+
+These parts of the atmosphere formed two out of five concentric regions
+into which William divided the entire universe.[734]
+
+
+                              TEMPERATURE
+
+With much acuteness of observation, William recognized the fact that the
+sun’s influence on the denser air of low altitudes is far more potent
+than it is on the rarer strata above.[735] Though heat comes from the
+sun, he said, it is not apparent until it becomes mingled with humidity.
+In valleys the air, lying stagnant and damp, is easily heated, whereas
+the dry upper levels remain cold even though the sun’s warmth passes
+through them. The presence of this coldness explains why snow is found
+on the summits of the highest mountains, for the belief that mountain
+snow is due to cold north winds William branded as false, observing that
+snow often occurs on the south as well as on the north sides of the
+peaks. Robert Grosseteste also held that the air at high altitudes is
+much colder than it is near the surface.[736] This, he said, was because
+the heating effect of the sun’s rays is inoperative on account of the
+transparency of the medium. At the surface heating takes place as a
+result of reflection and condensation of the solar rays.[737] The cold
+air at high levels explains the origin of perpetual snow on mountain
+tops. Hail is generated in these strata, rain at lower levels. Robert
+cited as proof of this the fact that birds of prey fly high in summer to
+cool off and that cranes and many other birds descend into the valleys
+to escape the icy chill but fly up the mountain sides to avoid the
+heat.[738]
+
+
+                     UPPER LEVELS OF THE ATMOSPHERE
+
+In contrast with these opinions of William of Conches and Robert
+Grosseteste, which were based apparently on more or less direct
+observation, we find echoes in our period of a doctrine that had its
+roots in classical mythology—the doctrine that above a certain height on
+mountain peaks the air is undisturbed by wind and unsullied by
+clouds.[739] Hermann the Dalmatian hints at this in his _Liber de
+essentiis_. In the course of a discussion of the dimensions of the
+habitable area of the earth’s surface that had probably been suggested
+by the reading of Arabic works he explains that the living offspring of
+the earth require for the maintenance of life a certain heavy, “greasy”
+terrestrial vapor which, “as Aristotle determined from the height of
+Olympus, does not rise more than sixteen stades above the earth’s
+surface. Here consequently would seem to be the upper limit of our
+habitable zone. Possibly this might be measured by means of the rainbow,
+which, according to the description of Hipparchus, reaches from the
+clouds themselves down to the surface of the earth. But since
+Hipparchus’ description is not accurate nor is the figure of the rainbow
+a semicircle, we leave the matter for whosoever may wish to prove
+it.”[740] Peter Alphonsi, who was also influenced by Moslem thought,
+placed the upper limit of the clouds at sixteen miles,[741] a figure
+which may have been derived from the same origin as Hermann’s sixteen
+stades. Peter Comestor inserted in his _Historia scholastica_ some
+observations in regard to the tranquillity of the summit of Mount
+Olympus and the physiological effects of the rarity of the
+atmosphere.[742] So quiet and untroubled by winds is this peak that
+letters written there in the dust remain legible for a year. The air is
+too thin even to support the life of birds, and several philosophers who
+climbed the mountain would have been unable to remain on top if they had
+not held to their faces sponges soaked with water and in this way made
+it possible to breathe by attracting denser air to their nostrils.[743]
+
+
+                                 CLOUDS
+
+In this connection a puzzling question seems to have occurred to William
+of Conches. If the general rule holds that the atmosphere is rarer
+higher up than on the earth’s surface, how then does it happen that the
+upper air so often becomes dense in the form of clouds? To this William
+gave the correct answer,[744] that clouds are not composed of air of
+greater density than the surrounding parts of the atmosphere, but that
+water vapor arising from below is turned into clouds by the cold. True
+as it may be, this idea does not fit in very well with William’s theory
+of the coldness of the higher altitudes. First he maintains that one of
+the main reasons why the upper air is cold is because it lacks dampness;
+then he goes on to explain that dampness rising to a great elevation is
+converted by the cold into clouds. Though there is no direct
+contradiction of two statements here, one cannot but sense inconsistency
+and looseness of thought of a sort that pervades all medieval natural
+science, though William of Conches on the whole was rather less
+illogical and less inconsistent than most of his contemporaries.
+
+Much the same explanation of the effects of cold on the condensation of
+water vapor is found in the _Dialogus_ of Peter Alphonsi,[745] where it
+is shown that the sun draws a damp vapor from the sea and a dry humor
+from the land. Out of a combination of these, clouds are formed which
+rise until they reach a height of about sixteen miles. Here, coming in
+contact with strata of cold air, they are prevented from ascending any
+higher, and the damp vapor may be precipitated in the form of rain.
+
+
+                             PRECIPITATION
+
+William of Conches also endeavored to explain rainfall.[746] This
+phenomenon may result, he said, from various causes: either from the
+conversion into drops of water of dense vapors arising from the earth,
+from the actual transformation of air into water through the influence
+of cold, from the tumbling back to earth of some of the water which the
+sun raises to itself for its own nourishment,[747] or, finally, from
+water swept up by the winds off the surface of streams, lakes, and
+swamps. That the last was possible he believed to be demonstrated by the
+fact that frogs sometimes fall with raindrops![748]
+
+Theodoric of Chartres gives a clear statement[749] of the theory of
+evaporation, condensation, and precipitation in terms that sound almost
+modern. Heat, he says, causes water to ascend into the atmosphere in
+minute drops which form clouds. If the heat increases, these droplets
+turn to pure air; if it diminishes, they coalesce into rain. The most
+minute drops are constricted by a cold wind into snow; when the drops
+are large they are converted into hail by the same agency.[750]
+
+Topographic influences on precipitation were partially understood by
+Giraldus Cambrensis, who believed that the influence of
+land—particularly hilly land—frequently tends to change the vapors of
+the air into mists and clouds, or rain and snow.[751] In the seas off
+Ireland, for instance, water is attracted into the atmosphere in immense
+quantities; the temperature being equable, the water is neither consumed
+by an excess of heat nor turned to snow by an excess of cold but is
+altered into rain, a process greatly facilitated by the presence of many
+mountains in Ireland.
+
+
+                           FLOODS; THE DELUGE
+
+An excess of rainfall results in floods. William of Conches believed
+that under normal conditions the warmth of summer counteracts the
+excessive dampness of winter but that a long series of cool, damp
+summers will end in floods and, conversely, a series of hot, dry summers
+will end in droughts. But, however many local floods there may be, only
+one _diluvium_, or deluge, is possible.[752]
+
+Whence came the waters of the Deluge? This was a question which puzzled
+some of the commentators on Scripture during the Middle Ages. Adelard,
+though he did not believe it himself, cited a theory that the purpose of
+the waters above the firmament was to furnish these waters.[753] Peter
+Comestor,[754] followed by Gervase of Tilbury,[755] said that they came
+partly from the bowels of the earth and partly from the air above and
+that they rose higher than the tops of the mountains of today,[756] to
+the level to which the vapors of burnt offerings ascend. Gervase also
+spoke of a curious theory that there may have been no rain in Paradise
+nor anywhere on the earth until the time of the Deluge.[757] The
+vegetation in the Garden was watered in these early days by the heavenly
+dew. The argument that no rain fell until the Deluge was based, he said,
+on the words of God to Noah: “I will no more curse the earth for the
+sake of men; ... seedtime and harvest, cold and heat, summer and winter,
+night and day shall not cease” (Gen. viii, 21–22). Gervase adds:
+“Perhaps the four seasons were not yet fully distinguished one from the
+other, since not until the time of the Deluge were the waters gathered
+into clouds.”[758] According to the _Liber divinorum operum_ of
+Hildegard the temperature was far hotter before the Deluge than it has
+been since, and “the men of that time possessed great bodily strength in
+order that they might endure this heat. The Deluge reduced the
+temperature, and men since have been weaker” (Thorndike).[759]
+
+
+                                 WINDS
+
+The winds interested the men of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries
+even more than rainfall. Popular notions of winds, rain, and storms as
+manifestations of magical powers or evil spirits,[760] though
+universally believed among the unlearned, were not given serious
+consideration by the majority of scholars. Isidore, Bede, Raban Maur,
+and those who copied from them during our period—the author of the _De
+imagine mundi_[761] and Gervase of Tilbury in his _Otia
+imperialia_—defined wind as air in a disturbed and agitated
+condition,[762] Adelard of Bath said it was dense air moving in a
+particular direction,[763] and William of Conches used Seneca’s
+definition, “Wind is air flowing one way.”[764]
+
+Hildegard of Bingen made the winds play a supremely important part in
+the dynamics and physics of the universe. To the winds she ascribed the
+movement of the firmament from east to west and of the planets from west
+to east.[765] Were it not for the winds, she said, the fires of the
+south, the waters of the west, the shadows of the north would burst
+forth over the earth. The four winds are the wings of God’s power; were
+they to move forward at once all the elements would be confounded and
+split asunder, and they would shake the sea and dry up its waters.[766]
+As the body of man is held together by the soul, so the whole firmament
+is kept intact by the winds lest it be corrupted; and the winds are
+invisible like the soul, which comes from the mystery of God[767] (see
+Fig. 5, p. 149).
+
+What causes the wind? William of Conches made one of the most elaborate
+attempts in many centuries to answer this,[768] for, though borrowing
+largely from Seneca, he added some significant observations of his own.
+In the first place he argued that local winds are produced by various
+local causes, as, for instance, when air enters a cavern, on account of
+its _labilitas_, or fluidity, it tends to force out the air already
+there and thus to make a commotion which generates wind. We may be
+allowed to suppose here that William has in mind a cavern with two
+entrances, for it is difficult to understand how such an effect could be
+produced in a cavern with only one. Similarly, William thought that
+waters entering the hollows of the earth tend to force out the vapors
+therein contained and thus to produce blasts and even earthquakes. A
+damp vapor in rising might cause a wind to blow on account of the
+removal of its weight (_ex ponderatione sua_). William borrowed the idea
+that winds may result from the destruction and flattening out of clouds
+directly from the ἐκνέφτα, or “cloud breezes,” of Aristotle and Seneca.
+Adelard of Bath also attributed the origin of certain winds to local
+exhalations of vapors off the surface of land and water. “Marshes and
+valleys give up a great deal of dense air, which in the natural course
+of things rises upward; further, when they are loosened, they give back
+to its natural position much moisture of water which they had previously
+held imprisoned; add to this that I do not exclude from my statement the
+actual air which is the content of earth” (Gollancz’s translation).[769]
+
+
+                       _Atmospheric Circulation_
+
+The most original theory of the winds was not any of those which
+attempted to account for purely local breezes but an explanation
+propounded by William of Conches of the circulation of the atmosphere as
+a whole. Unlike our modern conceptions of atmospheric circulation based
+on the observation of facts, William’s ingenious theory seems to have
+been the product of his own vivid imagination. It was founded on a
+persistent idea, dating back to classical times, that disturbances in
+the water can produce currents of air. Gervase of Tilbury, for example,
+states in so many words that “mountains and water cause winds” and that
+the swift-flowing Rhone makes the _mistral_ that blows over Provence and
+Dauphiny.[770] William of Conches[771] believed that there are two ocean
+currents trending east and west out of the equatorial ocean. Each of
+these was supposed to divide in two at the extremities of our
+_oikoumene_, making four currents which collide at the North and South
+Poles in the ocean perpendicular to the equatorial ring (Amphitrites).
+The cardinal winds are generated at four points, at the two junctions of
+the oceans where the currents divide and at the poles where they
+collide. The western division gives rise to Zephyr, the eastern to
+Eurus, the collision at the North Pole to Boreas, and the one at the
+South Pole to Auster. It may happen, however, that one of the currents
+will on occasion flow more strongly than its opponent and will push the
+point of collision beyond the pole. This displacement of the point of
+collision explains the blowing of the collateral winds. Absurd as it may
+be in itself, this theory is of interest to us mainly because it shows
+that William understood that a broad system of atmospheric circulation
+is possible and assigned to it, as well as to local breezes, a purely
+physical cause. Curiously enough, it is the exact reverse of our modern
+conception of the usual relation existing between atmospheric and ocean
+currents, for now we understand that the winds are more effective as the
+cause of the ocean currents than vice versa.
+
+William also maintained, as we shall see later,[772] that the tides are
+produced by the impact of ocean currents. Why then, it was asked, if the
+tides are of daily, periodic occurrence, do not the winds, which he
+tells us result from the same cause, show a similar periodicity? To this
+William replied[773] that the winds in fact do show such regularity but
+that it is not apparent to us for two reasons: in the first place, wind
+produced by these causes does not always reach the part of the earth
+where we happen to be; and, secondly, the resulting wind may blow at
+such a high altitude as not to be noticed by men on the ground—an
+observation now well known to be true.
+
+
+                          _Names of the Winds_
+
+Classical names for the winds were almost universally employed. The
+distinction between cardinal and collateral which was made by William of
+Conches goes back to the Greeks,[774] who had conceived of four cardinal
+and four, six, seven, or eight collateral winds. Seneca’s[775] rose of
+twelve winds, the idea of which in its essentials had been derived from
+Posidonius, Timosthenes, and, ultimately, from Aristotle, was adopted by
+Isidore, who passed it on to the Middle Ages, though terrible confusion
+(which, happily, it is not necessary for us to unravel) reigned at all
+times regarding the names employed to designate its elements.[776] In
+addition to the classical terms, our modern names were already familiar.
+In the Ghent manuscript of Lambert of St. Omer’s _Liber floridus_[777]
+there is a diagram in which the winds are called “ost-ost,” “sud-ost,”
+“sud-sud,” “sud-west,” “west-west,” “nord-west,” “nord-nord,” and
+“nord-ost.” This terminology was used in the time of Charlemagne[778]
+and is probably of Anglo-Saxon origin,[779] although it has been
+suggested that the terms are corruptions of Latin words—“ost” from
+“Augustus;” “ovest,” or “west,” from “ob est;” “nord” from “novus
+arctus,” etc.[780]
+
+
+                        _Qualities of the Winds_
+
+To the various winds classical and medieval writers liked to attribute
+qualities—or, at any rate, descriptive adjectives, “cold” or “hot,”
+“dry” or “damp,” “stormy” or “calm,” and the like—but there was little
+enough uniformity in making these distinctions. Some writers of our
+period seem to have been content merely to repeat what had been said in
+classical times; others, like William of Conches or Giraldus Cambrensis,
+showed more independence. Boreas was probably universally regarded as
+cold and Auster as hot, but beyond this we cannot generalize.[781]
+William of Conches[782] conceived of the winds as partaking of the
+qualities of the regions over which they blow: Auster, coming from the
+South Pole and hence originally frigid like Boreas, in its passage
+across the torrid, equatorial zone becomes hot and dry—an observation
+which may perhaps be founded on some knowledge of the _sirocco_ of the
+Mediterranean. On the other hand, Giraldus Cambrensis, undoubtedly from
+personal acquaintance with the water-laden south and southwest gales of
+the British Isles, calls Auster damp and rainy in winter. Similarly
+Giraldus breaks with classical tradition when he speaks of the east
+wind, or Eurus, as pure and clear, a bringer of fair summer weather,
+strikingly different from Zephyr, wet and cloudy from the sea.[783]
+
+
+                             _Local Winds_
+
+We find occasional descriptions—some of them from personal observation,
+no doubt—of winds peculiar to particular parts of the world. Gervase of
+Tilbury, as we have seen, tells of very violent blasts in the Rhone
+valley,[784] supposedly generated by the current of the river in a
+region now famed for the furious _mistral_ that sweeps across Dauphiny
+and Provence from the north. In another connection[785] he tells of a
+valley in the Kingdom of Arles, once so shut in by precipitous mountains
+that no winds at all entered it and that it consequently was sterile and
+useless. In the time of Charlemagne, however, Caesarius, the archbishop
+of Arles, filled his glove with sea breezes and let them forth in the
+valley; thus originated a wind known as _pontianum_, which wrought an
+immediate change in the character of the place and caused it henceforth
+to become fertile and healthy. This wind was doubtless the breeze now
+called _pontias_ that blows at Nyons in the Department of the Drôme; but
+as to its miraculous origin Gervase is merely repeating one of many
+popular medieval stories.[786]
+
+William of Tyre[787] describes in vivid terms the _simoom_ of the
+Arabian desert and how men have to lie flat on the ground at the time of
+its passing: equal to a storm at sea, it sweeps down upon the traveler
+waves of sand as huge as those of the sea and causes grave danger to
+persons who would cross the desert.
+
+
+                             _CLIMATOLOGY_
+
+The most important factor in determining the atmospheric climate of any
+given region is the amount of sunlight and heat received. This, in turn,
+depends largely on geographical latitude. As we have already discussed
+the broad climatic divisions of the earth’s surface in zones, it remains
+here for us to deal merely with what was known of climatic conditions
+within the _oikoumene_.
+
+
+                         HOT AND COLD CLIMATES
+
+Climatic differences between northerly and southerly latitudes were well
+understood. Classical writers had told of the coldness of the regions
+beyond Thule, and in the _De imagine mundi_[788] we read that in those
+parts the sea is frozen and perpetual cold prevails. An interpolation
+into Solinus’ _Collectanea rerum memorabilium_ dating perhaps from our
+period contains a vivid and possibly exaggerated description of the cold
+of Iceland: “These people also are good Christians, but in winter they
+dare not leave their underground holes on account of the terrible cold.
+For if they go out they are smitten by such terrible cold that they lose
+their color like lepers and swell up. If by chance they blow their nose,
+it comes off and they throw it away” (Nansen’s translation).[789]
+Giraldus Cambrensis praises the temperate climate of Ireland, placed
+between the torrid warmth of Spain and the rigors of Iceland;[790] and
+the chroniclers and historians of the Crusades give evidence of
+first-hand knowledge of the terrific summer heats in the Holy Land.[791]
+Ambroise says, for example:
+
+                 “Ca c’est entur la seint Johan
+                 Que la chalur tote rien seche
+                 En la terre, tele est sa teche.”[792]
+
+Benjamin of Tudela’s extensive travels made him familiar with countries
+of widely different climate. The peculiarities of some of these he notes
+briefly. Writing of Russia, for example, he remarks that “no one issues
+forth from his house in winter time on account of the cold. People are
+to be found there who have lost the tips of their noses by reason of the
+frost” (Adler’s translation).[793] Similarly it was his belief that in
+Khulam (or Quilon) in southern India no one left his home all through
+the summer on account of the sun.[794] A hint of the intensity of the
+Mesopotamian summer is given in a description of a hospital in Baghdad,
+which Benjamin had perhaps seen, “where they keep charge of the demented
+persons who have become insane through the great heat ... and they chain
+each of them with iron chains until their reason becomes restored to
+them in the winter time” (Adler’s translation).[795]
+
+
+                        DISTRIBUTION OF CLIMATES
+
+William of Conches, in his usual manner, tried to generalize on
+climates. He said that our habitable portion of the earth’s surface is
+not of an even temperature throughout. The parts nearest the torrid
+zone, Ethiopia and Libya, are hot and dry; the northern parts near the
+frigid zone are cold and damp. Furthermore, though for us it is less
+easy to see exactly why, the West is cold and dry, and the East warm and
+damp. The symmetry of the system is perfect: climates vary in a direct
+ratio with distance, or, as William puts it, “Aequaliter vero distans,
+aequaliter est temperata.”[796]
+
+
+               CLIMATIC DIFFERENCES BETWEEN EAST AND WEST
+
+Men were not so well agreed in the Middle Ages regarding differences of
+climate between East and West as regarding those between North and
+South. Bartholomew Anglicus[797] believed the West to be cold and damp
+and the East hot and dry, an opinion unlike that of William of Conches
+in that it may well have been based on actual observation rather than on
+theory. Giraldus Cambrensis in the _Topographia Hiberniae_ gives a long
+discourse[798] on climatic and other differences between the Orient and
+Occident, in which his main contention is that, though the air is
+clearer, finer, and more “subtle” in the East, the stormy and damp
+climates of the West are better for the health. The true climate of the
+Orient—that is of the Levant—had been made known to the Occidental world
+through the Crusaders, who often dwelt with insistence on its
+disagreeable and injurious qualities, especially the heat, dust, and
+thirst of the Syrian summer, which dried cisterns and carried disease
+and death in its train. In the East, Giraldus says, everything threatens
+the traveler, and he writes a word of warning against doing many of
+those very things which the modern wanderer in the Levant knows to be
+imprudent: such as going uncovered, sitting on rocks, or
+overeating.[799]
+
+
+                  TOPOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES UPON CLIMATE
+
+
+                               _The Sea_
+
+During our period we find several descriptions of local climatic
+conditions and of variations due to topographic features like sea and
+mountains. A vivid impression of the wild marine weather of the North
+Atlantic off the coast of Ireland is given us in the narrative of St.
+Brandan’s wanderings. The saint and his companions were forced to remain
+three months on an island because of storms with furious gales, rain,
+and hail.[800] Giraldus Cambrensis[801] pictures the turbulent climate
+of Ireland, an isle surrounded by vast seas, unprotected and exposed to
+all the blasts. He was especially struck by the thick and rainy westerly
+gales, Zephyr and Corus, which bend over the trees in the seaward parts
+of the island. However violent the winds, Giraldus maintained that
+Ireland is the most temperate of all lands:[802] snow there is
+infrequent and when it comes lasts but a short while. Though cold
+weather accompanies all the winds, it never becomes too cold, and green
+grass grows in the pastures at all times of year. Yet so constant is the
+dampness, so prevalent the rain and clouds, that a clear day is rare
+indeed.
+
+
+                              _Mountains_
+
+William of Conches speaks in general terms of the influence of mountains
+on climate. We have seen how he recognized the fact that the tops of
+mountains are colder than the valleys below.[803] In another
+connection[804] he explained that places cut off from the north winds by
+mountains have dry, warm conditions and are good for winter residence,
+though less desirable in summer. The opposite is true of places on the
+north sides. Similarly, places exposed to the east are warm and damp
+with a pleasant autumn but bad spring weather, and the converse is true
+of places with a western exposure. This systematic arrangement is
+deduced from William’s fundamental and oversymmetrical conception of the
+various climatic characteristics of the cardinal points of the compass.
+
+Gunther of Pairis, in his _Ligurinus_,[805] embellishes a description of
+the mountain ranges of Italy with an imaginative discourse on how they
+influence the climate: the Apennines temper the moist, summer heat of
+the south wind, and the crags of the Alps cut off the cold northerly
+gales of Boreas and Arctos. Giraldus Cambrensis says[806] that Ireland,
+like all other mountainous districts, produces an abundance of rain. In
+the _Itinerarium Kambriae_[807] he explains that the lake of Brecknock
+(Llangorse) in Wales is encircled north, west, and south by high
+mountains. The great range of Cader Arthur to the south, by cutting off
+the rays of the sun, renders the climate in the vicinity of the lake
+both pleasant and healthy. The valley of Ewyas, completely surrounded by
+mountains (now the Black Mountains), is constantly the resting place of
+clouds, strong gales, and rain, which make it, in Giraldus’ opinion, an
+extremely healthful locality.[808]
+
+We cannot leave this subject without alluding again to the theoretical
+discussion of the influence of mountains on the climate of the polar
+regions that is found in that most interesting treatise of Robert
+Grosseteste, the _De natura locorum_. The bishop of Lincoln recognized
+the fact that insolation is greatly reduced in high latitudes owing to
+the obliquity of the sun’s rays and that the climate normally should be
+too cold to sustain life. He believed, however, that the presence of
+very high mountains, Rhipaean, Hyperborean, and others to which the
+authorities referred, might totally neutralize the effects of position
+in relation to the sun’s rays. “Some of these mountains,” he wrote,[809]
+“are smooth of surface, like the salt or rock hills that are found in
+many places, and others are in the nature of crystal, as divers authors
+and explorers testify, so that the reflection from them is good. As a
+result of this they are able to cause the rays all to converge and to
+produce a powerful effect. From these two accidental causes, that is
+from the smoothness of the mountains and from their concave shape, there
+is an intense heating of the air in certain regions around the pole. The
+great height of some of these mountains also cuts off the cold of the
+north, and thus certain localities may well be intensely hot.” On the
+other hand, Grosseteste had learned from Capella, Pliny, Solinus, and
+“many others who describe the regions of the world that in the
+Hyperborean Mountains next to the pole there are men who are called
+Hyperboreans from these mountains. And they enjoy the most temperate and
+healthy of climates and as a result live to such an age that they grow
+tired of life and without other cause throw themselves off of high rocks
+into the sea and die. The cause of this may be assigned to the form of
+the mountains beneath which they dwell, inasmuch as these mountains are
+smooth and of even surface, nor are they concave but are elongated
+(_oblongam_) and convex or of some other shape which does not
+concentrate the heat in those regions but on the contrary renders the
+climate temperate.”[810]
+
+
+                      INFLUENCE OF CLIMATE ON MAN
+
+In the literature of our period we find several observations about the
+influence of climate on man. Gervase of Tilbury[811] maintained that the
+character of the different European peoples varies with varying climatic
+conditions. “According to the diversities of the air the Romans are
+grave, the Greeks fickle and unreliable, the Africans sly and crafty,
+the Gauls fierce, and the English and Teutons powerful and robust.”
+
+In another connection[812] he explains that the violent _mistral_ of the
+Rhone valley generates in this region men who are windy, empty-headed,
+inconsistent, and most unreliable in their promises. The supposedly
+mollifying influence of a warmer climate on the Lombards is hinted at by
+Otto of Freising.[813] Otto believed that these tribes gave up their
+ferocity on settling in Italy, where they adopted Italian customs,
+partly because they married Italian women but partly also because of the
+nature of the country and climate (_ex terris aerisve_). We have already
+seen how Giraldus Cambrensis stressed the healthy qualities of damp and
+humid Ireland in contrast with the disease-breeding Orient. Even the
+most delicate persons thrive in Ireland, he said, and though the Eastern
+air may endow men with keener wits and intelligence, the West gives them
+stronger bodies and a more martial spirit.[814]
+
+
+                            CLIMATE OF ROME
+
+If we may believe Otto of Freising[815] and Gunther of Pairis,[816] the
+climate of Rome was even more noxious and dangerous in the twelfth than
+in the nineteenth century. Otto tells us that Frederick Barbarossa’s
+army arrived in Rome in midsummer when the Dog Star was on high. It was
+a time when the ponds, caverns, and ruinous places around the city were
+exhaling poisonous vapors, and the air in the entire vicinity had become
+densely laden with pestilence and death. Gunther enlarges on this,
+giving a circumstantial, though probably fanciful, account of the
+effects of the terrible Roman summer on the German army, especially of
+the disease and malaria engendered by the climate and foul condition of
+the city.[817]
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VIII
+                               THE WATERS
+
+
+                    _THE WATERS ABOVE THE FIRMAMENT_
+
+
+                         RATIONALISTIC BELIEFS
+
+“And God made the firmament and divided the waters which were under the
+firmament from the waters which were above the firmament” (Gen. i, 7).
+
+We saw in Chapter II that this text had induced many of the earlier
+Church Fathers to devise strange theories about the waters above the
+firmament. The idea of Jerome, Josephus, Ambrose, Isidore, and Bede that
+these waters were in crystalline, or frozen, form met with opposition
+from those who were influenced by classical science and especially by
+the writings of Aristotle. Abelard in his _Expositio in hexaemeron_[818]
+discussed in considerable detail various opinions about the existence of
+solidified water above the firmament, though personally he was inclined
+to think that the air sustains the water in the form of very fine drops.
+That much heavier objects may sometimes be supported by air or water he
+proved by citing examples of cases where this is actually known to
+happen, as where a needle may be made to float on water. Theodoric of
+Chartres and William of Conches approached the problem from an even more
+rationalistic standpoint. Theodoric[819] held that water, when subjected
+to sufficient heat, turns into “pure air.” On the second day of the
+Creation the fire element heated the water element in such a way that
+large portions of the latter rose as high as the moon and were there
+suspended in vaporous form “above the top of the sky” (_super summam
+coeli_). As a result the atmosphere became intercalated between the
+liquid water of the earth’s surface and this water vapor above the
+firmament. The firmament itself, Theodoric contended, was merely the air
+and was so called either because it “firmly” supported that which was
+above it and enclosed that which was below it or else because it
+“firmly” gripped the earth on all sides. William of Conches also argued
+against the possibility of frozen water above the firmament.[820] This,
+he declared, is quite contrary to reason: frozen water is solid and
+heavy, and the place for solid and heavy substances in the constitution
+of the universe is either on or beneath the earth’s surface. Then again,
+water in or near the celestial sphere—which is the abode of fire—would
+either extinguish the fire or else itself be consumed. William objected
+to juggling with the Aristotelian laws of physics. He explained the
+Biblical text by asserting that the firmament is the atmosphere and that
+the waters “above” it are in reality nothing more than the clouds within
+it.[821] On the whole, he concluded that the text should be interpreted
+allegorically rather than literally.
+
+
+                            LITERAL BELIEFS
+
+In decided contrast with these more or less rationalistic theories was
+Michael Scot’s bold assertion that beyond the realm of fire and above
+the eighth heavenly sphere comes a “multitude of waters,”[822] or
+Gervase of Tilbury’s extraordinary account of a sea either in or above
+the atmosphere. To prove the existence of such a sea Gervase told[823]
+how “in his time some people coming out of a church in England found an
+anchor let down by a rope out of the heavens, how there came voices from
+sailors above trying to loose the anchor, and, finally, how a sailor
+came down the rope, who, on reaching the earth, died as if drowned in
+water” (White).[824] William of Auvergne, Platonist of the early
+thirteenth century and staunch opponent of Aristotelianism, also found
+no difficulties in the way of literal belief in the waters above the
+firmament. Ignoring the arguments of Peripatetic physics, he wrote:[825]
+“Nobody in the world is either amazed or horrified at the presence of
+fire beneath the waters and more especially beneath the earth. This is
+proved to the eye by the fiery outbreaks from three mountains (that is
+Vulcano, Etna, and Chimaera). Why then should one wonder so much that
+water is found above the heavens?”
+
+Hildegard of Bingen gave expression to some views, probably original
+with her, regarding the waters above the firmament. In the _Causae et
+curae_ she speaks of “the waters of the great sea which surrounds the
+world and forms as it were a flank to those waters which are above the
+firmament, because the height (_summitas_) of those which are above and
+the extreme edge (_extremitas_) of those which are below the firmament
+are mutually joined together.”[826] In the _Solutiones_ she
+characterized the celestial waters, asserting that they neither increase
+nor decrease (implying perhaps that they are disturbed by no tides) but
+that they have remained just as they are now since God created them.
+They are unlike the waters of the earth inasmuch as they are far more
+fine in texture and entirely invisible to human eyes.[827]
+
+
+                         PURPOSE OF THE WATERS
+
+What purpose is served by the waters above the firmament? Gervase of
+Tilbury declared that they supply the earth with dew.[828] Abelard said
+that there were two opinions on this subject.[829] The first was that
+the waters were originally placed in the heavens in order to be used in
+the Deluge. To this he was opposed, because the Psalms show that the
+waters were still in existence in David’s time, long after the Flood. If
+there had not been waters above the firmament in David’s time, how could
+the latter have sung: “Praise ye the Lord ... ye heavens of heavens and
+let all the waters that are above the heavens praise the name of the
+Lord”?[830] Abelard was more inclined to favor the second theory, that
+the waters were intended to temper the heat of the upper celestial
+fires. He felt, however, with more or less reason, that this entire
+problem presents great, if not insoluble, difficulties.
+
+
+                      _THE CONGREGATION OF WATERS_
+
+There is an abundance of evidence that the authority of the Bible was
+invoked to support a theory that the waters beneath the firmament must
+constitute one unit, or “congregation of waters.” This view, as we saw
+in Chapter II, was based on the assertion in Genesis that God “gathered
+together the waters in one place.” Peter Abelard,[831] Peter
+Comestor,[832] and Hugh of St. Victor[833] all maintained that there are
+great subterranean reservoirs connected with the seas and rivers of the
+surface in such a way that the whole hydrographic system of the earth
+forms a single unit. Prior to the action of God in gathering them
+together these waters in the primordial chaos were supposed to have been
+disseminated in the form of vapor, which took up vastly more room than
+the liquid into which God’s power later concentrated them.
+
+
+                   CONNECTION BETWEEN SEAS AND RIVERS
+
+That many writers believed in the connection between the seas and the
+rivers and in the consequent unity of the waters is shown by numerous
+passages. Medieval thinkers, as we have seen, were constantly
+preoccupied by the doctrine of the microcosm, the theory that the human
+body includes all the elements which constitute the universe and is
+indeed in itself a miniature replica of the universe. This appears in a
+statement in the _De imagine mundi_ that the whole interior of the earth
+is filled with channels like the blood vessels that permeate the
+body.[834] Whenever and wherever a man digs into the ground he is sure
+to find water. A constant circulation is maintained between the ocean
+and the waters of the surface of the land through these passages and
+through the air.[835]
+
+William of Conches held that the great ocean in the equatorial zone is
+the source of all dampness in the earth (_fons humoris_) and that the
+land is seamed with canals full of water derived from that source.[836]
+Peter Alphonsi describes the circulation of the waters from the sea into
+the atmosphere by evaporation, thence in the form of rain to the rivers,
+and so back to the sea.[837] Peter Comestor, however, held that the
+river which springs from Paradise and divides in four is the source of
+all the water of the earth;[838] and Gervase of Tilbury, who follows
+Comestor in this respect, mentions in another connection that springs
+have their sources in the sea.[839] Perhaps if he had analyzed the
+question he would have said that the waters of the sea must find their
+way at some time through the rivers of Paradise and thence to the
+springs.
+
+
+                  THE EARTH ESTABLISHED ON THE WATERS
+
+The phrase in the Psalms, that God established the earth above or on
+(_super_) the waters,[840] also proved puzzling to the thinkers of our
+period. The easy explanation that such a phenomenon might be due to the
+arbitrary working of God’s will was not always readily accepted. Some
+commentators on the Psalms observed dubiously that it surpassed their
+understanding.[841] Alexander Neckam stated that it might possibly refer
+to waters beneath the earth, since “Alfraganus [Al-Farghānī] says that
+the sphere of the waters and of the earth are one.” Saints who had
+expounded the phrase, he added, tried to explain away the difficulty by
+referring to the colloquial manner of saying that Paris is founded “on
+the Seine.” “The truth of the matter, however, is that the terrestrial
+paradise is above the waters, since it is above the sphere of the
+moon.”[842] An allegorical interpretation was also resorted to, and the
+reader was told to conceive of “earth” as being the Church and “the
+waters” as the many peoples upon which the Church is founded.
+
+Peter Abelard, in an interesting passage in the _Expositio in
+hexaemeron_,[843] gave an interpretation of this phrase as well as of
+the text about the “congregation of the waters” which seems to
+foreshadow a theory later to be elaborated by Brunetto Latino and
+destined to gain a firm grip on the hydrographical conceptions of many
+individuals until as late as the eighteenth century. Abelard wrote:
+“When the waters receded into one part of the earth, the other parts
+were uncovered, as was written: ‘God, who established the earth on the
+waters.’ As any globe may be immersed in water in such a way that one
+part of it rises above the water, even so the globe of the earth rests
+in the waters so that one side of it is contiguous with the sea and
+causes the sea to permeate through its veins, whence springs and rivers
+take their rise. The waters of this sea, in truth, are congregated into
+one place and are consequently deeper than if they were diffused,
+unless, perchance, the fact that they may be drawn off through the veins
+of the earth makes them less deep.” We have seen that Abelard and
+William of Conches compared the universe to an egg in which the four
+parts correspond to the four elements, fire, air, water, and earth.[844]
+This was the theoretical arrangement of the elements according to the
+logical application of Aristotle’s physical laws. As a matter of fact,
+the aqueous sphere does not completely envelop the earth, as it should
+if this theoretical arrangement were carried out in nature. How, then,
+could it be explained that a portion of the earth’s surface is not
+covered by water? Robert Grosseteste, without attempting a physical
+explanation, answered this question from the teleological point of view,
+echoing the words of Genesis. “Truly it is a fact,” he wrote, “that, in
+order that the animals of this earth might have a habitation and refuge,
+the water receded into the concave parts of the earth and the surface of
+the land appeared dry and distinct. And so the land with the waters
+contained upon it is like a sphere of earth.”[845] Later writers were
+not willing to accept such a simple declaration and looked for physical
+and mechanical explanations. For instance, Brunetto Latino assigned to
+the spheres of earth and of water each a different center, placed in
+such positions in relation to one another that the aqueous sphere covers
+the sphere of earth to a great depth on one side (the southern
+hemisphere) but on the opposite side leaves dry the portion inhabited by
+man.[846] Certainly the passage we have quoted above shows that Abelard
+may well have had something of this sort in mind.
+
+
+                         _THE OCEANS AND SEAS_
+
+
+                     RELATIVE AREAS OF LAND AND SEA
+
+We saw in Chapter I that two theories prevailed in ancient times as to
+the distribution of land and water: the oceanic theory, that the
+_oikoumene_ is surrounded by water; and the continental theory, that the
+oceans of the earth occupy relatively small and enclosed basins. Though
+the writers of our period held to the oceanic hypothesis, they had
+various and conflicting notions in regard to the size of the ocean or
+oceans which surround the known world. The great popularity of Martianus
+Capella and Macrobius, who both held the doctrine that there are three
+areas of land corresponding to our _oikoumene_ in the three quarters of
+the earth’s surface, must have rendered impossible any widespread
+acceptance of a theory like the one hinted at by Abelard, that all of
+the earth’s surface except the _oikoumene_ is covered by water; and the
+definition of the ocean as a zone or hem surrounding the inhabited
+world, not infrequently given in our period, certainly does not imply
+the existence of water areas of immense size in comparison with the land
+areas.[847] Furthermore, the Second Book of Esdras, which, though
+apocryphal, enjoyed high authority in the Middle Ages,[848] gave the
+reader an opposite impression. Here it was stated: “Upon the third day
+thou didst command that the waters should be gathered in the seventh
+part of the earth: six parts hast thou dried up, and kept them, to the
+intent that of these some being planted of God and tilled might serve
+thee.” “Upon the fifth day thou saidst unto the seventh part, where the
+waters gathered, that it should bring forth living creatures, fowls and
+fishes: and so it came to pass.” Roger Bacon uses this text from Esdras
+to reinforce his argument that, relatively speaking, the water surface
+of the world is very restricted in comparison with the land
+surface.[849]
+
+
+              EXPLANATION OF UNIFORM LEVEL OF SEA SURFACE
+
+Into the sea there pours at all times a vast volume of water from the
+rivers. Neckam moralized mournfully on this[850] and compared the flow
+of fresh water into the salt depths with the way in which greater powers
+absorb lesser and the way in which the voluptuousness of this world—a
+sham sweetness—is turned to bitterness and salt; but he did not attempt
+to explain the puzzling physical problem of why the surface of the sea
+fails to rise and overflow the lands.[851] Most writers who dealt with
+the latter problem appealed to the theory of the _congregatio aquae_:
+since all the waters of the earth form one unit, they must inevitably
+make their way back from the sea through various routes to the sources
+of streams.[852] Other explanations, however, were sometimes brought
+forward. Adelard of Bath believed that the stars and sun absorb a
+certain amount of water.[853] The author of the _De imagine mundi_ was
+convinced that the fresh water entering the sea is partially consumed by
+the salt of the deeps and partially evaporated by the winds and taken up
+into the sun.[854]
+
+
+                          SALINITY OF THE SEA
+
+The two characteristics of the oceans that distinguish them from bodies
+of fresh water and have always aroused men’s curiosity are their
+saltness and their tides. The _De imagine mundi_ gives a popular
+etymology of the word _mare_ from _amarum_, meaning bitter or
+salty.[855] Though there is no attempt in this book to show reasons for
+the salinity of the sea, the author followed Isidore and Bede in the
+opinion that the water at great depths is more bitter and salt than near
+the surface and that evaporation draws off the fresh water only and
+leaves the bitter and dense elements behind; similarly, that part of the
+sea water makes its way back to the sources of the springs, deposits its
+salt in the land, and bursts forth fresh and purified from its passage
+through the earth. In the _Image du monde_, on the other hand, there is
+a naïve explanation of why the sea is salt.[856] Great saline mountains
+in the deeps are said to be constantly dissolving away and thereby
+imparting a peculiar character to the water. Adelard of Bath, Gervase of
+Tilbury, and William of Conches treated the subject a shade more
+rationally, perhaps, in attributing the saltness to the influence of
+heat. Adelard says,[857] “I consider the cause of the saltness of the
+sea to be the heat of the sun and planets. For, since the true ocean
+passes through the heart of the torrid zone and since the course of the
+planets runs through the same zone, though obliquely, the ocean must of
+necessity be heated by such a great heat of the heavenly bodies that it
+is thereby rendered salt.” This explanation, he adds, is even subject to
+proof: for along coasts nearest the ocean, sea water “when dried in the
+sun on the rocks” may readily be converted into salt without any
+artificial aid; in more distant seas the water must be boiled and
+reboiled before this effect is produced. Furthermore, in summer all sea
+water is salter than in winter.
+
+William of Conches[858] and Alexander Neckam[859] also followed
+Aristotle in believing that water in its purest form has an insipid
+taste but that it is thickened and rendered salt by the sun’s heat in
+the torrid ocean, whence it is distributed to the other seas by
+currents. Gervase of Tilbury tends to exaggerate this theory: we read in
+the _Otia imperialia_[860] of a lake in the County of Aix, near Arles,
+the waters of which are congealed into ice by the cold of winter and
+into salt by the heat of August. This led Gervase to conclude that it
+would be impossible to sail around the earth, because the all-encircling
+ocean would be frozen stiff in the north and thickened into solid salt
+in the south.
+
+
+                                 TIDES
+
+If we discard fanciful ideas like that of Richard, prior of St. Victor
+in Paris (died 1173), to the effect that the tides are produced by the
+breathing of some great submarine monster or spirit,[861] we find two
+distinct groups of tidal theories prevalent in the twelfth century: as
+Duhem defines them, the physical and the astrological. The astrological
+theories, which explained the tides by the influence of the moon, had
+been expounded before the period we are studying by Posidonius, Pliny,
+Bede, and the Moslem Abū Maʿshar. The physical theories had been set
+forth by Macrobius, who had believed that the tides were due to the
+impact of ocean currents, and Paul the Deacon, who had attributed them
+to the action of great whirlpools. Although twelfth-century students
+added little to these earlier opinions, they made some remarkable
+combinations of them, and their observations were distinguished by a few
+close records of actual tidal phenomena.[862]
+
+
+                           _Lunar Causation_
+
+Bernard Sylvester explained the tides by lunar causation alone[863] and
+attributed to the moon the power of attracting and repelling not only
+the waters but also terrestrial substances,[864] inasmuch as the moon is
+the nearest planet to the earth, the largest, and consequently the most
+powerful.[865]
+
+In the following century we find that Robert Grosseteste saw in the
+effects of lunar rays upon the bottom of the sea sufficient cause for
+the ebb and flood. If in their broad outlines the ideas of the bishop of
+Lincoln are plain enough, the individual steps of his argument are
+neither clear nor coherent. They are of sufficient interest,
+nevertheless, to justify an attempt at interpreting them.[866] We have
+already alluded to Robert’s theory of rays emanating from the celestial
+bodies in the shape of cones or “pyramids” and to his principle that the
+power of these rays is inverse to the obliquity of the angle at which
+they meet the earth’s surface and to the length of the pyramids.[867]
+When the moon is rising, Grosseteste explains in the _De natura
+locorum_,[868] the rays are very oblique and the pyramids long: hence
+the power of the rays is much too weak to disperse vapors that have
+accumulated on the sea floor or to draw these vapors up into the air.
+The result is that the vapors tend to displace the waters in the depths,
+to rise in bubbles to the surface, and thus to produce flood tides. As
+the moon approaches the meridian the rays become less oblique, the
+pyramids shorter, and the lunar power consequently greater. The moon now
+disperses and consumes the vapors and draws them up into the air from
+the depths of the sea. By the time our satellite reaches the meridian,
+the vapors are entirely consumed, “and, since the cause ceases, the
+effect also ceases; and the waters of the sea naturally flow back into
+their proper place in order not to create a vacuum.” Hence the ebb
+begins.
+
+Grosseteste does not make clear what generates the vapors, though he
+probably meant us to assume that they were produced by the heat due to
+the reflection of the moon’s rays upon the sea floor. In another
+treatise, the _De impressionibus elementorum_,[869] he explains how
+reflected rays, though not necessarily the rays of the moon, in passing
+through a transparent body of water may create heat at the bottom.
+
+The problem of the flood tide when the moon is in the opposite
+hemisphere of the heavens still remained. Grosseteste’s obscure
+explanation of this runs about as follows: “Many try to give a reason
+for this difficult circumstance on the grounds that opposite quarters of
+the universe are of the same composition (_commixtionis_) and
+consequently produce the same effects. But this explanation falls short,
+since it is false to assert that there are any actual replicas of the
+stars of one quarter of the heavens in another quarter, inasmuch as the
+earth interposes its bulk between a planet in one quarter and the
+quarter opposite. Moreover, even were this explanation true, an
+explanation of the original cause would be required. That is to say, it
+would be necessary to ask why the opposite quarters are of the same
+composition and consequently exert the same effect. The fact is that the
+reflection of rays solves this problem, since the rays of the moon are
+multiplied on the stellar heaven. Because the stellar heaven is an
+opaque body, we are consequently not able to see it, though it
+nevertheless is very luminous according to Alpetragius and
+Messalahe [_sic_]. Other reflected rays fall on the opposite quarter at
+right angles.”[870]
+
+
+                        _Terrestrial Causation_
+
+Most writers found that the astrological, or lunar, theory alone was
+insufficient to explain all the peculiarities of the tides and made
+appeal, as well, to physical theories—in particular to that of
+Macrobius. This is given in varying terms by Adelard of Bath, Lambert of
+St. Omer, William of Conches, and Giraldus Cambrensis. Macrobius, as we
+have already observed, had conceived of four ocean currents issuing out
+of the great equatorial ocean and flowing north and south in the
+girdling ocean which includes the poles.[871] These currents run
+together somewhere in the polar regions; the waters rebound on
+themselves (_ex repercussione ingurgitur retro mare_) and in this way
+cause the ebb and flow. Lambert of St. Omer in his _Liber floridus_
+seems to have accepted the Macrobian theory much as it stands,[872] but
+Adelard harbored doubts as to the sufficiency of the impact of the
+waters against each other to produce a tidal rebound and thought that
+some mountain or other mass of land must interpose to produce such an
+effect.[873]
+
+William of Conches cites two theories of tidal controls:[874] the first
+is that of Macrobius; the second, confusingly stated, suggests Adelard’s
+hypothesis of an interposing mass of land. William says, in effect, that
+the tides are due in part to the existence of mountains submerged
+beneath the sea, against which the waters are attracted forward and then
+repelled, producing an oscillating motion. As to this, we may well be
+led to inquire how Macrobius, Adelard, and William explained this
+oscillating motion, for certainly two steadily flowing currents meeting
+each other or running against submerged reefs would not create any such
+motion. Unfortunately in this we are left unsatisfied by our medieval
+writers, who characteristically here, as often elsewhere, were content,
+when stating that one phenomenon causes another, to leave entirely to
+the imagination the explanation of the manner in which such causation is
+actually effected.
+
+William did not rule out all lunar control over the ebb and flood but
+explained the spring and neap tides by variations in the moon’s power of
+heating and drying the atmosphere. This power, he thought, is at a
+minimum both when the moon is full and when it is new. Consequently we
+have high spring tides at these times, and vice versa. William’s theory
+is the reverse of Abū Maʿshar’s:[875] that the tides are caused by the
+active attraction by the moon of the humid elements on the earth’s
+surface. William fails to show us why the tides should be in flood when
+the moon is rising toward the meridian and why spring tides should occur
+when there is a full moon. Abū Maʿshar, on the other hand, fails to
+explain why there is a flood tide when the moon is on the other side of
+the earth, in the opposite celestial hemisphere.
+
+Alexander Neckam gives what is, to say the least, an unsatisfactory
+treatment of the tides.[876] After quoting the scientific opinions of
+others, he remarks that to explain the ebb and flow of the waters is a
+problem that cannot be solved. Then, in his customary vein, he adds the
+moral observation that the tides are like the persecutions of the
+Christians and that they should not fill one with too much despair, for
+after they have risen they always subside again in the due course of
+time.[877]
+
+William the Breton wondered at the tides but, like Neckam, refrained
+from trying to explain their cause and said that God alone understands
+this and no man can comprehend it either now or ever.[878] He was amazed
+that such a wide, deep, and powerful stream as the Seine at Rouen could
+be forced back upon itself by the waters of the sea and made to flow in
+the opposite direction through a space of land across which its normal
+current could scarcely pass in three days. Was this due to the fact that
+fresh water is less powerful than salt? Or does the fresh water find the
+salt water odious and recoil before it? Or does the stream do reverence,
+as it were, to its mother, the sea, falling back before her and then
+when the tide turns following behind her respectfully? None of these
+explanations was William ready to accept as true. “For us who live our
+human lot here below, it is sufficient to know the fact; it is not
+allowed to us to know the cause.”[879]
+
+
+                  _Giraldus Cambrensis’ Tidal Studies_
+
+The most elaborate tidal studies of our period are in the pages of
+Giraldus Cambrensis’ _Topographia Hiberniae_, where we find a
+combination of the astrological theory of Abū Maʿshar, the whirlpool
+theory of Paul the Deacon, and the ocean-current theory of Macrobius.
+Giraldus said that when the moon passes the meridian the waters begin to
+recede from the coasts of Britain and to retire into hidden submarine
+reservoirs.[880] The moon, being the heavenly body that controls all
+things humid on the earth, when full causes the tides to rise to unusual
+heights. A little further on in his discussion, Giraldus explains that
+at the four opposite parts of the ocean there is a force that violently
+attracts the sea water, producing a sort of periodic swelling and
+sinking; this is connected in some manner with a belief in Giraldus’
+mind that greater quantities of fresh water enter the sea at the
+extremities of the earth and in the vicinity of the poles than
+elsewhere, though on what he based this supposition and how it produced
+the results which he ascribes to it, he does not explain. Giraldus’
+theory also owes much to Macrobius’ hypothesis of the effects of the
+collision of ocean currents on the tides, as well as to Paul the
+Deacon’s whirlpool theory, for he explains elsewhere[881] that
+philosophers mention the existence of four whirlpools at the opposite
+ends of the earth and that some people attribute to these the causation
+of tides and storms of wind. Each of the whirlpools resembles a great
+vortex in the northern seas towards which the waters of the sea rush
+together, to be absorbed in secret caverns as if in an abyss; ships
+approaching too near are sucked in and destroyed.
+
+The most interesting feature of Giraldus’ tidal studies, however, are
+not these general speculations regarding causes but some very neat
+observations made on the British and Irish coasts. In the first place,
+he remarks on the choppy water of the Irish Sea, which presumably he
+connects with tide rips.[882] He then goes on to discuss the difference
+in the hour of high water at various Irish ports, at Milford Haven in
+Wales, and at Bristol in England. When the tide is at the half-ebb in
+Dublin, at Milford Haven it is at the half-flood, and near Bristol just
+beginning the rise. Let us see what the facts of the case are at the
+present day.[883] On February 1, 1919, half-ebb occurred at Dublin at
+about 2:30 P. M., half-flood at Milford Haven only about an hour and a
+half later, and low water had occurred at Bristol half an hour earlier.
+In other words Giraldus’ observations on the relative times of the tides
+at these three points were unusually accurate. Furthermore, he explains
+that at Wicklow, on the Irish coast opposite Wales, the water falls at
+the same time that it rises throughout the sea in general. When Giraldus
+here speaks of the “sea in general” he perhaps had in mind tidal
+observations made at other points on the coast not far to the south.
+Modern tide tables show that near Arklow, only about fourteen miles
+away, it is low water some two hours and a half earlier than at Wicklow.
+The water, consequently, is rising at Arklow for two hours and a half
+while it is still falling at Wicklow. That Giraldus was familiar with
+Arklow is shown by the fact that he mentions a river entering the sea
+there and describes a curious rock in the harbor.[884]
+
+Finally, Giraldus states[885] that when the moon has passed the meridian
+the waters first recede from the coasts of Britain but that on the Irish
+coasts in the vicinity of Dublin full flood corresponds to this
+recession of the waters. In the vicinity of Wexford, however, flood
+waters do not correspond with the flood at Dublin but rather with the
+flood waters on the British coast at Milford Haven. Giraldus was
+mistaken, if we are right in interpreting his words to mean that he
+thought that the tidal undulation which produces high water at Dublin is
+a different wave from that of Wexford or Milford Haven. No tidal
+undulation enters the Irish Sea from the north, and consequently the ebb
+and flood at all of these places is caused by the same wave. On the
+other hand, this wave reaches Dublin nearly five hours later than it
+reaches Wexford and Milford on the opposite shore, and the accuracy of
+Giraldus’ data on the time of these tides is further confirmed by modern
+tide tables, which show that flood water at the Welsh port may occur
+only twenty-four minutes earlier than at Rosslare Point, the entrance to
+Wexford Harbor.
+
+It would be interesting if we could know how Giraldus gathered these
+data. Probably they were pieced together from incidental observations of
+sailors or fishermen, for certainly no systematic investigation of tidal
+phenomena could well have been undertaken at Giraldus’ time.[886] It is
+typical of an immense amount of close and accurate knowledge that has
+always existed along with ignorance and superstition among the more
+humble workers of this world, knowledge that until recent years has but
+rarely found literary expression.
+
+
+                OTHER MARINE PHENOMENA NOTED BY GIRALDUS
+
+Giraldus certainly was not always so fortunate in his discussion of
+marine phenomena. He taxes our credulity a little when he tells of a
+rock in Arklow harbor on one side of which the water rises while it is
+falling on the other,[887] though this may perhaps have resulted from
+some local play of currents and eddies. It is less easy to find an
+explanation of a story which he relates of a recession of the sea at
+“Crebonensus” (Proconnesus?) near Constantinople.[888] Here, during
+eight days at the time of the festival of St. Clement, the waters fell
+back in order to allow pilgrims to go to the saint’s shrine. This kind
+of miracle, to be sure, had the support of Biblical authority in the
+story of the parting of the waters of the Red Sea to permit the passing
+of the children of Israel; and we find a similar tale in the _Otia
+imperialia_,[889] where Gervase asserts that the Sea of Pamphylia was
+divided for Alexander the Great, because God wished to destroy the
+Persian kingdom by means of the Macedonian. The lake (or river) which in
+the legend surrounded the church of St. Thomas in India was also said to
+go dry at regular intervals to permit pilgrims to approach.[890]
+
+In his description of South Wales, Giraldus Cambrensis gives an account
+of marine encroachments on the land and perhaps of coastal subsidence. A
+great storm on this sandy coast laid bare a forest hitherto covered by
+the waters. Trunks of trees appeared with marks of the ax upon them,
+fresh as if cut only the day before. Giraldus was convinced that the
+marks dated from inconceivable antiquity, perhaps even from the time of
+the Flood.[891] The wood was overwhelmed, he said, by the constant and
+ever increasingly violent advance of the sea; and certainly it is well
+known in modern days that the waves long have been eating into the coast
+of Pembrokeshire and that the uncovering by storms of buried forests and
+stumps is a commonplace occurrence there. Perhaps we are justified in
+interpreting Giraldus’ remarks by assuming that the forest had not, as
+he states, previously been covered by water but more probably by marine
+sands or muds, which subsequently were removed from the stumps by storm
+waves.
+
+
+                 ST. BRANDAN AND THE SPIRIT OF THE SEA
+
+Less scientific—or perhaps we had better say less prosaic—than the
+writings we have just been discussing but fully as replete with
+understanding of the ocean and its various moods, is the legend of the
+wanderings of St. Brandan. The style and spirit of this entire story
+shows that it must have been composed by men filled with a sense of the
+immensity and mystery of the Atlantic.[892] Probably the tale had its
+roots in the reports of actual voyagings of Irishmen blown far out to
+sea. Although there is much of the marvelous and supernatural borrowed
+from older tradition, the tone of the legend as a whole rings true to
+nature. Certainly it was not written by a landsman. At one time St.
+Brandan and his companions sailed north for three days, and the sea
+became “as it were coagulated through an excess of calmness.”[893] It
+has been suggested that this refers to the semi-solid “Liver Sea” of
+Germanic legend, itself perhaps an echo of the reports of Pytheas and
+other classical writers about clotted sea waters north of Thule and in
+the Western Ocean.[894] On another occasion the travelers came in sight
+of a high column of clearest crystal apparently not far away, though it
+took three days to reach it.[895] So great was its height that they
+could scarce discern the summit, and as they drew near they saw that it
+was covered by a silvery canopy of marvelously fine texture. They passed
+through a hole in the canopy and entered a sea whose waters were so
+clear that the base of the column could be seen resting on the earth at
+the bottom of the sea. For an entire day they sailed along one side of
+the column. If we discard from all this what is obviously fabulous or
+borrowed from the vision of Ezekiel[896] or from the description of the
+New Jerusalem in Revelation,[897] may we not be justified in supposing
+that the sight of a great iceberg flashing in the sun gave rise to the
+story of the crystalline column and that the canopy represented curtains
+of fog hanging about its flanks?
+
+St. Brandan and his crew also had other glimpses of the bottom of the
+sea[898] through waters of such remarkable transparency that they
+thought they could almost touch the beasts of various kinds lying there.
+When mass was said on board, these beasts rose and circled about the
+ship but did not molest the saint and his party. After seven days’
+voyage with sails set they had scarcely crossed this stretch of
+translucent water.
+
+
+                           BOTTOM OF THE SEA
+
+We find other accounts of the bottom of the sea and even of visits made
+to it, in the legendary writings of our period. Gervase of Tilbury[899]
+tells of an individual named Nicholas Pappas, a dweller on the shores of
+the Strait of Messina, who was forced by King Roger II of Sicily to dive
+into the waters. Being well known to the submarine monsters, he escaped
+all danger from molestation by them and afterwards used to tell about a
+grove beneath the “Strait of Pharo,” how the tides wash first one way
+and then the other through the branches of the trees, and how he had
+seen submarine mountains, valleys, fields and woods, and trees with
+acorns on them. Gervase adds that our faith in the truth of this story
+may be increased by noting the fact that acorns are often washed ashore
+along the neighboring coasts. Nicholas also used to occupy himself by
+warning ships of the approach of storms and showing sailors how to calm
+the waters with oil. At a later period the legend became current[900] of
+a man named “Piscis” or “The Fish” (possibly this should be substituted
+for the “Pappas” of Gervase) who was accustomed to swim under the Strait
+of Messina, having been sent there in the first place to rescue a
+chalice cast into the sea by King Roger.
+
+Alexander the Great, according to one version of the Romance of his
+adventures, also made a visit to the sea floor.[901] After he had
+crossed a desert infested with ferocious beasts, he called his
+companions together and complained that, in view of the fact that he had
+conquered the greater part of the world, he knew enough about the
+inhabitants of the land and now wanted to learn something of the
+inhabitants of the sea. He then proceeded to descend in a glass cask to
+the bottom of the deeps; there, among other things, he noted that the
+large fish eat the small ones, an observation whose novelty hardly seems
+to have justified the effort expended to make it.
+
+
+                       _THE WATERS OF THE LANDS_
+
+Let us turn now to the waters of the lands—ground water, sources (wells,
+springs, fountains), rivers, and finally lakes.
+
+
+                              GROUND WATER
+
+In our period the existence of water in various forms underneath the
+surface of the land was well understood. Bernard Sylvester says:[902] “A
+watery humor is diffused all through the lap of the land and makes
+streams and rivers, swamps and lakes.” William of Conches
+attributed[903] the origin of the water in springs and wells to (1)
+underground streams, or, as he called them, “cataracts,” which pass
+through wells en route from one part of the earth to another, and (2)
+the sweat of the earth (_sudor terrae_), or minute particles of water
+percolating through small holes in the earth much as human sweat
+percolates through the pores of the body. William maintained that the
+existence of underground watercourses as a source of well water was
+proved by the fact that wells near rivers are constantly full and that
+whatever happens to the water of a well in a given district is likely to
+happen to the water of all the other wells in the vicinity, showing that
+there must be some intercommunication between them. That springs and
+wells were constantly replenished in dry times was proof to William—as
+to modern geographers—of the existence of the sweat of the earth, or
+what we now call “ground water,” which permeates the interstices in
+rocks, gravel, and sand alike. It is possible, however, that William
+believed that the _sudor terrae_ was actually generated by the earth.
+This was undoubtedly the opinion of Adelard of Bath, who discusses the
+subject in terms very similar to those of William.[904]
+
+
+            THE SEA AS THE SOURCE OF THE WATERS OF THE LAND
+
+Most of this subterranean water, as we have already seen, was supposed
+during the Middle Ages to come from the sea, whence it made its way
+inland either through the atmosphere in the form of rain or directly
+through the land. We need cite but two texts to show how firmly this
+idea was rooted in the medieval mind. One is from a sermon of Bernard of
+Clairvaux, the other from a questionnaire prepared by the Emperor
+Frederick II. It would perhaps be hard to find two men who stood at more
+diametrically opposite intellectual poles, and yet both, in this case,
+shared the same conviction.
+
+Bernard, characteristically, treated the matter symbolically. “The sea,”
+he said, “is the source of fountains and rivers; the Lord Jesus Christ
+is the source of every kind of virtue and knowledge.... What? Are not
+pure purposes, just judgments, holy aspirations, one and all streams
+from that same source? If all waters seek incessantly to return to the
+sea, making their way thither sometimes by hidden and subterranean
+channels, so that they may go forth from it again in continual and
+untiring circuit, becoming visible once more to man and available for
+his service, why are not those spiritual streams rendered back
+constantly and without reserve to their legitimate source, that they may
+not cease to water the fields of our hearts? Let the rivers of divers
+graces return from whence they came, that they may flow forth anew. Let
+the heavenly shower rise again to its heavenly source that it may be
+poured anew and still more plentifully upon the earth” (Eales’s
+translation).[905]
+
+Frederick II propounded to Michael Scot a list of questions on matters
+of cosmology and physical geography. Regarding most of these matters the
+Emperor was in doubt and perplexity, but concerning the waters of land
+and sea he was sure. “For we greatly wonder at these things,” he said,
+“knowing already that all waters come from the sea and passing through
+divers lands and cavities return to the sea, which is the bed and
+receptacle of all running waters” (Haskins’ translation).[906]
+
+A most elaborate discussion of the qualities of the waters of the lands
+is found in the _Causae et curae_ of Hildegard of Bingen.[907] Hildegard
+likewise assumed that the water of wells, springs, and rivers is derived
+from the ocean which surrounds the earth.[908] She also believed that
+the nature of the water varies widely in different parts of the ocean
+and consequently that the quality of the water of the land depends on
+the part of the ocean from which it comes. Furthermore, she maintained
+that some of the waters of the sea do not lose their salinity in passing
+through the land but that other waters are rendered fresh before they
+appear upon the earth’s surface. Upon the basis of these assumptions
+Hildegard proceeded to analyze the qualities, sanitary, medicinal, and
+gastronomic, of waters both fresh and salt according to their derivation
+from the four cardinal points and from the northeast and northwest. Her
+analysis was meant as a practical guide for those who wished to use
+water for drinking and bathing with a minimum risk of disease, though
+she fails to explain how one is to determine the ultimate source of a
+specific spring, well, or river. Without undertaking a detailed
+examination of Hildegard’s argument, we may note that, unlike Giraldus
+Cambrensis, who regarded the East as the fountain of poisons, she
+believed that the waters of the Orient were the purest and most
+healthful of all. On the other hand, she held that the putrid and
+corrupt elements of the earth were concentrated in the Western Sea and
+that waters coming from that quarter were very dangerous unless
+boiled.[909] The Southern Sea harbored an immense quantity of venomous
+worms and small animals, and consequently waters from it were not good
+for cooking or drinking. As we shall see in the next chapter,[910]
+Giraldus Cambrensis’ discussion of the different qualities of the East
+and West was probably based in some measure on observation. The same can
+hardly be said of Hildegard’s theories. We cannot but feel that they
+were the offspring of an unusually ingenious imagination, though the
+prophetic abbess undoubtedly attributed them to divine inspiration.
+
+Hildegard went on to assert that swamp waters are dangerous from
+whatever part of the earth they come, since they contain vile and
+noxious damp elements of the ground and the poisonous spume of worms.
+Such waters should not be used unboiled except for washing. Well and
+spring waters which flow from swamps are equally bad, though as a
+general rule all waters arising from an unsanitary source become purer
+the farther they flow. Water from deep wells is usually better and
+smoother (_suavior_) for cooking, drinking, and other uses of man than
+the water of flowing springs; the latter, in turn, is better than river
+water, which should be avoided because of the impurities it receives
+from the air. The water of small, clear, pure rills is excellent for
+both men and cattle.
+
+
+             EFFECT OF LAND ON WATERS WHICH SPRING FROM IT
+
+The land itself might produce varying effects on the water within it,
+and thus on the wells and fountains which spring from it. In summer,
+William of Conches tells us,[911] the pores of the earth are open, and
+the warm vapor (_fumus_) contained therein can escape. Consequently the
+heat of the earth is loosed, and the springs and wells are cooler than
+in winter, when the cold constricts the earth’s pores and keeps the heat
+in. It is very easy to understand what gave rise to such a theory when
+we consider the fact that water always preserves a more uniform
+temperature than the surrounding air. Hot and putrid springs, the _De
+imagine mundi_ tells us,[912] are caused by the ground water coming into
+contact with subterranean caves full of sulphur that is sometimes
+ignited by the winds. In some places serpents, by poisoning the earth
+and the ground water which passes through it, indirectly cause the water
+sources of a region to become noxious.[913] Michael Scot, in a somewhat
+repetitious and not wholly clear passage, explained in effect that the
+hot and boiling springs of Italy and Sicily are produced by waters
+arising out of subterranean cavities where the native heat of the
+interior of the earth in combination with the winds produces a violent
+combustion of sulphur and “white-hot rocks” (_petre calidissime_).[914]
+
+
+                 MIRACULOUS WELLS AND SPRINGS; GEYSERS
+
+Wells and springs, like lakes, seem to have appealed to the imagination
+of men at all times, and the description of their peculiarities occupied
+disproportionate space in medieval books of marvels. Giraldus Cambrensis
+mentions wells with petrifying properties in Ulster, Norway, Britain,
+and Cappadocia;[915] and Saxo Grammaticus expresses great wonder at a
+spring in Iceland the exhalation or foam of which is capable of turning
+the softest substances almost instantaneously into the hardest
+stone.[916] Gervase of Tilbury describes a salt well in the diocese of
+Worcester.[917] Though these are reasonable enough, it is a little more
+difficult to explain Giraldus’ belief in wells which ebb and flow like
+the tides,[918] especially when he insists that some of them are
+situated far from the sea.
+
+Giraldus describes an absolutely miraculous spring in the province of
+Munster in Ireland.[919] When touched or even looked at by a man, this
+spring will proceed to inundate the entire province with rain. The rain
+does not stop until a priest, virgin from birth and especially deputed
+for the purpose, celebrates mass in a chapel not far away and, having
+blessed the waters, conciliates the spring by sprinkling into it the
+milk of a one-colored cow. Giraldus remarked parenthetically that this
+was a barbaric ceremony and quite lacking in reason. Gervase of Tilbury
+tells of a lake in Great Britain which would produce a storm when
+certain words were chanted over it and of a fountain in the Kingdom of
+Arles which would cause rain if a stick or stone were thrown into
+it.[920] These tales, indeed, are but examples of a widespread belief
+among primitive and ignorant folk that man can attain the secret of the
+magical control of the elements. Sir James G. Frazer cites them with
+similar examples from other peoples and ages as illustrations of the
+doctrine that a “way of constraining the rain-god is to disturb him in
+his haunts. This seems to be the reason why rain is supposed to follow
+the troubling of a sacred spring.”[921]
+
+In treating the water element in his _De naturis rerum_, Alexander
+Neckam rushes over the problems of the four rivers of Paradise and of
+why the sea is salt to come to a discussion of springs,[922] about which
+he relates many marvels, appending to each a little moral lesson. For
+example, he tells of two founts in Italy, one of which turns the
+feathers of white birds black, and the other the feathers of black birds
+white. He suggests the analogy of the former to contemporary worldly
+knowledge that darkens minds glowing in the brightness of innocence; and
+of the latter to true wisdom that renders serene minds obscured by the
+shades of vice.[923] Then he goes on to discourse about springs that
+rise when some one throws a red cloth into them; a spring that boils up
+with much noise, as if in annoyance, when men talk near it; a spring
+that gives flame to an unburnt torch and puts out a lighted one; and a
+spring whose water, when thrown upon a certain rock in its neighborhood,
+causes a storm of wind, rain, and hail to arise. These are but a few of
+many remarkable sources that Neckam describes and places in various
+parts of the world, drawing on Solinus, Isidore, and the mass of
+medieval pseudo-science that flourished in all countries.
+
+More convincing is Saxo Grammaticus’ circumstantial account of certain
+water holes in Iceland. In these the water sometimes wells up in
+abundance and is thrown high into the air in a shower of drops. At other
+times the flow is quiescent, and the water seems to be sucked into the
+holes deep in the earth where it scarce may be seen. This description is
+obviously based on reports Saxo had received from eyewitnesses of the
+geysers of Iceland.[924]
+
+
+                         THE FOUNTAIN OF YOUTH
+
+The most remarkable and most sought-for of sources has always been the
+Fountain of Youth. In the first letter of Prester John we find the
+description[925] of a grove at the foot of Mount Olympus, not far from
+Paradise, in Central Asia. In this grove there is a spring that wafts
+forth odors of all kinds, varying from hour to hour, by day and by
+night. Its waters give eternal youth to any one who bathes therein,
+restoring him to the bodily strength and vigor that he possessed at the
+age of thirty-two. Closely parallel to this account, though probably not
+derived from it, is a description in the Romance of Alexander[926] of a
+fountain that receives its waters from the Euphrates, one of the four
+rivers of Paradise, and which four times daily has the power of
+rejuvenation. Two old men who jumped in emerged looking exactly as if
+they were thirty years old. Akin to the Fountain of Youth, but less
+powerful in its action, is a spring described by Gervase[927] in
+Staffordshire, England, to which he attributed the ability of restoring
+energy to men when weary. But this is true of any fresh mountain pool.
+
+
+                                 RIVERS
+
+As to the source of rivers, we need add nothing to what has already been
+said about the “congregation of waters” (_congregatio aquae_) and about
+springs and fountains. It was commonly thought in medieval and classical
+times that two or more rivers may rise from one source and flow off in
+diverse directions. The most striking example of this was furnished by
+the Scriptural four rivers of Paradise, which, though rising from one
+stream, were believed to find their way to at least three different
+seas. In commenting on the rivers of Paradise, Gervase of Tilbury
+expressly asserts[928] that not only is it possible for more than one
+stream to rise from the same headwaters but that the same rivers may
+again mingle and again separate their waters. Giraldus Cambrensis
+describes[929] how the Shannon of Ireland rises in a lake between
+Connaught and Munster and thence divides into two branches flowing in
+opposite ways, one southward to the “Sea of Brandan,” the other
+northward into the Northern Ocean. It is true that in regions of
+imperfect drainage development, like Ireland, northern North America,
+and parts of the Amazon Valley, two small streams occasionally do spring
+from a single source. On the other hand, it is entirely contrary to the
+laws of hydrography that two or more full-grown rivers should either
+leave a lake and depart across country in different directions or,
+except in the case of deltas, owe their origin to the separation of the
+waters of a single large stream. Classical and medieval geographers,
+however, were not acquainted with this law, and the words of the Bible
+justified the writers of geographical books, even down to as late a date
+as the eighteenth century, in making broad rivers divide into separate
+branches and wander at random over the country.
+
+Giraldus Cambrensis noted several other peculiarities of rivers.[930]
+For example, he remarked that the stream at Wicklow which flows across
+the harbor (we may presume in a channel through mud flats) is brackish
+at ebb tide; a similar river at Arklow is fresh.[931] Tide water, he
+said, does not mingle with the River Conway in North Wales.[932]
+Elsewhere he observed that the term _aber_ in Welsh is applied to all
+those places where one stream flows into another.[933] The River Dee is
+not affected by rains, but the winds make it rise.[934] It changes its
+bed every year, and, as its course forms the boundary between England
+and Wales, these changes are interpreted as omens foretelling whether
+the English or the Welsh are going to be the more successful in their
+combats with each other during the succeeding year.[935]
+
+
+                             THE NILE FLOOD
+
+In his consideration of the problem of the flood of the Nile, Abelard
+gives a curious example of the symbolic interpretation of scriptural and
+geographic matters which was also characteristic of the writings of
+Bernard of Clairvaux.[936] Isidore had followed earlier classical
+authorities in describing the flood as due to the building up, by the
+etesian winds, of sand bars at the mouth of the river during the
+winter.[937] Abelard, from Bede’s rendering of Isidore’s text,[938]
+adopted the same theory in his discussion of the Nile in the _Expositio
+in hexaemeron_.[939] He also discussed the Nile flood in a sermon on the
+text, “And the Lord, the God of hosts, is He who toucheth the earth, and
+it shall melt: and all that dwell therein shall mourn: and it shall rise
+up as a river and shall run down as the river of Egypt” (Amos ix, 5). In
+the sermon[940] he compared the rising of the Lord at the resurrection
+to the Nile: as the river fructifies the land, so the Lord strengthened
+the despairing hearts of his disciples. Abelard then quoted the passage
+from Bede just mentioned, and proceeded to interpret it as follows: The
+Nile coming down from Paradise is like unto the wisdom of God descending
+from above to give us to drink as from a fountain. Egypt is like unto
+the carnal darkness of this world. Its river enters the sea through
+seven mouths, which are obstructed when the wind blows and causes the
+backing up of the waters that can find no outlet. Thus, after the
+resurrection of the Lord but before the sevenfold grace of his spirit
+could find its way out into the broad sea of the nations, it was impeded
+as were the waters of the Nile. In other words, the apostles, through
+fear of the Jews, were held in Judea blinded, as it were, and for some
+time were not permitted to go forth as if from Egypt and through their
+preaching to bring about a rebirth of mankind. What does the wind
+represent, Abelard asks, if not the temptation of the devil? And what
+the sand, if not those men who at the turning of the ages wavered this
+way and that, held fast by earthly desires and temptations? [941]
+
+It is hardly necessary to point out the contrast between this sort of
+geographical speculation and that of William of Conches. Better perhaps
+than any other text with which the writer is familiar, these ideas of
+Abelard illustrate that absorption, so often characteristic of medieval
+thought, of scientific and geographical interests into those of
+theology.
+
+
+                                 LAKES
+
+Abundance of lakes is characteristic of glaciated countries like New
+England, Switzerland, Scotland, Sweden, Wales, and Ireland. Giraldus
+Cambrensis was impressed by the number of lakes in Ireland, where, he
+says,[942] they are more numerous than in any other part of the world.
+Giraldus and Gervase of Tilbury describe many lacustrine marvels.
+
+In tracing the history of Ireland, Giraldus says [943] that about three
+hundred years after the Deluge four ponds suddenly broke forth from the
+bowels of the earth and that this was repeated at the time of the third
+colonization of Ireland under Neimhith.[944] Two ponds in Wales [945]
+were said to have burst their bounds and overflowed the neighborhood on
+the night of the death of Henry I. Before a great war, during which a
+province of central Wales was ravaged, a certain lake turned green, and
+old men described a similar portent just before the devastation of Wales
+by “Hoel, son of Moreduc” (Howel, son of Meredith).[946] The Lake of
+Brecknock in Wales appears sometimes a greenish color and sometimes
+ruddy as if penetrated by veins of blood.[947] Perhaps Giraldus was
+reminded of this by the mud-streaked appearance of mountain tarns after
+a rain, but it is less easy to explain the buildings, pastures, gardens,
+and orchards which he declares were occasionally visible beneath the
+surface. On the other hand, all who are familiar with inland waters in
+cold latitudes know the booming sounds they emit when frozen, which
+Giraldus compares to the moaning of a large herd of animals. These
+noises, he said, were caused by the sudden outrush of air imprisoned
+beneath the ice. At the top of Mount Snowdon, according to Giraldus,
+there are two lakes, one containing a floating island blown by the
+winds.[948] The most interesting lake with which Giraldus deals,
+however, is Lough Neagh in Ireland. This, he said,[949] lies in Ulster
+and is of remarkable size, thirty miles by fifteen. Though the relative
+proportions are right, the actual size is exaggerated, the dimensions
+being fifteen English miles long by from five to eight broad. The origin
+of the lake he attributed to an inundation that came as a punishment for
+the unnatural crimes of the natives of the region. This led him to a
+comparison of the story of Lough Neagh with the Biblical history of the
+destruction of the Pentapolis and the origins of the Dead Sea.
+
+The Dead Sea has always exerted a potent fascination over the minds of
+men. The uncanny natural features of its basin, and the terrible story
+associated with them, have been objects of curiosity from the very
+earliest times. Gervase of Tilbury goes into some detail on the
+subject.[950] The five cities, he says, were submerged, on account of
+the sins of their inhabitants, in a salt and sterile lake called the
+Dead Sea, where neither bird nor fish can live. The sea is open to no
+ship; nay, it even rises over everything not impregnated with bitumen,
+probably because of the living men within it. If any one by any means
+immerses a living creature in it, the living being immediately leaps
+out.[951] A burning torch will float on the lake, an extinct one will
+sink. There was certainly an infernal quality about the Dead Sea, and it
+was even supposed that beneath its waters there was an entrance into
+Hell.
+
+Gervase tells of the discovery of another mouth of Hell near Pozzuoli in
+southern Italy.[952] A bishop John of Pozzuoli was said to have
+discovered a pond whose waters were opaque but would become clear and
+translucent when oil was thrown upon them. Exploring about its shores
+one day, the bishop heard the sounds of lamentation coming from beneath
+the waters and, casting oil upon them, was horrified to behold, far down
+in the depths, the gateway to the infernal regions! Elsewhere[953]
+Gervase tells of a lake on the summit of Mount Cavagum (Canigou) in
+Catalonia, inhabited by devils, who raise a storm when stones are thrown
+in to disturb them.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IX
+                               THE LANDS
+
+
+The inquiring curiosity of men as well as of children is not first
+stimulated by those things which seem most usual and commonplace. The
+latter are taken for granted. Science originates rather in the wonder
+aroused by the extraordinary or by the impressive. Only after a long
+process of development does it turn to the study of the homely and the
+obvious.
+
+The truth of this is illustrated in the medieval geography of the lands.
+Geomorphology, or the science of land forms, was very much in its
+infancy during our period and for many centuries thereafter. Only rarely
+did the man of the Middle Ages seek for an explanation of the origin of
+the familiar features of the earth’s surface which he saw around him day
+by day. If he described a landscape in terms that often reveal love of
+its beauty or, at least, appreciation of its productive capacity, he was
+almost totally blind to the possibilities of profounder analysis of its
+nature. A plain was a plain, a valley a valley because God had made it
+so.
+
+The present chapter will deal mainly with the character of these
+external, unscientific descriptions of land forms. The attempt will be
+made, however, to point out a few notable exceptions to the general
+rule, a few cases where men sought for a deeper meaning in the aspects
+of nature than the meaning written upon the surface.
+
+
+                     _CLASSIFICATION OF LAND AREAS_
+
+
+               QUANTITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE SUBDIVISIONS
+
+There are two ways of subdividing and classifying areas of land, the
+quantitative and the qualitative.
+
+Adelard of Bath gives us an example of a quantitative subdivision where
+he tells in his _De eodem et diverso_[954] that the inventor of geometry
+split the known world into parts (or, perhaps, continents), the parts
+into provinces, the provinces into regions, the regions into localities,
+the localities into territories, the territories into fields, the fields
+into centuries, and the centuries into _jugera_ (acres).
+
+The author of the _De imagine mundi_, borrowing from Isidore,[955] makes
+a qualitative subdivision.[956] Land, he says, may be grouped under six
+different heads, _terra_ being the name applied to the entire element of
+earth. The six kinds of _terra_ are: (1) _tellus_, fertile; (2) _humus_,
+infertile, because of an excess of moisture; (3) _arida_, waterless,
+like Libya, dried up by the sun; (4) _sicca_, rather less dry than
+_arida_, but where, nevertheless, all precipitation quickly disappears,
+as in Judea; (5) _solum_, so called from its solidity, as mountainous
+land (_a soliditate ut sunt montana_); and, finally (6) _ops_, or
+wealthy land, like that of India, where gold and gems abound.[957]
+
+In addition to such variations in the character of the lands, it was a
+common view that certain localities are by nature either peculiarly
+noxious or else peculiarly free from poisons. Gervase of Tilbury
+notes[958] an area near Pozzuoli which resembled a dried-up swamp but
+proved fatal to all animals venturing upon it. Elsewhere[959] he
+repeats, in connection with the tree of life spoken of by Alexander in
+his supposed letter to Aristotle, a widespread tradition of a land where
+no man could die even though he were decrepit with old age and might
+wish for relief from the cares of this world.[960] The _Image du
+monde_[961] attributes a similar quality to an island in the northern
+seas. When the inhabitants wished to die they had themselves taken to
+Tylle (Thule), where they might expire in peace. Giraldus Cambrensis
+describes[962] such an island in a lake in Ireland, as well as an island
+where no females could live.
+
+
+            GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS’ COMPARISON OF EAST AND WEST
+
+Probably, however, the most striking study of the varying qualities of
+different regions is Giraldus Cambrensis’ elaborate comparison of Orient
+and Occident.[963] In Chapter VII we discussed this writer’s belief that
+the atmosphere of the West is far healthier than that of the East. But
+not only is the air better, he asserted, but also the land itself, and
+of all the lands Ireland is the most healthy. No venomous reptiles can
+exist in the Emerald Isle. Giraldus attributed this phenomenon not to
+the beneficent work of St. Patrick in driving out the snakes[964] (this
+story, he said, was merely a pleasant fiction) but rather to some
+natural deficiency in Irish soil that had existed long before St.
+Patrick’s time. He explained further that no poisonous reptiles could
+survive in Ireland even when they were brought there;[965] toads, when
+carried over on ships, burst open as soon as they are thrown ashore; and
+the dust of Ireland, when sprinkled on poisonous creatures of any sort,
+kills them instantly.[966] The East, on the other hand, Giraldus
+called[967] a fountain of poisons (_fons venenorum_), and he waxed most
+eloquent on its terrors:[968] poisonous animals abound, the waters are
+always polluted, and death lurks on every hand; but the farther away
+from this Oriental source of poison one travels, the less its effect,
+until in the extreme West it exerts no influence at all, just as the
+sun’s rays are weaker the farther one goes from beneath the zodiac.
+
+This distinction between Eastern and Western climate and conditions of
+terrain may to a limited extent have been based on actual observation.
+Undoubtedly the pilgrim and Crusader suffered more from disease and
+hardship when traveling in the Orient than they did at home, because
+they were not acclimatized to Levantine conditions of life and did not
+understand what was necessary for the preservation of health; and this
+may well have produced the unfavorable impression of the East which
+found its way in exaggerated form into the pages of the _Topographia
+Hiberniae_.
+
+
+                              _MOUNTAINS_
+
+Mountains are the most imposing natural features of the lands.[969]
+Though there did not exist in the Middle Ages anything comparable to
+that love of mountains for their own sake which developed later and of
+which we see an early manifestation in the ascent of Mont Ventoux by
+Petrarch in April, 1336, the very bulk of the hills, nevertheless,
+impressed men’s imaginations, and medieval literature is full of notices
+concerning mountains.
+
+
+                          ORIGIN OF MOUNTAINS
+
+In regard to their origin, Peter Comestor asserts that the mountains may
+not have been as high at the time of the Flood as they now are,[970] and
+Gervase of Tilbury cites the opinion of some that there were no
+mountains at all on the face of the earth before the Deluge.[971]
+Bartholomew Anglicus[972] conjectured that in the very beginning the
+earth was a plain covered with waters, the movements of which produced
+the valleys, while the heights were the ridges that remained separating
+the valleys; many mountains also were the result of great telluric
+convulsions and were full of caverns that give forth immense volumes of
+water and form the sources of rivers.
+
+In a translation by Alfred of Sareshel of an Arabic work,[973] perhaps
+that of Avicenna, we have a strikingly modern description of the
+geological processes resulting in the production of mountains by the
+forces of erosion and by the accumulation of soil and earth. “Mountains
+may arise from two causes, either from uplifting of the ground, such as
+takes place in earthquakes or from the effects of running water and wind
+in hollowing out valleys in soft rocks and leaving the hard rocks
+prominent, which has been the effective process in the case of most
+hills. Such changes must have taken long periods of time, and possibly
+the mountains are now diminishing in size. What proves that water has
+been the main agent in bringing about these transformations of the
+surface is the occurrence in many rocks of the impressions of aquatic
+and other animals. The yellow earth that clothes the surface of the
+mountains is not of the same origin as the framework of the ground
+underneath it but arises from the decay of organic remains, mingled with
+earthy materials transported by the water. Perhaps these materials were
+originally in the sea which once overspread all the land” (Geikie’s
+translation).[974]
+
+If, in reading the above passage, we feel that we are dealing with ideas
+that could well stand in the light of modern science and that in this
+passage at least geomorphology has emerged from its infancy, we are
+brought back to the Middle Ages when we turn to Rupert of Deutz’s
+teleological explanation of the reasons why God created deep valleys and
+high mountains on the land. According to this mystic, these features
+were made to serve as a protection to the human wanderer upon the
+surface of the earth from the violence of the winds which would
+otherwise have unlimited power over all things, as they do on the Libyan
+desert or on the ocean.[975]
+
+
+                         THEIR SIZE AND HEIGHT
+
+The fact that, great as mountains may appear to men, they are in reality
+but insignificant in comparison with the size of the entire earth, was
+partially appreciated by the author of the _De imagine mundi_, when he
+remarked[976] that, if we could look down on the earth from the air
+above, the entire height of the mountains and depth of the valleys would
+seem less than the width of the fingers of one who holds a very large
+ball in his hand.
+
+We find occasional speculations regarding altitudes. Peter Comestor,
+followed by Gervase of Tilbury, asserted[977] that Olympus reaches up
+into a region of calm, windless air; and William of Conches held[978]
+that the presence of snow on mountains is due to the rarity of the air
+at high altitudes. Gervase stated,[979] on the authority of Posthumianus
+in the _Dialogue_ of Sulpicius Severus[980] (a historian of the fourth
+century of our era), that Sinai is so lofty that its peak is very near
+the heavens and that consequently it is impossible to go there.[981]
+
+
+                         _Miraculous Mountains_
+
+Mountains and hills might have miraculous qualities. Giraldus Cambrensis
+told[982] of heights in Mona and in the northern part of Britain, beyond
+the Humber, over the crests of which no shouts could be heard; and
+Gervase of Tilbury described[983] Mount Cavagum (Canigou) in Catalonia,
+with a miraculous lake, the dwelling place of devils, on its summit; on
+one peak there lies perpetual snow and ice in a spot where the sun never
+shines, and a river of golden sand flows from its base. In the Romance
+of Alexander, the conqueror was said to have passed near a mountain
+which made brave men cowards and cowards brave.[984] On another
+occasion,[985] Alexander and his army became lost in a perilous valley
+among wild peaks; they could not find their way out unless one man
+sacrificed himself for the others by remaining in the valley. Alexander
+himself volunteered to remain, and the army escaped in the midst of
+fearful tempests; but subsequently Alexander was conducted out by a
+devil whom he found in the place and to whom he did a good turn.
+
+
+              ACCURATE OBSERVATION OF OROGRAPHIC PHENOMENA
+
+On the other hand, during our period there was not a little reasonably
+accurate observation of the phenomena of mountains. Bernard Sylvester,
+for example, pointed out that mountains are bad plowland largely because
+of the thinness of the soil on their steep slopes.[986] Gervase of
+Tilbury noted that many of the high hills of Wales, though they might
+have firm and rocky bases, were characterized by watery and boggy
+summits.[987] Giraldus Cambrensis pictures the characteristics of the
+Welsh hills and brings out their combination of crag and pasture land.
+In one passage he tells of Mount Ereri—called by the English “Snowdon,”
+or mount of snows—which has such an extent of pasture lands upon it that
+it could supply the flocks of the whole of Wales.[988] The land of
+Meiryonidd (Merioneth) he spoke of as a wild, rough region, with
+mountains so broken and irregular that it frequently took all day for
+the shepherds to gather together in one spot,[989] even though they
+might have been within earshot of one another in the morning.
+
+
+                APPRECIATION OF THE BEAUTY OF MOUNTAINS
+
+It is not hard to believe that during our period some men had the
+beginnings of a genuinely esthetic appreciation of the beauty of
+mountains. Bernard Sylvester tells of the orographic systems of the
+world in terms not lacking in color and poetic appreciation.[990] He
+writes that the world is strung with mountains like nerves in a body and
+goes on to enumerate and describe them: “Clear Olympus, which looks down
+on the clouds; Parnassus, with double yoke; Lebanon, in its woods;”
+Sinai, Athos, Eryx, Pindus, Othrys, Pelion, Caucasus. Though he merely
+repeats classical names and classical designations, the whole long
+passage could hardly have been written by a man wholly blind to the
+grandeur of his subject. Giraldus Cambrensis tells about the Church of
+St. David, now known as Llanthoni Abbey, in the midst of the hills of
+southern Wales. “Here the monks, when they sit down in their cloister to
+rest and take the air, see in all directions over the high gables of
+their roofs the peaks of the mountains bounding their horizon and, as it
+were, touching the sky. They see the wild deer pasturing on their
+summits, and at about the hour of the prime or shortly before in clear
+weather they see the sun appearing over the mountain crests.”[991] This
+certainly shows that the writer found delight in the restful qualities
+of a highland landscape.
+
+If Walter of Châtillon had not at some time in his life felt the elation
+of a view at dawn from a mountain summit, he could hardly have written
+the brilliant description in the _Alexandreis_ where he tells how
+Alexander, at the moment when the sun began to gleam upon the surface of
+the sea, rushed forth from his camp and climbed upon a steep peak whence
+his vision embraced the bounds of Asia. Looking out over fields green
+with crops, over many a forested mountain and meadow lavish in its rank
+grass, over many a city with its encircling walls and many a vineyard
+and elm tree entwined with vines, the conqueror exclaimed: “Enough! my
+friends: this land alone satisfies me. To you I leave Europe and your
+native country.”[992]
+
+
+                  RELIGIOUS ATTITUDE TOWARDS MOUNTAINS
+
+Ganzenmüller in his book on the feeling for nature in the Middle Ages
+cites several important texts which illustrate the religious attitudes
+towards mountains that must have prevailed throughout our period. We
+shall see a little later that Bernard of Clairvaux in one of his letters
+spoke of mountains as symbolizing the aspirations of the haughty and
+worldly.[993] But others believed that there is a godly quality about
+the heights. The biographer of bishop Altmann of Passau, writing in the
+twelfth century, tells us that one day the bishop, accompanied by an
+immense crowd of people, climbed a mountain near Mautern in Lower
+Austria firmly believing that those who serve God here below will climb
+to the corners and bounds of heaven.[994] Eadmer records of Anselm of
+Canterbury that on one occasion, when the latter happened to find
+himself on a high summit, he was so refreshed by the clear air and
+solitude that he remarked: “Here is my resting place: here will I
+dwell.”[995] St. Francis of Assisi must have felt the same mystic love
+of mountains that he felt for birds and animals and that he expressed so
+beautifully in his hymn to Brother Sun, for did he not in 1224 go into
+retreat at La Verna, a remote, forest-covered peak in the
+Casentino,[996] and did he not, as he left, turn back and bless the
+mountain as he had blessed the birds? At the present time the lower
+slopes of La Verna are bare and sun-baked. The summit, buttressed by
+massive ledges, is covered with a beautiful wood, and from it the eye
+wanders over Tuscany, across the ranges of the Apennines, and to the
+eastward catches a glimpse of the Adriatic. That St. Francis should
+deliberately have chosen this place of exceptional charm for a retreat;
+that he should have made a long, hard journey to reach it; and, above
+all, that here he received the supreme glory of his life reveal to us
+something far deeper than mere esthetic satisfaction in the beauty of
+nature. To St. Francis the quiet summit of the mountain was a symbol of
+the peace and tranquillity of heaven and of eternity.
+
+
+                NORMAL MEDIEVAL FEELING ABOUT MOUNTAINS
+
+But for the most part mountainous regions were regarded as places of
+grimness and horror. The many journeys over the Alps made in the Middle
+Ages by pilgrim, soldier, and trader brought forth few comments on aught
+else than the hardships of the way. Otto of Freising tells[997] how in
+September, 1155, Frederick Barbarossa’s army passed through a narrow
+gorge in the Alps above Verona where robbers impeded its passage. Otto’s
+description is very brief and simple; the road, he says, runs between
+high cliffs on one side and the unfordable river on the other. Gunther
+in the _Ligurinus_[998] elaborates on this by the copious addition of
+words emphasizing the terrors of the route: the narrow track wide enough
+for only one person at a time to proceed; on one side the “cloud-swept
+crags of the jagged Alps,” on the other a chaotic, whirling stream;
+these combined to fill the passer-by with fear.
+
+Perhaps the most striking narrative of a mountain passage dating from
+our period tells of the crossing of the Great St. Bernard Pass by the
+abbot of St. Trond and the archdeacon of Liége in 1128.[999] Having
+celebrated Christmas at Piacenza, the travelers arrived at the beginning
+of winter in the village of Restopolis (Étrouble) in the valley leading
+to the pass, Mons Jovis; here they were snowbound until after New Year’s
+Day. Finally the native guides were able to conduct them on to St. Rhémy
+farther up the valley close to the final ascent. “Frozen as it were in
+the jaws of death” they remained here a day and a night, constantly
+menaced by the gravest danger. The small village was full of travelers,
+many of whom had been overwhelmed by the avalanches which kept falling
+from the high cliffs on either side. Some of these unfortunates had been
+suffocated, and others so badly hurt that they were disabled.[1000] The
+ecclesiastics were obliged to spend several miserable days in this
+“accursed spot,” but at last they were able to prevail on their guides
+to lead them onward. A procession was organized, the guides in the lead,
+clad in thick felt hats, gloves, and with spikes in their boots to
+enable them to cross the ice; then came other storm-bound travelers; the
+horses and the clergy, who were physically the weakest, brought up the
+rear. Just before leaving, the party stopped for mass in a chapel. While
+the service was going on, ten of the guides who had gone ahead were
+engulfed by an avalanche and killed. This so alarmed the prelates that
+they retreated to Restopolis; but at last good weather came, and on
+January 6 they managed to get across the pass with no great difficulty.
+
+In 1188 John of Bremble, a monk of Christ Church, Canterbury, visited
+the Great St. Bernard Pass. He wrote about it as follows to his
+sub-prior, Geoffrey, and gave expression to what Gribble correctly calls
+the “normal medieval view of mountains:”[1001] “I have been on the Mount
+of Jove; on the one hand looking up to the heaven of mountains, on the
+other shuddering at the hell of the valleys, feeling myself so much
+nearer heaven that I was sure that my prayer would be heard. ‘Lord,’ I
+said, ‘restore me to my brethren, that I may tell them that they come
+not to this place of torment.’ Place of torment, indeed, where the
+marble pavement of the stony ground is ice alone, and you cannot set
+your foot safely; where, strange to say, although it is so slippery that
+you cannot stand, the death into which there is every facility for a
+fall is certain death” (Gribble’s translation).
+
+
+                                GLACIERS
+
+As a general rule the medieval traveler took no interest in glaciers.
+Journeys across the Alps were such hazardous undertakings that even the
+traveler of scientific tastes could have had little opportunity or
+inclination to investigate the phenomena of the ice. A passage in the
+_Gesta Danorum_ of Saxo Grammaticus, therefore, is doubly remarkable
+because it gives us some specific details regarding the glaciers of
+Iceland. After speaking of the ice floes breaking on the shore, Saxo
+writes: “There is also there another type of ice which runs between the
+rocks and passes of the mountains. This undergoes certain changes: it is
+subject to a process of transposition in which the upper parts sink down
+to the bottom and the lower parts arise to the surface. It is reliably
+asserted that persons who happened to be passing over the flat surface
+of the ice have fallen into crevasses and gaping fissures and that, soon
+after, their dead bodies have been recovered without a trace of ice
+above them. This circumstance has led many people to believe that
+whomsoever the icy caldron takes into its lowest depths, it will deliver
+again shortly after upside down.”[1002] Though this passage shows that
+Saxo did not have a clear conception of what he was trying to describe,
+it was certainly based upon some knowledge, though slight, of glacial
+phenomena. It is a well-known fact that on its arrival at the lower
+portion of a glacier, ice that at higher elevations was at the bottom
+often comes to the surface and brings with it materials scraped from the
+glacial bed or objects that may have fallen into the crevasses. This
+passage of Saxo has been cited as the earliest occasion in literature in
+which the motion of glacial ice was recognized.[1003]
+
+
+                      _VOLCANOES AND EARTHQUAKES_
+
+
+                          VISITS TO VOLCANOES
+
+Volcanoes are a type of mountain that attracted particular attention,
+and, though the men of medieval and ancient times were certainly not
+mountain climbers,[1004] there are a few records of their having
+deliberately visited volcanoes out of curiosity or scientific interest.
+It is well known that Pliny the Elder perished in an attempt to
+investigate the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 A. D., and during the twelfth
+century the Sicilian scholar and administrator, Henricus Aristippus, is
+said to have made a careful study of the volcanic phenomena of Etna, not
+without danger.[1005] In the legend of St. Brandan’s voyage we find an
+account of the manner in which a companion of the saint lost his life in
+an attempt to scale a fiery peak on an island in the northern
+seas.[1006]
+
+The writer of the second verse redaction of the _Image du monde_ also
+tells us that he himself had made the ascent of Mongibel (Etna), and his
+observations are so detailed and realistic that we cannot but believe
+that he is telling the truth.[1007] His object was to see what comes out
+of the smoking mouth of the mountain. He noticed that the fire which
+issues forth soon turns to vapor and smoke; that the rocks of the
+mountain resemble “foam of iron” (_escume de fer_—pumice or some other
+volcanic ejecta); that the land about the mountain is broken (_esparse_)
+and appears to be blasted and burned (_bruslée et arse_). The volcanic
+heat touched (_ting_) his bare hand, and a gentle sweat broke out over
+his body; but near the summit he was able to slake his thirst from
+frozen snow. On the way down he had the curious experience of hearing
+thunder in the clouds below him. When he finally got back to the city,
+the people thought he was a fool (_musard_) for venturing into a place
+with such a bad reputation. He adds that some people say that Mongibel
+is the highest mountain in the world. That it is much higher than
+appears from below, he himself had demonstrated. It can be seen from no
+less than two hundred leagues away at sea.
+
+
+              VOLCANIC REGION OF SOUTHERN ITALY AND SICILY
+
+The two volcanic regions known to the medieval world were Southern Italy
+and Sicily on the one hand and Iceland on the other. Gervase of Tilbury
+describes Vesuvius and the volcanic features about Naples;[1008] he says
+that in the vicinity of Pozzuoli there are hills with sands near the
+summit so hot that they hinder persons from ascending across them. On
+the very outskirts of Naples he speaks of a high mountain, called Mons
+Virginum, overlooking the sea and the surrounding country. In the month
+of May it belches forth a terrifying smoke with firebrands that turn to
+the color of carbon when burnt out. This would seem to indicate the
+presence of a vent connecting the mountain with the infernal regions.
+(“Unde illic quoddam inferni terreni spiraculum asserunt ebullire.”) The
+south wind blows a hot dust from the volcano which ruins the crops and
+fruits of the neighborhood and tends to render the land barren and
+sterile. To this fairly clear description of a volcano Gervase adds a
+fantastic tale about the preventive measures which Virgil[1009] took to
+avert the disaster caused by the hot winds; the poet erected a statue
+holding a horn which automatically tooted whenever the south wind began
+to blow, and for some reason repulsed the blast.[1010] Recently,
+however, the statue had either gone to pieces with age or else had been
+destroyed by malice, for the damage done by the volcanic blasts was once
+more repeated as in bygone days.
+
+The traveler Conrad of Querfurt looked with interest upon the volcanic
+features of the Phlegraean Fields to the northwest of Naples and drew
+attention to the confused labyrinth of passages in the interior of Monte
+Barbaro and to the hot springs, subterranean channels of boiling water,
+and other wonders of the region.[1011]
+
+Guy of Bazoches, who passed through Sicily on the way to the Holy Land,
+included in a letter to his nephews a striking word picture of Etna.
+“Sicily,” he wrote, “fears not to pierce the clouds with its immense
+mountain summits. Etna towers above all of these with its flaming crests
+upon which the opposing elements strive with each other tirelessly and
+indomitably in an immense conflict. For though Etna incessantly sends
+forth scorching heat, its summit, none the less, is white with snow, and
+with a wintry garment it covers its burning shoulders.”[1012] Guy
+mentioned also the “Isles of Vulcan” in the Sicilian Sea, “the interior
+of which were said to glow with eternal fires. Eolus once dwelt in these
+isles and was in the habit of dispensing their smokes, which were
+stirred up by the winds, and hence he came to be called the king of the
+winds.”[1013] The _Image du monde_ refers to a volcano two leagues
+distant at sea from Sicily; this may have been Vulcano or possibly
+Stromboli, though in any case the distance was underestimated.[1014]
+
+
+              _Michael Scot on the Eolian Isles and Etna_
+
+Michael Scot brought together information about the volcanoes of the
+Eolian (Lipari) Islands and of Sicily which he included in a discourse
+on natural phenomena that he prepared for his patron Frederick II.[1015]
+He speaks of “Strongulus” (Stromboli), “a mountain which is in the midst
+of the sea,” of “Strongulinus” (Strombolicchio), “Vulcanus” (Vulcano),
+“Vulcaninus” (Vulcanello?), “Moncibellus” (Etna), and the isle of
+Lipari, “on which there are all manner of fine trees and grains.” From
+the summit of Stromboli and “Strongulinus,” a lesser mountain than
+Stromboli, great fiery flames are continuously emitted. The other four,
+he declares, emit flames only when the south wind (_Auster_) blows; and,
+when the flames cease, a mighty smoke issues from them. The eruptions
+are often accompanied by showers of scorched rock and sometimes with
+roots of trees (? _sticiones lignorum_) and cinders; the ground is
+covered and the air obscured as stream waters are clouded with sand.
+Glowing bombs are hurled aloft like sparks from a furnace; when these
+fall to the ground they burst into fragments, great and small, and in
+these fragments is found the pumice which writers use. This pumice
+floats on the sea and is carried ashore, where the people collect it for
+building walls and for uses similar to those to which we put bricks.
+Liquid sulphur is also gathered by sailors from the surface of the sea
+thereabouts in baskets and bowls. The nearer this may be obtained to the
+mountains whence it boils forth, the better its quality.
+
+
+                          VOLCANOES OF ICELAND
+
+In the _Topographia Hiberniae_ of Giraldus Cambrensis we find a
+description of the volcanic eruptions of Iceland.[1016] After remarking
+that thunder and lightning are rare in the northern isle, he goes on to
+explain that there is another and even worse affliction than these;
+every year or two fire bursts out of a certain part of the island like a
+whirlwind with a violent gale and melts everything in its path; he adds
+that the cause of this phenomenon and whether it originated above or
+below ground are unknown. Into two manuscripts of Solinus, the oldest of
+which dates from the twelfth century, there was inserted some additional
+information about the northern isles. We are told that the marine ice on
+the coasts of Iceland “ignites itself on collision, and when it is
+ignited it burns like wood” (Nansen’s translation).[1017] Adam of Bremen
+had also spoken of ice that appeared to be black and dry on account of
+its age and burned when kindled.[1018] Though it has been suggested that
+this impression may have been derived from mists arising from the ice,
+the story was perhaps, as Nansen observes, “due to statements about
+volcanoes and boiling springs which have been confused with it. The
+black color and dryness of the ice may have been due to confusion with
+lava or with floating pumice stone in the sea.”[1019]
+
+More definite information concerning the volcanic activity of Iceland
+reached Saxo Grammaticus about a century after the time of Adam of
+Bremen. Saxo refers to a mountain there which perpetually glows like a
+star with its burning flame, and it seemed to him no less marvelous that
+the eruption could occur in a region of such extreme cold.[1020] In the
+_Historia Norwegiae_ the fiery outbreaks of Mons Casule (Hekla) are
+likened to those of Etna, and an immense submarine eruption is
+described; over a space three miles wide the sea had boiled and bubbled
+as in a caldron; the earth was upheaved and out of the submarine depths
+there arose fiery fumes, and a mighty mountain sprang from the
+sea.[1021] This perhaps refers to a submarine eruption that took place
+off Cape Reykyanes in 1211.[1022]
+
+In the _King’s Mirror_ the volcanic activity of Iceland is compared with
+that of Sicily, and the curious statement is made that, unlike the
+subterranean fires of the Mediterranean isle, those of Iceland will burn
+neither wood nor earth. On the other hand, they will burn the hardest
+stones and pieces of rock just as easily as oil.[1023]
+
+
+                 ST. BRANDAN’S VISITS TO VOLCANIC ISLES
+
+St. Brandan in the course of his wanderings came across two fiery
+islands.[1024] The first was eight days’ sail to the north of the
+mysterious crystal column we have already mentioned. It was a rough,
+treeless, and rocky isle covered with the forges of smiths. Though the
+saint wished to keep clear of this dangerous spot, a wind sprang up
+which drove his vessel towards it. One of the smiths threw a gigantic
+mass of molten slag at the voyagers; but luckily he missed the ship, and
+the slag fell into the sea, sending up huge clouds of steam. This was a
+signal for all the smiths to start heaving lumps of molten ore at the
+vessel, running back and forth from their forges to heat them. Soon the
+entire island was burning and blazing like a furnace, and the sea around
+boiling like a kettle. The saint and his party miraculously escaped from
+this peril, but throughout the entire day they could hear an immense din
+and shouting from the isle; and even when they had drifted out of sight
+the tumult came to their ears, and their nostrils were afflicted by a
+terrible stench. Soon the wanderers approached the second fiery isle;
+their first sight of it revealed a mighty mountain on the northern
+horizon, with its peak enveloped in what appeared to be a thin cloud but
+in reality was smoke. They landed on the shores of the island, and one
+of Brandan’s companions who endeavored to climb the steep, high crags
+and investigate the summit was burned to death by the fires. Happily for
+the others, a wind arose which drove the ship southward, whence they saw
+the island now clear of smoke and spouting flames into the air, so that
+the whole mountain appeared to be aglow.
+
+It has been suggested that these stories were derived from classical and
+Celtic mythology. The first island brings to mind pagan tales mingled
+with Christian traditions of devils and the infernal regions; perhaps it
+owes something to the Homeric account of the isle of the Cyclops. But
+why, we may ask, did Irish writers place such fiery phenomena in the
+cold and rainy seas surrounding their home? Is it not possible that
+early Irish poets had heard vaguely of the volcanoes of Iceland and that
+nebulous reports of them, modified by the influence of classical and
+Christian traditions, took the form which we find in the legend of St.
+Brandan’s voyagings? May it not be significant that the fiery islands of
+St. Brandan were reached only after northerly wanderings?
+
+
+                       VOLCANOES AS GATES OF HELL
+
+Volcanoes were often popularly supposed to be the entrances into Hell or
+else little independent scenes of punishment and dwelling places of
+devils. Michael Scot would not decide “whether the gate to the lower
+regions is” in the volcanoes of the Lipari Islands and Sicily “or in the
+northern isle seen by St. Brandan....” But, he said, “whatever the way
+in, Hell is in the bowels of the earth, and there is no way out”
+(Haskins).[1025] St. Brandan, seven days’ journey to the south of the
+second island just described, found Judas sitting alone on a rock in the
+midst of the sea.[1026] In the course of their conversation, Judas
+explained that he was imprisoned every day excepting Sundays and
+Christmas in the mountain which they had seen erupting. On these days,
+through the infinite mercy of Jesus Christ, he was permitted to come out
+and cool off. The bishop of Pozzuoli, Gervase of Tilbury tells us,[1027]
+on several occasions heard the wailings and lamentations of the damned
+during his walks in the volcanic country near his city and had actually
+seen the gates of Hell in a lake near by. Icelandic mythology conceived
+of a gigantic hell under and inside of Mount Hekla.[1028] The _King’s
+Mirror_ placed in the volcanic fires of Iceland a scene of punishment
+for souls.[1029] In addition it speaks of a cold hell, belief in which
+seems natural to Northern peoples and is also expressed in Saxo
+Grammaticus’ description of the moanings and wailings to be heard in the
+clashing of ice floes on the cliffs and crags of the Icelandic
+coast.[1030]
+
+
+                          CAUSES OF VULCANISM
+
+Medieval writers did not add much to what the Greeks and Romans had said
+in regard to the causes of vulcanism. In general they accepted the
+theories of Isidore and Pliny. Sicily, a typical volcanic region, was
+supposed to be cavernous and full of sulphur and bitumen strata which,
+when ignited and kept burning by the air, throw off smoke, vapor, and
+flames and, when a strong wind blows upon them, vomit forth masses of
+sand and rocks.[1031] Gervase of Tilbury elaborates confusedly on this
+theme,[1032] saying that there are many fires and earthquakes in Sicily
+because beneath that land there is a mighty abyss, the bottom of which
+is unknown to man. Near at hand are immense caverns and broad caves,
+wherein winds are conceived from the whirling of the waters, for
+mountains and waters create winds—mountains by offering an obstacle to
+the air. Though he does not say so specifically, we may conclude that
+Gervase believed that earthquakes and other volcanic phenomena were
+caused by these winds trying to escape from the interior of the earth.
+This was certainly the opinion of Michael Scot, who pointed out that
+masses of sulphur and other white-hot rocks (_petre calidissime_) are
+made to burn by the native heat of the earth’s interior and by the winds
+which enter the earth’s crust in remote regions (_in extremis partibus_)
+and force their way downward through passages, tubes, and caverns. These
+winds are volatilized and given explosive force by contact with the
+sulphur and hot rocks. When they burst forth again into the atmosphere
+they have all the attributes of fire and flame—sparks, ashes,
+cinders—and are supposed by many people to be genuine fire, though as a
+matter of fact they are by nature quite different because the waters
+ever present in the subterranean cavities fail to extinguish them. So
+intense is the heat produced by the sulphur and other combustible
+materials that the world would be entirely consumed by the winds that
+would blow over them if they were on the earth’s surface. Hence it is a
+great mercy of God that he has hidden them away in the depths of the
+ground and has thus made impossible the destruction of the world by this
+cause and that he has permitted men to dwell and cultivate their fields
+on the mountains beneath which such evil forces are buried.[1033]
+
+Alexander Neckam defined a volcano as a subterranean fire which, though
+bound to the earth with one foot, seeks to spring aloft with the other.
+He believed that volcanic rocks contain gases within them which when
+kindled produce eruptions.[1034]
+
+Though these passages reveal to us belief during the Crusading age in
+the presence of heat and fire in the inside of the earth, the teachings
+of Plato and many of the Church Fathers that the sources of volcanic
+fires spring from immense subterranean reservoirs of fire do not appear
+to have been given much credence. Though the earth’s crust and even its
+innermost heart might be interpenetrated with cavities into which air,
+water, and fire enter, confidence in the essential solidity and
+massiveness of the earth prevailed, and theories which would admit of
+the presence of bodies of water or of fire of any great extent within
+the heaviest and most solid of the elements were not regarded as worthy
+of serious consideration. Hell, however, was almost universally placed
+at the very center of the earth by medieval theologians and geographers
+alike.[1035]
+
+
+                              EARTHQUAKES
+
+The majority of medieval writers believed that earthquakes are caused by
+the same physical forces as those which produce volcanic eruptions, the
+violent stirring of winds,[1036] vapors, or exhalations within the
+earth’s crust.[1037] In the _Quaestiones naturales_ of Adelard of Bath,
+which takes the form of a dialogue between uncle and nephew, the nephew
+finds it difficult to reconcile the stability and immobility of the
+earth, which his uncle had just demonstrated, with the well-known fact
+that the earth sometimes quakes and trembles. To this Adelard replies
+that, while it is true that the earth may occasionally move in
+particular localities, it does not move as a whole[1038] and that
+earthquakes are caused by the air contained within the earth and have
+nothing whatever to do with the intrinsically stable qualities of the
+earth as a globe. He then proceeds to give the Aristotelian explanation
+of the causes of earthquakes.[1039] The _De imagine mundi_, followed by
+the _Image du monde_ and by Bartholomew Anglicus,[1040] also assigns the
+same causes; and William of Conches explains[1041] that earthquakes are
+the result of waters descending into underground hollows where they
+encounter vapors, condensed into cloudlike form by the coldness of the
+earth’s interior; these vapors, in turn, produce telluric movements by
+forcing their way to the surface. Neckam repeats much the same
+explanation but adds the usual allegorical lesson:[1042] the land
+symbolizes the Church, which, although on the whole serene and firm, may
+well be shaken now and then by purely local troubles and disturbances.
+
+The medieval chronicler took delight in mentioning prodigies of nature
+that came to his attention, and of these prodigies earthquakes were
+among the most striking. The _Gesta regis Henrici Secundi_, under the
+year 1178, records a terrific earthquake at Oxenhale in England:[1043]
+some land owned by Hugh, bishop of Durham, rose up like a tower, so that
+its highest point was on a level with the summits of the hills and
+higher than the highest pinnacle of the churches (_templorum_); after
+remaining like this from nine o’clock until nightfall, it collapsed at
+sunset with a terrific noise that frightened all the onlookers. The
+earth then absorbed the tower of land and in its place there remained
+until the time of writing a well of immense depth as a perpetual
+testimony to the occurrence of this phenomenon. In the same chronicle,
+under the date of April 15, 1185,[1044] we find a more typical and less
+fantastic description of an earthquake felt throughout almost the entire
+length of England; rocks were shattered, stone houses fell in ruins, and
+the metropolitan church of Lincoln was broken asunder from top to
+bottom.
+
+
+                               _DESERTS_
+
+The deserts of the Orient impressed the medieval writer in much the same
+way as mountains, by the obstacles and difficulties which they presented
+to the traveler. William of Tyre dilates[1045] on the terrors of drought
+in the desert and explains how the Saracens carry in great sacks on
+camels water sufficient to serve man and beast for many days at a time;
+he pictures impressively the horrors of the sand storms that may spring
+up at any time. In the Egyptian desert, he says, the land is so dry and
+barren that no manner of tree can grow there. The features of the desert
+are also described in the _Letter of Prester John_.[1046] This fabulous
+Christian potentate of the East tells us that in the great Sandy Sea
+which lies in his country the sands are disturbed by the wind and form
+endlessly moving waves like the waves of the real sea. But the analogy
+with the sea is carried a trifle too far when he goes on to assert that
+fish are found in the Sandy Sea. He adds that from certain mountains,
+three days’ journey away, a river of stones flows down and, running
+three days a week, sweeps both rocks and logs into the Sandy Sea, but
+they disappear in the sands and are never seen again. If we remove the
+halo of fable surrounding all this, we discern here an account of a
+desert of dunes, with dry watercourses entering it, a feature common
+enough in southwestern Asia and northern Africa. On the whole, however,
+little was known of deserts in Western Europe in the Middle Ages, and,
+though the waste places of Asia and India are constantly mentioned in
+the Romance of Alexander, the descriptions of them are wholly fanciful.
+
+
+                               _ISLANDS_
+
+
+                                ORIGINS
+
+The men of the West at this time were familiar with many islands.
+Giraldus Cambrensis takes up the problem of the origin of the islands of
+the earth and in particular the question of whether they were formed at
+the time of the Deluge or long before or long after.[1047] His opinion
+seems to have been that some time after the Flood the lands became
+replete with animal life and that it was then that the islands came into
+existence, not violently and suddenly but little by little out of
+alluvial deposits.[1048] In his emphasis on the gradual and
+non-catastrophic manner of their formation, Giraldus by hazard
+enunciates a sound geological doctrine which contrasts favorably with
+the theories he elsewhere expresses about the violent and sudden
+appearance of lakes.
+
+
+                           MIRACULOUS ISLANDS
+
+Like mountains and lakes, islands were convenient topographic units to
+which the medieval mind was wont to attribute fabulous and supernatural
+qualities. Gervase of Tilbury, for example, describes a certain isle in
+the sea off the coast of the Kingdom of Arles—Lirniensis, perhaps the
+Isle de Lérins—where no worms ever are found.[1049] He was unable to
+decide whether this was due to the extreme holiness of a colony of monks
+which once dwelt on the island or to some natural peculiarity of the
+soil. At all events, this reminds us of the tradition about the
+inability of poisonous reptiles or noxious animals of any kind to exist
+in Ireland.
+
+Giraldus Cambrensis speaks of a floating island in a lake on the summit
+of Mount Snowdon.[1050] This was said to be blown about by the winds,
+and shepherds were much startled now and then to see their cattle
+transported on it from one side of the lake to the other. Giraldus
+explains this reasonably enough as follows: a portion of the shore had
+become bound together and made firm and solid as if by ropes formed from
+the roots of the willow and other plants. After being gradually
+increased in size by the addition of alluvium it finally broke off. The
+violent winds prevalent in the vicinity then drove it back and forth
+over the surface of the lake. This story undoubtedly had a basis of
+truth, for it is well known that sod floats about on the surface of one
+of the lakes near Snowdon, but that it could carry cattle upon it is a
+decided exaggeration.
+
+
+                         ISLANDS OF ST. BRANDAN
+
+The most marvelous of the islands mentioned in medieval legend were
+those which St. Brandan visited.[1051] The first one he came to, a high
+and rocky crag rising abruptly out of the sea, was doubtless suggested
+to the mind of the poet by one of the forbidding islets in the seas off
+the western coast of Ireland. Thence the saint and his crew voyaged in
+turn to an island entirely covered with sheep, to one that proved to be
+the back of a gigantic fish called Jasconius, to one full of miraculous
+birds that could speak, to one that put them in mind of Paradise, to a
+rocky isle full of forges and smiths, to an isle where there dwelt a
+certain hermit, Paul, who had lived there forty years without food but
+for thirty years had been fed by a certain beast;[1052] and finally the
+saint himself attained the island which was the goal of all his
+wanderings, the Saints’ Land of Promise (Terra repromissionis
+sanctorum), or Paradise—a reminiscence perhaps of the Hesperides, or
+Happy Islands, of Greek mythology.
+
+Giraldus describes an isle off the Irish coast which would seem to be
+akin to Brandan’s Jasconius.[1053] Doubts were raised as to whether this
+peculiar island was a whale or some other monster or whether it was
+really land; for some youths had tried to disembark upon it, but, just
+as they were about to set foot ashore, it disappeared beneath the waves.
+The next day it reappeared and the same thing was repeated. Finally, on
+the third day, one of the young men shot a red-hot arrow into it; this
+seems to have stabilized it, for the island did not disappear again and
+ultimately proved to be habitable. From this Giraldus argued that as
+fire is the most noble of the elements no phantasm can withstand its
+power.
+
+
+                _INFLUENCES OF GEOGRAPHICAL ENVIRONMENT_
+
+
+                        ON PLANT AND ANIMAL LIFE
+
+In the writings of the Crusading age we find a few scattered remarks on
+the relationship between geographical features and environment and the
+life of man and animals, or on those branches of our science now called
+biogeography and anthropogeography. The writings of Bernard Sylvester
+furnish us with some striking examples. The Platonic and realist
+conception of the unity of all matter, which was exemplified in the
+theory of a World Soul and expounded in vivid terms by Theodoric of
+Chartres, led Bernard in his _De mundi universitate_ to emphasize the
+close interrelations of all natural phenomena and the influences of the
+various elements and parts of the universe upon each other. He stressed,
+for example, the importance of astrological influences, by attributing
+to the moon control over the tides and other terrestrial
+phenomena.[1054] In geography he emphasized the influences of terrain on
+plant and animal life. Thus he says “fruitful land gives birth to
+wolves, desert to lions, arid land to serpents, woods to bees.”[1055]
+Elsewhere he explains how the plane tree grows in flat country, the
+alder in valleys, the box among rocks, the willow on the banks of
+streams, the fragrant cypress in the mountains, the sacred vine on the
+slopes, and the olive in well-worked loam.[1056] Neckam also recognized
+that the growth of plants was governed by the qualities of the
+earth.[1057] Only about the center of the globe is there really true
+earth; the surface which we cultivate is not true earth because it is
+intermingled with particles of air, fire, and other substances.
+Consequently it follows that in the same territory there may grow herbs
+by nature both warm and cold and that in certain places oats thrive well
+and in others barley.
+
+There is a very striking passage in Hildegard’s _Subtilitates_
+explaining in much detail the influence of various kinds of soil upon
+agriculture.[1058] Hildegard asserts that there are divers types of soil
+(_terra_)—black, white, and red. White soil is pallid and sandy and
+contains much humidity in the form of large raindrops: because of this
+quality white soil produces great vines and apple orchards but is rather
+less well adapted for the raising of grains. The latter may better be
+cultivated upon soil characterized by humidity of finer texture and
+minuter drops. Black soil contains too much cold and dampness to produce
+more than a moderate yield; red soil, on the other hand, has the right
+balance of dampness and dryness and hence produces a quantity of fruits,
+which, however, through their very abundance fail to attain perfection.
+And so Hildegard proceeds with a discussion that would have been of a
+highly utilitarian character, had it only been based more directly upon
+the observation of the facts of nature.
+
+
+                                 ON MAN
+
+The influence of geographical environment on man is also noted by some
+of the writers of our period. Otto of Freising explains[1059] that the
+Lombards on entering Italy gave up their wild customs and adopted
+Italian ways, partly because they married native women but partly as a
+result of the nature of country and climate. Giraldus tells how the
+plains of southern Wales are far more pleasant to live in than those of
+the north.[1060] The latter region, on the other hand, has not only
+better natural defenses but a richer soil and is more fertile in
+producing men of strength and power. Gunther in the _Ligurinus_[1061]
+enlarged on Ragewin’s simple description (in his continuation of Otto of
+Freising’s _Gesta Friderici_) of the wild ferocity of the natives of
+Poland by saying that their fierceness and savagery is due partly to the
+nature of the soil and partly to the influence of their neighbors.
+
+
+                   _Topography As a Natural Defense_
+
+In the same connection these authors try to show that topography may
+often serve as a natural defense against hostile invaders. Giraldus
+speaks of Wales[1062] as a country easily defensible because of the
+depth of its valleys and the immensity of its woods, waters, and swamps.
+The remnants of the ancient Britons who were driven here were able to
+hold out and preserve their independence against both Angles and
+Normans. On the other hand, those who were driven into the southern
+promontory (Cornwall), where the land was not by nature so easy to
+defend, yielded to the conqueror. In another connection[1063] Giraldus
+speaks of the difficulties any one would encounter in trying to conquer
+such a rough country as Wales and one so well fortified by nature.
+Gervase of Tilbury also testifies to the strong natural defenses of
+Wales,[1064] specifying how the Welsh, when enemies appear, take to the
+bog lands on the mountains, which they can easily cross through an
+agility resulting from long familiarity. Here they either escape from
+their enemies or lie in wait to inflict grave harm on them.
+Giraldus[1065] tells that the islands in the lakes of Ireland were used
+for refuges as well as for dwelling places by the lords of the
+surrounding districts; and Ragewin[1066] speaks of the natural defenses
+of Genoa, hemmed in on one side by mountains and on the other by the
+sea.
+
+
+             _Theory of the Westward Flow of Civilization_
+
+We may close this account of the relations of man with his geographical
+environment with a few words about a strangely fatalistic theory which
+prevailed among certain thinkers and in particular among the mystics. It
+was a theory that civilization flows from the East to the West and that
+when it reaches the uttermost limits of the West the human race will
+meet its doom and extinction. Severian of Gabala had said in the fourth
+century:[1067] “God looked into the future and set the first man in that
+place [Paradise, in the East] in order to cause him to understand that,
+just as the light of heaven moves toward the west, so the human race
+hastens towards death; but that it is just as reasonable to expect a
+future resurrection from death as it is to expect that the stars will
+again rise in the east.” This idea appears in the writings of Hugh of
+St. Victor, who states in the _De arca Noë morali_[1068] that the order
+of places and the order of time run in series; that whatever happened in
+the beginning of time happened in the Orient and that henceforth the
+course of events has gradually been moving westward, until now it has
+reached the end of the earth and we must face the fact that we are
+approaching the end of the ages (_saeculi_). Shortly after the Deluge
+the most important kingdoms and the capitol of the world were in the
+East, in the lands of the Assyrians, Chaldeans, and Medes; then the
+supreme power passed to the Greeks; and finally, towards the end of the
+ages, to the Romans who dwell on the confines of the world. In the _De
+arca Noë mystica_ the front of the ark is said to face the east and the
+rear the west “in order that the position of places shall correspond
+with the order of time and the end of the world shall be at the end of
+the centuries.”[1069] The ark is here supposed to represent a map of the
+world, and the segment of the circle of the _orbis terrarum_ cut by the
+ark and facing the east is the location of Paradise; the segment facing
+the west will be the place of universal resurrection. Ideas very similar
+to this are also found in the _De vanitate mundi_ of Hugh of St.
+Victor.[1070]
+
+Though it cannot be proved that Otto of Freising made use of these
+works, nevertheless his philosophy of history is to a large extent based
+on the theory of the westward flow of civilization.[1071] In the
+prologue to his _Chronicon_ he queries, “Who can wonder that human power
+is changeable, when mortal wisdom also is unstable (_labilis_)? What
+great learning there was in Egypt and among the Chaldeans, from whom
+Abraham derived his knowledge! But what now is Babylon, once famous for
+its science and its power? A shrine of sirens, a home of lizards and
+ostriches, a den of serpents! And Egypt is now in large part a trackless
+and uninhabitable waste, whence science was transferred to the Greeks,
+then to the Romans, and finally to the Gauls and Spaniards. And,” he
+concludes, “let it be observed that because all human power or wisdom
+began in the Orient and will end in the Occident, the mutability and
+disappearance of all things is demonstrated. This I propose, with God’s
+aid, to make clear in the work which follows.” Otto again hammers on
+this theme in the prologue of his fifth book[1072] and finally, near the
+close of the same book,[1073] remarks, “For behold, as I have explained
+above, just as the heavens turn from east to west, so we behold worldly
+affairs and powers revolving.” If human power is so changeable, he asks,
+who can expect that the Kingdom of the Franks will last very long?
+
+The idea that “westward the course of empire takes its way” was thus
+raised in the Middle Ages to a position of theological doctrine and
+philosophical principle.
+
+
+                  _FEELING FOR LANDSCAPE AND SCENERY_
+
+The pagan, or classical, attitude toward nature was characterized by a
+subjective and esthetic enjoyment of beautiful scenery; the Christian
+saw in nature the symbol and manifestation of the divinity.[1074] Both
+points of view were represented in the literature of our age.
+
+
+                      SPIRITUAL FEELING FOR NATURE
+
+The more spiritual feeling found its expression in the writings of men
+like Bernard of Clairvaux, Hugh of St. Victor, Francis of Assisi,
+Alexander Neckam, and many others.[1075] Bernard of Clairvaux believed
+that a man could learn more of the eternal verities through a reverent
+contemplation of nature than through the study of books. He wrote to
+Master Henry Murdach, an Englishman who afterwards became a monk of
+Clairvaux: “Believe one who has tried: you shall find a fuller
+satisfaction in the woods than in books. The trees and the rocks will
+teach you that which you cannot hear from the masters. Do you think that
+you cannot draw honey from the rock and oil from the hardest flint? Do
+not our mountains drop sweetness? the hills flow with milk and honey?
+and the valleys stand thick with corn?” (Eales’s translation).[1076]
+Bernard was fond of complex and detailed allegorical comparisons of the
+aspects of nature with the theological or spiritual concepts which he
+believed they symbolize. In a sermon on Benedict he said: “St. Benedict
+was a mighty fruit tree, like a tree planted by a watercourse. Where are
+the watercourses? Truly they are in the valleys, because midway between
+the mountains the water flows down. Who may not perceive that the
+streams retreat from the steep slopes of the mountains and make their
+way straight to the lowly midst of the valleys? Thus does God repulse
+the haughty and give grace to the humble. Here you may set foot in
+safety. Whoever of you are of the flock of Christ, place your trust in
+his staff and follow the footpath in the valley. On the hillsides that
+ancient serpent has ever chosen his abode which bites the horse’s hoof
+and makes the rider fall back. Select rather the valley for your
+wanderings and plantings. Do not seek the dry and rocky mountain side to
+set out trees. In the valleys is abundance. There plants thrive, the
+grass is lush, fruits grow, and, according to the words of Scripture,
+‘the vales shall abound with corn.’”[1077]
+
+It was in much the same vein that Bernard spoke of the sea as the origin
+of all springs and rivers and compared it with Christ, the fount of all
+virtue and wisdom.[1078] It was a wish to find an allegorical meaning in
+the phenomena of nature that induced Abelard to compare the flood of the
+Nile with the spread of Christian grace throughout the world.[1079]
+These and the many other similar allegorical comparisons that are so
+frequent in the literature of our period are not mere juxtapositions of
+things that were seen to be alike. Bernard did more than liken the
+valley to the humble of spirit. He implied that the valley itself
+partook of the quality of humility and was thereby in some way more
+divine than the mountain. But, if Bernard believed that mountains were
+symbolical of pride and arrogance, others, like Altmann of Passau,
+Anselm of Canterbury, and Francis of Assisi, were lovers of mountains in
+a truly spiritual sense. To the twelfth-century mystic the beauty of
+nature was more than a symbol of the divinity: it drew its very essence
+from God. The love that St. Francis bore towards birds and animals,
+mountains and fellow man was a love that arose out of his regarding all
+of these as creatures of God impregnated with something of the divine.
+
+
+                        ESTHETIC LOVE OF NATURE
+
+The esthetic love of nature that existed during our period was very
+different. It had its roots in a movement of protest and rebellion
+against the austerity of the Christian life and ideals. Men wished to
+enjoy the things of this world without thought of the next. What is
+more, they sometimes actually dared to write about their pleasures.
+These early stirrings of the humanistic spirit, the spirit of the Great
+Renaissance, brought forth troubled protests and angry remonstrances
+from men like Bernard and other reformers; but none the less love poems
+were often composed in the monasteries, and vagrant poets wandered over
+Europe singing the praises of earthly love, rejoicing in the springtime,
+with little heed for aught but the beauty of the world. Popular wherever
+they went, these wanderers exerted a great influence, and something of
+their joyous, pagan spirit crept into more serious writings of the age.
+
+It would be possible to quote at some length texts testifying to the
+presence of an esthetic feeling for nature in the twelfth and early
+thirteenth centuries.[1080] Two or three examples must here suffice.
+
+One of the most enthusiastic observers of natural scenery was Guy of
+Bazoches. He describes the environs of the castle of St. Gilles in
+southern France about as follows:[1081] “Here smile cultivated and
+fertile fields, and here the sides of the hills are adorned with
+vineyards. The pleasing aspect of the shrubbery and the beauty of
+gardens meets the eye, and oh! how the sweet smell of the grass fills
+the air! Fruit trees groan under their load and lament their fertility,
+and the warbling birds in the branches send forth rich harmonies. If we
+look in a different direction we see the plain stretching out its level
+lap covered with green meadows and alluring us with its beauty. The
+Rhone, disdainfully cutting through the midst of the fields, rolls down
+proud waters and, reaching its place of birth, flows forth into the
+neighboring sea.”
+
+Even more striking is a passage from a poem that has been ascribed to
+Marbod of Rennes. “My uncle owns an estate in the forest where I am in
+the habit of going to leave care behind and all that may trouble one.
+The green grass, the silent woods, the soft and festive breezes, and a
+lively spring in the meadow revive my tired spirit: they give me back to
+myself and enable me to regain my poise (me mihi reddunt et faciunt in
+me consistere). For who is not robbed of himself in the restless city,
+roaring with a multitude of noises?”[1082] The writer goes on to
+meditate in truly Roman fashion on the transitory character of all
+things of this earth. Ganzenmüller comments on the subjective character
+of these sentiments: “What a distance separates this from the attitude
+towards nature of a Bernard of Clairvaux! Bernard ascribes loneliness to
+God, our poet to himself. No longer did one seek in nature for God but
+for one’s own self.”[1083]
+
+
+                   PRACTICAL INTEREST IN COUNTRYSIDES
+
+On the whole, however, the passages just quoted are more or less
+exceptional. The majority of descriptions of countrysides that date from
+our period reveal neither highly developed esthetic feeling nor
+transcendental emotion. What they do reveal is the prevalence of keen
+intellectual interest in detail. If a region was in any way unusual
+either by reason of the richness of its produce or the marvelous tales
+that were in circulation about it, that region was held to be worthy of
+comment.
+
+Dreesbach has clearly pointed out[1084] that the passages from the
+French literature of the Crusading period which describe the Orient show
+that the things which impressed themselves on the minds of historian and
+chronicler and poet were the richness of gardens and orchards and the
+fertility of the fields. Her fecundity, not her romantic or esthetic
+qualities, made the average man of the Middle Ages love nature; and a
+country not rich and prosperous hardly deserved any particular notice,
+in his way of thinking. The descriptions of Syria in William of Tyre’s
+history reveal a great number of observations like the following: “The
+plain of Antioch, full of many rich fields for the raising of wheat and
+abounding in springs and rivulets,”[1085] or the neighborhood of
+Damascus, “where there are a great number of trees bearing fruits of all
+kinds and growing up to the very walls of the city and where everybody
+has a garden of his own.”[1086] Elsewhere William of Tyre emphasizes the
+contrast between the sterility of the desert and the marvelous fertility
+of Egypt, with its abundance of wheat.[1087] The same interest in the
+economic qualities of the land appears in the few local descriptions
+that we find in the writings of Otto of Freising. Otto speaks[1088] of
+the forested region about the Rhine, near Worms, as being “rich in
+produce and wine, abundant in hunting and fishing,” and for this reason,
+he adds, the region was pleasing to the princes who came from across the
+Alps to take part in the Diet at Worms. In detailing the life of
+Corbianus, founder of the church at Freising, he gives us a
+topographical account of the vicinity of this city.[1089] A hill, he
+says, situated in a most beautiful and delicious spot, overlooks like a
+watchtower the whole region, through which can be seen the swift stream
+of the Isar. In the days of Corbianus (about 745 A. D.) this territory
+was said to have been covered with woods and was a haunt of game; traces
+of these woods were still to be found in the ancient tree trunks among
+the thickets of the plains, and to Otto’s own day immense quantities of
+deer and goats ran wild there. In the northern part of the district by
+no means inconsiderable tracts of woodland, commonly called “the
+forest,” were still in existence, and from them much useful building
+material and fuel could be procured. The land contiguous to the hill was
+inclosed by the rivers Isar on the south and Amper on the north, and
+between the two streams it extended four German miles in the form of a
+very fertile peninsula. At the end of this, where the two rivers come
+together, was a place called Moosburg, beautiful and delightful, the
+site of a congregation of clergy connected with the church of the
+blessed Castulus.
+
+
+             GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS’ EYE FOR LOCAL TOPOGRAPHY
+
+Giraldus Cambrensis, more than his contemporaries, had an eye for local
+topography. In spite of his taste for the marvelous, this impelled him
+now and then to paint a fairly clear word picture of the appearance of
+the countryside. He notes many things of a sort that do not usually
+occur in other medieval works; for instance, the fact that in fair
+weather it is possible to see the hills of Ireland from St. David’s Head
+in Wales;[1090] that the fertility of the Irish soil lies in its
+grassland rather than in its grain;[1091] that Ireland is rugged and
+hilly, very damp and watery, full of woods, swamps, and trackless
+wastes, with lakes at the foot of the hills and pools and bogs even on
+the highest summits; that here and there one sees beautiful plains, but
+in general open surfaces are of limited extent in comparison to
+woodland; that the seacoasts are low, that hills and mountains are
+restricted to the interior, and that both inland and along the shores
+there is more sandy than rocky country.[1092] He was also impressed by
+the barren and desolate character of many parts of Wales;[1093] the
+“angle” of the land near St. David’s, he says, has a rocky, sterile
+soil, with neither woods, nor rivers, nor orchards, but is open and
+exposed to winds and storms. Mona also is arid and rocky, deformed in
+appearance, and generally unpromising, though as a matter of fact vastly
+more fertile and opulent than the adjacent portion of the Welsh
+mainland.[1094]
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER X
+             THE ASTRONOMICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE KNOWN WORLD
+
+
+We have already examined the broader theories of astronomical geography
+whereby the relation of the globe to the remainder of the universe was
+explained. In this chapter we shall speak only of those aspects of
+astronomical geography which were intimately connected with man’s
+knowledge of the various parts of the known world, or _oikoumene_, as
+distinguished from the sphere as a whole.
+
+
+            PHENOMENA RESULTING FROM DIFFERENCES IN LATITUDE
+
+Within the _oikoumene_ the phenomena resulting from varying elevations
+of the ecliptic in different latitudes were fairly well understood. The
+facts that there are two summers between the tropics (particularly in
+India) and that the sun there passes vertically overhead twice a year
+had been commented on by Pliny and Solinus, whose observations in this
+connection found their way into Isidore’s _Etymologiae_[1095] and thus
+to the works of the plagiarists of Isidore in our period. The _De
+imagine mundi_,[1096] the _Image du monde_,[1097] Gervase of
+Tilbury,[1098] and John of Holywood[1099] all tell us that the same
+phenomenon was said to occur in Arabia which lies between the tropics.
+Similarly the long days and nights of far northern latitudes were
+described on the authority of Solinus and Isidore. In the _De imagine
+mundi_,[1100] from which Gervase copies, it is said that in the island
+of “Chili” (Thule) there are six months of daylight and summer and six
+of night and winter. Giraldus Cambrensis also quotes Solinus[1101] and
+Isidore[1102] to the same effect and adds a brief description of how the
+sun continuously circles around the horizon during the long Arctic day
+and how its light disappears completely when the luminary departs
+southward towards the Tropic of Capricorn.[1103]
+
+
+                               “CLIMATA”
+
+The ancient geographers had divided the earth’s surface into _climata_,
+or climates, which, as we have already seen,[1104] were not atmospheric
+regions but mathematical strips running east and west and bounded by
+parallels of latitude. Pliny,[1105] for instance, had conceived of seven
+climates, the first in the latitude of India, where the length of the
+longest day is fourteen hours, and the seventh in that of the
+Borysthenes (Dnieper) and of Venetia, Umbria, Milan, and Aquitania,
+where the longest day is fifteen and three-quarters hours. Martianus
+Capella[1106] added an eighth climate in the north between the parallel
+of the Borysthenes and that of the Rhipaean Mountains. Furthermore, he
+applied names to the strips. It must be added, however, that neither
+Pliny nor Capella were precise in the data they gave, and neither
+indicated in degrees the latitude of the parallels which bound their
+climates.
+
+More definite is the information we find in the two works of Ptolemy.
+The _Almagest_[1107] and _Geography_[1108] give accounts of the
+characteristic astronomical phenomena that occur along a series of
+parallels, thirty-eight in number according to the former, twenty-one
+according to the latter.[1109] The positions of these were determined by
+the length of the longest day at each one. Though there is no explicit
+mention of the older division by climates in the text of either of
+Ptolemy’s books, such a division not only appears upon the map of the
+world made by Agathodaemon on the basis of material supplied by Ptolemy
+but also upon certain of the special regional maps which were probably
+the work of Ptolemy himself.[1110]
+
+At all events, the conception of the seven or eight climates did not
+disappear but at a very early period, whether by Ptolemy or not, was
+correlated with the Ptolemaic parallels.[1111] That is to say, certain
+of Ptolemy’s parallels were used to designate the imaginary lines
+marking the centers and bounds of the climates. This practice was
+adopted by the Arabs and from them transferred to the knowledge of the
+Christian West in various astronomical treatises. Among the Latin
+manuscripts of the _Toledo Tables_,[1112] for instance, there are series
+of astronomical tables for each of the seven climates, according to
+which the climates occupy the space between latitude 16° N., with a
+longest day of thirteen hours, and 48° N., with a longest day of sixteen
+hours. The length of the longest day and the latitude are given for each
+parallel that bounds the climates. Except that Ptolemy notes minutes as
+well as degrees and in the _Toledo Tables_ the minutes have in most
+cases been omitted, the figures correspond essentially with those of the
+_Almagest_ and _Geography_. Thus: Ptolemy’s eleventh parallel according
+to the _Almagest_ (or tenth according to the _Geography_) has a longest
+day of fourteen and a half hours and is at latitude 36°. In the _Tables_
+the southern edge of the fourth climate likewise has a longest day of
+fourteen and a half hours and is at latitude 36°.
+
+Again, in John of Seville’s translation of Al-Farghānī’s
+_Astronomy_[1113] and in the _De sphaera_[1114] of John of Holywood, who
+had borrowed from Al-Farghānī in this matter, we find a similar
+correlation. In both cases the figures of latitude correspond
+essentially, though with slight divergences in detail, to those of
+Ptolemy. The boundaries of each climate, however, have here been
+displaced by one parallel to the south of the parallels used in the
+_Toledo Tables_ and those which we may presume were the Ptolemaic
+boundaries of the climates.[1115]
+
+The table, Figure 11 (in the Notes to Ch. X), gives some idea of the
+relative degree of accuracy of these figures as they were employed in
+the West during the Middle Ages. But just as in the case of other
+figures for latitude and longitude, as we shall shortly have occasion to
+see, this material was not utilized for geographical purposes during our
+age.
+
+
+                        GEOGRAPHICAL COÖRDINATES
+
+At the present time the study of regional geography is largely dependent
+on a precise knowledge of the geographical coördinates of places. The
+foremost duty of the explorer is to know where he is from day to day and
+to find this out by astronomical means, if possible. In classical times
+and among the Moslems the importance of such observations was not only
+well understood, but several methods of carrying them through were
+described by astronomers and geographers, and the latitudes of a great
+many stations had been determined astronomically. Longitude, on the
+other hand, long remained a stumbling block, and before the twelfth
+century, certainly, no systematic attempts to ascertain the longitudes
+of any large number of places had ever met with success.
+
+A few relics of classical and Moslem study in this field became familiar
+in the West as a result of the intense interest in Arabic astronomy
+prevailing in Europe between the tenth and thirteenth centuries.[1116]
+
+Various figures representing the results of Arabic corrections of and
+additions to the data given in Ptolemy’s _Geography_ found their way
+into Western astrological tables. The most interesting of these occur in
+a list of the latitudes and longitudes of some sixty odd cities appended
+to the Paris manuscript of the _Marseilles Tables_ of Raymond of
+Marseilles[1117] and also to most of the Latin versions of the _Toledo
+Tables_.[1118] This list and certain figures scattered through the
+astrological tables and canons[1119] reveal the results of the
+reductions made by Al-Khwārizmī and by Az-Zarqalī of Ptolemy’s gross
+overestimate of the length of the Mediterranean, to which we have
+referred in a preceding chapter.[1120] The European student of these
+astrological works might have drawn a by no means contemptible map from
+the figures to be found in them had he been interested in what these
+figures could teach him of geography. Figure 6 is a map compiled from
+the coöordinates given in the Paris manuscript of the _Marseilles
+Tables_.
+
+At the end of this list of geographical coördinates in many manuscripts
+additional figures not derived from Moslem sources are given. These show
+the positions of such points in Europe as London, Hereford, Paris,
+Toulouse, Barcelona, Marseilles, Novara, Cremona, Florence, and
+Naples[1121] (see Fig. 12, in Notes to Ch. X). They were undoubtedly
+determined by observations made during our period or shortly after.
+
+[Illustration:
+
+  FIG. 6—Sketch map constructed from the list of geographical positions
+    appended to the Paris manuscript of Raymond of Marseilles’
+    _Marseilles Tables_. The outline of the coast, arbitrarily indicated
+    by a shaded band, is shown merely to give some idea of the type of
+    map that might have been constructed from the data given in the
+    tables. This may be compared with the Henry of Mayence map (see
+    above, p. 124) shown in outline in the inset. The original Henry of
+    Mayence map reveals far greater detail and upon it east (not north,
+    as in this figure) is at the top.
+
+  This list is based on the observations of the eleventh-century Arabic
+    astronomers Al-Khwārizmī and Az-Zarqalī. Cities and other points
+    have been plotted according to the coördinates of this list. The
+    resulting map of the Mediterranean region and the Near East is
+    remarkable for its comparative accuracy. For a key to the names
+    represented by the numbers on the diagram and for the figures for
+    the latitudes and longitudes, see J. K. Wright, _Knowledge of
+    Latitudes and Longitudes_, 1923, pp. 87–88.
+]
+
+
+               METHODS OF FINDING LATITUDE AND LONGITUDE
+
+That such observations were carried out is entirely possible, for there
+is absolutely no doubt that methods of finding latitudes and longitudes
+were well understood in theory and were sometimes put to practical use.
+Rules are given for finding latitude in Az-Zarqalī’s _Canons_, in Plato
+of Tivoli’s translation of the _Astronomy_ of Al-Battānī, and in many
+other astronomical and astrological treatises.[1122] Two principal
+methods were recommended. You may either measure with the astrolabe the
+altitude of the sun above the horizon at noon at the spring or autumn
+equinox and find the latitude by subtracting this angle from 90° or you
+may measure the altitude of the celestial pole above the horizon, which
+is the same as the latitude. As to longitude, the fact that there are
+differences in local time between points east and west of each other was
+recognized and clearly explained by several writers of our age.[1123]
+The _Marseilles Tables_ give a rule for finding longitude by the
+observation of eclipses. Roger of Hereford indicates that he himself, by
+observing an eclipse in 1178, ascertained the positions of Hereford,
+Marseilles, and Toledo in relation to Arin, the world center of the
+Moslems.[1124] Gerard of Cremona describes a method of finding longitude
+by noting the distance of the moon from a given point in the heavens and
+thereby dispensing with eclipses,[1125] though it is doubtful whether
+this method was used until the sixteenth century. The lack of accurate
+instruments for ascertaining time must have rendered it extremely
+difficult to calculate longitude under any circumstances. Making
+allowances for this, it is surprising to find how accurate the few
+coöordinates that have come down to us seem to be, if our interpretation
+of them is correct.[1126]
+
+The geographical interest of these figures and of investigations of this
+sort was not appreciated by the majority of the men of our age. The
+application of astronomical considerations to the problems of navigation
+was still in its infancy. The purpose of the investigator of the twelfth
+and early thirteenth century in finding geographical coöordinates was
+astrological. He wished to make use of them to transpose tables made
+originally for the meridian and parallel of one station to the meridian
+and parallel of another. Their influence on the cartography of the age
+was absolutely _nil_. It is probably safe to make the categorical
+statement that the maps and geographical treatises of the century and a
+half preceding the year 1250 were drawn and written with almost complete
+disregard of any astronomical considerations whatsoever.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER XI
+                              CARTOGRAPHY
+
+
+The maps of our period give us the most convincing possible
+illustrations of the geographical ideas that were current.[1127] Their
+bright colors, naïve legends, childlike but often skillfully drawn
+vignettes, and preposterous inaccuracy take us back into the atmosphere
+of a credulous and uncritical age. We can catch much more of the flavor
+of the popular geography of the Middle Ages by a hasty glance at one of
+the crude Beatus representations of the world than by plowing through
+many of the dry pages of compilations like the _De imagine mundi_.
+
+In this chapter there will be given a brief analysis of these maps as
+specimens of the cartographer’s art and an explanation of certain points
+which all, or most, of them have in common.
+
+
+                              _INACCURACY_
+
+What strikes us first is their extraordinary inaccuracy. It is easy to
+laugh at this because subconsciously but inevitably we compare the
+outlines of seas, continents, and regions as represented in these maps
+with the outlines with which we have become familiar in modern atlases.
+We tend to forget that the contours of Europe, Asia, and Africa as we
+now know them are not images that have been stamped upon the minds of
+men at all times, that their accurate representation is the result of a
+series of long and laborious observations completed only at a relatively
+recent date. Hence it is somewhat unjust to reproach the medieval
+cartographer with his inaccuracy, for the reason that accuracy in the
+present-day sense was something impossible for him to achieve. The
+Greeks and Moslems, to be sure, had made far better maps than did the
+men of the Middle Ages; but, unfortunately, Greek maps had perished, few
+Arabic maps came through to the West, and the prevalent ignorance of
+Greek made it impossible for the Occidental scholar to gain inspiration
+from treatises on cartography written in that tongue.
+
+
+                     ACCURACY NOT DEEMED NECESSARY
+
+Furthermore, it is a mistake to regard accuracy as the goal and ideal of
+the medieval map maker. To gain a sympathetic understanding of his work
+we must see what purposes he intended it to fulfill. He drew maps to
+accompany and clarify the written texts to which they were usually
+subsidiary. The maps were more or less in the nature of diagrammatic
+sketches on which the features of the earth’s surface were shown in a
+general way, and the draftsman understood perfectly well that all he
+could hope to give was a rough approximation to relative positions. The
+medieval scribe and map maker was an artist who took pride in the beauty
+of his work. The same motives which impelled him to enliven his
+manuscript with a multitude of miniatures led him to relieve the coldly
+geometrical outlines of his map by lines and colors pleasing to the eye,
+by entertaining sketches and readable legends. He was creating something
+very different from the modern cartographic or topographic sheet that
+stands on its own merits as an independently useful, scientific document
+and from which we can get precise information about distances, heights,
+positions, and terrain. He would have branded any man a fool who thought
+that one could hope to determine from his map the distance from
+Jerusalem to England or from the mouth of the Ganges to the mouth of the
+Nile. In other words, most medieval maps—including wall maps—were
+nothing more than rough diagrams converted into works of art.
+
+When, during the latter years of the thirteenth century, the sailors of
+the Mediterranean, driven by the necessity of securing reliable aids to
+navigation, began piece by piece to construct marine charts upon which
+the contours of the coasts were shown with an approach to modern
+correctness, we have indeed a revolution in cartographic art and
+geographical science.
+
+Bearing in mind these considerations, we see that the major inaccuracies
+of medieval maps are (1) exaggeration in the scale of particular regions
+at the expense of others and (2) distortion, often amounting to a
+complete failure to show places in their proper relative positions. The
+first of these inaccuracies was usually deliberate, the second more or
+less unavoidable. Both are well-known characteristics of our modern
+American railway folder maps.
+
+
+                              EXAGGERATION
+
+The purpose of exaggeration was, of course, to emphasize the most
+interesting and significant localities. For example, on many maps of the
+world, Palestine—about which a good deal was known and in which interest
+naturally was centered—is shown to be almost as large as all the rest of
+Asia put together. The Jerome map of the East[1128] exaggerates Asia
+Minor to an enormous size, making it a greater distance from
+Constantinople to Mount Ararat than from Armenia to Taprobane (Ceylon).
+On the other hand, the Jerome map of Palestine itself[1129] would lead
+us to believe that the district lying between the Lebanon, the Jordan,
+and the sea is at least three times as large as the Anatolian peninsula.
+Certainly nobody ever thought that such proportions actually obtain in
+nature. Similarly, the plans of cities that are not infrequently
+included in maps are often immensely enlarged in relation to the
+surrounding country, as, for example, in the case of London, Rome, Acre,
+and Jerusalem on Matthew Paris’ pictorial itinerary[1130] and map of
+Palestine,[1131] and Jerusalem on the “Situs Ierusalem”[1132] (see Fig.
+7).
+
+
+                               DISTORTION
+
+Errors arising from distortion were due partly to ignorance and partly
+to the necessity of making the map fit either the page upon which it was
+drawn or else a preconceived idea of an oval, or circular world. The
+“Cotton,” or “Anglo-Saxon,” map[1133] several of the Beatus
+series,[1134] and even Matthew Paris’ maps of Britain[1135] (the best of
+the whole period; see Fig. 9, p. 343, below) show a semi-rectangular
+land mass corresponding to the pages of the codices. On the latter a
+legend frankly admits that, if only the size of the page permitted, the
+island would be shown longer than it is (“Si pagine pateretur, haec
+totalis insula longior esse deberet”).[1136] The manner in which
+geography was forced to conform to a circular or oval world is admirably
+illustrated in the treatment of the islands of the ocean. On the Beatus
+series[1137] and on Lambert’s _mappaemundi_,[1138] Britain and the other
+islands appear as small, round, oval, or rectangular blocks more or less
+regularly spaced in the circumambient ocean. Other maps, like that of
+Henry of Mayence[1139] (see inset of Fig. 6, p. 245, above), fit the
+islands into recesses in the oceanic shores of the continental areas so
+that the smooth outlines of the whole land mass are preserved.
+
+[Illustration:
+
+  FIG. 7—The _Situs Ierusalem_, or plan of Jerusalem, illustrating the
+    anonymous _Gesta Francorum Ierusalem expugnantium_ as reproduced by
+    Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, fig. 14, from map in Codex of
+    St. Omer.
+]
+
+An extreme of confusion and disregard for reality is found in one of the
+Beatus group[1140] preserved in Paris. Here it is difficult to make out
+which continent is which. India, for instance, lies just across the Red
+Sea from Spain (it is doubtful in what direction); Arabia would seem to
+be in the farthest Orient, adjoined by Greece on one side and Thrace on
+the other. Such absurdities are unusual, but even the best maps of the
+period show serious errors when measured by modern standards. The
+“Cotton,”[1141] for instance, in such a well-known part of the world as
+Italy, locates Ravenna on the Mediterranean shore southeast of Rome and
+shows an amazing eastward displacement of Arabia and the Red Sea, though
+in many other respects its geography, relatively speaking, is very good.
+
+
+                              _TECHNIQUE_
+
+The diagrammatic character of these maps is evident in the technique of
+their workmanship. They all show a tendency toward geometrical lines,
+curves, and symmetry. This is carried further on some than on others
+(as, for example, in the cruder specimens of the Beatus group[1142]);
+but, in nearly all, the ocean is represented as a smooth circular band
+of even width; and, in many, rivers and mountains follow direct lines or
+regular curves. It is obvious that the ruler and compass were not
+neglected.
+
+
+                              CONVENTIONS
+
+Moreover, certain cartographic conventions were followed. In the great
+majority of cases east was placed at the top, and some authorities have
+endeavored to trace this convention back to the maps of the
+Romans.[1143] While this explanation of its origin may be true, the
+traditions of the Church, which placed in the Orient the Garden of Eden
+together with the fountain of the waters of the world and of human life,
+must have had much to do toward perpetuating it. Conventions of a sort
+were also observed in the use of colors on colored maps: seas and rivers
+were nearly always blue or green, except for the Red Sea, which was
+invariably red. Less uniform was the color used for mountains: on the
+map of the world of Henry of Mayence[1144] and on one of Lambert’s
+_mappaemundi_[1145] they are red; the “Cotton”[1146] shows them a
+brilliant green; and one of the maps of Matthew Paris,[1147] a yellow.
+
+
+                          SYMBOLS AND LEGENDS
+
+Symbols representing the various features of the earth’s surface were
+more or less conventionalized, though we can hardly say that any
+definitely developed “conventional signs” were in use. It is the usual
+intention of symbols as employed on modern maps to reproduce the
+appearance of the various features more or less as they look when viewed
+from above. This is relatively recent development; on medieval maps such
+elements as mountains, forests, and cities were shown as they appear
+from the side. In addition to symbols, legends were extensively employed
+to explain details of the map’s surface, and sometimes these were
+expanded to considerable length to include historical data and other
+points of interest. A large variety of subjects were represented on
+these maps by symbols, vignettes, and legends.
+
+The atmosphere figures in the Turin Beatus[1148] in pictures at the four
+corners of wind blowers seated astride of wind bags. On the Jerome map
+of the East[1149] the names of certain of the winds are written along
+the eastern border, and wind blowers were familiar figures in the
+cartography of a later period than ours.
+
+The ocean and inland seas, usually tinted green or blue, are generally
+without symbols to emphasize their watery nature, except perhaps for
+pictures of fish. On two of the Beatus series,[1150] however, lines are
+drawn running parallel to the coasts, showing that the medieval
+draftsman had hit upon and crudely executed a modern scheme of
+representing water. The Guido map of Italy[1151] represents the sea by
+scalloped lines. On the Guido map of the world[1152] the size of the
+Mediterranean and its branches is enormously enlarged;[1153] whereas the
+worst examples of the Beatus group[1154] show the inland seas as narrow
+channels bounded by straight shores.
+
+The width of rivers is nearly always immensely exaggerated; on some maps
+rivers appear to be as wide as the seas themselves. Only the
+“Cotton”[1155] forms an exception in representing them (except for the
+Nile) as single lines. On the whole, hydrography is drawn arbitrarily.
+Streams cross each other, separate, and connect one sea with another;
+though the Jerome maps,[1156] certain of the Beatus series,[1157] and
+the “Cotton”[1158] place the headwaters of many of the rivers of Asia
+and Europe in mountain ranges.
+
+Lakes are generally represented as bulb-shaped bodies from which rivers
+rise or into which they expand.
+
+No attempt was made to show by symbols different kinds of land surface,
+except perhaps by Matthew Paris in one of his maps of Britain,[1159]
+which differentiates the marshy country of the eastern shires from the
+rest of the island. On certain members of the Beatus group[1160] we read
+legends in Africa and Asia calling the country “deserta et arenosa;” and
+legends appearing on Matthew Paris’ maps[1161] describe the boggy, wild,
+and mountainous country of northern Scotland and Wales. The Paris Beatus
+No. II[1162] has a legend in a remote part of Asia indicating “land
+uninhabitable on account of the abundance of water.”
+
+Mountain ranges were generally represented by jagged, saw-tooth lines
+running parallel to straight lines;[1163] particularly high or famous
+peaks, by a single great pyramid. Such pyramids are prominent features
+in the Beatus series,[1164] where woods are often shown growing upon
+them. The Hyrcanian Forest is depicted and labeled on the Jerome map of
+Palestine,[1165] and the pepper forests of India are indicated on the
+Jerome map of the East.[1166]
+
+Among the works of man cities and buildings take a foremost place,
+represented by vignettes of castles, towers, and churches. On several
+maps[1167] especially notable works are depicted, as the lighthouse of
+Alexandria, the tower of Babel, the columns of Alexander and Hercules;
+and the seas are sometimes filled with ships. As to men themselves, the
+legends give the names of cities, provinces, and countries. The Jerome
+maps[1168] give a series of tribal names in Scythia. Adam and Eve with
+the serpent were stereotyped features enlivening the East on many but by
+no means all the maps of our age; and on the Osma Beatus[1169] we see
+the uniformly gloomy features of the twelve apostles distributed over
+the earth’s surface (see Fig. 4, p. 123, above).
+
+The monsters of India were also represented by vignettes of a _skiapod_,
+or shadowfoot, on two of the Beatus group,[1170] where this
+uncomfortable creature is shown as the most prominent inhabitant of the
+austral continent (see Fig. 4) and the existence of other monsters is
+hinted at by legends referring to griffons, cynocephali, and the like.
+
+
+                               _SUMMARY_
+
+In surveying the extant maps of our period as a whole, and in comparing
+them with one another, it is impossible to detect any appreciable
+development from worse cartography to better. To be sure, Matthew Paris’
+three maps of Britain[1171] (Fig. 9, p. 343, below), made at the very
+end of our century and a half, are probably also the best. But they
+represent a limited area; and among the maps of the world the “Cotton,”
+or Anglo-Saxon,[1172] which possibly dates from the twelfth century but
+may be very much older, holds by all odds the highest rank so far as
+cartographic excellence goes. The complex and elaborate wall map of the
+late thirteenth century in Hereford Cathedral[1173] and the immense
+Ebstorf map at Hanover (dated 1284)[1174] represent the culmination of a
+process in the direction of increasing elaboration that had been in
+progress throughout the age. They do not indicate any improvement in
+cartographic standards but rather, as was the case with some of the
+great works of compilation of the time, a multiplication of fabulous and
+incongruous detail. Beazley dismisses them rather summarily as
+monstrosities. They are the cartographic counterparts of the _Image du
+monde_ and the _Livre du trésor_ of Brunetto Latino.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XII
+                           REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY
+
+
+We shall not attempt the thankless and impossible task of giving a
+complete conspectus of Western regional lore in the twelfth and early
+thirteenth centuries. This chapter, like its predecessors, consists
+largely of illustrative examples.
+
+
+        _GENERAL CHARACTER OF REGIONAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE PERIOD_
+
+
+          GEOGRAPHY OF TRADITION AND GEOGRAPHY OF OBSERVATION
+
+We explained in the Introduction that there were two kinds of
+geographical information available in the Middle Ages—information
+derived from earlier literature and information derived from
+contemporary tradition and observation. In the period we are studying,
+these were found among men of very different interests and activities,
+and hence they usually failed to blend. It is true that now and then in
+a work of erudition of the time we come across a report of some original
+observation made by the writer himself or learned by him from a
+contemporary; but these data were seldom really assimilated into the
+body of the text, seldom used as a check on the assertions of older
+authorities. They seem to float like drops of oil on the deep, or
+shallow, waters of authoritative learning. Conversely, in works
+recording contemporary events—histories, chronicles, letters—we often
+come across facts and theories that were taken from older books; but
+these were infrequently subjected to critical examination in the light
+of contemporary knowledge. On the contrary, they were usually treated
+with indulgence or respect merely because they were old, even when
+observed phenomena seemed to prove them false.
+
+In the present as in the foregoing parts of this book the attempt is
+made to distinguish between these two distinct types of geographical
+lore. For many regions the geographical ideas are indicated that were
+derived from Pliny, Solinus, Isidore, Bede, and other encyclopedists and
+that found expression in treatises like the _De imagine mundi_, the
+_Otia imperialia_, and the _Image du monde_. In contrast to these there
+is set forth the kind of information that was being gathered by
+contemporary eyewitnesses.
+
+
+                  GRADATIONS OF ACCURACY OF KNOWLEDGE
+
+Maps are sometimes drawn at the present day to show the state of
+progress of geographical knowledge. Upon these by various tints or
+shadings are indicated tracts that are accurately surveyed, partially
+surveyed, known only through route traverses, known only through reports
+from natives, or totally unknown. No such map could be constructed to
+show the character of regional knowledge in the Middle Ages, because our
+sources of information are not sufficiently complete and because the
+knowledge both actually and potentially available varied from country to
+country, from community to community, even from individual to
+individual. The printing press and facility of communication between the
+peoples of the world has rendered scientific knowledge or, at any rate,
+the possibility of obtaining scientific knowledge the common property of
+all modern civilizations. An Australian student, for instance, if he is
+willing to take the time and trouble, can learn through research
+virtually all that is known to Danish or Icelandic scholars about the
+geography of Greenland. In the Middle Ages, on the contrary, we may feel
+certain that the Danes and Norwegians had at hand much detailed
+information on Greenland and the Arctic shores of Europe that the
+Italian had no means whatever of obtaining. Correspondingly, the Italian
+trader of Genoa or Venice unquestionably knew a great deal about remote
+parts of Asia and North Africa that could never reach the ears of an
+author of a _De imagine mundi_ or of a Lambert of St. Omer, writing in
+quiet cloisters of France or Belgium.
+
+Yet if, for these reasons, we cannot show on a map the gradations in the
+character and accuracy of Western geographical knowledge in the age of
+the Crusades, such gradations nevertheless existed. From the point of
+view of Western Europe as a whole they might be grouped in a broad way
+as follows. First there were the well-known regions about which
+knowledge was derived and kept fresh through active commercial,
+diplomatic, ecclesiastical, military, and scholarly enterprise. These
+regions may be said to have included most of Europe west of the Elbe and
+Hungary. They also included the overland routes to Constantinople, the
+shores of the Mediterranean, and the Holy Land. From the point of view
+of the Scandinavian peoples, who were great travelers, they took in not
+only the foregoing regions but also the Baltic coasts, southern Norway
+and Sweden, and Iceland. Beyond the bounds of the well-known areas lay a
+second group of areas about which a fair amount of reasonably
+trustworthy information was at hand, derived from one of three sources:
+(1) reports of occasional travelers; (2) more or less reliable hearsay;
+(3) classical descriptions drawn from literary sources. Much of Western
+Asia and North Africa fell within this category and, for the
+Scandinavians, Greenland. Beyond lay the third group of regions known
+only through the vaguest of rumors—the domains of fabulous monsters and
+legendary men. To some writers India was such a land, to others Russia
+and northern Scandinavia, to still others the legendary isles that lay
+concealed in the Western Ocean. Finally, beyond them came those regions
+lying without the known world, about which the men of the Middle Ages
+themselves would have acknowledged that they knew nothing: the austral
+continent, the countries of the antipodeans, _antoikoi_, _antichthones_,
+which have been discussed in an earlier chapter. No boundaries could be
+drawn setting off these various tracts from one another; the well-known
+shaded off imperceptibly into the less well-known, and the vaguely known
+merged into fairyland; within each well-known tract were islands of
+doubt and mystery, and fabulous stories were told of even the most
+commonplace features of the landscape.
+
+
+                      _THE “OIKOUMENE” AS A WHOLE_
+
+Before turning to the various regions of the known world—the
+_oikoumene_, as the Greeks called it; the _orbis terrarum_ or
+_habitatio_ of the Romans—something must be said concerning theories
+about the _oikoumene_ as a whole, about its center, and about Paradise
+and the four rivers of Paradise. It was usually supposed that the
+_oikoumene_ itself occupies a relatively restricted part of the surface
+of the globe. The words of Seneca to the effect that there is only a
+short distance from Spain to India imply that the known world must
+stretch out over much more than a half of the circumference of the
+sphere.[1175] Though these words were often read in our period, scant
+attention was paid either to them or to the Arabic interpretation of
+Aristotle’s similar theory until a later date. Roger Bacon’s specific
+explanation that the _habitatio_ extends around much more than half the
+earth’s circumference represents an opinion that was exceptional.[1176]
+The majority of the thinkers of the twelfth and early thirteenth
+centuries who speculated on the subject at all were probably under the
+spell of the theory fostered by Macrobius, which made our habitable
+portion of the earth one of four similar regions separated from each
+other by two oceans.[1177] This undoubtedly was the view most widely
+accepted, but in addition the idea was perhaps already being propounded
+early in the twelfth century that the lands of the known world form
+merely a small portion of the surface of the terrestrial sphere emerging
+above the surface of a larger, enveloping sphere of water.[1178]
+
+
+                THE “OIKOUMENE” DIVIDED INTO THREE PARTS
+
+The writers of the Crusading age were unanimous in dividing the
+_oikoumene_ itself into three parts, Asia, Libya (or Africa), and
+Europe. Bernard Sylvester said: “In two parts the ether, and likewise in
+two parts the air, but in three parts you are to understand that the
+land is divided,”[1179] almost as if a tripartite division of the lands
+were in accord with a law of nature. This division was inevitable in
+view of what was known of the arrangement of lands and seas.
+Orosius,[1180] however, had spoken of certain writers who would split
+the known world in two, making Africa a part of Europe “because of its
+small size” and making Asia as large as Africa and Europe together.
+Those who had preferred to conceive of Africa as a separate continent,
+he had said, did so not on account of its size but because it is cut off
+from Europe by an arm of the sea. These words of Orosius were quoted by
+Otto of Freising[1181] and by Gervase of Tilbury.[1182] The theory that
+Asia is equal in size to Europe and Africa put together is reproduced by
+the author of the _De situ terrarum_,[1183] and upon it was based that
+symmetrical division of the world’s surface which we find depicted on
+the so-called T-O maps of the early Middle Ages.[1184]
+
+Isidore of Seville drew largely from Orosius in writing his chapters on
+geography. Theoretically he accepted the tripartite division,[1185] but
+in his actual treatment of the countries of the world he appended a
+discussion of islands to his discussion of the continents. In this he
+was followed by the author of the _De imagine mundi_ and by many other
+writers of the time,[1186] all of whom declared that the earth’s surface
+is divided in three, but added chapters on the islands after their
+descriptions of Asia, Africa, and Europe.
+
+
+                    _THE CENTER OF THE “OIKOUMENE”_
+
+
+                        JERUSALEM AS THE CENTER
+
+During the Middle Ages the idea that Jerusalem is at the center of the
+_oikoumene_ seems gradually to have gained ground. Arculf, a bishop of
+an unknown see in Gaul and pilgrim to the Holy Land, so described it as
+early as the close of the seventh century;[1187] but the tradition does
+not appear to have become established in the cartography of the West
+until the twelfth or even the thirteenth century.[1188] To place
+Jerusalem at the center was to recognize the preëminence given that city
+in Scripture, not only in the New but also in the Old Testament.[1189]
+It is natural for primitive peoples to think that the most holy of all
+places occupies a central position:[1190] the Greeks believed that
+either Delphi or Olympus was the navel of the earth;[1191] the
+Scandinavians thought the same was true of Asgard; the Hindus, of Mount
+Meru; the Babylonians, of Nippur.[1192] Gervase of Tilbury argues in a
+confused, semi-theological manner on the position of Jerusalem:[1193]
+Augustus, he believed, had thought that Judea was the heart of the earth
+because that Emperor had begun a survey of the provinces of the empire
+there; in addition, from texts of the Bible Gervase attempted to
+demonstrate that Jerusalem is halfway between the North and the South,
+that by “antithesis” it must be halfway between the East and the West,
+and consequently must be at the center of the known world.
+
+
+                THE EXACT POSITION OF THE EARTH’S CENTER
+
+There seems to have existed in the minds of writers some confusion as to
+the exact spot that marks the navel of the earth. A map of the year 1110
+identifies it with Mount Zion.[1194] The pilgrim Saewulf, who was in the
+Holy Land in 1102 and 1103, says:[1195] “At the head of the Church of
+the Holy Sepulchre, in the wall outside, not far from the place called
+Calvary, is the place called Compas, which our Lord Jesus Christ himself
+signified and measured with his own hand as the middle of the world,
+according to the words of the Psalmist, ‘For God is my king of old,
+working salvation in the midst of the earth.’ But some say that this is
+the place where our Lord Jesus Christ first appeared to Mary Magdalene,
+while she sought him weeping and thought he had been a gardener, as is
+related in the Gospels” (Thomas Wright’s translation).[1196]
+
+In certain astronomical notes of the early twelfth century an anonymous
+writer (possibly Adelard of Bath) asserts that Mount “Amor reorum” is
+the center of the earth and that he proved this to be the case by
+experiment.[1197] It would seem that upon this mountain (possibly Mount
+Moriah) he hung a log, twelve cubits long by three in diameter,
+suspending it vertically in the air by means of a rope, and that at the
+time of the summer solstice he observed that the shadow of the log was
+directly beneath and circular in shape. This, he asserted, showed that
+Mount “Amor reorum” was the center of the earth. To clinch the veracity
+of his observation, he added that he had not been drinking wine and that
+his eyes were not satiated with sleep. Although the sun is not directly
+overhead at the summer solstice in Palestine, the same idea reappears in
+the _Otia imperialia_ of Gervase of Tilbury.[1198] Gervase seems to
+favor, as the center of the earth, the well where Christ spoke to the
+Samaritan woman.[1199] He adds that this well has the characteristic
+that philosophers attribute to wells on the Tropic of Cancer at Syene in
+Africa, that is to say, that the sun shines directly into it at the
+summer solstice every year.
+
+
+                       _THE TERRESTRIAL PARADISE_
+
+
+                          PARADISE IN THE EAST
+
+Most medieval maps include in the eastern part of the world a picture of
+the Terrestrial Paradise,[1200] surrounded by a high wall or mountain
+range and containing within it figures of Adam and Eve and the
+serpent[1201] (see above, Fig. 2, p. 69). “The first place in the East
+is Paradise, a garden famous for its delights, where man can never go,
+for a fiery wall surrounds it and reaches to the sky. Here is the tree
+of life which gives immortality, here the fountain which divides into
+four streams that go forth and water the world.”[1202] “Around Paradise
+extends a savage, trackless waste, infested with wild beasts and
+serpents.”[1203]
+
+This was the orthodox medieval view, to be found in Peter Abelard’s
+commentary on the Works of the Six Days,[1204] in the _De situ
+terrarum_,[1205] and in the _Image du monde_.[1206] Gervase of Tilbury
+copies it word for word from the _De imagine mundi_[1207] but gives
+additional details in another connection,[1208]where he tells us that
+Paradise was the seat of the first of the four universal monarchies,
+that of Adam; that it was so called because of its delights, for
+“delight” is the meaning of the word “Eden,” and that the Garden makes a
+spot of marvelous deliciousness, separated from our inhabited earth by a
+long tract of land and sea and elevated so high that it reaches the
+sphere of the moon, so high that the waters of the Deluge failed to
+disturb it.[1209] Peter Lombard explained why it is thought that
+Paradise is in the East:[1210] Scripture, he said, teaches us that God
+made man outside of Paradise and placed him ready-fashioned in the
+Garden of Delights which had been planted by the divine power at the
+beginning of time (_a principio_). In an old translation, Peter
+explained, instead of this phrase, _a principio_, the words _ad
+Orientem_ were given, and consequently the earlier translator would have
+had us believe that Paradise was to be found in the eastern parts of the
+earth. Peter added that a long stretch of land and sea cut Paradise off
+from the regions inhabited by men and that it was situated on a height
+touching the circle of the moon’s orbit, whence it came about that the
+waters of the Deluge could not penetrate thither.
+
+It was generally agreed that Paradise is in Asia,[1211] although this
+was not a universal belief. Hermann the Dalmatian in 1143 asserted that
+there was “no mean opinion” that Paradise lies beyond “Amphitrites,” the
+ocean which encircles the earth from north to south, and that
+indications of its presence had been found both to eastward and to
+westward.[1212] Gervase said that it could be forcibly argued that the
+Garden lies beyond the Torrid Zone and is inaccessible to man, though he
+did not commit himself either for or against this theory.[1213] Robert
+Grosseteste speaks of theologians who would place Paradise under the
+equator.[1214] Otto of Freising’s words[1215] also seem to imply
+indirectly that the Garden is not in Asia, for Otto tells us that
+Alexander the Great conquered the entire Orient from Scythia to the ends
+of the earth. The same idea may be gathered from the _De situ
+terrarum_,[1216] which places the Seres and not Paradise in the farthest
+East, and also from the cycle of romances of Alexander, which relate how
+the Macedonian hero conquered all those Oriental regions where Paradise
+was usually supposed to be. The _mappaemundi_ of Henry of Mayence[1217]
+and of Lambert of St. Omer[1218] place Paradise on an island beyond the
+easternmost limits of the habitable world; but St. Brandan found the
+Saint’s Land of Promise (probably no other than Paradise) far out in the
+Western Ocean.[1219] As a matter of fact there was no uniformity of
+opinion regarding the geographical position of the Happy Land: St.
+Augustine, whose works were read during our period, had even gone so far
+as to state that Paradise had no real existence at all but was merely an
+allegorical conception.[1220] A child is not worried about the latitude
+and longitude of fairyland, and the average man of the Middle Ages was
+just as little worried about the exact whereabouts of the Garden of
+Eden.
+
+Nevertheless, in one version of the Romance of Alexander a logical
+outcome of the conqueror’s travels in the Far East was recognized. In
+the _Iter ad Paradisum_[1221] Alexander is actually brought to the gates
+of Paradise. When he had subjugated India he came to a broad river which
+he understood to be the Ganges; embarking with five hundred men on a
+ship that happened to be at hand, he arrived at the end of a month
+before an immense city surrounded by a wall on all sides. Here, after
+various adventures, he learned from a Jew that this city was the place
+where the souls of the just were sojourning until the Last Judgment or,
+in other words, that it was the Terrestrial Paradise.
+
+
+                          JOURNEYS TO PARADISE
+
+The _Iter ad Paradisum_ and the various versions of the legend of St.
+Brandan’s voyage are examples of a type of story very common in the
+Middle Ages, the story of actual journeys to Paradise by mortal
+men.[1222] Among these we should include the account of the visit there
+of Adam’s son, Seth, who brought back seeds from the tree of knowledge
+which were planted in Adam’s mouth after the latter’s death; the seeds
+ultimately sprouted into a great tree, the wood of which was used to
+make Christ’s cross.[1223] Tales were told of the sojourns of pious
+monks in Paradise and of how on their return to the homes of men they
+found that what had seemed only three days in the Garden of Delights was
+in reality a period of three hundred years. Godfrey of Viterbo in his
+_Pantheon_[1224] relates a tale of a hundred brothers who, like St.
+Brandan, made widespread explorations in the ocean before coming to
+Paradise, a golden mountain redolent with wonderful odors and adorned
+with an image of the Virgin and Child. Another story, dating from an
+earlier time but undoubtedly well known during our period, was that of
+the fabulous St. Macarius.[1225] Three brothers from a convent between
+the Tigris and Euphrates set out to find the place where “the earth
+joins the sky.” After crossing Persia they entered India—a land of
+wonders, of cynocephali and of pygmies, of serpents and of darkness.
+Here they came upon the altars set up by Alexander the Great to mark the
+limits of his wanderings,[1226] and beyond them reached miraculous
+countries filled with giants and birds that talked. At last, about
+twenty miles from the Terrestrial Paradise, they found Macarius, a man
+of hoary age, dwelling in a cave on friendly terms with two lions.
+Macarius told them a romantic story, in the course of which he described
+the wonders of Paradise but, alas, emphasized the fact that this
+long-sought-for garden was absolutely inaccessible to human beings.
+
+
+                         THE RIVERS OF PARADISE
+
+The account of the four rivers of Paradise, like other passages in
+Scripture, was interpreted both allegorically and literally. In the
+religious art of our period these streams were often depicted in stone,
+glass, or miniature as symbolizing the four evangelists spreading the
+gospel throughout the world.[1227] Neckam, after mentioning Paradise and
+the rivers, goes on to explain that, just as the world is watered by the
+four streams, so “by the gift of the Holy Ghost the garden of the Holy
+Church is irrigated by the four virtues, Justice, Temperance, Fortitude,
+and Prudence.”[1228] Literal interpretation of the passage, on the other
+hand, would present difficulties to the modern hydrographer, but these
+difficulties were easily overcome in the Middle Ages by appeal to the
+familiar theory of subterranean watercourses.[1229]
+
+The author of the _De imagine mundi_,[1230] copying from Isidore,[1231]
+makes the four rivers disappear into the ground, whence they spring
+forth in lands far distant; and some of the maps of our period represent
+all four rivers as rising from a central source within the Garden and
+vanishing into the earth at its walls or not far beyond. The Psalter
+map,[1232] on the other hand, shows no less than five rivers issuing
+from an aperture leading out of Paradise and spreading out like a fan
+over the interior of Asia. Abelard[1233] explains carefully that if we
+interpret the Bible correctly there can be but one river within
+Paradise, that this divides into four outside of the Garden, and that
+the names given to each of the four are applied to those parts only
+“which flow from their sources to the sea.” We may assume that he refers
+here to the portions of the rivers between points where they issue from
+their subterranean passages and their mouths. Some writers would seem to
+imply, Abelard continues, that we cannot take literally the words of the
+Bible because the sources of some of the four streams are known and
+those of others are not. But, he asks, may not those streams, whose
+sources are supposedly known, in reality arise elsewhere far away and
+pass through numerous countries before issuing forth to the knowledge of
+mankind? There is no question but that this is the case with many
+streams, as is shown, he adds, by the statement in Boethius’ _De
+consolatione philosophiae_ (a famous work of the sixth century much read
+throughout the Middle Ages) that “the Tigris and the Euphrates spring
+from one source.”
+
+One version of the legend of Prester John informs us that the four
+rivers of Paradise all arise in a spring in the mountains of India and
+water the two Indias.[1234] Like most rivers of Prester John’s realm,
+they give forth quantities of gold and precious stones at regular
+intervals three times a year.
+
+Discussion of the individual characteristics of each of the four rivers
+falls more logically with the treatment of the ideas concerning the
+countries through which they flow and will be reserved until later. In
+most of the geographical works of our period, however, the rivers
+receive special consideration immediately after the remarks on Paradise
+and before the description of the regions of Asia. Their unusual origin
+and character, as described in Scripture, entitled them to particular
+distinction: they were holy streams to Jew and Christian alike. It is,
+then, a peculiarly eloquent commentary on the paganism of Bernard
+Sylvester to find that he mentions and describes the Euphrates, Tigris,
+and Nile in his _De mundi universitate_[1235] without referring to
+Paradise in connection with any of these three streams. To his thinking
+they would seem to have occupied no higher or holier place among streams
+than Tiber, Rhone, or Seine.
+
+
+                                 _ASIA_
+
+There are no more absorbing chapters in the history of geography than
+those connected with the growth of European knowledge of Asia in
+antiquity and during the Middle Ages [1236] and with its converse, the
+growth of Oriental knowledge of the Occident.[1237] Of late years the
+historical and archeological investigations of Albert von Le Coq, Sir
+Aurel Stein, Edouard Chavannes, Paul Pelliot, and Albert Herrmann have
+thrown a flood of light on the connections that existed in the earlier
+medieval period between eastern and western Asia. While these early
+connections may have brought some vague information regarding the Far
+East to the Byzantine world, they probably exerted almost no influence
+upon the conceptions of Asia prevalent in Western Europe before the
+middle of the thirteenth century.
+
+
+             THE OPENING OF ASIA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY
+
+Relations between the Far East and Far West, however, were profoundly
+modified by certain events that took place during the first half of the
+thirteenth century. As a result of these events, Farther Asia for the
+first time in history was opened to Occidental travelers. Beginning with
+the year 1245 no inconsiderable number of European missionaries and
+traders made their way overland through the hitherto unknown heart of
+the continent and penetrated to the mysterious region of Cathay (China)
+at the ultimate point of the world. For somewhat more than a century the
+veil of the Extreme Orient was drawn aside, but drawn aside only again
+to be closed when the disruption of the Mongol empires and the rise of
+the Ottoman Turks barred the overland routes. It remained for Portuguese
+and Spanish seafarers of the great age of maritime exploration to
+rediscover the Far East. The history of the earlier relations of eastern
+and western Asia and of the opening of that continent in the thirteenth
+and fourteenth centuries, however, falls outside our province and cannot
+be discussed in detail in the present volume. A few words, nevertheless,
+must be said on this subject in order that the traditional geographical
+lore of Asia in our period may be seen in its proper perspective.
+
+
+                          THE MONGOL CONQUESTS
+
+The events that led to the overland journeys sprang from the
+establishment of what was probably the most extensive military empire
+the world has ever known.[1238] Toward the end of the twelfth century,
+Temujin, chief of a small tribe dwelling near the headwaters of the
+Amur, consolidated his dominion over the neighboring Mongol peoples of
+the steppes north and northwest of China. Proclaimed “Chinkkis Khan”
+(Jenghiz Khan), or “Inflexible Emperor,” in 1206, he soon conquered
+northern China and turned his hordes to the west; Turkestan was
+subjugated, Persia was invaded, and in 1222–1224 a detachment overran
+southern Russia in the course of a great whirlwind raid that completely
+encircled the Caspian Sea. Jenghiz Khan died in 1227, but under his
+successors the wave of conquest swept still farther westward. Toward the
+close of the thirties the steppes of Russia were again overwhelmed, in
+1240 Poland was devastated, and the Christian army of Henry of Silesia
+was defeated in 1241 at Liegnitz, near Breslau. Meanwhile another Mongol
+army was ravaging Hungary and had even driven the king of that country
+to seek refuge in an island off the Dalmatian coast. Relief to the
+stricken people of Central Europe came, however, in 1243 when news of
+the death of the Great Khan caused the invaders to withdraw to the
+plains of Russia, there to maintain their hold for many centuries to
+come.
+
+These visitations of the Tatars, as the Mongols were called, took Europe
+unaware. “Barely a rumour” of the invasion of Russia in 1222 had
+“reached western Europe,” writes Rockhill,[1239] “and contemporary
+writers have left us but few brief references to it.” The first full
+description of the Tatars is given in Matthew Paris’ _Chronica
+maiora_[1240] for the date 1240, the following extracts of which, as
+translated by Rockhill, are worth quoting: “That the joys of mortal men
+be not enduring, nor worldly happiness long lasting without
+lamentations, in this same year (i.e. 1240) a detestable nation of
+Satan, to wit, the countless army of the Tartars, broke loose from its
+mountain-environed home, and piercing the solid rocks (of the Caucasus),
+poured forth like devils from the Tartarus, so that they are rightly
+called Tartari or Tartarians. Swarming like locusts over the face of the
+earth, they have brought terrible devastation to the eastern parts (of
+Europe), laying it waste with fire and carnage.... They are inhuman and
+beastly, rather monsters than men, thirsting for and drinking blood,
+tearing and devouring the flesh of dogs and men, dressed in ox-hides,
+armed with plates of iron, short and stout, thickset, strong,
+invincible, indefatigable, their backs unprotected, their breasts
+covered with armour.... They are without human laws, know no comforts,
+are more ferocious than lions or bears, have boats made of ox-hides,
+which ten or twelve of them own in common: they are able to swim or to
+manage a boat, so that they can cross the largest and swiftest rivers
+without let or hindrance, drinking turbid or muddy water when blood
+fails them (as beverage).... They know no other language than their own,
+which no one else knows; for until now there has been no access to them,
+nor did they go forth (from their own country); ... They wander about
+with their flocks and their wives, who are taught to fight like men....
+It is believed that these Tartars, of cursed memory, are of the ten
+tribes who, having forsaken the Mosaic law, followed after the golden
+calves, and whom Alexander the Macedonian endeavoured at first to shut
+up in the rugged mountains of the Caspians with bitumen-covered
+rocks.[1241] When he saw that the undertaking exceeded the power of man,
+he invoked the might of the God of Israel, and the tops of the mountains
+came together, and an inaccessible and impassable place was made.... It
+is written in sacred history that they shall come out toward the end of
+the world, and shall make a great slaughter of men. There arises,
+however, a doubt whether the Tartars now coming from there be really
+they, for they do not use the Hebrew tongue, neither do they know the
+laws of Moses, nor have they laws, nor are they governed by them....”
+
+Despite the impression of extreme ferocity reflected in this passage,
+after the warlike ardor of conquest had somewhat subsided, the Mongols
+showed themselves not intolerant in their attitude toward strangers and
+not unreceptive of foreign influence. The immediate result of their
+withdrawal from Hungary to Russia and the consequent removal of the
+direct menace to Central Europe was the dispatch of Christian
+ecclesiastics as ambassadors to the Mongol lords. Rumors had come to
+Europe that these nomads from the Far East were monotheists, and hope
+sprang up that they might be converted to Roman Catholic Christianity
+and used to offset the reviving Moslem power menacing the Christian
+states of the Holy Land.[1242] The origin of the rumors which gave rise
+to this elusive hope is to be sought in the fact that the Nestorian form
+of Christianity had been firmly established among some of the Mongol
+tribes north of the Great Wall of China and was represented even in
+their ruling dynasty. Furthermore, these rumors seemed to confirm and be
+confirmed by the reports that had been in circulation since the twelfth
+century of the existence of a great Christian kingdom of Prester John in
+the remote interior of Asia.[1243]
+
+
+                      THIRTEENTH-CENTURY JOURNEYS
+
+The journeys of the diplomatic missions sent out by Pope Innocent IV and
+by Louis IX, King of France, in 1245 and the years immediately following
+have often been described.[1244] The Pope’s envoy, John of Pian de
+Carpine,[1245] and Louis’ representative, William of Rubruck,[1246]
+reached the Mongol capital at Karakorum, near Lake Baikal, and on their
+return wrote graphic narratives of their journeys, which have been
+preserved and which give full account of the Tatars and their customs.
+Many of the observations made by John of Pian de Carpine and by Simon of
+St. Quentin (who took part in an expedition under Friar Ascelin, or
+Anselm, sent by the Pope to a Mongol ruler in Persia in 1247) are
+included in the _Speculum historiale_ of Vincent of Beauvais.[1247] The
+geographical information acquired by Rubruck, although it was ignored by
+other writers of the period, found its way to Roger Bacon, who
+incorporated much of it in the _Opus majus_.[1248]
+
+The way shown by Pian de Carpine and Rubruck was soon followed by Nicolo
+and Maffeo Polo, whose incentive was commercial, and by their far more
+famous son and nephew, Marco.[1249] Marco Polo’s amazing wanderings were
+succeeded by the journeys of others, among them the wonderful missionary
+enterprises of John of Monte Corvino, Riccold of Monte Croce, and
+Orderic of Pordenone. The story of these and other travels of the
+period,[1250] fascinatingly told in the third volume of Beazley’s _Dawn
+of Modern Geography_, falls far beyond the limits of our subject.
+Suffice it to remark, however, that the wanderings of the adventurous
+traders and friars were generally forgotten in the West during the
+centuries that followed and were largely ignored, even in the literature
+of the time itself. Marco Polo was branded as an impostor, and the
+traditional lore of eastern Asia that had come down from the days of the
+Roman Empire, together with its accretions of legend and romance, was
+held to be more worthy of credence than the observations of
+eyewitnesses. We must now turn to this traditional lore as expressed in
+the writings of the time of the Crusades.
+
+
+                   THE GREAT MOUNTAIN SYSTEM OF ASIA
+
+Asia, the author of the _De imagine mundi_[1251] tells us, quoting from
+Isidore,[1252] derived its name from a queen of that name.
+
+The great system of mountains which runs eastward through the heart of
+the continent—the Caucasus, the ranges of northern Persia, the Hindu
+Kush, the Himalayas—was well known to the Greek geographers, and the men
+of our time had acquired some hazy notions about it through reading
+Orosius and Isidore.[1253] Gervase of Tilbury,[1254] copying
+Orosius,[1255] tells how the Caucasus, joined by the “Imabus” (Imaus),
+divides India from Scythia and extends the entire length of Asia as far
+east as the Seric Ocean, though bearing different names in its eastern
+parts. Several of the maps show a straight range of mountains running
+east and west across the continent and labeled with various names
+(Taurus, Caucasus, Ceraunius, Paropamisus).[1256] The Jerome map[1257]
+reveals, on the other hand, many mountains in Asia but does not make
+them continuous.
+
+According to the _De imagine mundi_, the Caucasus divides the countries
+of southern from those of northern Asia. Among the former were India,
+Parthia, Mesopotamia, and Palestine, reaching in a straight line from
+the Far East to the Mediterranean.[1258] Egypt, which was regarded as
+belonging to Asia by the Greek geographers and by Isidore, was held to
+adjoin Palestine on the west, and to be part of this southern tier of
+countries. North of the Caucasus were the lands of the Seres, Bactria,
+Hyrcania, and Scythia, in the east, and in western Asia, Armenia, the
+country of Mount Ararat, Cappadocia (“where mares conceive through the
+wind alone and give birth to foals that live only three years”), and
+finally Asia Minor, almost completely surrounded by the sea.[1259]
+
+
+                        THE LAND OF THE “SERES”
+
+At the eastern end of Asia, Gervase, following the Roman geographers,
+had placed the Seres on the shores of an ocean named after them.[1260]
+“Seres” was a classical designation of the people of China in so far as
+that country was the terminus of the overland route toward the Far East
+described by Pliny and Ptolemy. Beyond vast solitudes, the former had
+said,[1261] you come to this remote land, where the people comb silk
+from the trees; though they carry on an extensive trade in this
+commodity, they avoid all personal dealings with strangers (whose
+commercial morality must have been high) by leaving the silk on the
+banks of streams to be picked up by those who wish to procure it.
+Solinus [1262] copied Pliny’s account, but Isidore,[1263] followed by
+the author of the _De imagine mundi_,[1264] gives us less detail, merely
+stating that Seres is a city of the East, from which were named the
+Seric region, the people, and a kind of cloth. Pausanias first among
+classical writers had understood that silk comes from a worm. The silk
+manufacture was introduced into the Byzantine Empire in 552 A. D., and
+it may well be from Byzantine sources that there originated the more or
+less correct understanding of its production revealed in the _Letter of
+Prester John_,[1265] where we are informed that the salamander is a worm
+which makes a sort of capsule (_pellicula_) around him, “as do the other
+worms that make silk.”
+
+
+                                 CHINA
+
+If the land of the Seres lay at the end of the overland route eastward,
+the sea route ended, according to the _Periplus of the Erythraean Sea_,
+at the land of “Thin” (China), and according to Ptolemy’s _Geography_ at
+the country of the “Sinae.”[1266] Here we have the first use in the West
+of the word “China,” knowledge of which had probably reached the
+Occident through Arabic channels, though not until the sixteenth century
+was it recognized that the land of the “Seres” (Cathay) and “China” were
+the same.[1267] An indication of the Ptolemaic “Sinae” is found in Plato
+of Tivoli’s translation of Al-Battānī’s _Astronomy_:[1268] here a branch
+of the Indian Ocean is described as reaching to the furthest point of
+India where lies “Thiema” (China).
+
+Benjamin of Tudela also speaks of the country of “Zin,” or China, in the
+uttermost East near the reputed Sea of Nikpa, where violent and stormy
+winds blow—possibly the typhoons of Far Eastern waters. Ships carried
+into this sea by the winds stick fast there; their supplies of food give
+out, and the crews often die of starvation. In order to avoid this fate,
+some of the men, armed with knives, throw themselves into the sea and
+are carried to shore in the talons of an enormous bird, the griffon. By
+slaying the griffon with their knives they are able to escape.[1269]
+This story reminds us, on the one hand, of Western reports of the
+congealed sea[1270] and, on the other, of Arabic tales of the Rukh,
+which reappear in Marco Polo’s travels.[1271]
+
+
+                                 INDIA
+
+
+                             _Subdivisions_
+
+More abundant and somewhat more accurate information was to be had
+regarding India. This name was applied loosely to cover all of Farther
+Asia: the anonymous report of the visit of the Patriarch John of India
+to Rome in 1122 calls India the ultimate border of the world. The
+Pseudo-Abdias[1272] had quoted “certain historiographers” as asserting
+that there are three Indias, the first facing Ethiopia, the second
+facing the country of the Medes, and the third occupying the end of the
+earth, with the realm of darkness on one side and the ocean on the
+other. The threefold division of India was found on many of the
+maps.[1273] It was adopted by Ordericus Vitalis in his _Historia
+ecclesiastica_.[1274] It undoubtedly inspired the declaration in the
+_Letter of Prester John_[1275] that that potentate rules over the “three
+Indias,” and probably with it in mind Gervase of Tilbury[1276] spoke of
+“India superior,” where St. Bartholomew, “India inferior,” where St.
+Thomas, and “India meridiana,” where St. Matthew preached. On the other
+hand, there is evidence of a twofold division of India in the
+_Elysaeus_[1277] account of Prester John’s kingdom. The broad and loose
+medieval usage of the term “India” is especially well shown in the
+_Image du monde_, where it comprises not only what we now know as
+Hindustan but also Persia.[1278]
+
+Limiting ourselves to the narrower definition of India, the tract
+between the Himalayas and the ocean, let us see what was believed to
+exist there.
+
+
+                       _Facts Known About India_
+
+A few facts were known, many half-facts, and a great many more fables.
+This knowledge and misinformation was based to a very large extent on
+classical authority, for little new had been learned about these parts
+of the world since the days of Pliny. First let us examine the facts and
+half-facts.[1279] It was known that much of India lies beyond the tropic
+so that the shadows fall south in summer and north in winter. It was
+known that a giant range of mountains encloses India on the north, and
+perhaps there was a hint of familiarity with the Himalayan forests in
+the old story of trees so lofty that they touch the skies. It was
+likewise known that the Ganges takes its rise in the mountains to the
+north and is joined by many streams. According to Isidore, who was
+followed by the _De imagine mundi_, Peter Abelard, Gervase of Tilbury,
+Peter Comestor, and a host of other plagiarizers,[1280] the Ganges is no
+other than the Pison, one of the rivers of Paradise, which springs from
+Mount Orcobares and flows eastward to the ocean. Peter Comestor
+explains[1281] that “Phison” may mean “flock,” because ten rivers join
+to make this stream,[1282] an interpretation in which we see perhaps a
+reflection of the true characteristics of the great stream of India, so
+strikingly different from the other three “rivers of Paradise” by reason
+of its multitude of tributaries. The same idea, or possibly even a
+suggestion of the Ganges delta with its many outlets, is found in the
+_Letter of Prester John_[1283] where the river Ydonus is mentioned as
+one of the streams of Paradise, flowing across a pagan province of the
+realm of the great Christian potentate and spreading its branches
+throughout the entire area. The “Ydonus” doubtless means the Pison, or
+Ganges. It was also known in the time we are studying that there are
+other mighty rivers of India, among them the Indus, sweeping into the
+ocean.[1284] Likewise it was appreciated that India supports an immense
+population and enormous riches; that many of the people are
+Brahmins—though little enough was understood about their religion; and
+that some of them practiced the custom of suttee, which prescribed that
+wives burn themselves on the funeral pyres of their husbands.
+
+Benjamin of Tudela acquired (probably in Mesopotamia) some information
+about Khulam, or Quilon, a great medieval seaport on the Malabar coast.
+He comments briefly on the honesty and dark complexions of the natives,
+the intense heat of the summer, the practices connected with the
+cultivation of pepper, the customs of embalming the dead, and the
+superstitions of sun worship.[1285]
+
+
+                           _Marvels of India_
+
+But India was above all else a land of marvels (Fig. 8). Here were
+pygmies who fight with storks and giants who combat with griffons; here
+were “gymnosophists” who contemplate the sun all day, standing in the
+hot rays first on one leg and then on the other; here were men with feet
+turned backward and eight toes on each foot; _cynocephali_, or men with
+dogs’ heads and claws, who bark and snarl; people whose women give birth
+to but one child and that one with white hair; races whose hair is white
+in youth but turns dark with age; one-eyed men; people who shade
+themselves from the sun by lying on their backs and holding up a single
+huge foot (_skiapodes_); persons who live on the smell of food alone;
+headless men with eyes in their stomachs; forest peoples with hairy
+bodies, dogs’ teeth, and terrific voices; and a variety of horrible
+non-human monsters combining the parts of several animals.[1286]
+
+These marvels and more still are related by nearly all the Western
+writers of our period who concern themselves with India and the Orient.
+They originated, as we have seen, early in classical times. Collected by
+Ctesias,[1287] Pliny, Solinus and others, they were passed on to our
+age, when we find them faithfully retold by the author of the _De
+imagine mundi_, by Gervase of Tilbury, by Rudolf of Hohen-Ems,[1288] and
+in the _Image du monde_. They made their way into the Romance of
+Alexander as exemplified by the _Pseudo-Callisthenes_ and the _Letter
+from Alexander to Aristotle_. In short, the “marvels of India” were a
+stock feature of medieval geography.[1289] They figure on maps and in
+miniatures and even in architectural sculpture—a _skiapod_ helps adorn
+the façade of Sens cathedral.
+
+Two mythological personages and one historical character, the story of
+whose exploits became mythological in the Middle Ages, were supposed to
+have visited India. These were Bacchus (Liber Pater), Hercules, and
+Alexander the Great. The Altar of Liber and the Column of Hercules are
+shown on the Psalter map in the region between the Red Sea and
+Paradise.[1290] On the Jerome map of Palestine two columns mark the
+ultimate limits of the journeys of Alexander and of Hercules.[1291] _The
+Letter of Alexander to Aristotle_ mentions the miraculous trees of the
+sun and moon, which spoke oracular words to the Macedonian conqueror and
+figured widely in the medieval geography of the Far East, appearing
+prominently on many of the maps.[1292]
+
+
+                    _Legend of St. Thomas in India_
+
+Though classical antiquity was the main source of medieval knowledge and
+fancy concerning India, it was not the only source. The mysterious
+Ophir, whence came the gold and jewels of Solomon, was placed in India
+on the Lambert map [1293] and on the Jerome map of the world.[1294]
+There also early came into existence a well-rooted idea that this
+country was the home of a large and flourishing Christian colony. The
+origins of the latter belief are to be found in reports which had
+filtered through to Europe at an early date of St. Thomas the Apostle’s
+preaching of the gospel in India and of the existence of Nestorian
+Christianity in southern Hindustan.[1295] The story of St. Thomas
+contains some elements of geographical interest.[1296] Christ was said
+to have sold Thomas to the merchant Habban in order that he might be
+taken to India to convert the people. Once arrived there by ship, having
+landed at a port of Sandaruk, or Andrapolis, he succeeded in gaining for
+the Christian religion the king, Gundophorus, and his brothers. The
+saint built for the king a palace in heaven. According to the original
+story, this palace was not a real structure but merely the symbol of a
+heavenly habitation for the monarch. As the legend was subsequently
+developed, St. Thomas was represented as an architect whom Gundophorus
+summoned to his court to build an actual dwelling, and one of the
+miracles by which the saint succeeded in converting the Indian potentate
+to Christianity was his almost instantaneous construction of the palace.
+The legend then proceeds to relate how St. Thomas was conducted by one
+Siphorius to the kingdom of a certain Mazdeus, of his martyrdom at the
+hands of the latter, and of the subsequent removal of his body to Edessa
+in Syria.
+
+[Illustration:
+
+  FIG. 8—Two sections from the Hereford map to illustrate the marvels of
+    India. (From the reproduction accompanying Miller, _Mappaemundi_,
+    vol. iv, 1896.)
+
+  In this first section are shown, among others, a _skiapod_, or
+    sunshade-footed man (to the left), and _cynocephali_, or men with
+    dogs’ heads.
+]
+
+[Illustration:
+
+  FIG. 8 (second section)—In this section is shown a _mantichora_, or
+    beast with a man’s head and a lion’s body.
+]
+
+The stories of St. Thomas and St. Bartholomew were often retold during
+our period, notably, for instance, in the _Historia ecclesiastica_ of
+Ordericus Vitalis.[1297] The Osma Beatus map[1298] shows heads
+representing the twelve apostles in the various countries of the world;
+that of St. Thomas is placed in India (see Fig. 4, p. 123, above). The
+unknown writer of the _Letter of Prester John_ was undoubtedly familiar
+with the legend of St. Thomas, because he makes Prester John’s palace
+correspond exactly to the palace built by the saint.[1299] This legend
+was a favorite subject for representation in the sculptures of
+cathedrals and stained glass windows of the twelfth and thirteenth
+centuries.[1300]
+
+
+               _Visit of Patriarch John of India to Rome_
+
+Belief in the existence of a large Christian population in Asia was
+reënforced by an obscure event that took place in Rome in 1122. We have
+an anonymous account[1301] of the visit of a certain Patriarch John of
+India in that year and of the stupendous sensation which it created in
+the Roman curia and throughout the whole of Italy. The narrator informs
+us that in the course of countless ages no native was ever known to have
+come from those distant and barbaric Oriental regions, nor had any one
+ever before been seen in Italy who had actually been there.[1302] The
+purpose of the patriarch’s visit to the West originally was to procure
+at Byzantium the pallium and the confirmation of his office, which he
+had recently assumed on the death of his predecessor. At Byzantium,
+however, being told that Rome was in reality the capital of the
+world,[1303] he proceeded thither along with some homeward-bound Roman
+ambassadors and while in Rome gave a lecture about his native country
+before the papal curia. The principal city, he said, was Hulna, on the
+river Pison, one of the four rivers of Paradise; the city was of huge
+size, surrounded by gigantic walls and inhabited by faithful Christians.
+Outside the walls there was a mountain encircled by a very deep lake and
+on the top of the mountain was situated the Church of St. Thomas.
+Surrounding the lake were twelve monasteries erected in honor of the
+twelve apostles. The Church of St. Thomas was inaccessible except once a
+year, when the waters of the lake disappeared, allowing pilgrims to
+approach. The Patriarch John then went on to explain in considerable
+detail the marvels and miracles connected with the church.
+
+We should be inclined—and justifiably—to reject the story of Patriarch
+John’s visit as wholly fanciful, did it not seem to be confirmed by a
+letter[1304] to a certain Count Thomas written by Odo, abbot of St. Remi
+in Rheims (1118–1151), who happened to be in Rome at the time John was
+there. The report of Odo about this event was probably not derived from
+the anonymous account, from which it differs in several minor details.
+Among other matters, according to Odo, John speaks of a river, not a
+lake, surrounding the shrine of St. Thomas and of how its waters
+diminished as a result of drought and became passable to a boy of seven
+years during eight days before and eight days after the festival of the
+apostle. The whole clergy and (Christian) people of India were said to
+gather here on this occasion.
+
+We shall see shortly that these stories contributed to the formation of
+the curious medieval belief in the existence of a great Christian
+kingdom in the heart of Asia. First, however, we must consider what
+notions were current regarding the seas and islands to the south of
+India and the vast tracts to the northward beyond the Himalayan barrier.
+
+
+                              INDIAN OCEAN
+
+A very brilliant feature on the maps of our period is the Red Sea,
+almost invariably colored red. This name was given to the entire Indian
+Ocean, and the red color was applied to the Persian Gulf as well as to
+the “Arabian Gulf,” or Red Sea proper. The name “Indian Ocean” was also
+occasionally used, as, for example, on the Jerome map of the East.[1305]
+
+The Greeks had acquired some fairly correct information about the
+northwestern shores of the Indian Ocean and had heard vague rumors of
+the great peninsula and islands east and south of India: Malaya, Ceylon,
+Sumatra. Confused reports of the geography of Taprobane, or Ceylon, are
+found in classical works as far back as the time of the expedition of
+Alexander. Pliny, Solinus, Ptolemy, and others described Taprobane in
+some detail but exaggerated its dimensions to enormous proportions.
+Pomponius Mela had spoken of the islands of Chryse, lying off the
+eastern promontory of Asia, and Argyre, off the mouth of the Ganges.
+Perhaps these represented some vague knowledge of the Andamans or
+Nicobars or the Malay Peninsula; and certainly we recognize the
+last-named in the Aurea Chersonesus of Ptolemy.
+
+
+                     _Islands of the Indian Ocean_
+
+Some relics of this classical knowledge of Indian seas and isles was
+retained in the Middle Ages. Isidore[1306] had spoken of “Chrisa” and
+“Argare” as full of gold and silver and perpetually blooming flowers,
+with mountains of gold guarded by dragons and griffons. This account
+found its way into the _De imagine mundi_[1307] and was copied by
+Gervase of Tilbury;[1308] the islands themselves, together with the
+“Island of the Sun” of Pliny, Mela, Solinus, and others, figured on many
+contemporary maps.[1309] Orosius had said that in Taprobane there were
+ten cities.[1310] Isidore, whom Gervase of Tilbury copied, added that
+the dimensions of the island were 875 by 625 miles, that it has two
+summers and two winters each year, and that the vegetation always
+remains green.[1311] Solinus had described[1312] Taprobane as being
+divided in two by a river; one half, he said, was full of wild beasts,
+but the other was inhabited by men. This division of the island is
+perpetuated on the Henry of Mayence,[1313] Jerome,[1314] Hereford,[1315]
+and Ebstorf maps.[1316]
+
+
+                    _Al-Battānī on the Indian Ocean_
+
+The geographical chapter in Al-Battānī’s _Astronomy_, probably compiled
+from a redaction of Ptolemy’s _Geography_ and translated by Plato of
+Tivoli in our period, gave a description of the seas of the world.[1317]
+The Indian Ocean, Al-Battānī said, extends from the land of the negroes
+to the extreme limits of India, a distance of 8000 miles. Its width was
+2200 miles, of which 1900 (Plato of Tivoli mistakenly translated this
+3900) reach south of the equator. What lands lay beyond are not
+specified. From this sea four gulfs run into the land: first the
+Barbaric Sea, which extends into the “land of the negroes,” or Ethiopia,
+and may be the Gulf of Aden or possibly even Mozambique Channel; second,
+the Green Sea (Mare Viride), or our Red Sea, which reaches towards Hyla
+(Ailah?); third, the Persian Gulf (Mare Persicum); and, fourth, a second
+Green Sea, running out to the east towards China (“Thinae”) and
+representing the Bay of Bengal or possibly the China Sea. In the Indian
+Ocean there are some 1370 islands, among them a very large one called
+“Tibiariae” (Taprobane), or Sarandib (Ceylon), opposite the eastern
+coast of India, 3000 miles in circumference, full of great mountains and
+rivers, quantities of rubies and hyacinths, and surrounded by fifty-nine
+lesser isles. The traditional account of the many isles of the Indian
+seas so persistent in Arabic literature arose unquestionably from
+familiarity with the vast Malay Archipelago or at least with its western
+portion. On the other hand, whether we may assume, as some have done,
+that the exaggerated classical and Arabic estimates of the size of
+Ceylon had their origin in rumors of the existence of Australia[1318] is
+an obscure problem which we cannot attempt here to solve.
+
+
+                        SCYTHIA AND CENTRAL ASIA
+
+North of the mountain barrier enclosing India lay lands about which
+Western medieval knowledge was equally vague. “Upper Scythia, stretching
+from the Caspian Sea to the Seric Ocean and southward to the Caucasus,
+includes much habitable land but also much that is sterile: gold and
+gems abound there, but men avoid them on account of the griffons. Lower
+Scythia adjoins Hyrcania, so called from the Hyrcanian Forest, where a
+marvelous bird is found whose plumage glows in the dark. Iranea, or
+Iran, is next to Scythia on the west: a region of nomads who wander
+widely because of the sterility of the soil and who are horrible and
+ferocious (_portentuosi ac truces_), eaters of human flesh and drinkers
+of human blood.” In about these terms the author of the _De imagine
+mundi_ and Gervase of Tilbury, borrowing from Isidore,[1319] summed up
+very nearly all that was known of Central Asia before the great overland
+journeys of the thirteenth century to which brief reference has already
+been made.[1320] Several of the maps show large rivers—Araxes, Oxus,
+Oscorus, and even Acheron, the stream of Tartarus—rising in the Caucasus
+and flowing northward into the Caspian.[1321] The latter, in accordance
+with the usual classical tradition, is represented as a gulf of the
+encircling Ocean Stream.
+
+
+                   BENJAMIN OF TUDELA ON CENTRAL ASIA
+
+Benjamin of Tudela, who himself journeyed at least as far east as
+Baghdad, had opportunities for gaining information about Central and
+Northern Asia more favorable than those of his less traveled
+contemporaries. Samarkand he mentions briefly as a “great city on the
+confines of Persia” inhabited by 50,000 Jews. “Thence,” he adds, “it is
+four days’ journey to Tibet, the country in whose forests the musk is
+found” (Adler’s translation).[1322] He quotes the reports of Persian
+Jews that four of the lost ten tribes of Israel dwell in the mountains
+of Naisabur (in eastern Persia). These people were said to be
+independent and to dwell in a broad tract of land twenty days’ journey
+in extent, with cities and large villages among the mountains.[1323]
+Others associated the lost tribes with the abhorrent hordes of Gog and
+Magog.[1324] Benjamin goes on to tell us that these Jews were in league
+with the “Kufar-al-Turak, who worship the wind and live in the
+wilderness and who do not eat bread nor drink wine but live on raw,
+uncooked meat. They have no noses, and in lieu thereof they have two
+small holes through which they breathe” (Adler’s translation).[1325] He
+relates the confused story of wars between these undeniably Turanian
+tribes of the steppes of Turkestan and the “King of Persia” (the Seljuk
+Sultan, Sanjar), events which perhaps gave rise to a legend that became
+widespread in twelfth-century Europe and to which we must now turn.
+
+
+                              PRESTER JOHN
+
+The legend was the romantic story that in these far regions there lay a
+vast and powerful Christian kingdom ruled by a mighty potentate, Prester
+John. This tradition was the most important contribution of our period
+to regional geography, for, false as it was, it long persisted, became
+an integral part of late medieval geographical theory, and exerted in
+subsequent centuries a powerful influence on the course of exploration.
+The thirteenth-century Oriental travelers were constantly on the lookout
+for Prester John’s kingdom and, when it finally became obvious that
+there was no such kingdom in Asia, Prester John was transferred to
+Africa, where he was sought for by the Portuguese navigators of the
+fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. How did this strange legend come
+into existence, and what did it contribute to Western notions of Asia?
+
+
+                        _Origins of the Legend_
+
+Various elements seem to have given rise to it. Perhaps rumors of the
+existence of a Christian nation in Abyssinia may at a very early period
+have fostered belief in the existence of a great Christian potentate in
+Asia. India in Asia and Ethiopia in Africa were often confused both in
+antiquity and during the Middle Ages. Furthermore, the story of the
+visit of the Indian archbishop or patriarch, already referred to,
+encouraged belief in a numerous Asiatic Christian population. Some of
+the elements of the patriarch’s report became an integral part of one of
+the twelfth-century versions of the story of Prester John.
+
+Then again, we have echoes of actual events in the East in Benjamin of
+Tudela’s _Itinerary_, as we have just seen, and in Otto of Freising’s
+_Chronicon_. Otto relates[1326] that in 1145 the bishop of Gabala in
+Syria had come to Viterbo to report to Pope Eugenius III, among other
+things, the fall of Edessa. Here Otto met the bishop, and what he
+learned is recorded in the _Chronicon_. This was to the effect that, not
+very long before, a certain John, king and priest, who dwelt in the Far
+East beyond Persia and Armenia and who, together with his tribe
+(_gens_), was a Christian, waged war with the Samiards (Saniards), two
+brothers who were kings of the Medes and Persians. John captured
+Ecbatana, the capital of the Samiards’ realm, defeated the brothers in
+battle, and put them to flight. He then proceeded to advance to the aid
+of the church at Jerusalem but was hindered from going very far by the
+river Tigris. Turning northwards in hope that the river would freeze
+over and thereby enable him to cross, he was finally constrained, after
+several years had elapsed, to give up the enterprise because continued
+warm weather prevented ice from forming. This John, Otto added, was said
+to have come of very ancient lineage, in fact, to have been one of the
+progeny of the Magi. The tribes under his command were perhaps the same
+as the “Kufar-al-Turak” of Benjamin of Tudela.[1327]
+
+Though the attempt has been made to identify the Christian potentate of
+the legend with a chieftain of the Caucasus,[1328] the weight of
+evidence would seem to favor belief that the story in its more specific
+thirteenth-century form grew out of rumors of some Christian Mongol lord
+of Central Asia.[1329] It is certain that the Nestorian form of
+Christianity was strongly represented in Central Asia during this period
+and that two powerful tribes of these distant regions, the Keraïts and
+the Onguts, formed outposts of this faith. But, as Pelliot writes,
+“whatever may have been the origin of the famous legend of Prester
+John, ... it was to a prince of the Keraïts that the tradition was
+applied during the first half of the thirteenth century. All the Keraïts
+spoken of in the history of the Mongol dynasty seem to have been
+Christians; in any case this is true of the majority of them. In fact it
+was through marriage with Keraït princesses that Christianity penetrated
+even into the family of Jenghiz Khan.”[1330] Many of these Asiatic
+Christians bore Christian names preserved in Chinese forms, such as
+Yao-su-mu for Joseph or K’wo-li-ki-ssö for George.[1331] We learn from
+Marco Polo and other thirteenth-century travelers that Mongol princes
+often submitted to baptism, though this was probably done out of
+indifference to religion rather than as the expression of any
+deep-seated convictions.
+
+On such slender foundations as the report in Otto’s _Chronicon_ or the
+anonymous account of the visit of the Patriarch John to Rome or on other
+rumors of events in the heart of Asia of which no record has been
+preserved, there was erected an elaborate, detailed, and wholly fanciful
+series of descriptions of Prester John and his realm, embellished by
+borrowings from the Romance of Alexander, from the legend of St. Thomas,
+and from that world of fable which constituted the medieval European
+conception of the Orient.
+
+
+         _Prester John’s Kingdom As Described in His “Letter”_
+
+The most important description of Prester John’s kingdom is contained in
+the famous _Letter_, addressed in some manuscripts to Manuel, the
+Byzantine Emperor, in others to Frederick, the Roman Emperor; in still
+others, to the Pope. In this letter,[1332] the earliest version of which
+dates from before 1177, John tells that he is superior in wealth and
+power to all the kings of the world. His realm includes the three Indias
+and St. Thomas’ shrine. It extends across the desert of Babylon to the
+tower of Babel and contains seventy-two provinces, each ruled over by a
+king. Prester John is lord of the Amazons and Brahmins. In one direction
+his territory reaches out four months’ journey. In the other, no one can
+tell how far. “Only if you could count the stars of the heaven and the
+sands of the sea would you be able to form an estimate of our dominion
+and our power.” Many are the extraordinary features of this realm which
+abounds in milk and honey: here is one of the rivers of Paradise; here
+are streams that give forth gold and jewels; here pepper is gathered;
+here is the fountain of youth; and here a mysterious sea of sand fed by
+a river of rocks, beyond which dwell the ten tribes of the Jews, who,
+although they have their own kings, are nevertheless subject to the
+mighty Christian ruler. In one of the provinces near the torrid zone the
+salamander thrives, a “worm” which cannot live without fire and which
+makes a chrysalis about himself as do the silkworms (an interesting and
+unexpected bit of natural history embedded in the midst of fable).
+Prester John takes particular delight in expatiating on the enormous
+wealth of his country, on the virtues of its inhabitants—for among them
+there are neither liars nor adulterers nor indeed vice or crime of any
+description—and on their clemency and Christian piety. Every year the
+king makes a pilgrimage with his army across the serpent-infested
+Babylonian desert to the shrine of the prophet Daniel. A large part of
+the _Letter_ is taken up with a minute description of the royal
+palace—exactly like that which St. Thomas built for the King
+Gundophorus, of the king’s household, the grandees who wait upon him,
+the officials of the kingdom, etc., etc. In an early Latin version of
+the _Letter_, written probably in England, we are informed that there
+are people from all countries of the world at Prester John’s
+court;[1333] among the personal servants of the king there are
+Englishmen who wait upon him at table. No less than eleven thousand
+Englishmen are in his bodyguard, and every Englishman who comes to the
+court, whether clerk or knight, is invested with the order of
+knighthood. The French and Italian versions of the _Letter_, which were
+probably translated from this Latin text, substitute “François” and
+“Franceschi” for “Anglici.”
+
+
+                  _Alliance With Prester John Desired_
+
+During the thirteenth century it was the vain hope of the Popes and of
+the Christian kings of Europe to gain the alliance of some great power
+in the East—either the Mongols or Prester John—as an offset to Turkish
+encroachments on the Crusaders’ frontiers.[1334] Perhaps we may detect
+the beginnings of this policy in a letter of Pope Alexander III (1177)
+to John, “Magnificus rex Indorum sacerdotum sanctissimus.”[1335] The
+Pope informs the great king that he has heard of his piety through a
+certain Master Philip, papal physician, who had held conversation with
+distinguished and honorable persons of his realm. Consequently Alexander
+was sending this Philip to expound to him the tenets of Western
+Christianity and to convert him to the true Catholic faith. It seems
+probable that Alexander was acquainted with the supposed letter of
+Prester John to the Byzantine Emperor, though there is also strong
+probability that he had confused the stories of the Asiatic Prester John
+with reports regarding the Christian kingdom of Abyssinia—a source of
+much confusion at a later period than ours.
+
+
+                             GOG AND MAGOG
+
+The northern part of Asia was the reputed seat of the terrible tribes of
+Gog and Magog, whose eruption at the Last Day was destined to bring
+about the destruction of the human race. We have seen that Biblical
+prophecies were combined with the story of Alexander the Great’s
+enclosing of these tribes behind great walls. The legend appears in our
+period under various forms. Most of the maps show Gog and Magog, usually
+surrounded by a wall; some add disparaging epithets, such as “gens
+immunda.” Matthew Paris on his map of Palestine indicates in the north
+the walls whereby King Alexander the Great shut in Gog and Magog and
+states in the explanatory legend that from this same direction came the
+Tatars.[1336] In the _De imagine mundi_[1337] we find a simple statement
+that between the Caspian Mountains and the sea of that name dwelt those
+tribes who had been walled in by Alexander the Great, Gog and Magog, the
+fiercest of all peoples, eaters of the raw flesh of wild beasts and of
+human beings. The Moslems had placed Gog and Magog in the farthest
+corner of northeastern Asia: and in John of Seville’s translation of
+Al-Farghānī’s _Astronomy_ we find the land of Gog at the easternmost
+extremity of the sixth and seventh “climates” (those farthest
+north).[1338] Lambert li Tors speaks in the Romance of Alexander of “Gos
+et Magos” among the vassals of Porus: though they came forth with four
+hundred thousand men, Alexander, after he had defeated Porus, chased
+them back into the defiles of the mountains, where he shut them in with
+a great wall.[1339] In a later part of the Romance, the subdivision of
+Alexander’s kingdom at his death is explained: to Antigonus was given
+Syria and Persia as far as Mount Tus, together with the duty of standing
+guard over Gog and Magog.[1340] Otto of Freising also mentions these
+tribes.[1341] He derived his information from Frutolf’s
+_Chronica_,[1342] whence, in turn, it had come from the version of the
+Romance of Alexander known as the _Historia de praeliis_. In the days of
+Heraclius, Otto says, the “Agareni” (Saracens) devastated the lands of
+the empire and destroyed part of the army of Heraclius. In revenge the
+latter opened the Caspian Gates and let out those most savage tribes,
+which Alexander the Great had enclosed along the Caspian Sea on account
+of their heinousness, and inaugurated a war against the Saracens. By
+night, as a punishment sent by the Deity for this sacrilegious act,
+fifty-two thousand of Heraclius’ army were struck down by lightning,
+and, as a result of this terrible visitation, Heraclius himself died in
+the twenty-seventh year of his reign.
+
+There were many variations of the legend of Gog and Magog. Elsewhere in
+Otto of Freising’s _Chronicon_[1343] we find an account, taken from
+Orosius, of the way in which Artaxerxes forced many of the Jews to dwell
+in Hyrcania near the Caspian Sea. It was believed that these people had
+multiplied greatly,[1344] and they were expected to burst forth on the
+world in the days of Antichrist. Though not here expressly called Gog
+and Magog, the connection is plain; and Godfrey of Viterbo relates how
+Alexander enclosed Gog and Magog, the “eleven [_sic_] tribes of the
+Jews.”[1345] We have already quoted[1346] Matthew Paris’ description of
+the Tatars who, he said, might be the same as the tribes whom Alexander
+enclosed—the ten tribes of Israel.
+
+
+                              WESTERN ASIA
+
+When we turn from the remote parts of the Orient to Western Asia we find
+ourselves in regions much better known to the Western world, though the
+traditional geography of these regions, founded on classical and
+Biblical authority, persisted in encyclopedic writings hardly influenced
+at all by the contacts that in reality had been established. The _De
+imagine mundi_, Gervase of Tilbury’s _Otia imperialia_, and other
+similar works add little to what Isidore and Orosius had written.
+Between the Indus and Tigris lie many countries, Arachosia, Parthia,
+Assyria, Persia, Media, all forming a harsh and mountainous tract called
+in Scripture “India” but more generally known as Parthia. Fire had been
+discovered in Persia.[1347] The Tigris, so called because it is as swift
+as a tiger, rises from a common source with the Euphrates in the
+mountains of Armenia.[1348] Thence the two rivers separate, leaving a
+long space between them known as Mesopotamia; the Tigris encircles
+Assyria and empties into the Dead Sea! Peter Comestor and the author of
+the _De imagine mundi_ accepted the views of Isidore regarding the
+source of the Tigris in the highlands of Armenia,[1349] but the latter
+adds to the already prevailing confusion by stating that both rivers of
+Mesopotamia debouch into the Mediterranean Sea. Gervase, on the other
+hand, corrects the error of the author of the _De imagine mundi_ by
+making them flow into the Red Sea (or Indian Ocean),[1350] as was
+depicted on most maps.
+
+
+                             _Mesopotamia_
+
+Mesopotamia was said to be famous as the site of Nineveh and of Chaldea,
+where astronomy was discovered;[1351] and Gervase of Tilbury dilates on
+the immense size of the walls of Babylon.[1352] Regarding Babylon, it is
+refreshing to find in Otto of Freising’s _Chronicon_ some really
+up-to-date information which he had derived from Frutolf.[1353] In the
+first place, he makes a careful distinction between Babylon and Cairo,
+to which the name of Babylon was commonly given. “Old Babylon,” he
+added, “as we learn from reliable men from across the seas, is partly
+inhabited at the present day and now called Baldach [Baghdad]. Part,
+however, as you would expect from the words of prophecy, is a desert
+waste extending for ten miles as far as the tower of Babel. The part
+which is inhabited and called Baldach is very large and populous.” He
+explains that here is the seat of the greatest priest of the Persians,
+whom they call “Caliph,” and who holds in some respects a position among
+these pagans parallel to that which the Pope at Rome holds among
+Christians.
+
+With Baghdad we have at last come to a city that was actually visited
+and described during our period by Western Europeans whose descriptions
+have come down to us. The Jewish travelers, Benjamin of Tudela and
+Petachia of Ratisbon, appear to have sojourned in the Mesopotamian city
+in the seventh and ninth decades of the twelfth century respectively.
+
+
+                    _Benjamin of Tudela on Baghdad_
+
+Benjamin’s personal familiarity with Baghdad saved him from making
+Frutolf’s and Otto’s mistake of confusing the Abbasid capital with old
+Babylon. We gather from Benjamin’s _Itinerary_ that the latter is three
+days’ journey distant and that “the ruins of the palace of
+Nebuchadnezzar are still to be seen there, but people are afraid to
+enter them on account of serpents and scorpions” (Adler’s
+translation).[1354]
+
+Baghdad, Benjamin writes (our quotations are from Adler’s translation),
+“is on the River Tigris,” which “divides the metropolis in two parts.”
+The city “is twenty miles in circumference, situated in a land of palms,
+gardens, and plantations, the like of which is not to be found in the
+whole land of Shinar. People come thither with merchandise from all
+lands. Wise men live there, philosophers who know all manner of wisdom,
+and magicians expert in all manner of witchcraft.”[1355] Benjamin was
+particularly interested in the Caliph, of whose palace, park, family,
+and widespread authority he writes in no little detail and in highly
+commendatory terms,[1356] for it seems that the Caliphs were more
+tolerant toward the Jews than were most Christian monarchs of the age.
+Besides treating of the Caliph, Benjamin tells about the “Head of the
+Captivity,” another powerful ruler whose headquarters were Baghdad and
+in whom the Caliph had vested authority over all the Jewish communities
+throughout the eastern Moslem world. A descendant of David, King of
+Israel, he was a man of great dignity and rank, held high in the esteem
+of the Mohammedans. His power extended “over all the communities of
+Shinar, Persia, Khurasan, and Sheba, which is El-Yemen, and Diyar Kalach
+(Bekr) and the land of Aram Naharaim (Mesopotamia) and over the dwellers
+in the mountains of Ararat and the land of the Alans, which is a land
+surrounded by mountains and has no outlet except by the iron gates which
+Alexander made but which were afterwards broken. Here are the people
+called Alani. His authority extends also over the land of Siberia
+[Sikbia?] and the communities in the land of Togarmim[1357] unto the
+mountains of Asveh and the land of Gurgan, the inhabitants of which are
+called Gurganim who dwell by the river Gihon (Oxus?); and these are the
+Girgashites who follow the Christian religion. Further it extends to the
+gates of Samarkand, the land of Tibet, and the land of India. In respect
+of all these countries the Head of the Captivity gives the communities
+power to appoint Rabbis and Ministers who come unto him to be
+consecrated and to receive his authority. They bring him offerings and
+gifts from the ends of the earth.”[1358]
+
+Whether or not Benjamin was personally presented to the Head of the
+Captivity we are not informed. In any case he undoubtedly came into
+contact at Baghdad with Jews from all over Central and Western Asia and
+from them was able to gather those details regarding the Jewish
+communities which form such an important and interesting part of his
+_Itinerary_. Most striking in this connection are the data which he
+furnishes us about the Jews of Arabia.
+
+
+                     _Benjamin of Tudela on Arabia_
+
+The interior of that great peninsula until recently has remained very
+vaguely known to Western Christians, and in the Middle Ages there
+reigned almost complete ignorance regarding it. Gervase of Tilbury tells
+us (from Orosius) that Arabia lies between two seas and is the country
+of Mount Sinai, of the Queen of Sheba, and of frankincense.[1359] Beyond
+this and a few details about the Bedouins picked up by the Crusaders,
+nothing was known. Hence the information which Benjamin gives on the
+Jewish communities is of exceptional importance. If we may trust his
+figures, it would seem that there was at this time a large Jewish
+population both in Yemen and farther north. Benjamin’s conception of the
+geography of the peninsula, however, is remarkably confused. He tells us
+that at a distance of twenty-one days’ journey through the deserts from
+Hillah in Mesopotamia one comes to the land of Saba, or El-Yemen. Here
+he places the great Jewish cities of Tanai, Tilmas, Teima, and Kheibar.
+Neither Tilmas nor Tanai have been definitely identified. To the former
+Benjamin assigned a population of 100,000 Jews; to the latter, with the
+district surrounding, a population of no less than 300,000 Jews. They
+may represent Jewish settlements in Yemen, though Benjamin’s statement
+that Tilmas is only three days from Kheibar would seem to preclude this
+possibility. Tanai, on the other hand, has been thought to be Sanaa.
+Kheibar (to which Benjamin assigns 50,000 Jews) and Teima have long been
+well-known towns of northern Arabia not far from Medina. Now inhabited
+by half-breed negroes, these places were the centers of a Jewish
+population from before the times of Mohammed until as late as the
+sixteenth century.[1360]
+
+Ina totally different connection Benjamin refers to Jews of the “land of
+Aden,” which he believed to be part of India, taking India to include
+southern Arabia and Ethiopia. Their country he describes as mountainous.
+The Jewish element in the population, he adds, “are not under the yoke
+of the Gentiles but possess castles on the summits of the mountains from
+which they make descents into the plain country called Libya, which is a
+Christian empire” (Adler’s translation).[1361] This is indeed confusing.
+If by Libya Abyssinia is meant—which is likely, for Abyssinia was a
+Christian kingdom from very early times—it seems peculiar that Benjamin
+makes no mention of the Red Sea intervening between the land of Aden in
+Arabia Felix and the African coasts which would have to be crossed by
+Jews of the Aden highlands in making war on the Abyssinians. Possibly
+Benjamin, like Marco Polo a century later, conceived of Aden as lying in
+Africa.[1362]
+
+
+                         _Syria and Palestine_
+
+Unlike all the rest of Asia, Syria and Palestine were well known at
+first hand to many European Christians. Yet, in writing about them, the
+makers of compilations like the _De imagine mundi_ and the _Otia
+imperialia_ were content to do little more than copy Isidore’s dry
+catalogue of the names of places rendered famous through Scriptural
+associations.[1363] The Dead Sea with its sinister neighborhood was the
+only natural feature of this part of the world which seems to have made
+a strong enough appeal to the imagination of these writers to impel them
+to add anything to what Isidore had said long before.[1364]
+
+
+           _Geographical Knowledge Enlarged by the Crusades_
+
+On the other hand, the Levantine countries were familiar through the
+journeys of Western travelers, though their observations were not
+incorporated into the works of the scholarly compilers. Many were the
+motives that induced men of the West to visit the Nearer East. Religious
+enthusiasm and the desire for commercial gain, however, were paramount.
+The Crusades contributed more than any great series of events between
+the time of Claudius Ptolemy and the middle of the thirteenth century to
+the broadening of man’s geographical horizon, and, with it, the
+broadening of the whole range of human activity. We cannot attempt to
+discuss these wider aspects of the Crusading movement in any detail, but
+a few words must be said about the dissemination of regional knowledge
+that resulted from it. Feudal nobility, soldiers, pilgrims, and
+adventurers of all sorts and from all parts of the West were joined by
+Italian merchants in the great enterprise, the object of which was not
+only to redeem the holy places from the infidel but also to profit from
+the Levantine trade. Men of all ranks and callings, coming from every
+part of Christendom, made their way by land and sea to the Holy Land.
+Peasant, serf, and petty townsman, as well as powerful noble and church
+dignitary, were torn from old and familiar environments to wander
+through countries about which they had hitherto known next to nothing.
+In some cases the stories of their travels and adventures were preserved
+in chronicles and poems, but in most no permanent record was left.
+Nevertheless, the geographical knowledge of the average man was widened
+to an extent which we can scarcely appreciate at the present day. Before
+the Crusades communities throughout the greater part of Europe had lived
+very much to themselves, in limited contact with the outside world; but
+by the year 1200 it is safe to infer that practically every town and
+village of France, England, Germany, and Italy held someone who had
+visited the East and was not unready to tell about what he had seen
+there and on his way out and back. Just as the War of 1914–1918 has
+taught the world much European geography, so the Crusades taught all
+classes of Europe about the Holy Land and the routes thither. But the
+Crusades did more than give the people a wider knowledge of places: they
+brought them into contact with new customs, new religions, new ideals
+and modes of life, as well as with new types of landscape and terrain.
+All this tended to displace men from habitual and local modes of
+thought; Europe became more cosmopolitan, and the way was prepared for
+that profound change in man’s entire attitude towards life which we now
+call the Renaissance.
+
+
+                 _Occidental Population of the Levant_
+
+We can merely hint at these general results of the extension of
+geographical contact with the Levantine world and turn to the more
+specific problem of the limits to which Western penetration was actually
+pushed. The Occidental population of the states established after the
+First Crusade along the eastern border of the Mediterranean was composed
+primarily of the Frankish nobility and soldiery and of Italian
+traders.[1365] The former had established themselves in castles and
+garrisons, from which they ruled over widespread manorial estates tilled
+by native Syrians. The traders occupied large foreign quarters in such
+commercial centers as Acre, Jaffa, Ascalon, Tyre, and Tripoli on the
+coasts, and in the interior at Jerusalem. Trading privileges and the
+right to build up commercial colonies in the towns were granted to
+Genoese, Pisans, Venetians, and others in return for services rendered
+the Crusading armies by the Italian navies in the conquest of the coast
+towns and in the transportation of military forces. Through the reports
+brought back to Europe by returning soldiers, adventurers, and
+merchants, Syria and Palestine became more widely and accurately known
+in the West than most parts of Europe itself.
+
+
+                     _European Occupation of Syria_
+
+First-hand acquaintance with the Levant, however, did not, either in the
+twelfth or in the thirteenth century, necessarily lead to first-hand
+acquaintance with the neighboring countries that still lay under the
+domination of the Turk. At the time of its greatest extent the Kingdom
+of Jerusalem reached eastward to the edge of the desert plateau beyond
+the Jordan and Dead Sea and southward to Ailah on the Gulf of Akaba.
+Northeastward the upper Tigris marked the frontier of the County of
+Edessa. Beyond these restricted borders lay Saracen territory into which
+traders from the West did not dare to venture. Southern Mesopotamia was
+virtually _terra incognita_; and the men who held the small garrison
+posts along the eastern border of the states of the Crusaders were not
+prone to undertake rash enterprises in the enemy’s country.
+
+The danger of such enterprises is illustrated by the fate of a Christian
+naval expedition sent down the Red Sea from Akaba in 1182–1183.[1366] A
+small fleet, fitted out by Reynauld of Châtillon, lord of the castle of
+Kerak beyond the Jordan, succeeded in getting almost as far as Yembo,
+the port of Medina. We are not told of its true purpose by the Arabic
+historians, who alone seem to have recorded this adventure, though the
+Arabs certainly believed that the Crusaders were bent upon plundering
+the tomb of the prophet at Medina. Perhaps its leaders harbored a
+fanatic hope of attacking the holy cities of Islam. At all events, the
+navy of Saladin, hastily summoned from Egypt, soon overtook and defeated
+the little squadron at Haura, and those of the Crusaders who escaped
+ashore were either killed by the Bedouins or sold into slavery.
+
+But though, with a few exceptions, Europeans themselves did not go
+beyond these bounds of the Crusaders’ states, commercial relations were
+established with the more eastern regions.[1367] Antioch and Laodicea
+were the termini of two trade routes from Aleppo, whence came merchants
+from Rakka on the Euphrates and ultimately from Mesopotamia, Persia, and
+Central Asia. Asiatic goods were also sold at a great open fair in the
+Hauran country, at one time in the territory of the Kingdom of Jerusalem
+and undoubtedly frequented by Westerners. And the harbors of the kingdom
+were the _entrepôts_ of an extensive traffic from Arabia Felix and India
+by the Red Sea and across the Isthmus of Suez. At all of these points
+the Italians established connections with the Oriental merchants and
+learned from them much about Oriental lands and their products.
+
+
+                              _Asia Minor_
+
+During the early thirteenth century Asia Minor also became familiar
+ground to the men of the West.[1368] The establishment of the Latin
+Empire at Constantinople in 1204 during the Fourth Crusade was mainly
+responsible for this; but even before the close of the twelfth century
+the Venetians had become preponderant from a commercial point of view in
+the districts that had hitherto formed parts of the Byzantine Empire,
+and after 1204 they were in a position to conclude advantageous treaties
+with their Anatolian neighbors, Greek, Seljuk, and Armenian. Venetian
+merchants were to be seen in the important towns and along the highways
+of the peninsula. Italians, with Provençaux in their train, exploited
+the trade of the small Christian kingdom of Little Armenia (the ancient
+Cilicia) and penetrated from the Mediterranean into and across the
+Seljuk sultanate of Iconium, whose rulers were disposed to look with
+fairly friendly eyes on the Frankish trader. Even the Empire of Nicaea,
+a small remnant of the Greek dominions which had managed to preserve its
+independence after the Fourth Crusade, was constrained in 1219 to grant
+extensive trading privileges to the Venetians.
+
+
+              _Western Asia As Described by the Crusaders_
+
+The knowledge of Western Asia acquired in these various ways was
+naturally enough reflected in the works of the historians, chroniclers,
+and poets of the Crusades, many of whom had themselves visited the
+places they describe. Their fresh and realistic accounts contrast
+strikingly with the sort of geographical writings we have so far been
+discussing in this chapter. From Dreesbach’s study of the Orient as
+described in the early French Crusading literature we may gain a concise
+idea of the sort of thing that impressed itself on the mind of the
+Occidental.[1369] His impressions of climate and landscape need not
+detain us here, as they have already been explained in early
+chapters.[1370] Of the natural resources, the wealth of the fruits of
+Syria, grapes, figs, pomegranates, almonds, olives, and locusts, were
+often the subject of wonder and admiration, and William of Tyre speaks
+enthusiastically of the great sugar plantations at Sur.[1371] Of the
+animals,[1372] the Arab horse and the camel attracted most attention;
+and the usefulness of the latter was known both as a beast of burden and
+as a swift traveler through the desert. A lively sketch of a man leading
+a camel laden with a large cask figures prominently on one variant of
+the Matthew Paris map of Palestine, and a legend reads: “Here abound
+camels, buffaloes (_bubali_), mules, and asses, which are used by the
+merchants trading between the peoples of the Orient and of the
+Occident.”[1373] Bears and lions, serpents and tarantulas, and carrier
+pigeons also invited notice; and the mosquito is mentioned by Ambroise,
+who says that though very small it has a terribly poisonous bite, bad
+enough to make every one, old and young alike, appear to be leprous:
+
+                  “Que chescons, vielz ou damoisels,
+                  Sembloit a estre tut mesels.”[1374]
+
+Concerning the people[1375] of the Levant we find that the distinction
+between the nomadic desert-dwelling Bedouins and the bearded
+turban-wearing Saracens (townsfolk) was well understood. The
+Bedouins—contrary to their present reputation—were looked down upon as
+cowards in battle, and William of Tyre relates with some disgust that it
+was their custom to hang about on the outskirts of a fight until they
+saw which side was going to win and then to join the victors.[1376]
+
+In commenting on the religion[1377] of the Saracens the medieval
+Christians made the fundamental error of supposing that Islam is an
+idolatrous cult and that Mohammed was worshipped as a god. Nevertheless
+they were far from inaccurate in their remarks on the various customs,
+habits, and minor beliefs of the Moslems, on such matters, for example,
+as the pilgrimage to Mecca, the prohibited eating of pork and drinking
+of wine, the importance of ablutions, polygamy, and the customs of
+divorce. William of Tyre describes[1378] the division of the Mohammedans
+into two great groups, Shiah and Sunni, and explains how the former held
+that Ali (“Haly”) was the only true prophet and the latter that Mohammed
+was the one messenger of God. Baghdad was referred to as the seat of the
+great “apostle” of the Saracens, or caliph, whom William of Tyre spoke
+of as a sovereign prince and chieftain whom all must obey; Cairo in
+Egypt was recognized as the capital of the caliphs of the rival Shiah
+persuasion.
+
+Benjamin of Tudela also acquired some fairly clear ideas of Islam during
+his visits to Baghdad and to Egypt. He states that the Abbasid Caliph at
+Baghdad “is head of the Mohammedan religion, and all the kings of Islam
+obey him” and likens his position to that of the Christian Pope.[1379]
+In writing about Cairo he tells us that the subjects of the Emir were
+followers of Ali (hence Shiites), that they rose against the Abbasid
+Caliph of Baghdad, and that a lasting feud was kept up between the two
+factions.[1380]
+
+Particular terror was inspired in the hearts of the Crusaders by that
+strange sect of Assassins,[1381] whose principal seat was at Alamut in
+Persia, the stronghold of the notorious Old Man of the Mountain, though
+most of the Crusaders mistakenly thought that the outlying fortress of
+Massiat in Syria was the abode of the Old Man. William of Tyre
+dilates[1382] on the treachery and murderous nature of this people; and
+in Ambroise’s _Estoire_ we find[1383] a vivid account of how the
+children of the Assassins were brought up to do the bidding of the Old
+Man in every detail and in particular to bring about the murder of his
+enemies.[1384]
+
+
+                                _AFRICA_
+
+
+                         EGYPT AS PART OF ASIA
+
+Both the author of the _De imagine mundi_ and Gervase of Tilbury include
+an account of Egypt with their descriptions of the countries of Asia.
+They then take up the remainder of Asia and Europe before finally
+returning to Africa toward the close of the geographical parts of their
+books. This order of treatment, which accorded with classical
+traditions, usually included Egypt with Asia or at least, as in the _De
+imagine mundi_, made the Nile rather than the Red Sea the boundary
+between Asia and Africa.[1385] Certainly from an historical and cultural
+point of view Egypt has been more closely related to the Asiatic than to
+the African continent, even though geographically it forms a portion of
+the latter.[1386]
+
+The description of Egypt in the _Otia imperialia_[1387] was copied in
+large part from the _De imagine mundi_,[1388] and this in turn had
+closely followed the words of Isidore.[1389] It ran somewhat as follows.
+Surrounded by the course of the Nile, which forms a letter
+_delta_,[1390] Lower Egypt comprises five thousand country estates;
+these are not watered by rainfall but by the floods of the river alone,
+for the skies of Egypt are never obscured by clouds. The capital of
+Egypt is Babylon (Cairo), built by Cambyses. Close to Thebes—a city
+founded by Cadmus, Agenor’s son and founder of Boeotian Thebes as
+well—are vast solitudes where there used to dwell a great company of
+hermits. The _De imagine mundi_ speaks of the island of Meroë and of
+Syene on the tropic in Upper Egypt, the latter famous for the well built
+there by the philosophers, into which the sun shines directly in the
+month of June.[1391] The Jerome map of Palestine also shows Egypt in
+considerable detail, one of the most important features being the
+lighthouse at Alexandria.[1392]
+
+
+                         DESCRIPTIONS OF EGYPT
+
+Egypt, like the Holy Land, was frequently visited by Western merchants
+throughout our entire period. Benjamin of Tudela testifies to the
+enormous trade carried on there with the West. Alexandria was the
+principal port whence the spices and luxuries of the Far East were
+transshipped to Europe. Benjamin spoke with high appreciation of the
+wide straight streets of the city and of the architectural beauty of its
+buildings. He was much impressed by the swarm of merchants from all over
+the world who congregated in its streets and markets.[1393] William of
+Tyre enlarged on the commercial importance of the great port and
+explained that the peppers, spices, ointments, drugs, lectuaries,
+precious stones, and silks of the Orient were brought first to Aden on
+the Red Sea and thence transported direct to Alexandria. He pointed out
+that Alexandria was also important as the meeting place of the river and
+maritime trades, and he gave a description of the local topography of
+the city.[1394] Merchants from various Occidental nations and city
+states of Italy had _fondachi_, or trading stations, in this
+cosmopolitan metropolis, which was, as Schaube says, more subjected to
+European influences than any other city of Islam.[1395] The Church
+endeavored to place severe restrictions on commerce with the infidel, in
+particular by the prohibition of the importation into Egypt of wood and
+iron, two materials of vital importance to the Saracens and much in
+demand. The restrictions, however, were disregarded, and trade
+flourished between Southern Europe and Egypt throughout nearly the
+entire twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, except for a short
+interruption at the time of the Third Crusade. In 1215–1216 there were
+said to be no fewer than three thousand Frankish merchants in
+Alexandria.[1396] Egypt was the objective of the Crusaders of the Fifth
+Crusade, who seized and held the city of Damietta from 1219 to 1221, and
+again under Louis IX of France, who held it from 1248 to 1249; but in
+the interval between these two Crusades the Emperor Frederick II was on
+friendly and even intimate terms with the sultans.[1397]
+
+William of Tyre, who knew Egypt at first hand, gives a vivid picture of
+the fertile strip of country, hemmed in on either side by two deserts
+“in which the land is so burned and sterile that it supports no herb and
+no manner of tree, except where the river Nile waters the ground when it
+is in flood; in these parts alone a great abundance of wheat can
+grow.”[1398] He speaks of the flood of the Nile, between the months of
+June and September, and how it leaves a rich deposit of silt; of the
+palm gardens like a forest along the banks of the stream; and of the
+extensive orchards of fruit trees in the neighborhood of
+Alexandria.[1399] He also fully describes the caliph’s palace at Cairo
+and the Mamelukes, or sultan’s bodyguard, recruited from the children of
+captured enemies.[1400]
+
+Benjamin of Tudela also marveled at the agricultural wealth of the flood
+plain of the Nile. The river alone, he said, irrigates and fertilizes
+the land, for “no rain falls, neither is ice or snow ever seen” (Adler’s
+translation). Among other curiosities he described the Nilometer, which
+measured the height of the flood waters, and he gave details regarding
+the agricultural crops and fruits. Benjamin quoted the correct
+explanation of the flood: “The Egyptians say that up the river, in the
+land of Al-Habash (Abyssinia), which is the land of Havilah, much rain
+descends at the time of the rising of the river, and this abundance of
+rain causes the river to rise and to cover the surface of the land”
+(Adler’s translation).[1401]
+
+
+                          AFRICA WEST OF EGYPT
+
+To the west of Egypt, according to the _De imagine mundi_, lies Africa,
+stretching from the Nile to the ocean. Here in order are the provinces
+of Libya, named from a queen of that name; Cyrenaica, called from the
+city of Cyrene; Pentapolis, from the five cities of Berenice, Arsinoë,
+Ptolemaïs, Apollonia, and Cyrene; Tripolis, from the three cities of
+Occasa, Berete, and Leptis Magna; Heusis, containing the site of
+Carthage; Getulia; Numidia, with Hippo, the home of St. Augustine; and
+Mauretania.[1402] The two Syrtes (Major and Minor), or shallow bays of
+the north coast of Africa, are shown on the Henry of Mayence map
+immediately to the west of Egypt.[1403] In the extreme west of Africa
+the _De imagine mundi_, with characteristic confusion, places Gades
+(Cadiz), from which the adjacent sea is called the Sea of Gades; and, on
+the borders of the ocean, Mount Atlas, a mountain of immense height,
+named after Atlas, once a king of Africa.[1404] These mountains also
+appear prominently on the St. Sever Beatus map as a long range running
+parallel to the Atlantic[1405] (see Fig. 2, p. 69, above). Other maps of
+the same group[1406] show two great peaks on the western coast of
+Africa, which seem to represent a confusion of the Atlas Mountains with
+the famous Pillars of Hercules. A legend on the St. Sever Beatus map in
+the neighborhood of Tangier (Tingi) draws attention to the fact that
+“this region produces monkeys and ostriches,”[1407] true certainly at
+the present day in regard to the former.
+
+In the fourth and fifth decades of the twelfth century the Norman king
+of Sicily, Roger II, the patron of Edrisi, conquered many of the seaport
+towns along what is now the coast of Tunis; and, though the Latins were
+expelled from this region by the powerful Moroccan dynasty of the
+Almohads,[1408] who during the following decade came to supersede the
+Almoravids in the domination over North Africa and Spain, close
+commercial relations were maintained between the northern and southern
+coasts of the Mediterranean Sea throughout the century and a half with
+which we are concerned.[1409] The Genoese held the foremost place in the
+North African trade; but Pisan, Venetian, Massiliot, and Catalan
+merchants also frequented the markets of the seaboard towns. Under the
+Almohads, Ceuta and Bugia were important _entrepôts_ of Genoese trade;
+and when the Almohad dominions split up in the early years of the
+thirteenth century (1212–1238), these two towns fell into the hands of
+Genoa.[1410] Genoese fleets also ventured through the Strait of
+Gibraltar and not only tapped the commerce of the western coasts of the
+Iberian Peninsula but penetrated as far as Saleh on the Moroccan shore.
+Christians also found their way in various capacities into the interior
+of Maghreb, as the Moslems termed these western territories of Islam.
+During the Crusading epoch many Christians were taken captive in the
+wars in Spain and by pirates on the high seas; most of these were sold
+into slavery in the markets of the sea ports of Morocco, Algeria, and
+Tunis and sent to drag out lives of suffering in the towns of the
+interior. Towards the close of the twelfth century a Christian religious
+order was formed for the purpose of ameliorating the sufferings of the
+captives and of bringing about their redemption by exchange with Moslem
+captives held in Christendom.[1411] We have evidence that these
+“Redemptorists,” and the Franciscan and Dominican friars who were soon
+to follow them in the same work and who also served as ministers of the
+Christian religion to the European merchants engaged in business in
+Moslem countries, were not at all inhospitably received.[1412] Their
+work was facilitated by almost uniformly friendly relations between the
+papacy and the rulers of Morocco, and the number of Christians in this
+part of the world became so great by the fourth decade of the thirteenth
+century that an episcopal see was established in Fez (1233),
+subsequently to be removed to Morocco City.[1413] Another tie between
+Morocco and the Latin West was created by the maintenance at the court
+of the Almohads and their successors of a mercenary force composed for
+the most part of Spanish Christians from Catalonia and Aragon.[1414]
+
+On certain of the Beatus maps a “sandy desert” is shown between Egypt,
+western Africa, and Ethiopia;[1415] and on the Psalter map it appears as
+a well-defined strip of territory labeled “sandy and sterile
+land.”[1416] This of course is no other than the Sahara,[1417] of which
+little or nothing was known, except that the Henry of Mayence map
+shows,[1418] far back in the desert, the Temple of Jupiter (Ammon), in
+the oasis of that name, known since antiquity, and the St. Sever Beatus
+map represents certain immense _salinae_, or salt pits (the two squares
+west of the Nile on Fig. 2, p. 69, above), said to wax and wane with the
+moon.[1419]
+
+
+                                ETHIOPIA
+
+South of Egypt and the Sahara lies Ethiopia. In the minds of medieval
+writers this name was not restricted to the region beyond Upper Egypt
+but was applied to the entire southern part of the known world, just as
+“India” sometimes was applied to the entire Far East. Indeed, from early
+classical times Ethiopia had itself been confused with India, and some
+of the writers whose works we are studying believed that the two regions
+were coterminous.
+
+Nearly all the maps of the period carried the extremities of Ethiopia
+far to the east and minimized the size of the Red Sea and Indian Ocean
+in such a way as to bring Central Africa within no great distance of
+India. On the Jerome map of Palestine two tracts called “India Egyptii”
+and “India Ethiopie” were placed along the shores of the Red Sea
+opposite the mouths of the Indus.[1420] Gervase of Tilbury speaks of
+three peoples inhabiting Ethiopia: the Hesperi in the west, the
+Garamantes in the center, and the “Indians” in the east,[1421] and adds
+that there are one hundred and twenty provinces “from India into
+Ethiopia.”[1422] The _De imagine mundi_ places Saba, the city of the
+Queen of Sheba, in the easterly part of Ethiopia.[1423] It was conceded
+that Ethiopia is terribly hot on account of the proximity of the sun and
+that the soil there for the most part is dry and desert. Gervase speaks
+of the mighty Mount Climax of Ptolemy, Orosius, and other ancient
+writers in the midst of Ethiopia, a home of bearded women and similar
+marvels.
+
+Some of the Beatus maps designate Ethiopia as a country “where there are
+races horrible on account of their strange faces and monstrous
+appearance. It extends as far as the borders of Egypt. It also abounds
+in wild beasts and serpents; and precious stones, cinnamon, and balsam
+are found there.”[1424] In fact, all remote parts of the world were made
+the habitats of marvels in the Middle Ages, and few parts of the known
+world were more remote than Ethiopia. In addition, the intimate
+connection between India and Ethiopia, which had persisted in the minds
+of men throughout so many ages, seems to have brought about a
+transference thither of many of those marvels and monsters that
+originally had been placed in the Far East. A most entertaining example
+of the peopling of Ethiopia by monstrous creatures is provided by the
+Psalter map and by the Ebstorf map of a period later than ours.[1425] On
+these the entire shore of the equatorial ocean along the southern border
+of the known world is lined with men that are tongueless, earless,
+noseless, or men that have four eyes or mouths and eyes on their
+breasts, and with cannibals, _cynocephali_, snake-eating troglodytes,
+and the like.
+
+
+                          SOURCES OF THE NILE
+
+The main interest in Ethiopia, however, lay in the fact that from this
+country comes that great river the problem of whose sources has puzzled
+mankind from the earliest ages down nearly to our own day. In classical
+times three theories had prevailed concerning the headwaters of the
+Nile.[1426] The correct theory, that of Eratosthenes and of Ptolemy,
+that the river rises in Ethiopia itself but far to the south, met with
+no recognition in our period. The second theory placed the sources in
+India and was closely allied with the very old belief that tended to
+confuse Ethiopia itself with India and can be traced back to Homeric or
+even pre-Homeric times.[1427] The third theory, which probably
+originated in vague rumors that reached the Carthaginians and later the
+Romans and still later the Moslems, of the eastward-flowing course of a
+great river south of the Sahara (a river which we now know to be the
+Niger), placed the headwaters of the Nile either in a great lake or else
+in the Atlas Mountains in western Africa close to the ocean.
+
+Traces of each of the last two theories are to be found in the writings
+of our period. According to the accepted interpretation of Scripture,
+the Nile was the same as the Gihon, one of the four rivers of Paradise,
+and its ultimate source must therefore have been in the east, where
+Paradise was nearly always thought to be. It is also possible that early
+Christian monks in Abyssinia may have learned of the course of certain
+of the eastern tributaries of the Atbara which rise close to the Red
+Sea, and this information, in the devious course of its transmission to
+Western Europe, may have been confused in such a way as to foster belief
+that one of these minor streams was the headwaters of the main river
+itself.[1428] In any case, Orosius,[1429] whose words were copied by
+Gervase of Tilbury,[1430] made the Nile spring from the ground near
+Mossylon Emporium on the shores of the Red Sea and, after flowing
+westward for some distance, turn north to enter Egypt. But he also said
+that other authorities state that the river rises far in the west and
+that, after an underground course through the sands and thence through a
+great lake, it runs eastward across the Ethiopian desert even as far as
+the ocean and then turns to the left into Egypt. In any case, he adds,
+it is true that there is a large river which has exactly such a source
+and produces all the monsters that the Nile does. The barbarians who
+dwell near its source call this latter river the Dara, but other natives
+name it the Nuchul. The Dara is mentioned by Pliny and the Nuchul by
+Mela; perhaps they represent a reminiscence of the generally
+eastward-flowing Niger. Orosius suggested that this river, coming from
+the west, may well contribute by an underground channel to the
+westward-flowing stream that springs from the earth near the Red Sea.
+Isidore seems to have derived from Orosius the idea of a West African
+origin of the Nile, its disappearance under ground, and subsequent
+emergence on the shores of the Red Sea and thence of its encircling of
+Ethiopia before flowing down into Egypt,[1431] and in this idea he was
+followed by the author of the _De imagine mundi_.[1432]
+
+Orosius’ and Isidore’s theories are graphically represented on the maps.
+Several of the Beatus maps simply show the river springing from
+mountains in the western part of the continent and swinging east and
+north into the Mediterranean.[1433] The symbols and legends on the St.
+Sever Beatus[1434] indicate (see Fig. 2, p. 69, above) that the river
+originates in the neighborhood of the Atlas Mountains; thence, passing
+beneath the sands, it expands into a vast lake, whence it flows toward
+the east through an immense swamp, like the Maeotic Swamp, but
+surrounded by mountains. After this it turns to the left, envelops the
+Isle of Meroë, and flows down into Egypt. Other maps, like the Cotton,
+Henry of Mayence (inset on Fig. 6, p. 245, above), and Jerome map of
+Palestine are even more faithful to the Orosian description. The sources
+of the Nile proper are shown near the Red Sea in the eastern part of
+Ethiopia, but another large river is also depicted, coming from the far
+west near the Atlas range and emptying into a large lake not far from
+the sources of the Nile, with which the lake may communicate. The Cotton
+map[1435] splits this river into two sections and calls the upper
+section “Dara” and the lower “Fluvius Nilus.” On the Jerome map of
+Palestine[1436] it is called “Nuchul” and made to flow into a lake of
+the same name. Henry of Mayence[1437] names it “fl. Gion.”
+
+
+                   TRADITIONAL VIEW OF CENTRAL AFRICA
+
+As a matter of fact, no new information about Central Africa was brought
+to light during our entire period or had been during many centuries
+before, and no new theories were propounded. Old and hackneyed notions
+were handed down from one writer to another. Simar, in a recent
+admirable study of the geographical ideas regarding Central Africa in
+antiquity and in the Middle Ages, trenchantly sums up the whole matter
+with the following words, which might equally well be applied to ideas
+regarding many other parts of the world: “These meager notions soon
+became stereotyped and were repeated by the scholars of the Middle Ages,
+who vied with each other in their unalterable ardor. From Martianus
+Capella in the fourth century to Honorius of Autun [here the author of
+the _De imagine mundi_ is meant] in the twelfth, passing by Macrobius,
+Priscian, Saint Avitus, Gregory of Tours, Jornandes, the Venerable Bede,
+Raban Maur, Dicuil, Alfred the Great, Alfric, Adelbold, Richer, Asaph,
+Hermann Contractus, Robert of St. Martin of Auxerre, Otto of Freising,
+Hugh of St. Victor, and even, later, the historian Joinville, men copied
+Solinus, Orosius, and Isidore and adopted like them a round _oikoumene_
+separated from the _terra incognita_ by an impassable equatorial ocean,
+the uninhabitability of the torrid zone, the limit of Africa this side
+of the equator, the sources of the Nile in Mauretania, its course
+through Ethiopia from west to east, its ultimate origin in the
+Terrestrial Paradise situated to the east of India, and its submarine
+course as far as its emergence in the western part of Libya.”[1438]
+
+
+                        _THE MEDITERRANEAN SEA_
+
+
+                        THE NAME “MEDITERRANEAN”
+
+To the great chain of inland seas that lies between Africa, Asia, and
+Europe the Romans had applied the name of _mare internum_ or _mare
+nostrum_. Solinus was probably the first to describe these as
+mediterranean seas, and Isidore the first to convert the term
+“mediterranean” into a proper name.[1439] The authority of Isidore was
+sufficient to make this designation familiar to future ages; and it was
+used by the author of the _De imagine mundi_ and by Gervase of Tilbury
+with the same connotation that it enjoys at the present day.[1440] The
+term, however, was not firmly established in popular use in our period
+and is conspicuously absent from most of the maps, which as a rule
+either give no name at all for the sea as a whole or else employ some
+vague designation like _mare nostrum_ or _mare magnum_.[1441]
+
+Gervase of Tilbury says[1442] that the Mediterranean is shaped like a
+letter Y with two branches, a longer one extending from the entrance
+(Strait of Gibraltar) to the Hellespont, and a shorter one forming the
+Sea of Alexandria or of Syria. This comparison suggests that Gervase
+must have had before him a typical medieval map of the world with east
+at the top. More detailed is the account of the Mediterranean in Plato
+of Tivoli’s translation of Al-Battānī’s _Astronomy_.[1443] Here the
+“Roman Sea” is described as extending a distance of 5000 miles [!] from
+the Isle of Gadir (Cadiz) to Tyre and Sidon; it has various branches,
+one running off towards the Narbonnese, one called Adriatic, another
+called Pontus; and it contains a total of one hundred and sixty-two
+inhabited islands, of which five are especially noteworthy on account of
+their size.
+
+
+                 THE MEDITERRANEAN DURING THE CRUSADES
+
+During the Crusades the Mediterranean served as one of the main highways
+from the West to the Holy Land, and hence the men of Europe were enabled
+to learn much of its waters and coasts. Though the principal armies of
+the First Crusade had proceeded overland, in the years that followed the
+establishment of the states of the Crusaders there was constant coming
+and going by sea between the Levant and the ports of Italy, France, and
+England. The sea route was the way taken by the armies of Philip
+Augustus and Richard Coeur-de-Lion in 1190; by the cosmopolitan army
+that captured Constantinople in 1204; by Frederick II and the
+ill-starred expedition of St. Louis to Egypt; as well as by innumerable
+pilgrims, soldiers, merchants, and other individuals unconnected with
+any definite Crusading enterprise.
+
+
+            INSTRUCTIONS FOR NAVIGATION IN THE MEDITERRANEAN
+
+Perhaps the most attractive account of the Mediterranean derived from
+the literature of the Crusaders is to be found in the chronicles and
+histories recording the expedition of Richard Coeur-de-Lion. The _Gesta
+regis Ricardi_, mistakenly attributed to Benedict of Peterborough, and
+the _Chronica_ of Roger of Hoveden contain descriptions of routes and
+coasts, parts of which were undoubtedly drawn from manuals of
+navigation. Here we find much the same sort of data that at the present
+time is incorporated in our Coast Pilot books, a combination of
+practical advice to sailors with useful and interesting information
+about the waters, islands, and shores. Great care is taken to inform the
+navigator of the best and most practicable routes for him to follow. For
+example, two ways are mentioned of going from Marseilles to Acre, one
+through the open sea and the other near the coast.[1444] If the wind is
+favorable you can proceed by the first, leaving Sardinia and Sicily out
+of sight to the left, though you must constantly be on your guard
+against running too far to the right and falling afoul of the barbarian
+shores.[1445] With a good breeze this journey can be made in fifteen
+days,[1446] and vessels are safer on it from the menace of pirates than
+when they follow the coastwise route. On the other hand, the navigation
+is more difficult, and under no circumstances should this route be
+attempted by galleys, which might easily be sunk if a storm should come
+up. In the account of the coastwise route various menaces and dangers to
+ships are carefully pointed out. For instance, off the coast of Greece,
+about twenty miles from land and fifty from Modon, there is a low round
+rock called Triffar; and in order to avoid it ships are warned not to
+stand too far out to sea. West-bound vessels, however, are advised,
+instead of passing through the channels between “Chefeline”
+(Cephalonia), “Fale de Campar” (Ithaca), and the neighboring islands to
+keep out to sea, placing these islands on the right. Navigators are
+cautioned to beware of a sand bar in Corfu harbor with only four and a
+half _ulnae_ of water upon it. The dangers of the narrow and crooked
+channel between Corfu and the mainland make it advisable for vessels en
+route to Italy to avoid taking this passage and, by steering out to sea,
+to leave Corfu on the right. The harbor of Karentet (Santa Quaranta) is
+said to be a fine one, except for submerged reefs at the entrance and
+extending under about half of its area; the best approach for ships is
+not far from the Corfu side.
+
+We find also many full and practical details regarding the distances
+between various points along the coasts, the width of straits, the
+length of islands; the names of seaport towns and now and then their
+products and other distinguishing features are mentioned, for example,
+the fact that Marseilles has an excellent harbor surrounded on all sides
+by hills, or that Almeria in Spain is far-famed for its manufacture of
+silk. Prominent landmarks are carefully pointed out: great mountains
+making promontories on the coast of Spain, sand banks, the mouths of
+rivers (like the Ebro, or the Salef in Asia Minor, “in which Frederick
+Barbarossa was drowned and from the neighborhood of the sources of which
+the three wise men were said to have come”), the high peaks in the
+interior of Crete, or the volcanoes of Sicily and the Lipari Isles.
+Marine life, such as the flying fish of the waters near Corsica and
+Sardinia as well as less credible monstrosities of the Gulf of Satalia
+on the southern coast of Asia Minor, also seems to have aroused the
+curiosity of the navigator and chronicler.[1447]
+
+
+                      ISLANDS OF THE MEDITERRANEAN
+
+Most medieval maps show the islands of the Mediterranean scattered about
+with scant respect for their actual locations and relative sizes. The
+Guido map of the world, for instance, indicates but one island by name
+in the entire Mediterranean, and that is “Baleares.”[1448] The most
+important islands are fairly well represented on the St. Sever
+Beatus[1449] (Fig. 2, p. 69, above), but the draftsman of the Osma
+Beatus did not have room enough for Tenedos and Rhodes in the
+Mediterranean (Fig. 4, p. 123, above), and hence placed then in the
+circumambient ocean to the east of Taprobane![1450] In the _De imagine
+mundi_ and in the _Otia imperialia_ the islands are described in a dull
+and catalogue-like manner from the data given by Orosius and other
+classical authorities.[1451] The accounts of the Mediterranean in the
+chronicles which we have just been discussing also add little beside
+scattering details on Corfu and Cyprus and a significant observation
+that, owing to the danger from pirates, a large number of the islands of
+the Greek archipelago had been deserted by their inhabitants.[1452]
+
+Guy of Bazoches, who journeyed overseas with the Crusaders to Syria in
+1190, told in a letter to his nephews[1453] that on the third morning
+out from Marseilles they were in sight of Corsica and the many and
+varied inlets and promontories of its broken coast. The following day
+Sardinia was visible, likewise on the left. Sardinia, Guy wrote, might
+almost have been called free from poisonous serpents, were it not for
+one variety, the _solifuga_, which took the place of all the others,
+since the poisonous virulence of all serpents was concentrated in this
+one. Besides this there was a violently poisonous plant in Sardinia. On
+the other hand, these pests were compensated for by the presence of hot
+springs in several parts of the island which prevailed against the
+_solifuga_ and were good for broken bones and for the eyes. We have
+already spoken[1454] of Guy’s description of Sicily, which was reached
+soon after Sardinia was left behind. From Sicily Guy came to Crete, “a
+famous island and once powerful with a hundred cities.” Crete was
+blessed with an absence of all kinds of serpents, though the place of
+serpents was taken by a small animal called a _spalangius_, the bite of
+which was deadly. In the sea where Crete lay were the Cyclades, forming
+a circle around Delos, and Cyprus, more pleasing to the eye because of
+the richness of its fields, the delights of its vineyards, and its
+far-famed fertility.
+
+
+                                _Sicily_
+
+The critical position of Sicily on the routes between East and West and
+North and South, its peculiar volcanic phenomena, as well as the
+establishment of a Norman kingdom there, brought that island to the
+attention of the outside world.[1455] Sicily came inevitably to figure
+in the poetry and legend of the period both in France and in the isle
+itself. The song of Roland and the Breton cycle of legends of King
+Arthur were sung and related on Sicilian soil, and echoes of these
+popular romances found their way into the Latin literature of our age.
+One story had it that the peers of Charlemagne had passed through Sicily
+on their return from Jerusalem and had named mountains after Roland and
+Oliver. Godfrey of Viterbo wrote: “There stands a great mountain which
+was called Roland and another similarly called Oliver, and these names
+were applied by the bold dukes as memorials.”[1456] Gervase of Tilbury
+was inclined to treat skeptically the report of how, in his own day,
+King Arthur, said to have been enclosed within Mongibel (Etna), had
+appeared miraculously on the outside of the mountain.[1457] King Arthur
+also was associated in a French poem, _Florian et Florete_, with a
+distinctively Sicilian fairy, Morgain—who gave her name to the _fata
+morgana_, or mirage, over the Strait of Messina, and with Mongibel, an
+abode of supernatural beings. French poets writing of Sicily from far
+away often revealed an amazing ignorance of the geography of the isle,
+as is well shown by the _Dolopathos_ of Jean of Haute Seille, in which
+not only is the city of Mantua placed in Sicily but the insular
+character of the latter is entirely overlooked.[1458]
+
+The travelers Conrad of Querfurt and Guy of Bazoches both discuss the
+phenomena of Etna[1459] and Scylla and Charybdis and refer to the
+stories of Arethusa and of the rape of Proserpina.[1460] Conrad
+identifies Taormina with the home of the minotaur.[1461] These
+twelfth-century travelers were well read in the classical mythology of
+the places they chose to visit.
+
+With this mythical lore of the Mediterranean island should be contrasted
+a few excellent and graphic accounts given by eyewitnesses. The
+troubadour Ambroise, who sings of the expedition of Richard
+Coeur-de-Lion, tells us something of the contemporary population of
+Messina, consisting of Lombards, “Griffons” (or Greeks), and “persons of
+Saracen extraction.”[1462] The latter, he complained, treated the French
+pilgrims abominably, insulting them with evil gestures, calling them
+dogs, and acting in an especially objectionable manner when the
+Frenchmen tried to take liberties with the Saracens’ wives, a naïve
+admission not to the credit of the Frenchmen. We have already alluded to
+the graphic descriptions of Etna in the letters of Guy of Bazoches and
+in the second redaction of the _Image du monde_.[1463]
+
+
+                                _EUROPE_
+
+
+                          NORTHEASTERN EUROPE
+
+Eastern and northeastern Europe were quite as shadowy and unfamiliar to
+the men of the West during our period as Central Asia or the heart of
+Africa. Classical tradition had placed in the northern part of Europe a
+range of mountains not far from the Ocean Stream, the Rhipaeans—perhaps
+an echo of some very early acquaintance with the Urals.[1464] Between
+these and the Ocean, so Gervase of Tilbury[1465] affirmed, there was a
+land in the vicinity of the “septentrional” circle (called thus from the
+“seven stars” and known to the Greeks as the “Arctic circle”) so cold as
+to be constantly frozen and uninhabitable. Another tradition dating back
+to remote antiquity placed the Hyperboreans far north in a region of
+temperate climate. Robert Grosseteste and Roger Bacon tried to prove
+that such a climate might be produced by the character of the mountains
+at very high latitudes.[1466] The rivers of Scythia, among them the
+Lentulus and the Tanaïs (Don), were said to have their sources in the
+Rhipaean Mountains, and of these the Tanaïs, which was the largest,
+after flowing past the altar of Augustus, constantly poured an immense
+volume of water into the Euxine (Black Sea) near Theodosia.[1467]
+
+
+                                 RUSSIA
+
+More recent information about Russia had been acquired by men of the
+West, though it had not been widely disseminated. In regard to northern
+Russia the Northmen were in possession of much valuable knowledge. We
+have already mentioned their adventurous voyagings in the Baltic and
+around the North Cape into the White Sea to a region which they had
+called Biarma.[1468] There is evidence that their trade with Biarmaland
+was maintained throughout our period, although only three actual voyages
+after the tenth century are recorded: one in 1090, one in 1217, and one
+in 1222.[1469] A member of the expedition of 1217, however, crossed
+Russia to the Black Sea and penetrated ultimately to the Holy Land
+before returning to Norway.
+
+Of southern Russia and the northern coasts of the Black Sea some slight
+knowledge had undoubtedly filtered into the West through the medium of
+the Italian merchants. Though Genoese, Pisans, and Venetians penetrated
+these regions in the twelfth century,[1470] the great expansion of
+Occidental commerce into the steppes and thence into the heart of Asia
+came only after the establishment of the Latin Empire in Constantinople
+in 1204 and after the conquest of the Ukraine and Crimea by the Mongols,
+whose relatively tolerant rule was favorable to the presence of European
+colonies and mercantile enterprise. Otto of Freising mentions the tribes
+dwelling to the north and east of Hungary on the plains of Russia,
+Petchenegs and Komans, devourers of raw and foul meats, such as those of
+horses and cats—tribes who inhabited a land which, though rich in game,
+had never felt the plow or rake.[1471] The Komans were also spoken of by
+Robert de Clari (died 1216) in his _Prise de Constantinople_ as a
+tent-dwelling folk, living on cattle, cheese, and milk and possessed of
+large herds of horses.[1472] We have already quoted from Matthew Paris’
+graphic description of the Mongols,[1473] who swept into Russia in
+1222–1224 and later, in 1240–1243, menaced Central Europe itself.
+
+
+                                 POLAND
+
+Northwest of these tribes lay Poland, of which Ragewin gave a brief
+description in his continuation of Otto’s _Gesta Friderici_.[1474]
+Dwelling in a country bounded by the Oder on the west, the Vistula on
+the east, the Ruthenians and the Scythian Ocean on the north, and the
+Bohemian Forest on the south, the Poles, he tells us, are well protected
+by the character of the land on which they live. They are almost a
+barbaric people and are very quick to fight, partly because of their own
+inherent ferocity but partly too because of contact with more ferocious
+neighbors on the shores of the sea that washes their coasts.[1475]
+
+
+    SLAVIC EUROPE AS DESCRIBED BY BENJAMIN OF TUDELA AND PETACHIA OF
+                                RATISBON
+
+The Hebrew travelers Benjamin of Tudela and Petachia of Ratisbon also
+wrote of Slavic Europe, the former from hearsay, the latter from
+personal observation. Benjamin stated that Russia was “a great empire
+stretching from the gate of Prague to the gates of Kieff, the large city
+which is at the extremity of that Empire. It is a land of mountains and
+forests, where there are to be found animals called _vair_ [a species of
+marten], ermine, and sable”[1476] (Adler’s translation). It seems that
+Benjamin would include in Russia much of Bohemia, Galicia, and Poland,
+together with the Carpathian Mountains. Petachia, who traversed Russia,
+Caucasia, and Armenia on his way from Prague to Baghdad, was one of the
+few Occidental travelers of the Middle Ages who ventured into the land
+of the steppes before the overland journeys of John of Pian de Carpine,
+William of Rubruck,[1477] and others to the Mongol court during the
+middle and closing years of the thirteenth century. Petachia commented
+on the absence of mountains in Russia. He described accurately the
+tent-dwellers of Kedar, or the Ukraine (Petchenegs and Komans), noting
+especially the horsehide rafts on which they cross the great rivers;
+their diet of rice and millet boiled in milk and of raw flesh which they
+warm under the saddles of their horses; their custom of drinking from
+vessels of copper cast in the shape of a human face; their government in
+the hands of princes and nobles rather than of kings. He gave some
+details about that portion of the Sea of Azov now known as the Putrid
+Sea, telling us that when the wind blows from its foul surface in the
+direction of the Black Sea it causes the death of many people![1478]
+
+
+                                HUNGARY
+
+With Pannonia, or Hungary, Western Europe was in much more intimate
+contact than with Russia and Poland. Gervase of Tilbury, to be sure,
+adds little to what Orosius had told about this country,[1479] but in
+Otto of Freising’s _Gesta Friderici_ there is a description of both land
+and people.[1480] Otto writes that Pannonia is enclosed by woods and
+mountains, particularly by the range of the Apennines (_sic_); it forms
+a wide and well-watered plain, fed by springs and rivers; there are a
+great many woods stocked with game of every variety, and the land
+abounds in fields so rich and fertile that they can be likened either to
+the Paradise of God or else to Egypt. The aspect of the country is
+beautiful but rendered so rather by nature itself than by the work of
+man, for, owing to the barbaric state of civilization in which the
+people remain, walls and buildings are very rare. Boundaries are marked
+by the courses of great rivers and not by woods and hills. The names
+which Otto assigns to the borders of Pannonia have a distinctly modern
+sound, contrasting with the classical geographic nomenclature used by
+Gervase for all this part of the world. “Eastward, where the famous
+river Sawa (Save) is received by the Danube, Pannonia borders on
+Bulgaria; westward on Moravia and the eastern marches of the Teutons;
+southward on Croatia, Dalmatia, Hystria (Istria), or Carinthia; and
+northward on Boemia (Bohemia), Polimia (Poland), Ruthenia, etc.; to the
+northeast are the Pecenati (Petchenegs) and Falones (Komans), and to the
+southeast is Rama.” Otto also describes rather fully the tent-dwellers
+of the Hungarian plain. The country, he says, has suffered much through
+the invasions of barbarians, and hence no wonder it remains a land where
+the people are of rough speech and little culture. First the Huns
+overran this region, then the Avars, eaters of raw and unclean meat, and
+finally the Hungarians from Scythia. The latter have deep-set eyes, are
+ugly and small, wild and barbaric in speech and customs; and one is
+constrained to wonder at the injustice of fate, or, even more, at the
+patience of God, for giving such a beautiful country to such a monstrous
+folk. Otto then adds further details about the customs of the people:
+their deliberation in council, their unlimited obedience to the
+tyrannical and arbitrary authority of their kings, the rigid
+requirements of their military system. Their dwellings in the villages
+and towns are primitive to an extreme, the houses nearly always built of
+reeds, rarely of wood, and almost never of stone. As a matter of fact,
+the majority of the people lived both winter and summer in tents.
+
+Relations between France and Hungary were fairly close in the twelfth
+century.[1481] Intermarriages between members of the reigning houses had
+induced many of the Hungarian nobles to imitate French manners and
+customs. French teaching monks and military orders (Templars and
+Hospitalers) had established themselves in the Danubian plain before the
+close of the century, and during the Crusades many Frenchmen found
+occasion to visit the eastern kingdom in one capacity or another.[1482]
+In the thirteenth century the Gallic colonies in Hungary became even
+more numerous than previously, and French merchants and architects were
+well known among the Magyars.[1483] Conversely, this French infiltration
+led to the dissemination of some knowledge of Hungary in France and to
+frequent mention of that country in the _chansons de geste_, though the
+phrase “to go to Hungary” was held to be synonymous with visiting any
+extremely distant and unknown region.[1484] It was not in the nature of
+the _chansons de geste_ to supply detailed geographical information,
+least of all about a remote country; and consequently the presence of
+any testimony at all of a geographical nature in them justifies our
+belief that the troubadours knew more of Hungary than their songs at
+first glance would seem to indicate. We are told that among the products
+of the Magyar kingdom were horses, mules, and donkeys, which were
+exported to France; that the gold of Hungary was well known in the West;
+and that there were many cities in this realm, though only one of these,
+Striguus, is mentioned by name.
+
+
+                            BALKAN PENINSULA
+
+Quite characteristically, in dealing with Hungary and the Balkan
+Peninsula, such writers as the author of the _De imagine mundi_[1485]
+and Gervase of Tilbury [1486] merely copied from Isidore and Orosius,
+who in turn had derived their knowledge from much earlier sources. The
+accounts of this part of Europe in these standard authorities of our
+period, though fairly full, were nearly a thousand years out of date.
+Even so, it comes as something of a shock to find that on the Jerome map
+of the East, drawn as late as 1150, a legend near the Ister (Danube)
+informs us that in this locality “the pygmies fight with the
+cranes.”[1487]
+
+More recent information seems to have been gathered by Arnold of Lübeck.
+In the _Chronica Slavorum_[1488] he speaks of a city of Ravenelle,[1489]
+where the river Ravana flows into the Morava. This city, he says, lies
+in the midst of a wood, and its inhabitants are called Servi. They are
+sons of the devil, heathens, ravenous for meat, and worthy of their
+name, for they are the slaves of all low and foul passions and live like
+beasts but are even wilder than beasts. In such uncomplimentary terms
+Arnold describes the ancestors of the modern Serbians and adds that they
+were subjects of the kings of the Greeks, i. e. the Byzantine emperors.
+
+In regard to the Balkan Peninsula as well as to Hungary, however, much
+knowledge had undoubtedly been gained through the Crusaders. The main
+route from the West to Constantinople by way of the Morava and Maritsa
+valleys was taken in the First Crusade by Godfrey of Bouillon; in the
+Second by Louis VII and Conrad III (1147); and, in the Third, Frederick
+Barbarossa followed it as far as Adrianople, whence he made his way into
+Asia Minor through Gallipoli and across the Dardanelles. Other leaders
+of the First Crusade had traveled overland from the Adriatic at Durazzo
+and Avlona to Thessalonica and thence eastward along the shore to the
+Bosporus. During the Fourth Crusade the Latin fleet coasted Dalmatia,
+Greece, and the Archipelago; and the founding of the Latin Empire, with
+its petty Frankish principalities in Greece and among the isles,
+inevitably established a connection between those parts of the world and
+Europe beyond the Alps.
+
+Knowledge of Balkan countries was also derived from trade as well as
+from the enterprise of the Crusaders. In the twelfth century, Occidental
+colonies were to be found in practically all the important cities of the
+Byzantine Empire. Heyd in his _Histoire du commerce du Levant_[1490]
+gives a summary of the evidence on this subject, which shows that before
+the Fourth Crusade (1203–1204) there were in existence colonies, mostly
+of Italians from Genoa, Venice, and Pisa. Thessalonica harbored in its
+foreign quarter not only Italians, but Spaniards, Portuguese, and
+French. As commerce went mainly by sea, an important traffic had sprung
+up among the islands of the Archipelago and especially between Euboea,
+Crete, Rhodes, Lemnos, and the West, though prior to the Fourth Crusade
+Western merchants avoided penetrating the interior of Greece.
+
+
+                            _Constantinople_
+
+Constantinople was a great meeting place of merchants from all quarters
+of the known world and consequently a very important center for the
+dispersal of geographical knowledge. During the twelfth century Pisan,
+Venetian, and Genoese colonies flourished together there unharmoniously
+and vied with each other for trade privileges, but after 1204 the
+Venetians had matters very much in their own hands. Eustathius,
+archbishop of Thessalonica, says[1491] that in 1180 there were no fewer
+than 60,000 Latins in Constantinople and that the majority of these were
+Italians. Benjamin of Tudela[1492] and other writers also tell of
+merchants here from Babylon, Mesopotamia, Media, Persia, Armenia, Iberia
+(in the Caucasus), Egypt, Palestine, Russia, Hungary, the country of the
+Petchenegs, Bulgaria, Spain, France, and Germany, though the Latins were
+by all odds the most numerous among this multitude. After the
+establishment of the Latin Empire in 1204 we hear of the presence of
+Provençaux, Spaniards, citizens of Ancona, and even Danes and
+English,[1493] though the latter were probably mercenaries rather than
+traders. With this motley population Constantinople was preëminently the
+great cosmopolitan city of the world and as such served as a vast
+clearing house for geographical information brought thither from all
+four corners of the earth.
+
+Benjamin of Tudela described the Constantinople of his day in graphic
+terms,[1494] alluding especially to the busy activity of its merchants,
+the costly magnificence of its buildings (notably the Church of Santa
+Sophia and the Palace of Blachernae), as well as to the wealth of its
+Greek inhabitants, who “go clothed in garments of silk with gold
+embroidery and ride horses and look like princes” (Adler’s translation).
+He was impressed by the great shows given annually on Christmas Day at
+the Hippodrome, the like of which were to be seen in no other land;
+here, in accord with the old Roman custom, lions, leopards, bears, and
+wild asses were made to engage in combat. The Jews of Constantinople
+were segregated in the quarter of Pera, where their condition was very
+miserable, and they were subjected to many indignities. “Yet,” Benjamin
+adds, “the Jews are rich and good, kindly and charitable, and bear their
+lot with cheerfulness.”
+
+
+                                 ITALY
+
+Otto of Freising’s _Gesta Friderici_[1495] probably contains one of the
+best general descriptions of Italy dating from the time of the
+Crusades.[1496] Otto says that the Italian peninsula as a whole is
+divided into three parts. The districts that once constituted the Roman
+_colonia_ form _ulterior Italia_, which consists of Venetia, Emilia, and
+Liguria, with Aquileia, Ravenna, and Milan respectively as capitals. The
+part “within” the Apennines, where Rome and Tuscany are situated, is
+known as _interior Italia_. Beyond these mountains (to the south) are
+the fields from which Campania derives its name. This part of the
+peninsula extends as far as the Faro, or strait cutting off Sicily from
+the mainland—Sicily itself being counted with Sardinia and other
+neighboring isles as a part of Italy—and is known as _citerior Italia_,
+or Magna Graecia. In Otto’s day this third portion was more commonly
+called Apulia or Calabria. In conclusion Otto adds that some authorities
+preferred to divide Italy into two parts only, _ulterior_ and
+_citerior_, the latter consisting of the above-mentioned middle and
+southern districts together.[1497]
+
+Otto waxes particularly enthusiastic about Northern Italy, a region
+which he conceived of as bordered or hedged in by the high and craggy
+ranges of the Apennines and “Pyrenean” (_sic_) Alps, stretching out in
+either direction, enclosing the region in their midst. Like a “garden of
+delights” (the term frequently used to describe Paradise), this district
+is bounded by the Pyrenean Alps on the north, the Apennines (vulgarly
+called Mount Bardo) on the south, the Tyrrhenian Sea on the west, and
+the Adriatic on the east. Watered by the course of the great river Po,
+or Eridanus (which topographers considered one of the three most famous
+streams of Europe, says Otto), and by other rivers, blessed with a rich
+soil and a temperate climate, this land is most fertile in grain, in the
+vine and olive, and produces such a variety of fruit trees—especially
+chestnuts, figs, and olives—that it resembles an immense grove.[1498]
+
+To the world beyond the Alps, Lombardy was the best-known part of Italy.
+Godfrey of Viterbo[1499] dilates on its immense potential strength, with
+thirty cities, the equal of any one of which could scarcely be found
+elsewhere in the world. The population of Lombardy is thicker than the
+hair on a woman’s head, and rare are the times when a ship cannot be
+seen on the Po. Otto of Freising[1500] gives an account of the Lombard
+invasion of Northern Italy, of the founding of Milan and its neighboring
+cities, and of the free government and liberal democratic institutions
+of the Italian city states.
+
+Gunther of Pairis amplified and made more picturesque Otto of Freising’s
+description of Italy, but it is doubtful whether he added any
+observations resulting from first-hand acquaintance with the peninsula.
+Whatever the sources from which he derived his descriptions of Lombardy
+and Apulia—his own imagination, personal experience, the inspiration of
+classical poetry, or the _Gesta Friderici_—if we compare them, we find
+that the differences between the inhabitants of the northern and
+southern parts of the peninsula were fully appreciated in the twelfth
+century. The Lombards, Gunther says,[1501] are a keen, skillful, and
+active people, foresighted in counsel, expert in justice, strong in body
+and spirit, full of life and handsome to look upon, with light, supple
+bodies that give them great powers of endurance, economical and always
+moderate in eating and drinking, masters of their hands and mouths,
+honorable in every business transaction, mighty in the arts and always
+eagerly striving for the new. Lovers of freedom and ready to face death
+for freedom’s sake, these people have never been willing to submit to
+kings.
+
+Apulia in the south, Gunther goes on to say, is also a fair country,
+rich in all the blessings of this earth:[1502] fruit trees, vineyards,
+pasture lands, towns and cities, all of which make a gloriously
+beautiful prospect. But what a contrast its people present to the
+Lombards, dirty, lazy, weak, good-for-nothing idlers that they are!
+
+
+                                 _Rome_
+
+Rome must have been in a sad state of decay and dilapidation, if we can
+place any trust in the picturesque accounts of the city given by Otto
+and Gunther.[1503] From our period there also dates a little booklet on
+the topography and monuments of Rome, which exerted wide influence and
+enjoyed great popularity during the thirteenth and later centuries. This
+work, the _Mirabilia urbis Romae_, contains a discourse on the
+antiquities and architecture of the Eternal City. It is in three parts.
+Part One treats of “the foundation of Rome and of her chief monuments,
+with chapters on the town walls, gates, arches, hills, baths, palaces,
+theaters, bridges, cemeteries, places where the saints suffered
+martyrdom,” and so on; Part Two contains “divers histories touching
+certain famous places and images in Rome,” that is legends of both
+classical and Christian origin; and Part Three is a “perambulation of
+the city,” like Baedeker in its fullness of topographical and
+architectural detail. Though this book is a dry catalogue, its very
+existence and popularity are significant of the fact that antiquities
+aroused interest in the twelfth century and that the archeological
+tourist was not altogether a product of the days of the Renaissance.
+Gregorovius, the historian of medieval Rome, says of the _Mirabilia_:
+“In this curious composition ... Roman archeology, which has now
+attained such appalling proportions, puts forth its earliest shoots in a
+naïve and barbarous form and in a Latin as ruinous as its
+subject.”[1504]
+
+Another contemporary writer on Roman monuments, an unknown Master
+Gregory, includes a description of six out of the seven wonders of the
+world in his short tract on the marvels of the Eternal City![1505]
+
+
+                             _Antiquities_
+
+In a letter of the traveler Conrad of Querfurt describing a journey
+through Italy[1506] we also find a strongly antiquarian interest in
+evidence. Conrad’s primary concern was for the mythological and
+historical associations of the places he visited, and he took a genuine
+tourist’s pride in being able to say that he had seen with his own eyes
+spots made famous by the poets. His route carried him over the Alps to
+Mantua, thence down the length of the peninsula to the Strait of Messina
+and into Sicily. He tells us that he would have been amazed at the
+smallness of the famous Rubicon and that such a paltry stream could have
+presented any kind of obstacle to Caesar, had not a native informed him
+that in rainy weather the river was much wider. In the vicinity of
+Naples he noted, besides the baths of Virgil at Baiae, certain natural
+features: Mount “Veseus” (Vesuvius), which every ten years sends out
+flames and stinking ashes, and the subterranean passages under Monte
+Barbaro. Calabria, he says, is a rough and trackless country through
+which it is necessary to pass in order to reach Sicily.
+
+
+                                 SPAIN
+
+Gervase of Tilbury[1507] adds little besides a list of the
+archiepiscopal sees and their suffragans to the dry details which
+Orosius[1508] and the _De imagine mundi_[1509] had furnished concerning
+Spain. In the _Chronica_[1510] of Roger of Hoveden the story of the
+passage of Richard Coeur-de-Lion’s fleet around the coasts of the
+Iberian Peninsula was the occasion for a discussion of the geography of
+that part of the world, together with a list of the towns of the coast.
+Roger[1511] enumerates the bishoprics of Spain and, in his description
+of Castile, mentions Toledo as the seat of the primate, under whom there
+were twenty-one bishops. He says that there were two hundred castles in
+Castile and, furthermore, that Castile contained a mountain from which
+were taken daily many thousand camel-loads of earth. No matter how big
+an excavation was made, if rain fell it was always filled up again on
+the following day. This earth was sold in the surrounding countries for
+washing the heads and garments of Christians and pagans alike. Roger
+also is careful to bring out the distinction between Christian Spain,
+consisting of Navarre, Castile, Portugal, Aragon, and the “lands of the
+kings of St. James” (Leon), on the one hand, and Saracenic Spain,
+comprising the kingdoms of Cordova, “Gahang” (Jaén), Murcia, and
+Valencia, on the other.
+
+
+                                THE ALPS
+
+Otto of Freising asserted that the Alps and Apennines join near
+Tortona,[1512] though he was not inclined to dispute a prevalent belief
+that these two mountain systems form in effect one continuous
+range.[1513] In order to demonstrate this, he says people assert that,
+as viewed from the deck of a vessel lying off Genoa, the two systems
+appear to be continuous and to constitute the same mountain range and
+that, according to Isidore, Pannonia was enclosed by the Apennines, from
+which it took its name. He argues that the portion of the Apennines
+which encloses Pannonia certainly cannot be the same as that part which
+is to be found in peninsular Italy and is there called Mount Bardo, but
+must be a continuation of the “Pyrenean Alps.”
+
+The Alps themselves not only are a great, wall-like barrier—broken, to
+be sure, by relatively low breaches—between Italy and the North, but
+themselves constitute a broad band of territory which until
+comparatively recent times has been difficult of access and during the
+Middle Ages was for the most part virtually _terra incognita_ to the
+outside world. The existence of thickly populated centers of civilized
+life on either side had, however, long before our age led to
+familiarity with the main routes through the mountains. There were
+four or five motives which induced men to cross the Alps in the Middle
+Ages. Ecclesiastics traversed them when bound to and from Rome on
+official missions. German emperors en route to Italy to be crowned and
+to attempt to regulate Italian affairs led their armies over their
+defiles. Pilgrims and Crusaders toiled painfully through their passes
+towards Rome and the East; and merchants brought their wares across
+the snows back and forth from the busy cities of Northern Italy.
+Taking it all in all, there must have been a large number of men
+scattered throughout Germany, France, England, and the Scandinavian
+countries who were acquainted with the appearance of Alpine scenery
+and the difficulties of Alpine travel. Between 1100 and 1250 seven
+emperors made no less than thirty-nine journeys over Alpine
+passes.[1514] The size of their armies varied greatly. The numbers
+given for the immense concourse (30,000) which Henry V is said to have
+mustered in 1110 at Roncaglia after conducting them through the
+mountains were undoubtedly exaggerated.[1515] At all events, the army
+was so great that Henry had to divide it and send part over the
+Brenner Pass and part over the Great St. Bernard. The numbers of
+Frederick Barbarossa’s armies probably ranged from 10,000 to 15,000.
+The time of year chosen for undertaking the journey by those among the
+medieval travelers who were free to make their own plans—notably the
+pilgrims—was usually the month of August. Albert of Stade near
+Hamburg, writing in his chronicle early in the thirteenth century,
+says that the journey should be undertaken “about the middle of
+August, since the air is then temperate, the roads dry, there is no
+excess of water, the days are sufficiently long for traveling and the
+nights for rest, and you will find at this time the storehouses full
+of fresh fruits.”[1516] Political exigencies, however, forced the
+emperors to conduct their hosts across at all seasons and under all
+conditions of weather.[1517]
+
+Of the many Transalpine routes, the Mont Cenis, Great St. Bernard,
+Septimer, and Brenner were the most frequented during our period. These
+were the passes over which trade flowed back and forth between Italy and
+the North.[1518] English and North German pilgrims made frequent use of
+the Mont Cenis route because it offered an easy way, a long and simple
+ascent to and descent from the crest of the ridge, and no subsidiary
+passes to surmount.[1519] Pilgrims from Iceland, though they also used
+the Mont Cenis, seem to have preferred the Great St. Bernard;[1520] but
+when bound for the Holy Land they would sometimes traverse the Carnic
+Alps and embark from Venice.[1521] The Brenner Pass was, of course, most
+used by the Germans and formed the grand highway of the imperial
+expeditions. Out of the thirty-nine imperial crossings between 1100 and
+1250 nearly half were made by the Brenner, four by the Great St.
+Bernard, six by the Septimer, three by the Mont Cenis, two by the
+Lukmanier, and six by other passes.[1522]
+
+
+               USE OF TERMS “TRANSALPINE” AND “CISALPINE”
+
+In classical times the terms _trans Alpes_ and _transalpinus_ always
+referred to Gaul, Germany, and regions north of the mountains, for these
+countries were beyond the Alps as viewed from Italy. This usage was
+continued in the Middle Ages by writers who themselves dwelt north of
+the Alps, and we find in our period that Otto of Freising speaks of
+Germany as _trans Alpes_ and of Italy as _cis Alpes_.[1523] Ragewin,
+Otto’s continuator, wrote more avowedly from the Germanic point of view
+and on several occasions refers to Italy as _trans Alpes_.[1524]
+
+
+                              “ALEMANNIA”
+
+The name “Alemannia” as applied to the whole of Germany was also in use
+in our period, although in the opinion of Otto it ought not to have been
+so used. Otto says that the city of Turegum (Zurich) is situated on a
+lake from which the river Lemannus flows and that from this river the
+province of Swabia is sometimes called Alemannia. “From this
+circumstance, some have come to think that the whole Teutonic land is
+called ‘Alemannia,’ whereas this province only [i.e. Swabia] should be
+called Alemannia, and its inhabitants only should be spoken of as
+‘Alemanni.’”[1525] The question of the true etymology of the word
+Alemanni is one that lies beyond our field.
+
+
+                                GERMANY
+
+Though the author of the _De imagine mundi_[1526] follows Isidore and
+classical tradition in dividing Germany into two parts, “Germania
+superior” and “Germania inferior,” in the description of this part of
+the world he departs from his usual slavish habit of copying the words
+of Isidore and actually gives us a little information derived from a
+later source or, perhaps, even representing the result of personal and
+original observation. “Germania superior,” he says, extends between the
+Danube and the Alps and westward to the Rhine. Called also Rhaetia, it
+is the land in which the Danube takes its rise (a river which, enlarged
+by the junction of sixty great streams, discharges its waters into the
+Pontic Sea through seven mouths, as does the Nile). Suevia (Swabia),
+Alemannia (so called from Lake Leman), and Noricum (or Bavaria), in
+which is the city of Ratisbon, are all parts of “Germania superior.” It
+would almost seem as if the author of the _De imagine mundi_ goes out of
+his way to mention Ratisbon, a fact that has been cited[1527] as
+evidence (very slender evidence, it is true) that he may have been a
+native of this city or was at least personally acquainted with Germany.
+He carefully refrained from placing Isidore’s marvelous bird with
+luminous plumage in the Hercynian Forest, but removed it to Hyrcania in
+Central Asia, which seems to show that he was skeptical about the
+possibility of such a bird being found in Germany.[1528] Yet, though
+less lacking in originality than other parts of the work, the chapters
+on Germany in the _De imagine mundi_ can hardly stand comparison with
+the information to be found in Otto of Freising’s _Gesta Friderici_ and
+in Gunther of Pairis’ _Ligurinus_, both of which bespeak undeniable
+personal familiarity with the country. We have already noticed Otto’s
+description of the local topography in the vicinity of Freising.[1529]
+Elsewhere he mentions such matters as the good hunting and fishing in
+the neighborhood of Worms, enjoyed by the Italian princes who came over
+the Alps to take part in a diet held there.[1530] This territory, he
+said, was divided by the Rhine, with Gaul on one bank and the confines
+of Germany on the other. On the Gallic side stood the Vosges and
+Ardennes; on the German, forests of considerable extent, which to Otto’s
+day retained their barbaric place names (“barbara adhuc nomina
+retinentes”). Godfrey of Viterbo[1531] also enlarges on the beauties of
+the region about Worms, the wealth and numbers of its population, the
+fields and the fish-filled streams which water them, flowing down from
+wooded places.
+
+Gunther’s description of the Main, Rhine, and Moselle country show that
+he probably was better acquainted with this district than with any of
+the other territories described in his poem.[1532] He cites, among
+specific details concerning Mayence, the fact that the city is situated
+on the Rhine a few leagues below the junction of the Main with that
+stream and not at the junction, as had usually been stated
+previously.[1533]
+
+Hildegard of Bingen includes in her _Subtilitates_[1534] remarks about
+the rivers of her native country, with cautions regarding their use. Her
+introductory statement in this connection, that the sea sends forth
+rivers by which the land is irrigated as is the human body by the blood
+in the veins, should be interpreted in the sense we have already
+explained in Chapter VIII.[1535] She writes of the Seh (possibly the
+Selz, a stream that flows into the Rhine near Bingen), Rhine, Main,
+Danube, Moselle, Glan, Nahe, and other rivers, repeating in each case
+the assertion that the river arises from the sea. The bed of the Seh and
+its sands, she says, are polluted like a swamp because the stream rises
+and falls with the storms. Its waters should not be taken raw, nor even
+cooked in food, for, since they come from the foam of the sea, they are
+bad for the digestion and generally unsanitary. The Rhine is clear and
+flows through sandy country; but its water, when drunk unboiled, causes
+noxious blue fluids in the body. The sands of the Danube are clean and
+beautiful, its waters clear and harsh but not very good for drinking;
+the waters of the Main are insipid (_pinguis_); those of the Moselle
+light and transparent; and so on.
+
+We find in the German chronicles of the time of the Crusades and of the
+century immediately preceding, some detailed notices about the northern
+parts of Germany and the shores of the Baltic not to be found in earlier
+works. In the middle of the eleventh century Adam of Bremen had
+described Saxony as a generally flat, low region of roughly triangular
+shape, lying between the lower Elbe and Rhine.[1536] The rivers Elbe and
+Oder, he said, rise near each other in the forested mountains of Moravia
+but flow off in opposite directions, the former to the northern sea, the
+latter to the Scythian swamp, or Baltic.[1537] Saxo Grammaticus in the
+geographical introduction to his _Gesta Danorum_ gives some fairly full
+remarks on the configuration of the German Baltic coast and on the
+peninsulas and islands of Denmark. The latter country, he says, is so
+intersected and broken by arms and channels of the sea that it contains
+few continuous tracts of land of any great size.[1538] Frisia Minor,
+adjacent to Denmark, is so low that it is often swept by violent storms
+and inundations which ruin the fields and destroy the houses.[1539]
+
+
+                             BALTIC REGIONS
+
+Adam of Bremen’s foremost interest was not Germany, however, but the
+Scandinavian North and the wilder and little-known lands beyond the
+Elbe, into which the frontier of Teutonic civilization was at this time
+gradually being pushed eastward. Adam mentions Jumna,[1540] at the mouth
+of the Oder, a great commercial city and gathering place of heathens and
+Greeks, and adds that according to some authorities Jumna was the
+largest city in Europe.[1541] Farther east lay various nations of
+Slavonia—Pomeranians and Prussians—and beyond them other “islands,”
+Samland, Kurland, and “Ehstland” (Esthonia), peopled by heathens.
+Traveling still more remotely in this direction one came to Russia and
+the fabulous regions of the North. Adam speaks well of the
+Prussians,[1542] for though heathen, he said, they were good men, ready
+to come to the aid of ships beset by pirates or in danger from the sea.
+Blue-eyed, with red skins and thick hair, eaters of horseflesh and
+drinkers of mare’s blood, they dwell in the midst of almost impenetrable
+swamps. Helmold, a chronicler of the twelfth century, copies extensively
+from Adam but adds many details regarding the religion and customs of
+the Slavs and, in particular, describes their worship of a great idol of
+the God Svantevith.[1543]
+
+Saxo Grammaticus was better informed than Adam on the countries
+bordering upon the southern and southeastern coasts of the Baltic, and
+about them he supplies more or less extensive details.[1544] Though the
+Greeks and Romans alike had believed that on the north of Germany lies
+the ocean, in the midst of which are various islands—including Scandia
+and Scandinavia, about which little was known—they certainly had no
+adequate conception of the peninsular nature of Norway and Sweden. In
+the ninth century Einhard had described the Baltic as a bay, and Adam of
+Bremen quoted Einhard to this effect[1545] and it is also possible that
+Adam may have learned something of the Gulf of Bothnia.[1546] Adam,
+however, had no clear knowledge of the geography of this part of the
+world for “he speaks of the countries of the North as islands, and he
+seems to draw no sharp distinction between island and peninsula.”[1547]
+Saxo, on the other hand, writing over a century later, harbored no
+doubts whatever of the peninsular character of Scandinavia. He
+maintained that the sea swings around the north side of Norway and with
+constantly increasing breadth ends finally in a curved shore. This sea
+was here called by the ancients Gandvic (the White Sea). A narrow
+isthmus separates Gandvic from the sea to the south (the Baltic), and if
+the isthmus did not exist, Saxo said, Norway and Sweden would be an
+island.[1548]
+
+
+                              SCANDINAVIA
+
+Adam of Bremen enjoyed peculiar opportunities for gathering information
+about the lands immediately to the north of Denmark through his
+association with archbishop Adalbert of Bremen.[1549] Beyond Denmark, he
+wrote, a new world was opened up. Norway, he believed, extended
+northward to the limits of the known world, to the Rhipaean
+Mountains.[1550] Through a second of his patrons, King Svend Estridsson
+of Denmark, who had spent no less than twelve years in these parts, Adam
+was enabled to learn something of the remote land of Sweden: a rich
+country, the principal towns of which were Birka and Upsala, the latter
+possessing a heathen temple, the scene of human sacrifices. Northward of
+Sweden were regions inhabited by tribes of Finns of marvelous swiftness
+of foot. These so-called “Finns”—probably in reality Lapps—are
+frequently mentioned in medieval literature on Scandinavia and the
+North.[1551] They are sometimes called “Scritefinns,” “Skritofinns,” or
+“Skridfinns.” Saxo Grammaticus spoke of them as great hunters who can
+climb over the rocky crags of the mountains to the very summits.[1552]
+In the _Historia Norwegiae_ we are told that they “fasten smoothed
+pieces of wood [literally, balks, stakes] under their feet, which
+appliances they call ‘ondrer,’ and, while the deer [i.e. reindeer]
+gallop along carrying their wives and children over the deep snow and
+precipitous mountains, they dash on more swiftly than the birds”
+(Nansen’s translation).[1553] Here we have one of the earliest accounts
+of the use of skis.
+
+Beyond the Finns Adam of Bremen placed the realm of fable that encircled
+the medieval world,[1554] where were to be found a race of dwarfs and
+bearded women inhabiting the Rhipaean Mountains; where were also
+Amazons, Cyclopes, and monsters like those which other writers of our
+age placed in the heart of Asia or of Africa.
+
+Adam of Bremen, Saxo Grammaticus, and the author of the _Historia
+Norwegiae_, though they included much that is fanciful in their
+geographical chapters, also provided reliable data regarding the peoples
+of the North. Ragewin, on the other hand, in the continuation of the
+_Gesta Friderici_, and Gunther of Pairis give an account which
+undoubtedly represented a more usual idea of these people in the minds
+of Western Europeans. These northern folk aroused Ragewin’s disgust,
+for, he said, they devour each other in time of famine. Owing to
+perpetual frosts, agriculture is impossible in their country, and their
+lives consequently are given over to hunting and killing. Well versed in
+the arts of piracy, these treacherous tribes infest the shores and isles
+of the ocean, Hibernia, Britain, Denmark, and other coasts.[1555]
+Gunther in the _Ligurinus_[1556] enlarges and amplifies this
+uncomplimentary description by drawing on his own imagination. He says
+that the inhabitants of the isles of the “Scythian Sea” are strong in
+the arm but weak in the head. They neither plow a soil made sterile by
+the perpetual cold nor harrow their uncultivated fields. Neither do they
+couple the vine to the elm, nor gather in the fruits of the trees,
+autumn’s gifts, but seek their food by the chase and by frequent forays
+and grow old in piracy on the tireless waves of the sea. And when long
+privation aggravates a famine—horrible to relate and scarce to be
+believed, though report would have it so!—these miserable creatures bite
+and lacerate their own limbs. Father does not know enough to spare his
+son, nor brother his brother, and the daughter finds refreshment by
+devouring the boiled body of her mother!
+
+We certainly must not take this effusion as a literally exact account of
+the customs of the Scandinavians at a time when they were far from being
+sunk in the abject state of savagery which Gunther pictures; but it
+shows the terror which the Vikings had instilled into the consciousness
+of Europe and also the very vague and hazy kind of reports which an
+intelligent German of the twelfth century received in regard to regions
+not very distant from his home. Furthermore, it is not at all improbable
+that the story of cannibalism among these people may have arisen from an
+actually existing practice of human sacrifice coupled with cannibalistic
+rites at an earlier date.[1557]
+
+
+                                 FRANCE
+
+Otto of Freising regarded the Rhine as the boundary between Germany and
+Gaul. Though he had studied at Paris, he used Orosius as the main source
+for the description of Gaul in his _Chronicon_[1558] and discussed the
+various parts of this country and the proper manner in which it ought to
+be subdivided in a way that reminds us of Caesar. Authorities, he said,
+declare that there are two main subdivisions; Gallia Cisalpina and
+Gallia Transalpina. The former lies in Italy between the Po and the
+Alps; the latter—our France—in turn may be divided into three parts (the
+three parts made famous by Caesar), Belgian, Lugdunensian, and
+Aquitanian. Otto then proceeds to a dry and technical discussion of how
+these parts should be properly grouped in relation to an ill-defined
+Celtic Gaul.
+
+
+                                _Paris_
+
+More full of color than the pedantic discussion of Otto is a picturesque
+description of the Paris of the last half of the twelfth century in one
+of the letters of Guy of Bazoches.[1559] “The city,” Guy writes, “lies
+in the lap of a delightful valley crowned on both sides by hills which
+Ceres and Bacchus make beautiful, striving with one another in their
+eagerness. The Seine, by no means a humble stream among a host of
+rivers, takes its rise in the east and in mid-course divides its proud
+current into two branches, thus making an island out of the center of
+the city. Two suburbs stretch forth on either side, and even the lesser
+of these arouses the envy of many an envious town which it surpasses.
+Connecting each suburb with the island is a bridge of stone, the name of
+which is derived from the amount of traffic that falls to its lot. The
+bridge facing the north, the sea, and England is styled the ‘great
+bridge’ and the one which faces the Loire on the opposite side is called
+the ‘little bridge.’” The so-called great bridge—
+
+         “Densely crowded with a wealthy, bargaining throng,
+
+                ·       ·       ·       ·       ·
+
+         Swarms with boats, groans under riches, overflows
+         With merchandise: for lo! there is nowhere its equal!”
+
+The little bridge, on the other hand, is given over to walkers,
+strollers, and disputers of logic. On the narrow strip of land that
+forms the island the royal palace towers up to lofty heights and
+audaciously overlooks with its shoulders the roofs of the whole city.
+Reverence for it is commanded not so much by the marvelous structure of
+the building as by the noble authority of its rule.
+
+      “This is that house, the glory of the Franks, whose
+      Praises the eternal centuries will sing.
+      This is that house which holds in its power
+      Gaul mighty in war, Flanders magnificent in wealth.
+      This is that house whose scepter the Burgundian,
+      Whose mandate the Norman, and whose arms the Briton fears.”
+
+The description of Paris closes with a tribute to the island, from
+ancient times the home of philosophy and of the seven sisters—the
+liberal arts.
+
+
+                                _Alsace_
+
+Godfrey of Viterbo seems to have known something of Alsace, whose
+attractions and beauties he highly praised.[1560] The Rhine, he said, is
+enlivened with shipping. Flowing into Alsace from Basel it laves with
+its waters wide fields through varied stretches of landscape and
+traverses a rich countryside. To cross this region takes a traveler
+three beautiful days’ journey, and such vineyards as flourish there the
+poet sees nowhere else in the world, and the grainfields are marvelous
+in their fertility. It is a land that can be aptly compared with
+“Liguria” (Lombardy), for in like manner it is naturally defended by
+rivers and mountains. The Lord, in his special love for Alsace, had made
+its plain stand preëminent in beauty among the plains of the world. The
+population is extremely numerous, and so great are the riches of the
+people that England and Denmark look thither for markets. Dominating the
+whole country is the city of Argentina (Strasburg), through which flows
+the river Ill, rushing to pour forth its water into the Rhine.
+
+
+                           _Southern France_
+
+We find various passages in the _Otia imperialia_ of Gervase of Tilbury
+revealing his familiarity with the south of France. On two different
+occasions Gervase speaks of the three mouths of the Rhone, which enclose
+the Sucades (or Sicades) Islands, “commonly called the Camargae.”[1561]
+The earth here is rich in salt of a high quality, and the region as a
+whole is incomparable for its sea and pond fishing, for the hunting of
+game and birds, and for its pastures.[1562] Orosius[1563] and
+Isidore[1564] had mentioned the Sicades, undoubtedly having in mind the
+Stoechades of the ancient geographers, or what are now either the Iles
+d’Hyères or else, possibly, the small islets just outside the harbor of
+Marseilles. Gervase, on the other hand, identifies them undeniably with
+the flat alluvial islands of the Rhone delta, the largest of which is
+now called Camargue, as in Gervase’s day. He also mentions the famous
+church of Saints Martha and Mary Magdalene on this isle, then, as at
+present, a much frequented shrine of pilgrimage.[1565]
+
+Gervase knew something of the Narbonnese.[1566] On the authority of the
+_De imagine mundi_[1567] he states that this province was called
+_togata_ because of the length of the togas worn there, but adds that
+the description was no longer apt, because in his time the natives wore
+shorter garments.
+
+Concerning Provence, Gervase made observations intended to impress on
+the Emperor Otto some idea of the strategic importance of this territory
+to his empire.[1568] We have here an example of medieval political and
+strategic geography, based in this case not on classical authority but
+on what the writer actually had observed and thought. The argument,
+curiously enough, arose out of the discussion we have already
+mentioned[1569] of the effects of the _mistral_ on the character of the
+people of the lower Rhone valley. Gervase concluded that not only does
+the atmosphere exert an influence on everything upon which it bears down
+but also that every weight, whether material or spiritual, affects in
+some manner the objects upon which it rests. This led him to warn Otto
+that it would be advisable to moderate his _imperium_ over Provence in
+order to propitiate the people. This should be done because the
+strategic position of that country—the old Kingdom of Arles—is of such
+nature that it might prove either a great menace or else a great benefit
+to the unity of the empire. Though admirably situated to threaten
+France, Gervase explained that Provence is subject to easy invasion by
+land from Spain, by sea from Africa, or across the Alpine passes from
+Italy. The character of the people, furthermore, makes it particularly
+important that they should be handled with circumspection. The
+Provençaux are shrewd in council and effective in whatever enterprise
+they undertake but false to their promises and without military
+strength; owing to their poverty largely dependent on charity (_pro sua
+paupertate in cibando larga_); insidious in crime (_nocenda_); but calm
+in the face of trouble. If they have a stable ruler whom they honor, no
+race is more quickly turned by good impulses, but no other race is more
+prone to evil when not blessed by such a ruler. In addition, their land
+is worth holding for its own sake, fruitful as it is above all countries
+in its seas, fish, meats, and all kinds of hunting, precious stones,
+swamps, lakes, mountains, rivers, springs and groves, and delicious in
+its woods and pastures.[1570]
+
+
+                    _ISLANDS OF THE ATLANTIC OCEAN_
+
+The Romans had discovered the Canary and Madeira groups and, owing to
+the mild climate and favorable conditions, had associated them with the
+“Islands of the Blest” of Greek mythology and hence had come to call
+them the “Fortunate Isles.” In the Middle Ages these isles passed again
+into the realm of the unknown, though their memory lingered on to adorn
+the Western Ocean on the Beatus maps, together with more fabulous isles
+and to serve as the datum point for the western prime meridian. The Cape
+Verde group and the Azores were utterly unknown.
+
+On most of the maps of the world of our period the islands are
+arbitrarily squeezed within narrow confines of the encircling ocean, and
+no attempt is made to represent them in their relative positions or to
+indicate their distinctive shapes. On the St. Sever Beatus map[1571] all
+islands are shaped like sausages (see Fig. 2, p. 69, above), whether in
+the Mediterranean or in the ocean. Ireland lies off the coast of Spain
+and is designated as “Insula Hibernia ab Scotorum gentibus colitur;”
+Britain, separated from the coasts of Frisia, Gaul, Aquitania, and
+Gascony by an “Oceanus Britannicus,” is said to be 800 miles long by 200
+broad—figures taken from Orosius,[1572] who got them from Pliny.[1573]
+Five cities are equally spaced from north to south, London, Lincoln,
+Wroxeter, Seaton, and “Condeaco” (?). Indeed, among the maps of the
+world the only one which represents the British Isles in recognizable
+outline is the Cotton,[1574] and this probably dates from long before
+our period. Here we may note, in pleasing contrast to the absurdities we
+find elsewhere, such features as the westward extension of Cornwall and
+Devon and of Scotland; Ireland in its correct position and approximately
+its correct size; the Orkneys to the north of Scotland, and even Man and
+the Scilly Isles.
+
+
+                             BRITISH ISLES
+
+The medieval reader of the _De imagine mundi_ could certainly have
+gained no very accurate impression from the chapter devoted to the
+British Isles. This is worth translation in order to demonstrate the
+utter futility and antiquated character of this much-quoted and at one
+time, perhaps, unduly popular work:[1575]
+
+“Over against Spain toward the setting sun are the following islands in
+the ocean: Britain, England, Hibernia, Thanet—the earth of which,
+wherever it may be carried, will destroy serpents—the thirty-three
+Orkneys on the Arctic Circle where the solstice occurs, Scotia and Chile
+(Thule)....” This is all the _De imagine mundi_ tells us of the British
+Isles!
+
+For more ample data we must look to such native authorities as Giraldus
+Cambrensis, Alexander Neckam, Gervase of Tilbury, Matthew Paris, and the
+various British historians and chroniclers.
+
+Gervase of Tilbury adds some details from Geoffrey of Monmouth to the
+brief notices which he took from Orosius on the dimensions of Britannia
+Major.[1576] His account, though not thoroughly up-to-date in any sense
+of the term, is fuller and less misleading than that of the _De imagine
+mundi_; and we certainly do not gain from it any impression like the one
+we derive from the latter work, that Britain, England, and Scotland are
+three distinct islands. Geoffrey of Monmouth had told how Great
+Britain—as distinguished from Britannia Minor, or Armorica (Brittany) on
+the Gallic side of the Britannic sea—was divided in ancient times into
+four parts: Cornwall (Cornubia) to the west; Cambria, called vulgarly
+Wallia, to the north of this; Albania, called also Scotia, in the far
+north; and Loegria, or Loegrino, called also Anglia, in the middle and
+south; and that the rivers dividing these provinces were the Waja (Wye),
+Sabrinus (Severn), Boecura (?), and Deia (Dee).
+
+
+                          _Cities of Britain_
+
+Alexander Neckam, in the _De laudibus divinae sapientiae_, also regales
+us with a rambling poetical description of the marvels of Britain and of
+its principal cities.[1577] Fame, he says, rejoices in placing Exeter
+before all other cities: but as for himself he would give New Troy
+(London) the first place, on account of its glory, wealth, customs,
+charm, and situation. The walls of London, he adds, would be worthy to
+hold a Helen. Among other famous cities he mentions Winchester, known in
+early times for its wealth, and also Canterbury, York, Lincoln, Durham
+(famous for its associations with the Venerable Bede), Gloucester,
+Verolamia (St. Albans), where took place the martyrdom of St. Alban, and
+Colchester. In the same poem Neckam discourses on the streams of England
+and Ireland when discussing the principal rivers of the world.[1578] In
+connection with the Thames, he retells the mythological story of the
+founding of London. The Severn, he says, delights in the cities of
+Worcester and Gloucester on its banks, and its waters are augmented by
+those of the Usk. He points out that Britain contains several streams
+named Avon besides the one upon which Bath stands; that the Trent sends
+its fish to London; and that the Humber, unsafe for shipping on account
+of its tides, disdains to see a city but flows through the open fields.
+
+
+               _Giraldus Cambrensis on Ireland and Wales_
+
+Gervase of Tilbury and Alexander Neckam give us more or less hackneyed
+and stereotyped descriptions of the British Isles. Far greater
+originality is revealed in the works of Giraldus Cambrensis. In many
+other connections we have spoken of the _Topographia Hiberniae_ and
+_Descriptio Kambriae_, which are the most complete and satisfactory
+geographical descriptions of limited regions dating from our period. The
+introduction of a long series of fables into the treatise on Ireland
+tends to blind us to the merits of those parts of the work that have
+real scientific or historical value. In the beginning of the second
+“Distinctio” of the _Topographia Hiberniae_, Giraldus says that, as the
+prodigies of the East have long since been made familiar by the writings
+of diligent authors, he proposes to throw some light on the prodigies of
+the West. This he proceeds to do in a highly competent manner, wholly in
+keeping with the style of Solinus, that master among the “diligent
+authors” to whom he refers. The Englishman of the time who sat down with
+Giraldus’ work on Ireland before him gathered from it quite as much
+fabulous and fantastic lore as he could have gathered from the pages of
+Solinus, but in this case it was lore of countries near at hand. It
+would almost seem that Giraldus, like a novelist, deliberately set out
+to throw a glamour of romance over familiar scenes and places. But,
+however this may be, Giraldus, unlike his model, Solinus, was more than
+a mere spinner of yarns. His works show that in many respects he was a
+close and accurate, if not always critical, observer; and certainly he
+had a vivid and lively interest in nature and mankind.
+
+
+                               _Ireland_
+
+Ireland, he writes, after Britain is the largest of islands. It lies one
+rather short day’s journey to the west of Wales. Between Ulster and
+Galloway in Scotland the intervening arm of the sea narrows to about
+half its average width, and the promontories on either side can be seen
+across the straits in clear weather. South of Ireland, at three days’
+sailing, is Spain; and northward at an equal distance, Iceland, the
+greatest of the northern isles.[1579] Cut off by the sea, Ireland is
+almost like another world and contains many phenomena not found
+elsewhere.[1580]
+
+After discussing in detail various earlier theories about the dimensions
+of Ireland—what Solinus, Orosius, Isidore, and Bede had
+said[1581]—Giraldus proceeds to give some observations of his own on the
+healthful qualities of the climate, the character of the terrain,[1582]
+and the fertility[1583] and products of the soil. Ireland is a land full
+of pastures and of rich meadows flowing with milk and honey; wine is
+drunk there, but, as there are no vineyards, it has to be imported from
+Poitou in exchange for ox-hides and the skins of other cattle and of
+wild beasts. Owing to the presence of a certain poisonous wild yew tree
+and also to the violence of the rainy winds, not nearly so many bees are
+kept in Ireland as one would expect.[1584] Giraldus also remarks that
+there are more lakes in Ireland than in any other country,[1585] a
+statement which, though perhaps not true literally, shows that he was
+aware of one of the differences, if not of the reasons for the
+difference, between glaciated and nonglaciated countries. These lakes
+and the rivers abound in fish, many of which are peculiar to the
+island.[1586]
+
+Giraldus gives a legendary account of the clearing of the Irish forests
+in the days of Partholan,[1587] who was supposed to have come there only
+three hundred years after the Deluge. At that time the whole
+landscape—with the exception of a few mountains—was covered by an
+immense forest; and even in his own time, Giraldus adds, the area under
+cultivation was very restricted in comparison with the woodlands.
+
+His attitude toward the Irish people is neither sympathetic nor
+complimentary.[1588] A rude and inhospitable race, he says, they live
+like beasts and have scarcely advanced beyond a primitive pastoral stage
+of civilization. Their fields are used only to a limited extent for
+pastures, even less for raising of flowers, and less still for the
+sowing and cultivation of crops. What cultivated fields there are, are
+very poor; but this condition is the fault of the farmers rather than
+the result of defects in the soil, which is extremely fertile. There are
+few fruit trees, the metallic veins of the country are not worked, and
+there are neither manufacturing, trade, nor mechanical arts. But the
+people are great musicians![1589]
+
+We ought not to place too much faith in the accuracy of this account of
+the Irish people. As Dimock points out in his introduction to the “Rolls
+Series” edition of the _Topographia_, Giraldus’ acquaintance with them
+was in all probability limited to a few clergy and to those elements of
+the population who could still submit “to exist in degradation under the
+grinding rule of the English invaders.”[1590] Giraldus was also
+prejudiced by the feeling of contempt for a supposedly “inferior race”
+which nearly always results from the conquest of one people by another.
+
+Though his travels in Ireland were not extensive, the Welshman had
+acquired a superficial and inexact acquaintance with the topographical
+features of the island and, in particular, with its river systems.[1591]
+The existence of nine principal rivers, he says, dates back to the
+earliest times, although more recently other streams of no less size had
+sprung into being. The Shannon is by far the most important. Rising in a
+large and beautiful lake which divides Munster from Connaught, it
+separates into two branches that run off in opposite directions. One
+turns south and, forming the border between the two parts of Munster,
+flows into “St. Brandan’s Sea.” The other divides Meath and Connaught
+from Ulster and after a winding course debouches into the Northern
+Ocean. The western quarter of the island is thus separated from the
+other parts by this “mediterranean river” (_mediterraneum flumen_) from
+sea to sea. Giraldus was accused in the seventeenth century by a violent
+Irishman[1592] of either “raving or dreaming” when he made the Shannon
+divide Ulster from Connaught. It has nevertheless been shown that,
+though the Welshman’s hydrographic theories were false, there was some
+justification for his mistaken statements. Certainly, from very near the
+headwaters of the Shannon other rivers flow away to the north, and a
+hasty observer might easily have believed them to arise from the same
+source.[1593]
+
+
+                                _Wales_
+
+Giraldus was far better acquainted with his native country, Wales, about
+which his two treatises give us much accurate information regarding the
+mountain ranges and river systems, the types of terrain, and the
+character and customs of the people. He brings out the contrast between
+North and South Wales.[1594] South Wales, he says, is pleasanter by
+reason of its flat plains, but North Wales is stronger in its defenses,
+more productive of powerful men, and also more fertile. Merioneth,
+however, and the land of Canani are the roughest and most inaccessible
+of all parts of Wales.[1595] The Welsh people dwell for the most part in
+sequestered isolation and not in cities, villages, or castles.[1596]
+Their houses are of the simplest construction. They possess neither
+gardens nor orchards, and the land is little used for aught else than
+pasturage. The inequalities and natural defensive strength of the ground
+make Wales a very difficult region to conquer.
+
+The character of the topographic detail which Giraldus gives reveals his
+extensive personal acquaintance with the country. We have already had
+occasion to mention[1597] his graphic description of the mountains
+around the Lake of Brecknock, of the valley of Ewyas, of the quicksands
+and submerged forests along the southern coast, and of the pasturage on
+Snowdon. His knowledge of the Welsh rivers (Severn, Wye, Usk, Dee), the
+mountains in which they take their source, and their courses seaward was
+far more accurate than his knowledge of the streams of Ireland.
+Certainly among the works of our period there is none that vies with the
+_Descriptio Kambriae_ either in richness and correctness of detail or in
+vividness of presentation.
+
+We must say a few words about a chapter which Giraldus introduces on the
+dialects spoken in Wales,[1598] the only discussion of linguistic
+geography that the writer has found in the literature of the time.[1599]
+The Welshman points out that the British tongue spoken in North Wales is
+more delicate, beautiful, and generally more praiseworthy than that
+spoken elsewhere, because this region had been subjected to the
+intermixture of foreign peoples. The speech of Cardiganshire, however,
+though this province lies in the heart of South Wales, was also said to
+be very distinguished and praiseworthy. The natives of Cornwall and
+Brittany made use of tongues much alike and nearly always comprehensible
+to the Welsh, because originally the language of all these people was
+the same. Cornish and Breton, however, in so far as they were more
+lacking in delicacy and form than Welsh, approached more closely to the
+ancient British idiom. Similarly the English spoken in southern England,
+and especially in Devonshire, seemed to Giraldus to be far less correct
+and more archaic than the tongue of the northern parts of the island,
+which had been modified by the incursions of the Danes and Northmen. We
+thus see that Giraldus was broad-minded enough to grant that a language
+could be materially enriched by contact with alien speech and by the
+infusion of foreign expressions.
+
+
+                    _William Fitzstephen on London_
+
+Any discussion of the medieval geographical lore of the British Isles
+would be inadequate without some mention of a famous account of London
+that forms part of the preface of William Fitzstephen’s life of Thomas à
+Becket.[1600] The highly colored picture that William draws surpasses in
+superlatives Guy of Bazoches’ contemporary description of Paris.[1601]
+Even in the twelfth century local pride might lead to the innocent
+exaggeration of merit. William tells us that “among the noble cities of
+the world celebrated by Fame, the city of London in the kingdom of the
+English is the one seat that pours out its fame more widely, sends to
+farther lands its wealth and trade, lifts its head higher than the
+rest.” He goes on to specify how fortunate is London in its mild
+climate, piety, fortifications, site, manners and customs, and the
+character of its citizens. London’s piety is shown by the presence not
+only of an episcopal church but of no less than thirteen “larger
+conventual churches besides one hundred and twenty-six lesser parish
+churches.” “Above all other citizens,” he says, “the citizens of London
+are regarded as conspicuous and noteworthy for handsomeness of manners
+and of dress, at table and in the way of speaking. The city matrons are
+true Sabine women.” The city is very well organized so that the
+different businesses are distributed in different quarters. In the
+suburbs are “spacious and beautiful gardens” “planted with trees.” To
+the north lie pastures and meadowland with streams flowing through them,
+“where the turning wheels of mills are put in motion with a cheerful
+sound.” “The tilled lands of the city are not barren gravel but fat
+plains of Asia that make crops luxuriant and fill their tillers’ barns
+with Ceres’ sheaves.” Nevertheless “very near lies a great forest with
+woodland pasture, coverts of wild animals, stags, fallow deer, boars,
+and wild bulls” (Morley’s translation).[1602] In the long account of the
+sports of the London youth with which William Fitzstephen closes we see
+that even at this early period the English were devoted to outdoor
+athletics and games. Besides shows and cockfights we are told in detail
+of ball games, gymnastics, wrestling, dancing, and more strenuous
+horseback exercises, sham battles, tourneys, and combats in the water
+with lances. In winter, when the “great fen or moor which waters the
+walls of the city on the north side” was frozen, boys and girls engaged
+in sports upon the ice. Nor were young people alone interested in
+athletics, for in the twelfth, as in the twentieth century, “the ancient
+and wealthy men of the town came forth to see the sport of the young men
+and to take part of the pleasure in beholding their agility” (Stow’s
+translation).[1603]
+
+
+                    _Matthew Paris’ Maps of Britain_
+
+If Giraldus Cambrensis’ treatises are the best descriptions of regional
+geography in the literature of our period, the best regional maps were
+also the work of a native of the British Isles. In their relative
+accuracy and fullness of detail, as well as in their freedom from
+servile dependence on acknowledged authorities, Matthew Paris’ three
+maps of Britain occupy a place by themselves in medieval cartography. By
+far the best way to gain an idea of what they are like is to examine
+them in reproduction[1604] (one herewith in Fig. 9). It will not be
+amiss, however, to point out a few significant details.
+
+[Illustration:
+
+  FIG. 9—One of the three maps of Britain by Matthew Paris, that on
+    London Codex Claud. D VI, folio 8 vo. (From Miller, _Mappaemundi_,
+    vol. iii, 1895, fig. 23).
+]
+
+On one map a legend in the middle informs us that “Britain, which
+includes Scotia, Galloway, and Wales, is now called England.”[1605]
+Another legend on a different map gives the dimensions (800 miles in
+length from St. Michael in Cornwall to Caithness, and 300 miles from St.
+David’s to Dover)[1606] and says that there are two archiepiscopal and
+thirty-two episcopal sees. The outlines of the coasts are in general
+admirably shown, especially the west coast, with the westward-reaching
+promontories of Galloway, Wales, and Cornwall. The east coast is less
+satisfactory, for neither the indentation of the Wash nor the broad
+eastward projection of Norfolk appear, and by some confusion a point on
+the coast of Suffolk is taken as the southeastern corner of Britain,
+with the result that the Thames is shown as debouching into the English
+Channel. In the far north, the sketchy outlines of Scotland show that
+relatively little was known of this remote part of the island. Indeed,
+on two of the maps the Firths of Clyde and Forth join in such a way as
+to cut off “Scocia Ultramarina” from the remainder of Britain, with
+which it is connected by a bridge (see Fig. 9). The courses of the main
+rivers, Severn, Humber, Avon, Thames, on the whole are well delineated.
+A large tract in the east is labeled _mariscus_ to designate the Fen
+country, and the mountains Snowdon, Plynlimon, and Cheviot appear in
+their correct positions.[1607] The northern Scottish Highlands are
+described by long legends as mountainous and woody regions which
+generate an uncultivated and pastoral people, inasmuch as a great part
+of this area is boggy and full of reeds.[1608] Argyll is a “trackless
+and watery district well adapted to cattle and pasturage,”[1609] and
+South Wales is spoken of in much the same terms.[1610] Among the islands
+off the coast we notice Sheppey, Thanet, Wight, possibly some of the
+Channel Islands, Portland Head, Scilly, Lundy, Anglesey, Man, Tiree,
+Iona, and, to the east of Scotland, the Orkneys.[1611] The Hebrides are
+conspicuously absent, and in their place a legend reads “immense and
+trackless sea.” A large number of cities are placed more or less in
+their proper positions, together with the names of counties and other
+territorial divisions; and finally the Roman walls from Forth to Clyde
+and from Carlisle to Newcastle make the most prominent feature among the
+works of man.
+
+
+                        _Orkneys and Shetlands_
+
+Returning to Giraldus, we find that among the islands in the
+neighborhood of Britain he mentions Man, Mona (or Anglesey), the
+Orkneys, and the Shetlands. Man, he remarks, should be considered as
+belonging to Britain and not to Ireland. His criterion for so assigning
+it was the fact that its earth does not resemble the earth of Ireland in
+the property of killing venomous reptiles.[1612] The Orkneys and
+Shetlands,[1613] in the northern ocean beyond Ulster and Galloway, were
+subject to the Norwegian king, through whose piracy and prowess at sea
+they were held in submission even though geographically they lay nearer
+the coasts of other countries. Giraldus quotes Orosius and Isidore to
+the effect that, of the thirty-three Orkneys, thirteen were inhabited
+and twenty deserted, and he added that in his day, also, the greater
+part of these isles were uninhabited.
+
+
+                           ICELAND AND THULE
+
+Giraldus writes of Iceland, three days’ sail to the north of Ireland,
+and gives a few details regarding its people.[1614] The speech of the
+Icelanders was brief and truthful and they rarely made oath; their king
+was the equivalent of a priest; and government was in the hands of a
+bishop. Though thunder and lightning were rare in this distant isle,
+there was another curse far more terrible: volcanic eruptions and lava
+flows.
+
+Apparently Giraldus did not associate Iceland with the Thule of the
+ancients, an isle which he was at a loss to identify.[1615] In regard to
+the latter, he remarked that it was strange that this island, the nature
+of which was so well known to the Orientals, should remain unknown to
+the people of the West. After quoting what Solinus and Isidore had
+written about it, he added that no island familiar to the men of the
+Occident partook of the qualities which these writers attributed to
+Thule and that consequently it must either be fabulous—as well as
+famous, he naively remarks—or else hidden away in the far corners of the
+Boreal Ocean under the Arctic Pole.
+
+The Emperor Frederick II in his treatise on falconry says that the
+gerfalcons come from a certain island between Norway and Gallandia
+(Greenland) called in Teutonic “Islandia,” which may be translated as
+“frozen” or “region of ice.”[1616]
+
+
+                   _Iceland in Icelandic Literature_
+
+Long prior to the beginning of our period Iceland had become the home of
+an enterprising and cultivated Scandinavian people. From its shores
+pilgrims found their way to Italy and the Holy Land, and navigators
+sailed westward into the more mysterious recesses of the ocean. The
+Sagas give us data regarding these voyages and incidentally throw light
+on the geographical concepts in the minds of the Northern peoples
+concerning the seas and islands of the North. The _Ílendingabók_ of Ari
+Frodhi, dating from shortly after 1134, tells of the first Norse visit
+to Iceland in 870 by Ingolf. Ari mentions it as significant that “at
+that time Iceland was clothed with forest from the mountains to the
+strand,” and that “there were Christian men here, whom the Norsemen
+called Papar” (Nansen’s translation).[1617] It was supposed that these
+men came from the British Isles because here were found Irish books,
+bells, and crooks. In the _Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagiensium_
+of the monk Theodricus we are told that certain merchants in the time of
+Harold Fairhair had sailed to the Faroes but were driven out to sea by
+storms and came “to a far distant land, which some think to have been
+the island of Thule; but I cannot either confirm or deny this, as I do
+not know the true state of the matter. They landed and wandered far and
+wide; but although they climbed mountains, they nowhere found trace of
+human habitation” (Nansen’s translation).[1618] In the _Historia
+Norwegiae_, dating probably from the thirteenth century, we are told
+that “next, to the west, comes the great island which by the Italians is
+called Ultima Tile; but now it is inhabited by a considerable multitude,
+while formerly it was waste land, and unknown to men, until the time of
+Harold Fairhair” (Nansen’s translation).[1619] In the _Landnámabók_, of
+about 1200, we have a vivid account of the first Norwegian discoverers’
+ascent of a high mountain in this remote land. They “looked around them,
+whether they could see smoke or any sign that the land was inhabited,
+and they saw nothing.... As they sailed from the land much snow fell
+upon the mountains, and therefore they called the land Snowland”
+(Nansen’s translation).[1620]
+
+
+                               GREENLAND
+
+Greenland had been discovered about the year 900. In our period the
+southwestern coast had become the seat of two small settlements, the
+ruins of which may be seen at the present time.[1621] The population was
+not great (less than two thousand), and yet this far outpost of European
+civilization was large enough to be constituted an independent bishopric
+about the year 1110. From its settlements, certainly during and after
+the thirteenth century and probably in the course of our period as well,
+regular summer seal-hunting expeditions were made to the north along the
+coast, perhaps as far as Baffin’s Bay. The icebound east coast of
+Greenland, on the other hand, was avoided by the Scandinavian seafarers,
+although we read of frequent shipwrecks there. There is also a report of
+a seal-hunting trip to this coast made in 1129. From the mid-thirteenth
+century dates the work called the _King’s Mirror_, which gives us a
+vivid account of the ice floes and icebergs that beset the inhospitable
+eastern shore.
+
+“Now in that same sea [i.e. the Greenland Sea] there are yet many more
+marvels, even though they cannot be accounted for by witchcraft
+[skrimslum]. So soon as the greater part of the sea has been traversed,
+there is found such a mass of ice as I know not the like of anywhere
+else in the world. This ice [i.e. the ice-floes] is some of it as flat
+as if it had frozen on the sea itself, four or five cubits thick, and
+lies so far from land [i.e. from the east coast of Greenland] that men
+may have four or five days’ journey across the ice [to land]. But this
+ice lies off the land rather to the northeast (landnorr) or north than
+to the south, southwest, or west; and therefore anyone wishing to make
+the land should sail round it [i.e. round Cape Farewell] in a
+southwesterly and westerly direction, until he is past the danger of
+[encountering] all this ice, and then sail thence to land. But it has
+constantly happened that men have tried to make the land too soon, and
+so have been involved in these ice-floes; and some have perished in
+them; but others again have got out, and we have seen some of these and
+heard their tales and reports.... These ice-floes are strange in their
+nature; sometimes they lie as still as might be expected, separated by
+creeks or large fjords; but sometimes they move with as great rapidity
+as a ship with a fair wind, and when once they are under way they travel
+against the wind as often as with it. There are, indeed, some masses of
+ice in that sea of another shape, which the Greenlanders call
+‘fall-jökla.’ Their appearance is that of a high mountain rising out of
+the sea, and they do not unite themselves to other masses of ice, but
+keep apart” (Nansen’s translation).[1622]
+
+
+                               POLAR SEAS
+
+In the boreal parts of the Atlantic the Northern writers of our period
+placed great whirlpools and fabulous countries peopled by monsters. Adam
+of Bremen tells of the explorations of certain noblemen of Friesland
+during the time of the predecessor of archbishop Adalbert of Bremen.
+Sailing beyond Iceland “towards the extreme axis of the north ... they
+suddenly glided into the misty darkness of the stiffened ocean, which
+can scarcely be penetrated by the eye” (Nansen’s translation).[1623]
+Here they were caught by a terrible current and were almost sucked into
+the vortex of the deep, only to be thrown forth away from danger by a
+reverse tidal current. Thence they came to an island, fortified like a
+town, where they found a race of giants whom they called Cyclopes and
+from whom they barely were able to make their escape. Saxo Grammaticus,
+writing about 1200, tells of the voyage of a legendary King Gorm of
+Denmark and an Icelander Thorkill to an even more mysterious region
+called “Farther Biarmaland,” north of Norway.[1624] Here too were
+loathsome monsters, a river dividing the land of men from the land of
+spirits, and many other wonders. In the _Historia Norwegiae_ we are also
+told of a fabulous coast in the North Atlantic upon which sailors had
+landed when on the way from Iceland to Norway. This country lay “between
+the Greenlanders and the Bjarmas,” and the sailors “asserted that they
+had found people of extraordinary size and the land of virgins
+[‘virginum terram’] who are said to conceive when they taste water. But
+Greenland is separated from these by ice-clad skerries [‘scopulis’]”
+(Nansen’s translation).[1625] Yet more full of color is another
+description in the same work. Beyond Norway “there is the very deep and
+northerly gulf which has in it Charybdis, Scylla, and unavoidable
+whirlpools; there are also ice-covered promontories which plunge into
+the sea immense masses of ice that have been increased by heaving floods
+and are frozen together by the winter cold; with these traders often
+collide against their will, when making for Greenland, and thus they
+suffer shipwreck and run into danger” (Nansen’s translation).[1626]
+
+Possibly these accounts in the _Historia Norwegiae_ refer to Svalbard,
+“the country of the cold coasts,” mentioned in the _Landnámabók_.[1627]
+The discovery of Svalbard was placed by the _Icelandic Annals_ in
+1194,[1628] and it may well be that sailors in that year were driven out
+of their course and landed on the inhospitable shores of
+Spitsbergen.[1629]
+
+
+                           WINELAND THE GOOD
+
+The voyages of Leif Ericsson and others to the coasts of America,
+though they had taken place over a century earlier, were doubtless
+remembered by the Icelanders of the period we are studying. Ari Frodhi
+in the _Íslendingabók_, written about 1134, refers to Wineland and to
+the Skraelings as if they were entirely familiar to his
+contemporaries.[1630] There is also a record in the _Icelandic
+Annals_, under the date 1121, that the Bishop Eric of Greenland
+actually sought Wineland, though we are not told whether his search
+was successful or whether he made any important discoveries in
+prosecuting it.[1631] The detailed stories of the Wineland voyages
+which were current in oral tradition during the eleventh century were
+undeniably put into written form long before 1250, although the
+versions in which we now have them, the _Saga of Eric the Red_ and the
+_Flatey Book_, are of later date.[1632]
+
+The true position of Wineland has for many years been a matter of
+acrimonious dispute among historians and geographers, but it is beyond
+our province to enter upon this controversy. On the other hand, it is of
+interest to point out that the Icelanders themselves or some of them, at
+least, must have believed that Wineland lay in relatively southern
+latitudes, for an Icelandic geographical description of the world,[1633]
+dating perhaps from our period, contains the following remark: Not far
+from Markland is “Wineland the Good, which some affirm extends from
+Africa; and, if this is so, an arm of the sea separates Wineland and
+Markland.”[1634] In Europe outside of the Scandinavian countries
+practically nothing was known of Wineland. The earliest mention of it is
+in the pages of Adam of Bremen’s description of the North, where we read
+the following brief passages: “Moreover he [King Svend Estridsson] spoke
+of an island in that ocean discovered by many, which is called Wineland,
+for the reason that vines grow wild there, which yield the best of wine.
+Moreover, that grain unsown grows there abundantly is not a fabulous
+fancy, but from the accounts of the Danes we know to be a fact”
+(Reeves’s translation).[1635] Ordericus Vitalis in his _Historia
+ecclesiastica_ includes Wineland in a list of countries made subject to
+the king of the Norsemen but gives no details.[1636]
+
+Adam of Bremen or a later interpolator[1637] adds to the passage just
+quoted a description of the Northern Ocean, which he erroneously places
+beyond Wineland. He says: “Beyond this island, it is said that there is
+no habitable land in that ocean, but all those regions which are beyond
+are filled with unsupportable ice and boundless gloom, to which Marcian
+thus refers: ‘One day’s sail beyond Thile the sea is frozen.’ This was
+essayed not long since by that very enterprising Northmen’s prince,
+Harold, who explored the extent of the Northern Ocean with his ship but
+was scarcely able by retreating to escape in safety from the gulf’s
+enormous abyss, where before his eyes the vanishing bounds of earth were
+hidden in gloom” (Reeves’s translation).[1638]
+
+
+                             FABULOUS ISLES
+
+Until modern times the Atlantic has been an ocean filled by the
+imaginations of the coast-dwelling peoples of the Old World with
+fabulous and fantastic isles. In the _De imagine mundi_ we read of the
+Isle of the Gorgons and of the Hesperides,[1639] “among which was that
+great land described by Plato as having been submerged beneath that part
+of the sea now coagulated—an isle greater in extent even than Africa and
+Europe.” In this story we recognize the old legend of Atlantis which had
+been the subject of speculation and discussion ever since the time of
+Plato. The _De imagine mundi_ then goes on to speak of “Perdita,” or the
+Lost Island, which far exceeded all the surrounding countries in the
+delightfulness and fertility of all things to be found therein. Though
+as a general rule unknown to man, this isle was sometimes to be found by
+hazard, though never found when looked for. Hence it was called
+“Perdita,” or “Lost.” To it St. Brandan was said to have gone in the
+course of his wanderings.
+
+
+                         _St. Brandan’s Isles_
+
+For a full account of the islands visited by St. Brandan we must look to
+the famous narration of his voyages. Ernest Renan poetically
+characterizes this legend as follows: “In the midst of these dreams
+there appears with surprising truth a feeling for the picturesque in
+polar navigations: the transparence of the sea, the aspects of the ice
+floes and icebergs melting in the sun, the volcanic phenomena of
+Iceland, the playing of the cetaceans, the characteristic appearance of
+the fiords of Norway, the sudden fogs, the milklike sea, green islands
+covered with grass which overhangs into the waves....”[1640] In the most
+widely known Latin version, which was translated into English and French
+during our period,[1641] we are told[1642] that Brandan, the abbot of a
+large monastery in Munster, received information from a certain
+Barinthus of marvelous isles that the latter had visited in the western
+seas and in particular of the “Terra repromissionis sanctorum,” or
+Saints’ Land of Promise. Taking seven companions, the saint set out in a
+ship built especially for the voyage and wandered for seven years from
+one marvelous isle to another. After forty days’ sailing in a northerly
+direction they came to an islet, where they entered into a narrow harbor
+between high and precipitous rocks. This harbor mouth, just wide enough
+to admit a ship, was typical of the ragged western coasts of Ireland and
+Scotland and was doubtless suggested to the poet by some bleak cove
+among the rocks of St. Kilda or the Outer Hebrides. After leaving the
+islet the wanderers reached an isle covered with sheep—perhaps a
+reminiscence of the Faroes, the sheep of which had long before been
+described by Dicuil.[1643] Beyond this they came to a smooth islet
+lacking verdure and with no sand upon it; this turned out to be a sea
+monster, which dived beneath the waves when the saint and his companions
+tried to light a fire upon its back. Their fortunate escape from the
+monster was followed by wanderings that brought them to an isle full of
+birds in such numbers and of such brilliant plumage that the voyagers
+could scarce see the branches of the trees. Some of the birds could
+talk; and one spoke words of prophecy foretelling the future course of
+Brandan’s journeys. Thence they came to yet another isle, where they
+entered a port with a narrow entrance and found a monastery; then to an
+isle with a fresh-water spring which put each brother to sleep for a
+period corresponding to the number of cups he drank. After that they
+made their way still farther north, where the sea was coagulated, and
+then returned to many of the isles already visited in the course of
+their earlier sailings and also to fresh marvels—seas of miraculous
+clearness, terrible volcanoes, Judas’s rock, the islet of Paul the
+hermit.[1644] Finally, after seven whole years, they attained a broad
+and spacious country full of trees bearing apples as if it were the
+autumn of the year, a land where no night was ever known. Here a youth
+greeted Brandan and said that this was the country for which he had been
+seeking. Then Brandan sailed back to Ireland, where he lived out the
+remainder of his earthly life, and, after his death, returned forthwith
+to this “land of promise of the saints,” or Paradise, which for so long
+had been his goal.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XIII
+                               CONCLUSION
+
+
+It now remains for us to give a brief résumé of the outstanding elements
+which constituted the geographical lore of the time of the Crusades and
+to draw a few generalizations from the mass of details that have been
+set forth in the foregoing pages.
+
+
+  THE OUTSTANDING ELEMENTS OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL LORE OF THE TIME OF THE
+                                CRUSADES
+
+The dangers of attempting to condense the geographical thought of a
+century and a half into the compass of a few pages are manifest, and yet
+some of the more significant ideas may perhaps be presented without
+running an undue risk of over-simplification.
+
+According to the orthodox view of the ecclesiastics, the world was
+created by an arbitrary act of God at a certain definite point of time.
+Under the influence of classical thought, writers of the Chartres group
+of the early twelfth century worked out theories of the Creation
+according to which, though the initiative was attributed to God’s act,
+the actual Works of the Six Days were ascribed to the unfolding of
+physical processes governed by the laws of nature. Such theories did not
+meet with general acceptance, though they were never wholly lost sight
+of. The ancient belief in an eternally existent, periodically re-formed
+universe was not given credence, though it was well known to the readers
+of the period with which we are concerned through classical works in
+their libraries and through translations from the Arabic.
+
+It was probably the opinion of most scholars that the universe is a
+sphere in which the four elements are arranged concentrically.
+Furthermore, nearly all scholars argued that the earth likewise is a
+sphere and that they were acquainted with convincing proofs of this.
+Standing immobile in the center of the universe, the earth was usually
+supposed to be a small body in proportion to the entire cosmos. The
+surface of our globe was divided into five zones, two temperate, two
+polar—uninhabitable on account of the intense cold—and an equatorial
+zone, uninhabitable by reason of heat. The habitability of the
+equatorial zone, however, was affirmed by a few writers conversant with
+Arabic literature.
+
+There was a great deal of speculation regarding the characteristics of
+those parts of the world which lay beyond the _oikoumene_, or quarter of
+the globe known to Europeans. The theories of Macrobius and of Martianus
+Capella, who had divided the earth’s surface into four equal parts by
+two encircling bands of ocean, strongly influenced the thought of many.
+Macrobius and Martianus Capella had also believed that all of these
+quarters of the earth were inhabited but that three of them were unknown
+to members of our human race, who could not visit them owing to the heat
+of the equatorial zone and the terrors of the ocean. Though this theory
+could not be reconciled with Christian teachings and was strongly
+controverted, it nevertheless persisted, and many of the writers of the
+Crusading age undoubtedly shared it.
+
+Something was known of the atmosphere. William of Conches wrote of its
+decreased density and temperature with increased altitude. Rainfall was
+explained as the result of many causes, among them evaporation of sea
+water and condensation of water vapor in the air, and topographic
+influences on rainfall were recognized by Giraldus Cambrensis. The
+winds, defined as air in motion, were also occasionally ascribed to the
+influence of topography. William of Conches worked out an elaborate
+theory of a general circulation of the atmosphere produced by the
+circulation of ocean currents. The impressions made upon men by the
+climatic conditions of various parts of the earth found expression in
+many passages. The cold of the North was contrasted with the heat of the
+South, and Giraldus Cambrensis gives a colorful comparison of the damp
+climate of Ireland with the noxious dryness of the East.
+
+The aqueous element was supposed to be divided into two parts, the
+waters above and the waters below the firmament. Theodoric of Chartres
+and William of Conches tried to explain the waters above the firmament
+on rational grounds; others were inclined to take the Biblical
+assertions absolutely literally. The waters below the firmament were
+believed to form one unit or congregation of waters, and an unceasing
+circulation was thought to be maintained from the seas and oceans
+through subterranean channels and cavities of the earth to the sources
+of streams. As to the seas themselves, many ingenious explanations were
+brought forward to account for their salinity. It was understood that
+the tides are caused by the moon, though subsidiary causes, such as
+whirlpools and ocean currents, were also adduced to explain them. The
+most interesting tidal studies of the period, made by Giraldus
+Cambrensis on the shores of the Irish Sea and Bristol Channel, were
+undoubtedly the results of careful synchronous observations of the times
+of high and low water in different localities. Something of the spirit
+of the North Atlantic is conveyed through the pages of the legend of St.
+Brandan. Of the waters of the lands, rainfall was not usually thought
+sufficient to account for the flow of rivers, which were supposed to be
+fed by underground channels from the seas. Springs, wells, and fountains
+attracted much attention, and many are the marvels related about them in
+the literature of the age. Giraldus Cambrensis describes marvelous lakes
+in Ireland, and strange tales were told of lakes of Italy, Spain, and
+elsewhere, which, together with the Dead Sea and volcanic craters, were
+objects of fear, because some men believed them to be ways of ingress to
+the infernal regions.
+
+The lands of the earth’s surface were classified in various manners. The
+author of the _De imagine mundi_ mentions no less than six types of land
+surface. Different regions were supposed to have different effects on
+life: Ireland was thought to be remarkably healthful, and its earth to
+have the property of destroying venomous reptiles; the East, Giraldus
+Cambrensis would have us believe, is a fountain of poisons. Many
+medieval writers had an eye for the spiritual and esthetic beauties of
+landscape, and picturesque descriptions of rich cultivated scenes are
+not rare. It is doubtful, however, to what extent the grandeur of wild
+nature and of mountains was appreciated. The great majority of men
+certainly regarded mountains as grim and horrible. Mountain climbing was
+not indulged in for pleasure, though we have an account of an ascent of
+Etna in the _Image du monde_. On the other hand, there date from this
+age several extremely vivid descriptions of the hardships encountered
+during journeys over the Alps, one of which was made in midwinter.
+Alfred of Sareshel gives in a translation from the Arabic a clear
+account of geologic processes by which mountains were formed. Volcanoes
+impressed the men of the Middle Ages. The volcanic regions of southern
+Italy and Sicily and of Iceland are frequently described, and St.
+Brandan’s legend contains what can be nothing else than an account of a
+volcanic isle. Fiery mountains were associated in the popular mind with
+entrances to Hell. Scientific investigators usually attributed their
+fires to burning beds of sulphur and bitumen within the mountains or
+else to the outbursting of imprisoned winds. To the action of winds in
+subterranean caverns classical authorities had ascribed the cause of
+earthquakes, and this view was accepted throughout the Middle Ages.
+Other features of the land that attracted attention were the deserts of
+the East, vividly described by the historians of the Crusades and in the
+_Letter of Prester John_, and the fabulous islands of the sea,
+especially of the unknown Atlantic. Some peculiarities of the movement
+of ice in glaciers were noted by Saxo Grammaticus.
+
+The influence of geographical environment on animals and on man was
+sometimes commented upon. Bernard Sylvester emphasizes the control of
+terrain over plant and animal life. Giraldus Cambrensis attributes the
+independence and audacity of the Welsh to the rugged character of their
+country. A fatalistic idea is expressed in the writings of Hugh of St.
+Victor and of Otto of Freising, to the effect that the course of
+science, empire, and civilization proceeds with the heavenly bodies
+across the surface of the earth from east to west and that, as it has
+reached the uttermost confines of the West, the power of the kingdom of
+the Franks is soon destined to disappear.
+
+Within the field of astronomical geography several methods were known
+whereby latitudes may be determined, and also the use of observations of
+eclipses for ascertaining longitude was understood. Figures indicating
+the positions of points in many parts of the known world had been
+introduced to Western knowledge through the Moslems. It seems likely,
+furthermore, that not only were the Arabic figures borrowed by the
+astrological writers of our age but also that a new series of
+observations was made by which the latitudes as well as the longitudes
+of several stations in Western Europe were found with no small degree of
+accuracy. These figures, however, were intended to serve as aids for
+astrologers and astronomers in making their calculations, and we have no
+evidence that they were put to geographical use.
+
+The cartography shows little originality. It was in no way corrected or
+checked up with reference to astronomical observations. Most of the maps
+were based on earlier models, and it is perhaps possible to trace their
+origins back to maps of the Roman Empire. Cartographic accuracy was not
+the aim of the map maker of the time, and we are not justified in
+criticizing his maps in the light of modern standards. They should be
+regarded rather as diagrammatic approximations. A number of conventions
+were followed, the most important of which was the representation of the
+east at the top. The maps were vividly colored; and mountains, rivers,
+and the works of man were shown by pictorial symbols.
+
+We may conceive of the regional geographic knowledge of the age as
+comprised within two concentric circles: a very broad outer circle,
+which includes all those lands of which knowledge had been derived at
+second hand through literary sources; and a smaller inner circle
+including those lands which were known at first hand through actual
+travel.
+
+The outer circle took in to the east the land of the Seres, or China,
+and the lost Atlantis to the west; to the north the regions of the
+Hyperboreans and the semi-mythical Rhipaean Mountains; and to the south
+the Mons Climax of Ptolemy and the mysterious upper reaches of the Nile.
+Nearly all that lies between the two circles was a vague region of fancy
+and fable, though ideas that were more or less correct prevailed about
+some parts of Western Asia, familiar ground to the men of ancient Greece
+and Rome.
+
+The inner circle included on the east the shores of the Black Sea and
+the Holy Land; on the south, the Mediterranean fringe of Africa;
+westward it was bounded by the Atlantic coast; north-westward, warped
+somewhat out of shape, it enclosed Iceland and even the icy coasts of
+Greenland. To the north, it ran through Scandinavia and the Baltic.
+Within these bounds there were many gaps that were still utterly
+unknown; but, in general, politics, pilgrimage, war, and commerce had
+familiarized the men of the West with most parts of this tract. It seems
+a small area indeed compared with what is now known of the world’s
+surface and small even compared with what Ptolemy and earlier Greeks had
+known. Only in the age that immediately follows ours was the circle
+enlarged, at first to the eastward by the great overland journeys of
+Marco Polo and the other Asiatic travelers of the late thirteenth and
+fourteenth centuries and then westward, southward, and northward during
+the Age of Discovery. Not until our own day has it at last come to
+comprise the entire earth.
+
+
+     CHARACTER OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL LORE OF THE TIME OF THE CRUSADES
+
+Men have always respected tradition and learning inherited from former
+ages, but in some periods dependence on earlier authority has been more
+unquestioning than in others. In the Middle Ages, especially, an immense
+mass of knowledge and belief was handed down from generation to
+generation.
+
+A portion of this inherited mass of knowledge and belief constituted the
+recognized and orthodox geographical lore of the Crusading age. This
+body of teachings—to be sure, not altogether uniform or consistent—had
+been built largely on a foundation of Biblical and classical doctrine.
+The early Church Fathers, taking the Bible as their authority, had
+leveled destructive criticism against those ideas of the Greeks and
+Romans which appeared to go counter to Scriptural texts, but in the
+course of time reconciliation of ancient science with Christianity was
+partly achieved and, as a consequence, the accepted scientific lore of
+the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries was only to a limited extent
+drawn from a literal interpretation of the Bible. Nevertheless, those
+theories of antiquity that were too diametrically hostile to the words
+of Scripture still remained tabooed, and, when Manegold, Peter Lombard,
+or Peter Comestor inveighed against belief in _hyle_, the Great Year, or
+the antipodes, they were merely echoing the arguments of their early
+Christian predecessors. Classical learning and Christian doctrine were
+sufficiently at one by the opening of the twelfth century to make it no
+longer heretical to believe in the sphericity of the earth, in the
+existence of antipodal regions (if not inhabitants), and in a physical
+explanation of many geographical processes that an earlier age might
+have ascribed to the direct intervention of the divine will.
+
+The works of our period show all too plainly that they were written in a
+credulous age, for credulity is an inevitable concomitant of the undue
+respect for authority. Credulity and love of the marvelous—which is much
+the same thing—are in many ways the most characteristic and entertaining
+qualities of the geographical writers of the Middle Ages. Marvels of all
+kinds, located in all countries, are solemnly described as if they were
+truth. India, especially, was the scene of fabulous monsters and
+prodigies; but no country, no matter how well known, was wholly without
+them. Even the most serious writers mention them, and they enliven all
+the maps.
+
+In contrast with this geography based on authority and tradition stood
+another great body of geographical lore derived not from books or
+tradition but from observation by eyewitnesses of the countries of the
+earth and the physical features of its surface. We may style this second
+body of geographical lore the “geography of observation.” It is
+represented almost universally in the literature of the period, for no
+writer was so completely immersed in the learning of the past that he
+failed altogether to respond to the world of his day. Even in the most
+learned works there are occasional passages drawn from contemporary
+observation; but it is especially in histories, chronicles, letters, and
+other less formal writings that the “geography of observation” finds
+unhampered expression. The latter are among the most illuminating
+documents of the age, for they reveal to us those things which above all
+interested the average man in the material world around him.
+
+Measured by modern standards, this “geography of observation” is the
+only kind of geography that rests on a sound and scientific footing.
+Modern science rejects theories, however old and hallowed they may be,
+which cannot stand the test of an appeal to Nature herself. Precisely
+the opposite seems to have been the normal intellectual habit of the
+Middle Ages, when the prevailing tendency was if anything to put aside
+the evidence of Nature when contradicted by the classics, by the Church
+Fathers, or especially by the Bible. Logical impossibility or rational
+improbability did not usually bear much weight against a belief that had
+been approved by time.
+
+And yet there were in the age of the Crusades numerous exceptions to
+this general rule. Never has there been a time when a few fore-reaching
+and individualistic spirits have not tried to search and see and think
+for themselves, to confront older teachings with new, to criticize
+established beliefs in the light of observed facts and reason. In the
+ardent, enthusiastic society of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries
+there was no lack of such spirits. Among the writers on geographical
+subjects we need but recall the names of the scholars of Chartres:
+Theodoric, who undertook to explain the Creation according to physical
+principles and specifically excluded from his discussion all moral and
+allegorical interpretations of the text of Genesis; or William of
+Conches, who argued that we may avoid irrational deductions from
+Scripture by an appeal to our own reason and who maintained that the
+animals of the earth and also Adam and Eve were produced through the
+interaction of the elements of fire, earth, air, and water. And this
+critical, inventive attitude reappears in the thirteenth century in the
+work of such men as Robert Grosseteste, Roger Bacon, and even Albertus
+Magnus.
+
+We gain a deeper and more sympathetic understanding of the devious
+workings of the human mind when we trace in the geographical lore of the
+Middle Ages the persistence of old ideas and the transfer of prejudices
+and beliefs from age to age; but at best this is a disheartening study.
+On the other hand, there is always fascination in coming across oases of
+fresh observation and clear reason in the midst of the arid deserts of
+plagiarism that constitute so much of medieval literature. These oases
+mark the pathway of the history of science.
+
+
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+
+The numbers at the top of the inner margin of each page indicate on
+which pages of the text (pp. 1–361) the passages occur to which the
+notes on a given page refer.
+
+For the works here cited in abbreviated form refer to the Bibliography.
+Works not listed in the Bibliography (these are relatively few) are here
+given with their full titles.
+
+As a rule a work will be found in the Bibliography under its own author
+or, if anonymous, its own title. If not, the entry under which it will
+be found is generally here indicated. In the few cases where it is not
+the work should be looked for under the ancient or medieval author or
+title to which the work sought for relates.
+
+Bible references and quotations throughout the present work, except
+where otherwise indicated, are based on the Douay and Rheims translation
+of the Vulgate.
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+                               CHAPTER I
+                 THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE ANCIENT WORLD
+
+Footnote 2:
+
+  The _De caelo et mundo_ should not be confused with the _De mundo_
+  (Περὶ κόσμου), a spurious work ascribed to Aristotle and dating from
+  about 100 B. C. See preface to E. S. Forster’s translation of the _De
+  mundo_ in the Oxford translation of the works of Aristotle, vol. iii,
+  1914.
+
+Footnote 3:
+
+  On the geography of Posidonius see below, p. 371, note 55, and also
+  the two important recent studies: Wilhelm Capelle, _Die griechische
+  Erdkunde und Posidonius_, in: Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische
+  Altertum, Jahrgang 23, vol. liv, Leipzig, 1920, pp. 305–323, and Karl
+  Reinhardt, _Poseidonios_, Munich, 1921, especially pp. 59–135 for the
+  geography and pp. 135–176 for the meteorology.
+
+Footnote 4:
+
+  For a brief general outline of the main trend of Greek geography see
+  Berger, _Geschichte_, 1903, Überblick, pp. 1–24. See also Bunbury,
+  _Ancient Geogr._, 1879; Tozer, _Ancient Geogr._, 1897; Tillinghast,
+  _Geogr. Knowl._, 1889. An extensive recent treatment of ancient
+  geography has come to the attention of the writer as this book is
+  going to press: Gisinger’s article “Geographie” in _Paulys
+  Real-Encyclopädie_, 1924. This contains many references to secondary
+  works; it is particularly valuable as a synthesis of recent German
+  research in the field.
+
+Footnote 5:
+
+  That Pliny’s _Natural History_ was extensively read in the Middle Ages
+  is proved by the large number of times its title appears in medieval
+  library catalogues. For example, in twelfth-century French catalogues
+  alone it occurs in no less than six different places; in German
+  catalogues in five different places before the twelfth century. Though
+  at first glance these figures do not appear large, when compared with
+  similar figures for the works of other writers they show that,
+  relatively speaking, Pliny was very popular. We are also confirmed in
+  this opinion by the frequency of citations of Pliny (M. Manitius,
+  _Philologisches_, 1892, pp. 59–60; idem, _Römische Prosaiker_, 1890,
+  pp. 380–384). Furthermore, we have in manuscripts dating from the
+  eighth century and onward a series of excerpts from Books II, III, IV,
+  VI, and XVIII of the _Natural History_. These contain the outstanding
+  geographical elements of Pliny’s work and attest to its great
+  popularity (see Rück, _Auszüge_, 1888; idem, _Exzerpt_, 1902; idem,
+  _Naturalis Historia_, 1898, pp. 203–318). On p. 287 of the _Exzerpt_
+  Rück writes that the existence of these excerpts forms “a weighty
+  literary-historical proof of the continued life of Pliny in later
+  centuries.”
+
+Footnote 6:
+
+  The _Collectanea_ is mentioned in France in one catalogue from before
+  the twelfth century, in five from the twelfth, and in four from the
+  thirteenth. In Germany it is mentioned in six catalogues from before
+  the twelfth century, in four from the twelfth, and in two from the
+  thirteenth. It is also mentioned in catalogues of British and Italian
+  libraries. Its popularity was equal to that of Pliny and was perhaps
+  even greater (see M. Manitius, _Philologisches_, pp. 78–79).
+
+Footnote 7:
+
+  Columba (_Questione soliniana_, 1920) holds that the materials in
+  Solinus’ _Collectanea_ came in large part from a common source of
+  Pliny’s _Natural History_ and Pomponius Mela’s _Corographia_. This was
+  a lost work which Columba styles _Corographia Varro-Sallustiana_. It
+  was worked over (according to his theory) by an unknown compiler and
+  reduced by Solinus into the form of a compendium, with borrowings here
+  and there direct from Pliny. See note on Columba’s monograph in
+  Bollettino della Reale Società Geografica Italiana, vol. lviii, Rome,
+  1921, p. 44.
+
+Footnote 8:
+
+  Seneca’s popularity as shown by the library catalogues was less than
+  that of Pliny, though the _Quaestiones naturales_ were read rather
+  extensively in France in the twelfth century (M. Manitius,
+  _Philologisches_, p. 42; idem, _Geschichte_, 1911, vol. i, p. 38).
+
+Footnote 9:
+
+  Capella merely followed the Latin tradition, which tended to restrict
+  the field of geography and at the same time to limit the science of
+  geometry to the art of measurements. The _De nuptiis Philologiae et
+  Mercurii_ served to pass on to the Middle Ages this attitude in regard
+  to geography and geometry (Mori, _Misuraz. eratos._, 1911, pp.
+  186–187; see also Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, p. 89).
+
+Footnote 10:
+
+  M. Manitius, _Philologisches_, p. 112, informs us that, next to Virgil
+  and the Vulgate, the _De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii_ was the most
+  popular book of the Middle Ages. References to copies of it are found
+  in nearly all medieval library catalogues. See also Mori, _Misuraz.
+  eratos._, pp. 388–391.
+
+Footnote 11:
+
+  Macrobius seems to have come next to Martianus Capella in popularity,
+  particularly in the twelfth century, when his book finds mention more
+  than a dozen times in the catalogues of both French and German
+  libraries of the period. It was also read in Italy, Spain, and Great
+  Britain. In the latter country there are five entries from the early
+  thirteenth century (M. Manitius, _Philologisches_, p. 106).
+
+Footnote 12:
+
+  Aristotle, _De caelo_, I, 3; Duhem, _Système_, vol. i, 1913, p. 173.
+
+Footnote 13:
+
+  Aristotle, _Meteor._, I, 2; Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 164.
+
+Footnote 14:
+
+  These ideas are developed in Plato’s _Timaeus_ and in Aristotle’s _De
+  generatione et corruptione_, II, 11. See Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. i,
+  pp. 164–169.
+
+Footnote 15:
+
+  Berosus in the third century before Christ described Chaldean theories
+  regarding the Great Year (Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 69).
+
+Footnote 16:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. i, pp. 70–71.
+
+Footnote 17:
+
+  Notably Philolaus (_ibid._, vol. i, p. 77).
+
+Footnote 18:
+
+  Seneca, _Quaest. nat._, III, 28–29; Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 70.
+
+Footnote 19:
+
+  For example, Anaximander, Anaximenes, Heraclitus, Empedocles (Duhem,
+  _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 70–71, 167).
+
+Footnote 20:
+
+  Aristotle, _De caelo_, I, 10; _Meteor._, I, 14, as interpreted by
+  Duhem, _Système_, vol. i, pp. 167–168.
+
+Footnote 21:
+
+  Günther, _Apokatastasis_, 1916, p. 85.
+
+Footnote 22:
+
+  See E. S. McCartney, _Fossil Lore in Greek and Latin Literature_, in:
+  Proceedings of the Michigan Academy of Science, Arts, and Letters,
+  vol. iii, New York, 1924, pp. 23–38, especially pp. 37–38.
+
+Footnote 23:
+
+  Aristotle, _Meteor._, I, 14; Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 167. In the
+  important paper cited in note 20 above, Günther traces the development
+  in antiquity and during the Middle Ages of (1) theories of
+  astronomical periods and (2) theories of the _apokatastasis_, or
+  restoration of the earth to its previous condition after destruction
+  by fire or by water. He shows that the ancient and medieval
+  philosophers conceived of a complete parallelism between these two
+  sets of phenomena. It is, however, difficult to follow his argument
+  that they failed to recognize any causal relation whatsoever between
+  the astronomical periods and the _apokatastasis_, although it is
+  doubtless true that no attempt was made to explain in detail the
+  manner in which celestial circumstances operated to produce effects
+  upon the earth.
+
+Footnote 24:
+
+  See Duhem, _Système_, vol. i, pp. 65–85, 275–297.
+
+Footnote 25:
+
+  Cumont, _After Life_, 1922, pp. 12–13.
+
+Footnote 26:
+
+  Al-Masʿūdī and Al-Bīrūnī describe the theory as it prevailed in India
+  (Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 67–69; vol. ii, pp. 213–220).
+
+Footnote 27:
+
+  Plato gives a formula from which it has been deduced that he believed
+  the duration of the Great Year to be 760,000 terrestrial years.
+  Aristotle explained that the figure could be found by determining the
+  least common multiple of the periods of revolution of the various
+  celestial bodies. Cicero calculated it at 12,954, and Macrobius at
+  15,000 years. See Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 84, 165, 283, 288.
+
+Footnote 28:
+
+  Ptolemy describes Hipparchus’ discovery of the precession of the
+  equinoxes in the _Almagest_, VII, 2–3 (as cited by Duhem, _op. cit._,
+  vol. ii, pp. 180–185).
+
+Footnote 29:
+
+  _Almagest_, VII, 2 (Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 185).
+
+Footnote 30:
+
+  Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pp. 212–223.
+
+Footnote 31:
+
+  “... l’évolution de la science hellène révèle non pas l’existence de
+  luttes perpétuelles pour ou contre la sphéricité mais au contraire un
+  accord, en somme assez rapide, établi avant la fin du v^e siècle entre
+  les penseurs de toutes écoles” (Thalamas, _Géogr. d’Ératosthène_,
+  1921, p. 103; see also the same, p. 99, note 3).
+
+Footnote 32:
+
+  Berger thinks that Anaximander may well have believed in a spherical
+  earth (_Geschichte_, 1903, p. 32, note 2, and p. 34); this opinion has
+  not been accepted by recent students, who ascribe to Anaximander
+  participation in the older doctrine of a disk-shaped earth (Stegmann,
+  _Anschauungen_, 1913, pp. 14–15; Heidel, _Anaximander_, 1921, p. 246;
+  Gisinger, “Geographie” in: _Paulys Real-Encyclopädie_, 1924, p. 543).
+  See also below, p. 372, note 61.
+
+Footnote 33:
+
+  _Phaedo_, 109. Plato thought that the universe, as well as the earth,
+  is a sphere because the sphere is the most perfect of forms
+  (_Timaeus_, 33). An obscure mathematical passage, _Timaeus_, 55, seems
+  to liken the universe to a dodecahedron. See the _Dialogues_, Jowett’s
+  transl., 1892, vol. iii, p. 363, and Boffito, _Leggenda_, 1903, p.
+  584.
+
+Footnote 34:
+
+  These proofs were worked out by Aristotle in two ways (_De caelo_, II,
+  14). First he explained that physical laws require that the earth must
+  be spherical; then he demonstrated that observation shows that it
+  actually is a globe. Aristotle’s physics were built upon a theory that
+  superficially has been compared with the Newtonian theory of
+  gravitation, although fundamentally it is entirely different. A
+  principal law of Aristotelian physics is that all heavy bodies seek
+  the center of the universe, whereas Newton’s law is that all bodies,
+  whether heavy or light, attract each other (see Duhem, _Système_, vol.
+  i, p. 210). Aristotle (_De caelo_, II, 4) showed by mathematical
+  argument that water, in obedience to his physical law, will, if
+  unhindered, become a perfect sphere, with the center of the universe
+  as its center, and that land, though it cannot become a perfect sphere
+  owing to its rigidity, will tend to assume such a form.
+
+  That the earth actually is a globe, the Stagirite maintained, is
+  revealed by the circular shadow it casts upon the moon in an eclipse.
+  Furthermore, a traveler journeying from north to south sees new
+  constellations appear above the southern horizon and vice versa,
+  constellations that could only be hidden from him at his starting
+  point by the curvature of a spherical earth (Duhem, _Système_, vol. i,
+  pp. 211–215).
+
+  Adrastias of Aphrodisias, one of the Peripatetic school, adduced
+  proofs similar to those of Aristotle (Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp.
+  473–474), although he presented them with greater clarity. He showed
+  by the argument of the appearance of new constellations to a traveler
+  journeying north or south that the earth is convex from north to
+  south. That it is also convex from east to west he proved from the
+  observation that the same celestial body rises sooner in the eastern
+  parts of the habitable world than it does in the western. This could
+  be demonstrated by any eclipse of the moon: the eclipse appears at a
+  later hour of the night and higher in the heavens to an observer in
+  the east than it does to one in the west. As both observers see the
+  same eclipse, it follows that the moon must in reality rise in the
+  east before it rises farther west. If the earth were flat both
+  observers would necessarily see the eclipse at the same hour of local
+  time.
+
+Footnote 35:
+
+  _De motu corp. cael._, I, 8 (as cited by Duhem, _Système_, vol. i, p.
+  471).
+
+Footnote 36:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, II, 64. Both Cleomedes and Pliny demonstrated the
+  sphericity of the sea by noting that mountains may be seen when the
+  lower parts of the land are invisible and that shores become visible
+  from the masthead of a ship before persons on deck can see them. Pliny
+  (_op. cit._, II, 65) had a theory to explain the sphericity of the sea
+  that differed widely from that of Aristotle. The gist of this was that
+  it is in the inherent nature of water to assume a spherical form.
+  Traces of this view are to be found in the writings of Alexander
+  Neckam in the thirteenth century. See below, p. 438, note 34.
+
+Footnote 37:
+
+  Ptolemy, _Almagest_, I, 4. Ptolemy’s proofs were similar to those of
+  Aristotle and Adrastias (see above, note 33). He neglected arguments
+  of the physical necessity of a globular earth (Duhem, _Système_, vol.
+  i, p. 480).
+
+Footnote 38:
+
+  _De nupt. Phil. et Merc._, VI, 590–598. Martianus Capella brought
+  together and vigorously presented many of the arguments of his
+  predecessors: that of Aristotle that the shadow of the earth on the
+  moon is curved, the argument of the different appearance of the
+  heavens in different latitudes, and the argument from the eclipses
+  (see above, note 33).
+
+Footnote 39:
+
+  On the heliocentric theory in antiquity see Duhem, _Système_, vol. i,
+  pp. 399–426, and Heath, _Aristarchus_, 1913.
+
+Footnote 40:
+
+  Philolaus worked out an elaborate hypothesis which placed an immobile
+  fire, the Hearth of the Universe, the seat of divinity, in the center
+  of the cosmic system. Around this fire revolves our earth; an
+  anti-earth counterbalances our earth on the opposite side of the fire,
+  but man can never see either the Hearth or the anti-earth because he
+  dwells on the side of our earth that is always turned outward from the
+  center. See Duhem, _Système_, vol. i, pp. 11–21. Hicetas and Ecphantus
+  modified the system of Philolaus by doing away with the anti-earth and
+  placing our earth in the middle of the universe, enclosing the central
+  fire within it. They accounted for day and night by a diurnal rotation
+  of the earth around its axis (_ibid._, vol. i, pp. 21–27).
+
+Footnote 41:
+
+  Some thought in antiquity that a passage in the _Timaeus_, 40, shows
+  that Plato believed that the earth rotates on its axis; but this
+  interpretation of the passage was disputed even in classical times,
+  and other passages in Plato’s works seem to confirm us in holding that
+  he thought that the earth stands immobile (Duhem, _Système_, vol. i,
+  p. 86). It should be noted that though Plato placed the World Soul in
+  the center of the earth and of the universe, he was also convinced
+  that great fires exist in the earth’s interior. See above, p. 32.
+
+Footnote 42:
+
+  _Timaeus_, 34. See also Lutz, _Geographical Studies_, 1924, pp.
+  166–167.
+
+Footnote 43:
+
+  Aristotle’s abstruse reasoning about the immobility of the earth is
+  interpreted by Duhem, _Système_, vol. i, pp. 219–230. Duhem clarifies
+  the arguments of the Stagirite by resolving them into four main
+  propositions:
+
+  (1) “The movement of the heavens requires the existence of an
+  immovable body distinct from the heavens at the center of the
+  universe” (Duhem, _Système_, vol. i, p. 220). Why such an immovable
+  body is necessary is explained in _De caelo_, I, 8, and in _Physics_,
+  IV, 4 (cited by Duhem, _Système_, vol. i, pp. 198–210, 221). Later
+  writers and commentators confused Aristotle’s views here set forth
+  with a theory which the philosopher—if he wrote it—presents in the _De
+  motu animalium_ and which is, in brief, as follows. “For every animal
+  that moves there must be without it something immovable, but
+  supporting itself upon which that which is moved moves. For were that
+  something always to give way (as it does for mice walking in grain, or
+  persons walking in sand) advance would be impossible, and neither
+  would there be any walking unless the ground were to remain still”
+  (_De motu anim._, 2; translated by A. S. L. Farquharson in the _Works
+  of Aristotle_, 1913, p. 698b). Although the writer of this passage
+  expressly states that he does not intend this simple theory to be
+  applied to the movements of the heaven in relation to the earth, it
+  was, none the less, passed on by way of the Moslems to the West as an
+  argument in favor of the immobility of the earth.
+
+  (2) “Physical reasons prove that it is not possible for the earth to
+  move” with a circular motion. The normal motion of the particles which
+  compose the earth is in a straight line toward the earth’s center.
+  Correspondingly “the movement which is natural to each part must also
+  be natural to the whole, in such a way that the earth taken as a whole
+  certainly has for its natural motion that movement in a straight line
+  and directed toward the center which characterizes heavy bodies”
+  (Duhem, _Système_, vol. i, p. 226). Any other movement, such as a
+  movement of rotation, “being, then, constrained and unnatural ...
+  could not be eternal. But the order of the universe is eternal” (_De
+  caelo_, II, 14; translated by J. L. Stocks in the _Works of
+  Aristotle_, 1922, p. 296a).
+
+  (3) “Experiments show that as a matter of fact the earth does not move
+  at all.” If the earth moved “there would have to be passings and
+  turnings of the fixed stars. Yet no such thing is observed” (_De
+  caelo_, II, 14; Stocks’s translation, p. 296b). In other words, if the
+  earth moved one would expect to observe parallaxes of the fixed stars
+  (Duhem, _Système_, vol. i, p. 227). “It is clear, then, that the earth
+  must be at the center and immovable, not only for the reasons already
+  given, but also because heavy bodies thrown quite straight upward
+  return to the point from which they started, even if they are thrown
+  to an infinite distance” (_De caelo_, II, 14; Stocks’s translation, p.
+  296b).
+
+  (4) “Physics teaches us the cause of the immobility of the earth.” As
+  all heavy bodies tend to seek the center of the universe, the various
+  parts of the earth have arranged themselves around the center in such
+  a manner that an equilibrium is established, and this equilibrium
+  produces immobility (_De caelo_, II, 14, Stocks’s translation, p.
+  297a; Duhem, _Système_, vol. i, pp. 216, 228–229).
+
+Footnote 44:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, II, 5.
+
+Footnote 45:
+
+  Ptolemy (_Almagest_, I, 7) discussed the immobility of the earth in
+  much the same manner as Plato and Aristotle. From Aristotle he derived
+  the argument of the heavy body thrown into the air. See above, note
+  42, paragraph (3) and Duhem _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 480–484.
+
+Footnote 46:
+
+  _De caelo_, II, 14.
+
+Footnote 47:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, II, 108.
+
+Footnote 48:
+
+  _De architectura_, I, 6 (edited by F. Krohn, Leipzig (Teubner), 1912;
+  English translation by M. H. Morgan, Cambridge, Mass., 1914).
+
+Footnote 49:
+
+  _De nupt. Phil. et Merc._, VI, 596.
+
+Footnote 50:
+
+  _In som. Scip. comm._, I, 20, 20.
+
+Footnote 51:
+
+  _De motu corp. cael._, I, 10.
+
+Footnote 52:
+
+  See Thalamas, _Géogr. d’Ératosthène_, 1921, pp. 162–163. Konrad
+  Miller, _Erdmessung_, 1919, pp. 5–6, argued that Eratosthenes
+  calculated the circumference at 252,000 stades, not 250,000. Even if,
+  as Cleomedes tells us, he calculated it at 250,000 stades, it seems
+  probable that it was Eratosthenes himself and not some later scientist
+  who arbitrarily raised it to 252,000 in order to obtain a figure
+  divisible by 60 or perhaps by 360.
+
+Footnote 53:
+
+  _De motu corp. cael._, I, 10.
+
+Footnote 54:
+
+  Strabo, _Geogr._, II, 2 (edited by A. Meineke, 3 vols., Leipzig
+  (Teubner), 1904–1909; English translation by H. L. Jones, 2 vols.,
+  London, 1917–1923); Berger, _Geschichte_, 1903, pp. 579–582.
+
+Footnote 55:
+
+  Thalamas, _op. cit._, p. 151.
+
+Footnote 56:
+
+  Miller, _Erdmessung_, pp. 12–14. For other possible explanations of
+  Posidonius’ figures, see Berger, _op. cit._, pp. 579–582, and Oscar
+  Viedebantt, _Eratosthenes, Hipparchos, Poseidonios: Ein Beitrag zur
+  Geschichte des Erdmessungsproblems im Altertum_, in: Klio: Beiträge
+  zur alten Geschichte, vol. xiv, Leipzig, 1914, pp. 208–256; idem,
+  _Poseidonios, Marinos, Ptolemaios: Ein weiterer Beitrag zur Geschichte
+  des Erdmessungsproblems im Altertum_, in: _ibid._, vol. xvi, 1920, pp.
+  94–108.
+
+Footnote 57:
+
+  _De motu corp. cael._, I, 10. See Thalamas’ clear and reasonable
+  discussion of Eratosthenes’ measurement, _op. cit._, pp. 128–164.
+
+Footnote 58:
+
+  _De nupt. Phil. et Merc._, VI, 596. Capella’s account of Eratosthenes’
+  measurement differs slightly from that of Cleomedes (Mori, _Misuraz.
+  eratos._, 1911, p. 584; Thalamas, _op. cit._, pp. 140–141).
+
+Footnote 59:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, p. 7.
+
+Footnote 60:
+
+  Thalamas, _op. cit._, pp. 158–159.
+
+Footnote 61:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 170.
+
+Footnote 62:
+
+  See White, _Warfare_, 1920, vol. i, pp. 89–90. Lutz, _Geographical
+  Studies_, 1924, p. 168, holds that “the fundamental notions of the
+  Homeric poems, of Hesiod and Aeschylus regarding the earth [a disk
+  surrounded by an ocean stream] are Babylonian in origin.”
+
+Footnote 63:
+
+  Thales thought that the earth was created out of water (Norlind,
+  _Problem_, 1918, p. 8).
+
+Footnote 64:
+
+  Berger, _Geschichte_, 1903, p. 285.
+
+Footnote 65:
+
+  Pliny gives details of explorations which he believed had proved the
+  existence of connections between the Caspian Sea, the Atlantic, and
+  the Indian Ocean (_Hist. nat._, II, 167).
+
+Footnote 66:
+
+  Probably the best treatment of the history of theories of the
+  antipodes is to be found in Rainaud, _Le continent austral_, 1893.
+
+Footnote 67:
+
+  _Meteor._, II, 5. Pliny also thought that the polar and equatorial
+  regions are uninhabitable, although he was aware of the fact that the
+  northern boundary of the uninhabitable part of the equatorial regions
+  must be well south of the Tropic of Cancer (_Hist. nat._, II, 68, 74,
+  76, 108). See also below, p. 377, note 172.
+
+Footnote 68:
+
+  _De caelo_, II, 14.
+
+Footnote 69:
+
+  _Meteor._, II, 5.
+
+Footnote 70:
+
+  “Quantum est enim, quod ab ultimis litoribus Hispaniae usque ad Indos
+  iacet? Paucissimorum dierum spatium, si navem suus ferat ventus
+  implebit” (_Quaest. nat._, I, praef., 13). Doubt has been expressed by
+  critics as to whether or not Seneca had in mind a passage westward
+  across the Atlantic. See Edward Channing, _A History of the United
+  States_, vol. i, New York, 1905, p. 31. Strabo discussed Eratosthenes’
+  views on the possibility of sailing from Spain to India in his
+  _Geography_, I, 64, 65. See Channing, _op. cit._, p. 30.
+
+Footnote 71:
+
+  See Tillinghast, _Geogr. Knowl._, 1889, pp. 6–12; Berger,
+  _Geschichte_, 1903, p. 625; Norlind, _Problem_, 1918, _passim_, for
+  discussions of the continental and oceanic theories in antiquity and
+  in the Middle Ages. Roger Bacon (_Opus majus_, Bridges’ edit., vol. i,
+  1897, p. 290) states that “Ptolemaeus vero in libro de dispositione
+  sphaerae vult quod fere sexta pars terrae est habitabilis propter
+  aquam, et totum residuum est coopertum aqua.” That this should have
+  been the opinion of Ptolemy is difficult to reconcile with his
+  advocacy of unknown lands beyond the _oikoumene_ enclosing the Indian
+  and Atlantic Oceans (_Geogr._, I, 17, 6; VII, 3, 6; VII, 5, 2; see
+  Berger, _Geschichte_, pp. 625, 627, 629).
+
+Footnote 72:
+
+  See above, p. 187.
+
+Footnote 73:
+
+  For a summary of Aristotle’s theories in regard to the elements, see
+  Lippmann, _Chemisches_, 1910.
+
+Footnote 74:
+
+  Gilbert, _Meteorol. Theorien_, 1907.
+
+Footnote 75:
+
+  “Causas autem illi mutationis et inconstantiae alias terra praebet,
+  cuius positiones, hoc et illo versae, magna ad aeris temperiem momenta
+  sunt....” (_Quaest. nat._, II, 11). Possibly “temperiem” should be
+  translated “quality” rather than “temperature.”
+
+Footnote 76:
+
+  _Meteor._, I, 4; I, 7; II, 4. See Lones, _Arist. Researches_, 1912,
+  pp. 30–33.
+
+Footnote 77:
+
+  _Meteor._, I, 9–12. See also Lones, _op. cit._, pp. 32–33, 42–45.
+
+Footnote 78:
+
+  See above, pp. 99–101, and below, p. 406, note 93.
+
+Footnote 79:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, V. See Gilbert, _Meteorol. Theorien_, 1907, pp.
+  537–539.
+
+Footnote 80:
+
+  Aristotle, _Meteor._, II, 4–5; Seneca, _Quaest. nat._, V, 7–14; Pliny,
+  _Hist. nat._, II, 44.
+
+Footnote 81:
+
+  Capelle, _Berges- und Wolkenhöhen_, 1916, pp. 1–2.
+
+Footnote 82:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 16–17, 28.
+
+Footnote 83:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 26–27.
+
+Footnote 84:
+
+  Posidonius understood, from observation of differences between the
+  Indians and Ethiopians dwelling in the same latitude, that latitude
+  was not the only determining element in the distribution of natural
+  products and races of man but that other factors should also be given
+  consideration (Berger, _Geschichte_, 1903, p. 557). Peschel,
+  _Geschichte_, 1877, p. 226, wrote that in the Middle Ages Jordanus of
+  Severac was the only man to recognize the fact that a meridian may
+  mark the boundary between dissimilar areas of plant or of animal life.
+  See, however, Giraldus Cambrensis’ observations on this matter (see
+  above, p. 177).
+
+Footnote 85:
+
+  For further discussion of ancient _climata_, see above, pp. 242–243.
+
+Footnote 86:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, III, 6; IVa, 2.
+
+Footnote 87:
+
+  The voyage of Pytheas of Marseilles was the source of the greater part
+  of ancient beliefs in regard to high northern latitudes.
+
+Footnote 88:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, II, 78.
+
+Footnote 89:
+
+  _Octavius_, 18. Minutius Felix was a Roman advocate, probably a
+  contemporary of Marcus Aurelius. His dialogue _Octavius_ (edited by C.
+  Halm in: _Corpus script. eccles. lat._, vol. ii; also in: Migne, _Pat.
+  lat._, vol. iii, cols. 231–360) is a defense of Christianity.
+
+Footnote 90:
+
+  _Meteor._, II, 5.
+
+Footnote 91:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, VI, 23.
+
+Footnote 92:
+
+  _Meteor._, II, 4–5.
+
+Footnote 93:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, V, 18.
+
+Footnote 94:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, II, 43–47.
+
+Footnote 95:
+
+  Modern meteorological studies would seem to show that the ancients
+  were not far astray in associating the etesians of Greece with the
+  monsoons of the Indian Ocean: “the etesiens [_sic_] are not local
+  winds, due to limited and local causes; they belong to the great
+  system of the proasiatic low pressure and are connected with the
+  Indian monsoons” (J. S. Paraskévopoulos, _The Etesiens_, in: Monthly
+  Weather Review, vol. 50, Washington, D. C., 1922, p. 420).
+
+Footnote 96:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, III, 22.
+
+Footnote 97:
+
+  _Meteor._, II, 3.
+
+Footnote 98:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, II, 100.
+
+Footnote 99:
+
+  _Meteor._, II, 1.
+
+Footnote 100:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, II, 102.
+
+Footnote 101:
+
+  _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 102:
+
+  _Meteor._, I, 13.
+
+Footnote 103:
+
+  The Coraxi inhabited the rugged coast where the Caucasus Mountains run
+  parallel to the Euxine north of Colchis. Modern soundings show that
+  the sea attains an average depth of 3000 feet within a dozen miles of
+  the shore.
+
+Footnote 104:
+
+  Tillinghast, _Geogr. Knowl._, 1889, p. 28.
+
+Footnote 105:
+
+  _Meteor._, II, 1.
+
+Footnote 106:
+
+  _In som. Scip. comm._, II, 9.
+
+Footnote 107:
+
+  Tozer, _Anc. Geogr._, 1897, p. 185.
+
+Footnote 108:
+
+  Probably the best work on ancient and medieval tide theories is
+  Almagià, _Dottrina_, 1905. See also Duhem, _Système_, vol. ii, 1914,
+  pp. 267–390. On the earliest Greek observations of the tides in the
+  Mediterranean see Giorgio Pasquali, _Ἄμπωτις und die ältesten
+  Beobachtungen der Gezeiten im Mittelmeer_, in: _Festschrift für
+  Wackernagel_, Göttingen, 1924, pp. 326–332 (not seen, title from
+  review in: Rivista geografica italiana, voi. xxxi, Florence, 1924, pp.
+  86–88).
+
+Footnote 109:
+
+  Strabo, _Geogr._, I, 3.
+
+Footnote 110:
+
+  Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pp. 269–271.
+
+Footnote 111:
+
+  Our knowledge of Posidonius’ theory of the tides, which was explained
+  in a treatise on the ocean, is derived from extracts from this
+  treatise given in Strabo, _Geogr._, III, 5, and from a Latin
+  translation of Priscian of Lydia’s _Solutiones_ (citations from Duhem,
+  _Système_, vol. ii, p. 280).
+
+Footnote 112:
+
+  Strabo, _loc. cit._, quotes Posidonius as stating that the ebb and
+  flood are greatly increased at the time of the summer solstice, which,
+  of course, is not so. Priscian, _op. cit._, quaest. vi, gives a truer
+  statement, that the greatest tides are those at the equinoxes
+  (citations from Duhem, _Système_, vol. ii, p. 282).
+
+Footnote 113:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, II, 97.
+
+Footnote 114:
+
+  Duhem, _Système_, vol. ii, p. 286.
+
+Footnote 115:
+
+  Pliny, _loc. cit._, also notes that there may be local differences in
+  the period of the tides in different estuaries, although he explains
+  this by differences in the times of the rising of the stars rather
+  than as resulting from the influence of the configuration of the
+  coast.
+
+Footnote 116:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, III, 28.
+
+Footnote 117:
+
+  _In som. Scip. comm._, II, 9.
+
+Footnote 118:
+
+  _Meteor._, II, 2.
+
+Footnote 119:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, II, 65.
+
+Footnote 120:
+
+  _Meteor._, I, 13; II, 8; Seneca, _Quaest. nat._, III, 15; III, 26; VI,
+  _passim_. See Gilbert, _Meteorol. Theorien_, 1907, pp. 399–402.
+
+Footnote 121:
+
+  Seneca, _Quaest. nat._, III, 15. On the springs and fountains of the
+  ancient world, many of which were believed to be the outlets of
+  subterranean water courses, see J. R. Smith, _Springs and Wells in
+  Greek and Roman Literature: Their Legends and Locations_, New York and
+  London, 1922 (on the Arethusa and Alpheus myth see pp. 669–672).
+
+Footnote 122:
+
+  Cumont, _After Life_, 1922, p. 78.
+
+Footnote 123:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 79.
+
+Footnote 124:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 80–81.
+
+Footnote 125:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 7–12.
+
+Footnote 126:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 87–89.
+
+Footnote 127:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 90.
+
+Footnote 128:
+
+  See above, p. 227, and below, p. 450, note 80.
+
+Footnote 129:
+
+  _Phaedo_, 112.
+
+Footnote 130:
+
+  _Meteor._, I, 13.
+
+Footnote 131:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, III, 9–10.
+
+Footnote 132:
+
+  _Meteor._, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 133:
+
+  See Capelle, _Berges- und Wolkenhöhen_, 1916, pp. 2–12, for a full
+  discussion of the sources of Aristotle’s statements regarding the
+  connection between mountains and the sources of rivers.
+
+Footnote 134:
+
+  Seneca, _Quaest. nat._, III, 10. On Gregory’s theory see Kretschmer,
+  _Phys. Erdk._, 1889, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 135:
+
+  See Khvostov, _Istoriya_, 1907, pp. 53–56; Langenmaier, _Alte
+  Kenntnis_, 1916, _passim._
+
+Footnote 136:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, IV, _passim_.
+
+Footnote 137:
+
+  These proofs were of two sorts: first, those which were intended to
+  demonstrate the physical impossibility of there being any snow in
+  Ethiopia; and, secondly, those which were intended to show that river
+  floods actually known to be caused by melting snow do not come in
+  midsummer but earlier in the year.
+
+Footnote 138:
+
+  See above, pp. 206–207.
+
+Footnote 139:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, V, 9.
+
+Footnote 140:
+
+  _ibid._, II, 86–92.
+
+Footnote 141:
+
+  _ibid._, II, 90. Plato describes the disappearance of Atlantis in the
+  _Timaeus_ and in the _Critias_; he states that the story came from an
+  Egyptian priest at Sais (_Dialogues_, Jowett’s transl., 1892, vol.
+  iii, pp. 429–433).
+
+Footnote 142:
+
+  _Phaedo_, III. On ancient and medieval theories regarding the interior
+  of the earth, see Stegmann, _Anschauungen_, 1913, _passim_.
+
+Footnote 143:
+
+  _Meteor._, II, 7–8. “Aristotle sums up his views of the causes of
+  winds, earthquakes, lightning, and thunder towards the end of
+  _Meteor._, II, 9, where he says that they all are essentially the
+  same, viz. a dry exhalation which produces earthquakes when operating
+  within the earth, winds when operating about the surface of the earth,
+  and lightning and thunder when operating among the clouds” (Lones,
+  _Arist. Researches_, 1912, p. 45).
+
+Footnote 144:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, VI, is devoted almost entirely to earthquakes.
+
+Footnote 145:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, II, 79–80.
+
+Footnote 146:
+
+  _Meteor._, II, 8.
+
+Footnote 147:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, II, 106.
+
+Footnote 148:
+
+  See especially Capelle, _Berges- und Wolkenhöhen_, 1916. See also
+  below, p. 447, note 27a.
+
+Footnote 149:
+
+  _Meteor._, I, 13; Capelle, _op. cit._, p. 3. See also Günther,
+  _Optische Beweisung_, 1920, p. 374, note.
+
+Footnote 150:
+
+  “Dicaearchus, vir in primis eruditus, regum cura permensus montes, ex
+  quibus altissimum prodidit Pelium MCCL passuum ratione perpendiculari”
+  (_Hist. nat._, II, 65). Dicaearchus also wrote a treatise on the
+  mountains of the Peloponnesus and of other parts of Greece. See
+  Günther, _Bergbesteigungen_, 1896.
+
+Footnote 151:
+
+  Capelle, _op. cit._, p. 16.
+
+Footnote 152:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 17.
+
+Footnote 153:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 19–20. See also Thalamas, _Géogr. d’Ératosthène_, 1921,
+  pp. 104–110.
+
+Footnote 154:
+
+  See above, p. 214.
+
+Footnote 155:
+
+  Capelle, _op. cit._, p. 24. For discussion of other figures regarding
+  the heights of mountains as they were estimated in antiquity, see the
+  same, pp. 30–31.
+
+Footnote 156:
+
+  Berger, _Geschichte_, 1903, p. 640.
+
+Footnote 157:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 407.
+
+Footnote 158:
+
+  Peschel, _Geschichte_, 1877, pp. 43–44.
+
+Footnote 159:
+
+  The sun and the moon appear to revolve around the earth every
+  twenty-four hours more or less. If the same eclipse of the moon is
+  seen at A (to the west of B) one hour earlier than at B, obviously the
+  difference in longitude between A and B will be 1/24 of the
+  circumference of the earth, or 15°.
+
+Footnote 160:
+
+  Berger, _op. cit._, pp. 18, 468–476.
+
+Footnote 161:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, II, 70.
+
+Footnote 162:
+
+  _Geogr._, I, 4.
+
+Footnote 163:
+
+  A useful general history of ancient cartography (i. e. of the
+  Egyptians, Hebrews, Babylonians, Assyrians, and Greeks), though
+  sometimes misleading in details, is Cebrian, _Geschichte der
+  Kartographie_, 1923. This includes an appendix by Joseph Fischer,
+  _Ptolemaios als Kartograph_, pp. 113–129. See also Kubitschek’s
+  important article “Karten” in _Paulys Real-Encyclopädie_, 1919.
+
+Footnote 164:
+
+  So called because it was discovered by Conrad Peutinger in 1507.
+  Reproduced on two-thirds the scale of the original in colors by Konrad
+  Miller in _Weltkarte des Castorius_, 1888; also a photographic
+  reproduction by the Imperial Library, Vienna, 1888. See also more
+  especially Miller, _Itin. rom._, 1916. Miller (_Itin. rom._, pp.
+  xxvi-xxxvi) ascribes its composition to a certain Castorius of the
+  fourth century of our era.
+
+Footnote 165:
+
+  The questions of whether or not Ptolemy drew maps to accompany the
+  text of his _Geography_, whether or not the existing maps in Greek
+  manuscripts and in printed fifteenth-century texts of Ptolemy’s
+  _Geography_ can really be ascribed to Ptolemy, and whether they are
+  more, or less, authentic than the texts of the _Geography_ are the
+  subject of bitter controversies in the history of geography. For
+  further discussion of this matter and for references to the literature
+  dealing with it, see the works of Dinse, Schütte, Tudeer, and Fischer,
+  cited in the Bibliography.
+
+Footnote 166:
+
+  See Detlefsen, _Ursprung_, 1906; Lessert, _L’oeuvre géogr._, 1909.
+
+Footnote 167:
+
+  See Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. i, 1897, p. 379, note 2.
+
+Footnote 168:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895, pp. 66–70, and vol. ii, 1895,
+  _passim_; Beazley, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 378. The Roman maps would
+  seem to be in turn related to Greek maps of the Eratosthenic school in
+  general form and extent. Some of them showed, doubtless, in addition
+  to the _orbis terrarum_, an austral continent beyond the equator (see
+  below, p. 385, note 58). While in a broad way we may accept Miller’s
+  main conclusions that the cartography of imperial Rome exerted some
+  influence over medieval cartography, it is not impossible that Miller
+  is occasionally over-ingenious in his attempt to demonstrate specific
+  relationships. See below, p. 458, note 17.
+
+Footnote 169:
+
+  These were the invention of Hipparchus (Avezac, _Projection_, 1863,
+  pp. 16–20). The stereographic projection, called planisphere, was
+  described by Ptolemy in a treatise entitled _Planisphere_ which was
+  translated into Latin from the Arabic during the time of the Crusades.
+  See below, p. 398, note 36.
+
+Footnote 170:
+
+  Eratosthenes placed Meroë at 10,000 stades south of Alexandria and the
+  limit of the _oikoumene_ at 3400 stades south of Meroë (Strabo,
+  _Geogr._, I, 4, 2). He placed the tropic at Syene 5000 stades south of
+  Alexandria (Cleomedes, _De motu corp. cael._, I, 10). Therefore the
+  limit of the _oikoumene_ according to Eratosthenes must have been
+  10,000 + 3400 − 5000 = 8400 stades south of the tropic. As
+  Eratosthenes reckoned the circumference of the earth at 252,000 stades
+  (see above, p. 371, note 51), 1° must have contained 700 stades, and
+  the limit of the _oikoumene_ must have fallen in his opinion 8400 ÷
+  700 = 12° south of the tropic, or at approximately latitude 11° 30′ N.
+
+Footnote 171:
+
+  See Barthold, _Erforschung des Orients_, 1913, p. 10.
+
+Footnote 172:
+
+  On ancient theories regarding the sources of the Nile see Khvostov,
+  _Istoriya_, 1907, pp. 53–68, and Langenmaier, _Alte Kenntnis_, 1916,
+  pp. 1–144.
+
+Footnote 173:
+
+  Pliny says (_Hist. nat._, II, 108) that the distance from the
+  southernmost limits of the habitable world to Meroë in Ethiopia is
+  1000 Roman miles and that the distance by river from Syene, on the
+  tropic, to Meroë was found by an expedition sent out by Nero to be 871
+  miles. If we make this arbitrarily 700 miles in order to take into
+  account the windings of the river, we get a total of 1700 miles. In
+  the same passage Pliny states that Eratosthenes found the
+  circumference of the earth to be 252,000 stades, or 31,500 Roman
+  miles. The 1700 miles which represent the distance south of the tropic
+  at which Pliny places the Ethiopian Ocean are therefore equivalent to
+  13,600 stades, and these, in turn, to 19³⁄₇° (see above, note 169, for
+  method of calculating this figure). The southern limit of the
+  _oikoumene_ thus falls at about latitude 4° N. (23½°–19³⁄₇°).
+
+Footnote 174:
+
+  See Langenmaier, _op. cit._, pp. 6–37, for the most recent and
+  thorough attempt at an interpretation of the Ptolemaic geography of
+  these parts of Africa.
+
+Footnote 175:
+
+  That Ptolemy’s knowledge of the Central African lake region was
+  derived from the east coast of Africa rather than from the upper Nile
+  valley is shown by Langenmaier, _op. cit._, and by Khvostov,
+  _Istoriya_, 1907. pp. 65–66.
+
+Footnote 176:
+
+  “Nam Syene sub ipso tropico est, Meroe autem tribus milibus
+  octingentis stadiis in perustam a Syene introrsum recedit, et ab illa
+  usque ad terram cinnamoni feracem sunt stadia octingenta, et per haec
+  omnia spatia perustae licet rari tamen vita fruuntur habitantes. Ultra
+  vero jam inaccessum est propter nimium solis ardorem” (Macrobius, _In
+  som. Scip. comm._, II, 8, 3). In other words, the border of the
+  habitable part of the world was placed by Macrobius 3800 + 800 = 4600
+  stades, or about 6½°, south of the tropic, that is to say at about
+  latitude 17° N.
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+                               CHAPTER II
+       THE CONTRIBUTION OF WESTERN CHRISTENDOM BEFORE 1100 A. D.
+
+Footnote 177:
+
+  See above, pp. 41–42.
+
+Footnote 178:
+
+  On the geographical work of Byzantine writers, see Krumbacher,
+  _Geschichte_, 1897, pp. 409–427. Krumbacher distinguishes between two
+  types of Byzantine geographical treatise: (1) scientific or
+  theoretical, and (2) practical. The first consists almost exclusively
+  of commentaries on, redactions of, or compilations of excerpts from
+  earlier Byzantine works. The second type includes lists of
+  ecclesiastical sees or provinces, statistical lists for the use of
+  government officials, itineraries, sailors’ manuals, pilgrims’
+  handbooks, and the like. The _Christian Topography_ of Cosmas
+  Indicopleustes, with its fantastic description of the world, is of the
+  first type. It was held in high favor and became a principal source of
+  geographical “knowledge” among the Slavic people of the early Middle
+  Ages (_ibid._, p. 35).
+
+  With the eleventh and twelfth centuries came a great literary revival
+  at Constantinople. Michael Psellos (born 1018) besides being a poet
+  was a prolific writer on philosophy, philology, history, law, and
+  natural science. Among his works on the last-named subject were a
+  series of essays on meteorology (_ibid._, pp. 433–444, esp.
+  bibliography, p. 442). Nikephoras Blemmydes (thirteenth century) also
+  wrote on matters of geographical interest (_ibid._, p. 448).
+
+Footnote 179:
+
+  See above, pp. 48 and 75.
+
+Footnote 180:
+
+  Levantine traders were present in no inconsiderable numbers along the
+  main avenues of commerce and in the larger towns of Italy, France, and
+  England. The introduction of monachism into the West may be in part
+  attributed to contacts with the Orient maintained in the early Middle
+  Ages. Among the marvelous legends transmitted from the Levant to the
+  Occident were the stories of St. Thomas’ voyage to India and the
+  Romance of Alexander (see above, pp. 49, 50, 73, 74, and also below,
+  note 8; see also Bréhier, _Les colonies_, 1903). On diplomatic and
+  political relations between Constantinople and the West during the
+  early Middle Ages, see A. Gasquet, _L’Empire byzantin et la monarchie
+  franque_, Paris, 1888. On Greek settlements in Magna Graecia and their
+  influence upon Occidental culture, see Pierre Batiffol, _L’Abbaye de
+  Rossano_, Paris, 1891, Introduction.
+
+Footnote 181:
+
+  e. g. in: Müller(us), _Claudii Ptolemaei Geographia_ (under “Ptolemy”
+  in the Bibliography), atlas, 1901.
+
+Footnote 182:
+
+  e. g. St. Sever Beatus map, reproduction accompanying Miller,
+  _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895 (our Fig. 2, p. 69, above).
+
+Footnote 183:
+
+  For example, those of Origen (second century) in the Eastern Church
+  and of Ambrose (340–397) in the Western. On the hexaemeral exegesis
+  see Zöckler, _Geschichte_, vol. i, 1877; Duhem, _Système_, vol. ii,
+  1914, pp. 393–501; Robbins, _Hexaemeral Lit._, 1912.
+
+Footnote 184:
+
+  Exodus, xxvi.
+
+Footnote 185:
+
+  See above, pp. 72–73, 287–288.
+
+Footnote 186:
+
+  The Apocryphal Acts arose out of attempts of early heretical sects to
+  provide apostolic authority for their beliefs. Ecclesiastical
+  authorities complained most bitterly of a certain Manichaean, Lucius
+  (or Leucius) Charinus, as the author of these documents. We do not
+  possess any of Charinus’ writings in the original. The most important
+  collection of Apocryphal Acts was probably made in the seventh century
+  and was commonly, though mistakenly, ascribed to Abdias, said to have
+  been one of the Apostles who established himself as the first bishop
+  of Babylon. Pseudo-Abdias drew from Charinus for the Acts of Andrew
+  and Matthew. See Rudolf Hoffman’s article on the New Testament
+  Apocrypha in _Realenzyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und
+  Kirche_, begründet von S. S. Herzog, 3rd edit., by Albert Hauck, vol.
+  i, Leipzig, 1896, pp. 664–668.
+
+  The account of the Acts of St. Thomas in the Pseudo-Abdias version was
+  probably originally composed in Syriac, translated later into Greek,
+  and from Greek into Latin. From an analysis of the details of the
+  story (particularly the plants and animals mentioned in it) Philipps
+  concludes that the legend originated in the Euphrates valley and that
+  St. Thomas was apostle of the Parthian empire and of India in the
+  limited sense of that part of India which includes the Indus valley
+  only (Philipps, _St. Thomas_, 1903). These conclusions are in the main
+  borne out by Dahlmann in the latest and most satisfactory examination
+  of the legend of St. Thomas. Dahlmann believes that within the story,
+  to which many legendary elements became attached, may be found a
+  kernel of fact. He maintains that connections by sea were in existence
+  in the first century after Christ between the Roman province of Syria
+  and northern India and that by this route St. Thomas reached the court
+  of Gundophorus, a Parthian king of the Kabul valley and of Peshawar.
+  The second part of the story relates the martyrdom of Thomas at the
+  court of a King Mazdai, or Mazdeus. Some have thought that the kingdom
+  of Mazdeus may have been situated in southern India, where
+  subsequently there grew up a large colony of Nestorian Christians who
+  claimed that their church was founded by St. Thomas himself. What
+  little evidence there is, Dahlmann believes, is against this
+  identification. He holds that the death of Thomas occurred in
+  northwestern India (Dahlmann, _Thomas-Legende_, 1912, _passim_).
+
+Footnote 187:
+
+  On the influence of the Bible in molding geographical theory and on
+  the matter of interpretation, see Kretschmer, _Phys. Erdk._, 1889,
+  Einleitung, pp. 5–9.
+
+Footnote 188:
+
+  The great exponents of the allegorical and mystical method of exegesis
+  during the early centuries of our era were the scholars of Alexandria;
+  the literal method was primarily that of the Antiochians and Syrians
+  (_ibid._, pp. 17–20).
+
+Footnote 189:
+
+  Literal interpretation led men like Lactantius to the belief that the
+  earth is flat. The pilgrim Theodosius, about 530 A. D., described the
+  hills near the River Jordan which skipped like lambs when Christ came
+  down to be baptized and added that when he was there the hills still
+  appeared to be jumping (Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. i, 1897, p. 102). Peter
+  Alphonsi in the twelfth century accused earlier Jewish doctors of
+  going to extremes in their literal interpretation of Scripture, even
+  to the extent of taking literally the words of the Psalm: “Flumina
+  plaudent manibus, montes exsultabunt” (Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clvii,
+  col. 553).
+
+  Cosmas Indicopleustes’ fantastic system of the world, based on the
+  account of the Tabernacle of the Lord, is a famous and striking
+  example of literal interpretation carried to an extreme. Cosmas was
+  led by the Biblical text (and by his own imagination) to maintain
+  aggressively that the universe is shaped like a strong-box with a
+  semi-cylindrical cover.
+
+Footnote 190:
+
+  “Cum credimus, nihil desideramus ultra credere. Hoc enim prius
+  credimus, non esse quod ultra credere debeamus.” Quoted by Kretschmer,
+  _Phys. Erdk._, 1889, p. 2.
+
+Footnote 191:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 22.
+
+Footnote 192:
+
+  On Platonism among the Church Fathers, see Duhem, _Système_, vol. ii,
+  1914, pp. 408–417. The combination of Neoplatonism with Christianity
+  has been called Augustinianism (_ibid._, vol. ii, p. 417).
+
+Footnote 193:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 44–47.
+
+Footnote 194:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 62–64.
+
+Footnote 195:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 64–67.
+
+Footnote 196:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 9.
+
+Footnote 197:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 44–47. See _De div. nat._, III, 33 (Migne, _Pat. lat._,
+  vol. cxxii, col. 719). Stegmann, _Anschauungen_, 1913, p. 60,
+  contrasts the speculative and critical mind of John Scot with the
+  credulous spirit of Raban Maur, his contemporary.
+
+Footnote 198:
+
+  Mori, _Misuraz. eratos._, 1911, p. 391.
+
+Footnote 199:
+
+  See Geidel, _Alfred der Grosse_, 1904.
+
+Footnote 200:
+
+  Aethicus of Istria was often confused in the Middle Ages with a
+  so-called Julius Aethicus, who may have written a _Cosmographia_ which
+  probably dates from the sixth century and was edited in Riese, _Geogr.
+  lat. min._, 1878, pp. 71–103. See Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. i, 1897, pp.
+  355–362.
+
+Footnote 201:
+
+  The _Orbis descriptio_ of Dionysius and Priscian’s Latin version of it
+  were edited by Müller in _Geogr. graeci min._, vol. ii, 1882, pp.
+  103–176, 190–199.
+
+Footnote 202:
+
+  The unknown author most frequently cited is a Roman cosmographer of
+  the name of Castorius. The citations, names, and extracts from
+  Castorius correspond very closely to the legends on the Peutinger
+  Table and have led Miller to the conclusion that the latter represents
+  the work of Castorius. See Miller, _Weltkarte des Castorius_, 1888,
+  pp. 36–47; the same, _Mappaemundi_, vol. vi, 1898, pp. 36–37; the
+  same, _Itin. rom._, 1916, pp. xxvi-xxxvi.
+
+Footnote 203:
+
+  See above, p. 104.
+
+Footnote 204:
+
+  The various Latin versions of the Romance of Alexander were destined
+  to exert much influence on the form which the legend was to assume in
+  the twelfth century and later. The earliest version of the Latin
+  _Pseudo-Callisthenes_ was made in the fourth century of our era by
+  Julius Valerius; but this was little read in later centuries, and only
+  three manuscripts of it are now extant. The work upon which most of
+  the medieval versions of the Romance were based was an _Epitoma_, or
+  abridgment, of Julius Valerius’ translation, made perhaps in the ninth
+  century. In addition to Valerius’ version and the _Epitoma_, we have a
+  _Letter from Alexander to Aristotle_ describing the marvels of India.
+  Longer, though corresponding essentially to chapter 17 of the third
+  book of Valerius, it did not form part of the _Epitoma_, but was
+  widely circulated as an independent booklet. A correspondence between
+  Alexander and Dindimus concerning the Brahmins is also found in a
+  ninth-century Latin form, perhaps translated by Alcuin from a Greek
+  original. See Meyer, _Alexandre le grand_, 1886, vol. ii, _passim_;
+  Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. i, pp. 551–557.
+
+  In the tenth century a wholly new version of the legend, also derived
+  from the _Pseudo-Callisthenes_, appeared in the West. This was the
+  _Historia de praeliis_, the Greek original of which was said to have
+  been brought from Constantinople by a certain “Leo Archipresbyter” and
+  translated by him into Latin. See Landgraf, _Die Vita Alexandri_,
+  1885, and Krumbacher, _Geschichte_, 1897, pp. 849–852.
+
+Footnote 205:
+
+  See below, p. 391, note 130.
+
+Footnote 206:
+
+  Much has been written on St. Brandan and his wanderings. The
+  _Peregrinatio Sancti Brandani abbatis_, or Latin version of the legend
+  (also known as _Navigatio_ or _Narratio_), the date of which is
+  uncertain, was published by Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871. See also
+  Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. i, 1897, pp. 230–240. More recent notable works
+  dealing with Brandan’s voyages and with other fabulous tales of the
+  Atlantic are Westropp, _Brasil_, 1912; Babcock, _St. Brendan’s
+  Islands_, 1919; idem, _Legendary Islands_, 1922, pp. 34–49. That some
+  of the stories of the St. Brandan legend were derived from Oriental
+  sources (and not vice versa, as Schröder, _op. cit._, pp. xii-xiii,
+  attempted to show) was demonstrated by De Goeje, _St. Brandan_, 1890.
+
+Footnote 207:
+
+  T. D. Hardy, _Descriptive Catalogue of Materials Relating to the Early
+  History of Great Britain_, London, 1862, vol. i, p. 159, cites a
+  ninth-century manuscript in the Vatican (Regin. Christinae, 217).
+  Hardy mentions five twelfth-century and ten thirteenth-century
+  manuscripts of the _Vita S. Brendani_. This life of St. Brandan was
+  printed by Jubinal, _Saint Brendaines_, 1836.
+
+Footnote 208:
+
+  Beazley, _op. cit._, vol. i, 1897, pp. 186–188.
+
+Footnote 209:
+
+  See above, pp. 13–14.
+
+Footnote 210:
+
+  See above, p. 13, and Duhem, _Système_, vol. ii, 1914, pp. 447–449.
+  Bible references and quotations throughout the present work, except
+  where otherwise indicated, are based on the Douay and Rheims
+  translation of the Vulgate.
+
+Footnote 211:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 414. The similarities between the accounts of the Creation
+  in the _Timaeus_ and in Genesis were explained by ascribing to Plato
+  knowledge of the Bible. Augustine was particularly struck by the
+  resemblance of the Platonic and Scriptural doctrines. Peter Comestor
+  in our period actually believed “that Plato read the Mosaic books in
+  Egypt and confounded the spirit of God (Gen. i, 2) with the World
+  Soul” (Robbins, _Hexaemeral Lit._, 1912, pp. 12–13).
+
+Footnote 212:
+
+  Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pp. 408, 454–460, 478–487.
+
+Footnote 213:
+
+  Augustine, _De civ. Dei_, XII, 13 (as cited by Duhem, _op. cit._, vol.
+  ii, pp. 452–453).
+
+Footnote 214:
+
+  Περὶ ἀρχῶν, II, 3, 4–5 (as cited by Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p.
+  449).
+
+Footnote 215:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pp. 462–471.
+
+Footnote 216:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, p. 464. It must be pointed out, however, that the
+  Neoplatonic, as distinguished from the Peripatetic philosophers,
+  believed in a creation (see above, note 33), even though they denied
+  that there was a commencement of the world! A discussion of the highly
+  abstract classical and medieval theories of time and space would lead
+  us too far astray from the field of geography. Suffice it to remark
+  that subsequent medieval commentators on the hexaemeron in general
+  followed Augustine, who adopted the Platonic doctrine that God created
+  the universe and time simultaneously. Augustine said: “Procul dubio,
+  non est mundus factus in tempore, sed cum tempore” (_De civ. Dei_, XI,
+  6, as cited by Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 467; Robbins, _op.
+  cit._, pp. 7, 65–66, 82–83). See below, p. 418, note 26.
+
+Footnote 217:
+
+  See above, p. 145.
+
+Footnote 218:
+
+  Zöckler, _Geschichte_, vol. i, 1877, is devoted in the main to this
+  subject. On Bede, see the same, pp. 246–252. See also Robbins, _op.
+  cit._, _passim_. For a discussion of theological, as distinguished
+  from physical, concepts of the Creation among the early Christians,
+  see A. C. McGiffert, _The God of the Early Christians_, New York,
+  1924, pp. 146–176.
+
+Footnote 219:
+
+  White, _Warfare_, 1920, vol. i, pp. 89–90.
+
+Footnote 220:
+
+  Günther, _Kosmogr. Ansch._, 1882, discusses the influence of Jewish
+  gnosticism and Aristotelianism on scholastic geography. Most of the
+  early Jews conceived of a flat earth covered by a concave heaven
+  through a window in which the sun and moon pass out in the west,
+  whence they return to the east around the outside of the firmament.
+
+Footnote 221:
+
+  Sura, ii, 20; clxxi, 18; clxxviii, 6.
+
+Footnote 222:
+
+  From the King James version. One form of the Vulgate reads: “Qui sedet
+  super gyrum terrae, et habitatores eius sunt quasi locustae: qui
+  extendit velut nihilum caelos, et expandit eos sicut tabernaculum ad
+  inhabitandum.” The last phrase reads in another form used by the
+  Church Fathers: “qui statuit velut fornicem coelum, et extendit velut
+  tentorium” (Marinelli, _Scritti minori_, vol. i, [1908?], p. 326, note
+  2). The King James version renders the spirit of the Latin more
+  accurately than the Douay and Rheims version, in which the word
+  _gyrum_ is translated “globe.”
+
+Footnote 223:
+
+  Marinelli, _La geogr._, 1882, p. 534 (also in _Scritti minori_, vol.
+  i, [1908?], pp. 325–326, where there is an important footnote by Carlo
+  Errera). See also Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. i, p. 275, note 1, and pp.
+  328–332.
+
+Footnote 224:
+
+  Marinelli, _op. cit._, pp. 538–546 (also in _Scritti minori_, vol. i,
+  [1908?], pp. 332–343); Beazley, _op. cit._, pp. 273–303.
+
+Footnote 225:
+
+  _Div. institut._, III, 24 (as cited by Kretschmer, _Phys. Erdk._,
+  1889, pp. 37f.). Thorndike, however, believes that the “opposition of
+  early Christian thought to natural science has been rather unduly
+  exaggerated” and that Lactantius “should hardly be cited as typical of
+  early Christian attitude in such matters” (_Magic_, 1923, vol. i, p.
+  480).
+
+Footnote 226:
+
+  The question of exactly what the early medieval thinkers in the West
+  thought on this subject has been acrimoniously discussed from opposite
+  points of view by Catholic and Protestant scholars. In the seventies
+  of the last century Schneid (_Erdrundung_, 1877) defended the science
+  of the Middle Ages against the attacks of Protestants like Whewell,
+  Draper, and Günther, who accused the early ecclesiastical writers of
+  servile dependence upon the letter of Scripture. Schneid’s article is
+  more particularly an indictment of another article of the same title
+  by Siegmund Günther in: _Studien_, 1877–1879. Schneid believed that
+  Günther, through insufficient acquaintance with the literature of the
+  period, had been led to minimize the achievements and worth of
+  patristic science. Augustine, declared Schneid, nowhere denied the
+  sphericity of the earth, and his mention of the antipodes shows that
+  he was well acquainted with the theory. Isidore, Bede, Raban Maur, and
+  Adam of Bremen, he maintained, were all firmly convinced that the
+  earth is a sphere. While we may concede that Schneid was right in the
+  case of Bede and Adam, that Isidore and Raban Maur held to the
+  doctrine of a spherical earth is perhaps more doubtful. See below,
+  note 51, and p. 385, note 53. Furthermore, it is a little difficult to
+  understand Schneid’s contention (p. 436) that Cosmas did not deny the
+  sphericity of the earth through religious obscurantism but rather on
+  the grounds of practical experience. See also below, p. 386, note 64,
+  and p. 424, note 100.
+
+  More recently the Jesuit father, Reverend F. S. Betten, has
+  contributed an article entitled _Knowledge of the Sphericity of the
+  Earth During the Earlier Middle Ages_ to the Catholic Historical
+  Review, vol. iii (N. S.), Washington, D. C., 1923, pp. 74–90. In this
+  he argues that “we have ... at least one witness in every century to
+  the tradition of the sphericity of the earth” (p. 86), and he cites as
+  these witnesses Hilary of Poitiers (died 366), Ambrose of Milan (died
+  397), Augustine (died 430), Cassiodorus (died 575), and Isidore of
+  Seville (died 636). Echoes of the Ptolemaic astronomy, to be sure, may
+  be detected in the writings of these men. On the other hand, no one of
+  them makes a clean-cut avowal of belief that the earth is a globe, and
+  the passages quoted by Father Betten are not wholly irreconcilable
+  with the doctrine of a flat earth. It is not enough, in dealing with
+  the cosmographical opinions of the Church Fathers, to cite isolated
+  remnants of classical science scattered through their works. Without
+  taking into consideration all of a writer’s assertions regarding a
+  specific topic one can hardly arrive at safe conclusions regarding his
+  opinions on that topic. Father Betten puts much stock in Isidore’s
+  supposed “faithful representation of the main tenets of Ptolemy’s
+  theory” (_ibid._, p. 84). On the other hand he makes no mention of
+  passages in Isidore which may be reconciled only with belief in a flat
+  earth (see below, notes 50, and 51). We venture to hold that we are
+  not as yet in a position to make any definite pronouncements upon the
+  cosmographical opinions of the other writers cited by Father Betten.
+  Such pronouncements should be made only after thorough investigation
+  of _all_ that these writers stated bearing directly or indirectly on
+  matters of cosmography. Such an investigation has not been made as
+  yet. Is it not, however, probable that the theories of a flat earth
+  elaborated by the Eastern Fathers (see above, p. 383, note 45),
+  theories built upon the interpretation of Scripture, were at least as
+  influential in molding the early medieval cosmology of the Occident as
+  the then often discredited relics of Greek science?
+
+Footnote 227:
+
+  Kretschmer, _Phys. Erdk._, 1889, p. 50. See also the preceding note.
+
+Footnote 228:
+
+  _De nat. rer._, 10. Why this passage should be interpreted to indicate
+  belief in a flat earth is explained by Brehaut, _Isidore_, 1912, pp.
+  50–54.
+
+Footnote 229:
+
+  “The size of the sun is greater than that of the earth and so from the
+  moment when it rises it appears equally to east and west at the same
+  time” (_Etym._, III, 47; translated by Brehaut, _op. cit._, p. 147).
+  Gribaudi (_Isidoro_, 1905, p. 22) argued that Isidore of Seville held
+  to the theory of sphericity.
+
+Footnote 230:
+
+  Bede, _De nat. rer._, 46. Bede’s proof was derived from Pliny, _Hist.
+  nat._, II, 64.
+
+Footnote 231:
+
+  See Mori, _Misuraz. eratos._, 1911, pp. 390–391. C. B. Jourdain
+  (_Infl. Arist._, 1861, pp. 6–7) maintained that Raban Maur (_De
+  universo_, XII, 2) inscribed the circumference of the terrestrial
+  globe in an ideal cube, the angles of which correspond to the four
+  cardinal points. Nothing in the text, however, would justify our
+  supposing that Raban Maur had in mind either a globe or a cube. On the
+  contrary he was doubtless thinking of the _orbis terrarum_ in the
+  Roman sense (see below, note 58), that is to say, of the circle of the
+  known lands. Peschel (_Geschichte_, 1877, p. 100, note 3) and
+  Marinelli (_La geogr._, 1882, p. 552, note 5; _Scritti minori_, vol.
+  i, [1908?], p. 352, note 1) tried to interpret the passage to mean
+  that Raban Maur held that the _orbis terrarum_ was square. Bertolini
+  (_I quattro angoli_, 1910, pp. 1439–1441), however, has demonstrated
+  conclusively that the text in question indicates that he thought it
+  was a circle.
+
+Footnote 232:
+
+  _De div. nat._, III, 33, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxxii, cols.
+  716–718.
+
+Footnote 233:
+
+  _Gerberti opera_, Bubnov’s edit., 1899, p. 362. See the same, pp.
+  310–313, note 1, for discussion of the reasons why it is not the work
+  of Gerbert.
+
+Footnote 234:
+
+  Kretschmer, _Phys. Erdk._, 1889, p. 61.
+
+Footnote 235:
+
+  Santarem, _Essai_, vol. i, 1849, Introduction, pp. 1–56; Simar,
+  _Afrique centrale_, 1912, _passim_.
+
+Footnote 236:
+
+  The idea of antipodes in our modern sense of the term, as referring to
+  regions on the opposite side of a spherical earth, came from the
+  Greeks. Notably the doctrine of Crates of Mallos, it was adopted by
+  Martianus Capella and Macrobius, who passed it on to the medieval West
+  (see above, p. 18). Lactantius and Augustine argued against the
+  possibility of such antipodes. The practical spirit of the Romans had
+  not been interested in theoretical regions on the other side of the
+  earth (see above, p. 10). Roman maps, we may infer, were usually
+  circular and showed an ocean stream running around the _orbis
+  terrarum_, or three known continents (Asia, Europe, Africa). Sometimes
+  an unknown fourth continent beyond the impassable equatorial ocean was
+  depicted (see Simar, _op. cit._, p. 150). These Roman maps probably
+  formed the basis of many maps of the early Middle Ages. But during the
+  Middle Ages, as has been the case with modern attempts to interpret
+  these theories, true antipodes became confused with the fourth, or
+  austral, continent, belief in which did not necessitate belief in a
+  spherical world. Isidore was probably referring merely to the austral
+  continent when he wrote: “Extra tres partes orbis, quarta pars trans
+  Oceanum interior est in meridie quae solis ardore nobis incognita est,
+  in cujus finibus antipodas fabulose inhabitare produntur” (_Etym._,
+  XIV, 5).
+
+  Arguing thus, Simar contends, in his brilliant study of Central
+  African geography in antiquity and the Middle Ages, that medieval
+  discussions of the antipodes referred to the austral continent and did
+  not necessarily have anything to do with the question of belief in the
+  sphericity of the earth. While this may be true, he gives, in the
+  opinion of the writer, a misleading impression that the doctrine of a
+  spherical earth met with scant favor in the West until as late as the
+  twelfth century (Simar, _op. cit._, pp. 157–158). He tends to ignore
+  the important influence of Macrobius and of Martianus Capella in
+  keeping alive from the time of the Carolingian Renaissance onward the
+  doctrine that the earth is a globe. On the influence of Macrobius, see
+  Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 62–71; and on Martianus Capella,
+  see especially Mori, _Misuraz. eratos._, 1911, pp. 390–391.
+
+Footnote 237:
+
+  _Div. instit._, III, 24.
+
+Footnote 238:
+
+  _De civ. Dei_, XVI, 9. It should also be pointed out that Augustine
+  (_loc. cit._), in addition, objects to the possibility of there being
+  inhabited antipodes on the purely rational grounds that it would be
+  impossible for men to have reached such distant continents across the
+  ocean. The Catholic father, P. Mandonnet (_Les idées cosmogr._, 1893,
+  p. 55), asserted that it was rather on the strength of physical
+  argument than on that of Scriptural exegesis that Augustine based his
+  opposition to antipodeans. At all events, Mandonnet admits that it was
+  largely through Augustine’s immense prestige that the theory of the
+  possibility of inhabited antipodes was excluded from general
+  acceptance throughout the Middle Ages (_ibid._, p. 56).
+
+Footnote 239:
+
+  _Etym._, IX, 2. See Boffito, _Leggenda_, 1903, p. 592, note 4.
+
+Footnote 240:
+
+  _De temporum ratione_, 34.
+
+Footnote 241:
+
+  “Absit ut nos quisquam vel hoc contentisse abstruere, vel antipodarum
+  fabulas recipere arbitretur, quae sunt fidei Christianae omnino
+  contraria [_sic_]” (_Classicorum auctorum e vaticanis codicibus
+  editorum series_, vol. iii, edited by A. Mai, Rome, 1831, p. 337). For
+  John Scot Erigena on the antipodes and for other texts dealing with
+  the subject see Rand, _Johannes Scottus_, 1906, pp. 20–23.
+
+Footnote 242:
+
+  Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. vi, col. 426; vol. xli, col. 487; _Mon. Germ.
+  hist._, _Script. rerum merovingicarum_, vol. vi, 1913, pp. 517–520.
+  Much has been written on Virgil of Salzburg and his relations to the
+  ecclesiastical authorities of his time. Protestants like Draper,
+  Whewell, White, and Siegmund Günther have looked upon Virgil as more
+  or less a martyr to the cause of freedom of thought. Catholics, on the
+  other hand, have tried to demonstrate that Virgil cleared himself of
+  the charge of heresy and that as a bishop he was able to carry on
+  valuable work for the church. See Krabbo, _Bischof Virgil_, 1903, and
+  Van der Linden, _Virgile de Salzbourg_, 1914. The latter maintains
+  that “contrairement à l’opinion reçue, Virgile de Salzbourg a été très
+  probablement un simple commentateur et non un novateur.... Sa théorie,
+  au lieu de marquer le début d’une ère de progrès dans les études
+  cosmographiques, constitue l’un des derniers reflets de la culture
+  classique avant la nuit du X^e siècle” (critique of Van der Linden,
+  _op. cit._, in Isis: International Review Devoted to the History of
+  Science and Civilization, vol. ii, Brussels, Sept. 1919, pp. 437–438).
+
+Footnote 243:
+
+  See Marinelli, _Scritti minori_, vol. i, [1908?], pp. 331–332, note 4.
+
+Footnote 244:
+
+  Zöckler, _Geschichte_, vol. i, 1877, p. 340. See also White,
+  _Warfare_, 1920, vol. i, pp. 106–107.
+
+Footnote 245:
+
+  “The influence of the Bible on the meteorological theories of the
+  Church Fathers was very limited. Even when the attempt was made to
+  hide the pagan influence in a Biblical shell, a close study reveals to
+  us a truly pagan philosophical core” (Hoffmann, _Anschauungen_, 1907,
+  p. 93).
+
+Footnote 246:
+
+  For texts of those parts of Isidore’s _De natura rerum_ (chs. 32–41),
+  Bede’s _De natura rerum_ (chs. 25–36), and Raban Maur’s _De universo_
+  (IX, 17–20, 25–28) which deal with meteorology, see Hellmann,
+  _Denkmäler_, 1904, pp. 1–19.
+
+Footnote 247:
+
+  _Liber contra insulsam vulgi opinionem de grandine et tonitruis_
+  (Poole, _Illustrations_, 1920, p. 36).
+
+Footnote 248:
+
+  Poole, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 249:
+
+  See J. C. Frazer, _The Golden Bough_, Part I, _The Magic Art and the
+  Evolution of Kings_, London, 1911, vol. i, pp. 244–331.
+
+Footnote 250:
+
+  Poole, _op. cit._, p. 37.
+
+Footnote 251:
+
+  For a discussion of various theories of the Church Fathers regarding
+  the waters above the firmament, with references to the sources, see
+  especially Hoffmann, _Anschauungen_, 1907, pp. 5–13.
+
+Footnote 252:
+
+  Duhem, _Système_, vol. ii, 1914, p. 489.
+
+Footnote 253:
+
+  Zöckler, _Geschichte_, vol. i, 1877, pp. 63, 226; Werner, _Kosm.
+  Wilhelm von Conches_, 1873, p. 322.
+
+Footnote 254:
+
+  On the subject of the waters, Augustine made a statement which
+  typifies the medieval attitude towards the authority of Scripture:
+  “Proinde cum de isto fonte quaerimus quomodo id quod dictum est,
+  _ascendebat de terra, et irrigabat omnem faciem terrae_, non
+  impossibile videatur; si ea quae diximus impossibilia cuiquam
+  videatur, quaerat ipse aliud, quo tamen verax ista Scriptura
+  monstretur, quae procul dubio verax est, etiamsi non monstretur” (_De
+  Genesi ad litteram_, V, 9, in: _Corpus script. eccles. lat._, vol.
+  xxviii, sect. 3, pt. 1, p. 152). See also Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. ii,
+  pp. 491–494.
+
+Footnote 255:
+
+  _Hexaemeron_, II, 3, 9–11, in: _Corpus script. eccles. lat._, vol.
+  xxxii, sect. 1, pt. 1, pp. 47–50.
+
+Footnote 256:
+
+  Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 489.
+
+Footnote 257:
+
+  This idea was expressed by Basil, Augustine, and by the author of the
+  _De ordine creatorum liber_, a work sometimes attributed to Isidore
+  (Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. lxxxiii, cols. 920–921; Robbins, _Hexaemeral
+  Lit._, 1912, p. 69; Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. iii, 1915, p. 15).
+
+Footnote 258:
+
+  This theory “avait été longuement exposée et discutée par Augustin
+  l’Hibernais” (Duhem, _loc. cit._). See also Duhem, _op. cit._, vol.
+  iii, 1915, pp. 12–13, and below, p. 432, note 27.
+
+Footnote 259:
+
+  _Hexaemeron_, I, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. xci, col. 20.
+
+Footnote 260:
+
+  “Abyssus profunditas aquarum, impenetrabilis, sive speluncae aquarum
+  latentium, e quibus fontes et flumina procedunt; vel quae occulte
+  subtereunt, unde et Abyssus dictus. Nam omnes aquae, sive torrentes
+  per occultas venas ad matricem abyssum revertuntur” (_Etym._, XIII,
+  20). In the text is given the translation of Brehaut, _Isidore_, 1912,
+  p. 241.
+
+Footnote 261:
+
+  Kretschmer, _op. cit._, pp. 91–105.
+
+Footnote 262:
+
+  _De Genesi ad litteram_, V, 9–10, in: _Corpus script. eccles. lat._,
+  vol. xxviii, sect. 3, pt. 1, pp. 152–154.
+
+Footnote 263:
+
+  Kretschmer, _op. cit._, p. 95.
+
+Footnote 264:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 93–94.
+
+Footnote 265:
+
+  Isidore, _De nat. rer._, 43.
+
+Footnote 266:
+
+  Norlind, _Problem_, 1918, pp. 24–25.
+
+Footnote 267:
+
+  _De mens. orb. terr._, Parthey’s edit., p. 76 (as cited by Kretschmer,
+  _op. cit._, p. 106).
+
+Footnote 268:
+
+  _De nat. rer._, 40.
+
+Footnote 269:
+
+  Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. ii, 1914, p. 461.
+
+Footnote 270:
+
+  Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, V, 6, in: _Corpus script. eccles. lat._,
+  vol. xl, pt. 1, p. 218; Ambrose, _Hexaemeron_, IV, 7, 29–30, _ibid._,
+  vol. xxxii, sect. 1, pt. 1, pp. 134–136.
+
+Footnote 271:
+
+  Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 13–14. See Migne, _Pat. lat._,
+  vol. xxxv, col. 2159.
+
+Footnote 272:
+
+  Bede, _De nat. rer._, 39; _De temporum ratione_, 28–29.
+
+Footnote 273:
+
+  _Hist. gentis Langobard._, I, 6; (Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. iii, pp.
+  113–115). It has been thought that Paul the Deacon’s theory of the
+  whirlpools was derived from Norse traditions, but Nansen suggests that
+  it is just as probable that in this case “southern, originally
+  classical ideas ... have been localized in the Norse legends.” Virgil
+  mentions a gulf of the sea “which sucks the water into itself and
+  sends it up again.” Paul the Deacon speaks of whirlpools “not only in
+  the north, and off the Hebrides, but also between Britain and Spain,
+  and in the Strait of Messina.” With Adam of Bremen the whirlpool
+  becomes “exclusively northern, and later still we shall get it even at
+  the North Pole itself” (Nansen, _Northern Mists_, 1911, vol. i, p.
+  159).
+
+Footnote 274:
+
+  See above, pp. 192 and 194.
+
+Footnote 275:
+
+  Kretschmer, _op. cit._, pp. 133–135.
+
+Footnote 276:
+
+  Isidore, _Etym._, XIX, 6; _De nat. rer._, 47 (as cited by Stegmann,
+  _Anschauungen_, 1913, p. 29).
+
+Footnote 277:
+
+  Stegmann, _op. cit._, pp. 15–20.
+
+Footnote 278:
+
+  See above, pp. 28 and 29.
+
+Footnote 279:
+
+  For data on the Biblical origins of ideas of Hell, for early medieval
+  conceptions of Hell, and for references on these subjects, see
+  Stegmann, _op. cit._, pp. 20–27.
+
+Footnote 280:
+
+  See Geikie, _Love of Nature Among the Romans_, 1912.
+
+Footnote 281:
+
+  Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 9–10.
+
+Footnote 282:
+
+  From Claudian’s _Epithalamium_, verses 1 ff., and _De nuptiis Honorii
+  Augusti_, verse 49 (as cited by Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, p. 10).
+
+Footnote 283:
+
+  Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, p. 10.
+
+Footnote 284:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 17–19.
+
+Footnote 285:
+
+  Dr. R. P. Blake of Harvard, specialist in Russian and Caucasian
+  history, has been kind enough to furnish the writer with the following
+  references on the love of nature in the medieval Orient: Krachkovskii,
+  _The Divan of Abu’l-Wāwā, a Hamdanid Poet of the Eleventh Century_,
+  text, translation, introduction, and commentary, Academy of Sciences,
+  Petrograd, 1916 (in Russian); N. I. Marr, _Georgii Merchul, Zhitie sv.
+  Grigorii Khandzt‘iiskago_ (_George Merchul, Life of St. Gregory of
+  Khandzt‘a_), text, translation, and introduction, with a diary of a
+  journey to Klarjet’ia and Shavshet’ia, Teksti i Raziskaniya po
+  Armyano-Gruzinskoi filologii (Texts and Studies in Armenian and
+  Georgian Philology), vol. vii, Petrograd, 1911; _Life of St.
+  Serapion_, published by M. Janashvili K’artuli Mcerloba, in vol. ii of
+  his _Georgian Literature_, Tiflis, 1909 (in Georgian). Latin
+  translations of the two latter texts, which testify to the love of
+  wild nature, have been published by the Bollandist, Paul Peeters, in:
+  Analecta Bollandiana, vol. xxxvi-xxxvii, for 1917–1919, Brussels and
+  Paris, 1922, pp. 159–309.
+
+Footnote 286:
+
+  Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, pp. 116–118.
+
+Footnote 287:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 161–162.
+
+Footnote 288:
+
+  _Liber de astrolabio_, 19, in: _Gerberti opera_, Bubnov’s edit., 1899,
+  p. 142.
+
+Footnote 289:
+
+  See especially Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. vi, 1898; Beazley, _Dawn_,
+  vol. i, 1897, pp. 387–391; Vidier, _Mappemonde de Théodulfe_, 1911,
+  pp. 289–292.
+
+Footnote 290:
+
+  See above, pp. 35–36.
+
+Footnote 291:
+
+  Among these are notably the crude Albi map dating from the eighth
+  century (Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 57–59), the
+  relatively accurate “Anglo-Saxon,” or “Cotton,” map dating probably
+  from the mid-tenth but perhaps from as late as the twelfth century
+  (Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 31; Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901,
+  p. 560), and a map drawn at Ripoll in Catalonia during the eleventh
+  century (Vidier, _op. cit._, pp. 293–305).
+
+Footnote 292:
+
+  Simar, _Afrique centrale_, 1912, pp. 159–169, classifies these early
+  maps as follows:
+
+  A. Maps derived from Roman representations of the _orbis terrarum_, or
+  circle of known lands, and adapted to serve the immediate purpose of
+  the cosmographer or historian whose works they were drawn to
+  illustrate. To this group belong the Sallust maps, the T-O maps, and
+  many maps in which the influence of Orosius appears to be predominant.
+  Simar believes that he can detect evidences of Byzantine influence
+  upon the latter, among which he includes the Albi and Cotton maps (see
+  the preceding note), and, from the time of the Crusades, the maps of
+  Guido (see above, p. 124), Henry of Mayence (see above, p. 124), and
+  the “Jerome” maps (see above, pp. 125–126). To this group also belong
+  the Psalter map, the Hereford and Ebstorf wall charts, and the maps in
+  the Chronicle of Ralph Hygden (see above, p. 125)—all dating from the
+  late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
+
+  B. Maps which aim to show the earth in its cosmographical relations,
+  “the lamentable débris of Greek cosmography.” To this group belong the
+  Macrobian maps of the zones.
+
+  AB. Maps in which the purpose is a combination of the two elements
+  shown in the maps of classes A and B above. These show the _orbis
+  terrarum_ but add a fourth, uninhabitable part of the world beyond the
+  equator. To this class belong the Beatus maps (see above, pp.
+  122–124), the _mappaemundi_ in Lambert’s _Liber floridus_ (see above,
+  p. 124), (and, we may add, the Ripoll map described by Vidier, _op.
+  cit._).
+
+Footnote 293:
+
+  Beazley, _op. cit._, vol. ii, 1901, p. 625; Miller, _op. cit._, vol.
+  iii, 1895, pp. 122–126.
+
+Footnote 294:
+
+  Beazley, _ibid._, pp. 627–631; Miller, _ibid._, pp. 116–122. T-O maps
+  and maps of similar simple diagrammatic character accompany
+  manuscripts of Isidore’s _Etymologiae_ and show the division of the
+  countries of the earth among the children of Noah.
+
+Footnote 295:
+
+  Beazley, _ibid._, pp. 631–632; Miller, _ibid._, pp. 110–115.
+
+Footnote 296:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. i, 1895.
+
+Footnote 297:
+
+  See Yule, _Cathay_, vol. i, 1915, preliminary essay; Beazley, _op.
+  cit._, vol. i, 1897, pp. 176–194.
+
+Footnote 298:
+
+  See Tiander, _Poyezdki_, 1906.
+
+Footnote 299:
+
+  See Coli, _Il paradiso terrestre dantesco_, 1897.
+
+Footnote 300:
+
+  This is taken from the King James version, which here follows the
+  version of the Septuagint. Jerome translated the Hebrew as follows:
+  “And the Lord God had planted a paradise of pleasure from the
+  beginning.” Raban Maur pointed out the divergence between these two
+  translations; likewise Peter Lombard in the twelfth century. See Coli,
+  _op. cit._, p. 68, and also below, p. 462, note 35.
+
+Footnote 301:
+
+  “Post eosdem montes [i. e. Rhipaean Mountains] trans aquilonem
+  Hyperborei, apud quos mundi axis continua motione torquetur, gens
+  moribus prolixitate vitae, deorum cultu, aeris clementia, semenstri
+  die, fine etiam habitationis humanae praedicanda” (_De nupt. Phil. et
+  Merc._, VI, 664). “... hinc Attagenus sinus Hyperboreis beatitate
+  consimilis, quo incolae gratulantur qui circumactu vallium auras
+  nesciunt pestilentes” (_ibid._, VI, 693).
+
+Footnote 302:
+
+  See above, p. 63.
+
+Footnote 303:
+
+  Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 9–10, 87–88.
+
+Footnote 304:
+
+  Kretschmer, _Phys. Erdk._, 1889, pp. 78–79.
+
+Footnote 305:
+
+  From the King James version (see above, note 122).
+
+Footnote 306:
+
+  On the river Pison see the description in Epiphanius, _Liber de XII
+  gemmis rationalis summi sacerdotis Hebraeorum_, in: _Corpus script.
+  eccles. lat._, vol. xxxv, pt. 2, pp. 747–748.
+
+  As this book is in press there has come to the writer’s attention
+  Lutz’s interesting article, _Geographical Studies Among Babylonians
+  and Egyptians_, 1924, which shows that some of the cosmographical
+  ideas prevalent in the Christian Middle Ages may be traced back to
+  Babylonian origins. The origins of the belief in the four rivers of
+  Paradise, for instance, is unquestionably to be sought for in
+  Babylonian astrology and geography, two sciences closely allied. One
+  group among the Babylonians held that the earth’s surface forms a
+  quadrilateral, itself an exact counterpart of a portion of the
+  firmament, Pegasus α-δ. “Andromeda ... was identified with the
+  Euphrates which flow’s south, while the Tigris was considered to flow
+  parallel to the line between Pegasus α and δ. Two additional
+  watercourses, which later tradition designated as Pison and Gihon,
+  completed the watercourses around the trapezium. This view, however,
+  must have gone back to a time when conditions as they existed in
+  Babylonia were, _mutatis mutandis_, transferred to the sky; namely, it
+  was ultimately based on the cultivated field surrounded by irrigation
+  ditches” (_ibid._, pp. 168–169).
+
+Footnote 307:
+
+  Kretschmer, _op. cit._, pp. 80–91.
+
+Footnote 308:
+
+  On the legend of Gog and Magog see: Peschel, _Abhandlungen_, vol. i,
+  1877, pp. 28–35; Lenormant, _Magog_, 1882; Marinelli, _Gog e Magog_,
+  1882–1883 (also in _Scritti minori_, vol. i, [1908?], pp. 385–438);
+  and Graf, _Roma_, vol. ii, 1883, Appendix, pp. 507–563.
+
+Footnote 309:
+
+  Lenormant, _Magog_, 1882, p. 10, note 2.
+
+Footnote 310:
+
+  Sura xxi, 95, 96; sura xviii. The latter sura describes the deeds of
+  Alexander Dulkarnein, the two-horned—not Alexander the Great of
+  Macedon but, according to Arabic tradition, an older Yemenic conqueror
+  of the world (Peschel, _Abhandlungen_, vol. i, 1877, p. 30).
+
+Footnote 311:
+
+  Procopius, _De bello Persico_, I, 10 (complete works of Procopius
+  edited by J. Haury, Leipzig, 1905).
+
+Footnote 312:
+
+  Sackur, _Sibyll. Texte_, 1898, p. 72.
+
+Footnote 313:
+
+  See above, p. 381, note 26. The connection of Alexander with Gog and
+  Magog is found in the _Historia de praeliis_.
+
+Footnote 314:
+
+  See above, p. 381, note 26.
+
+Footnote 315:
+
+  See above, p. 379, note 8.
+
+Footnote 316:
+
+  _Anglo-Saxon Chron._, sub anno 883, in: “Rolls series” edit., no. 23,
+  edited by Benjamin Thorpe, London, 1861, vol. i, pp. 150–153.
+
+Footnote 317:
+
+  Tiander, _Poyezdki_, 1906.
+
+Footnote 318:
+
+  See especially the works of E. Bauvois, F. Michel, P. Gaffarel, and T.
+  Stephens, to which references are given in: Geographisches Jahrbuch,
+  vol. xviii, Gotha, 1895, pp. 5–10. For a critical study, see Zimmer,
+  _Früheste Berührungen_, 1891.
+
+Footnote 319:
+
+  _De mens. orb. terr._, VII, 2, 6.
+
+Footnote 320:
+
+  As is well known, the Icelandic discovery of America has been a
+  subject of constant discussion throughout the last century.
+  Innumerable and often incredible theories have been propounded in an
+  attempt to identify the places mentioned in the Sagas, and a large
+  library of books, articles, and pamphlets has come into being relating
+  to this subject. The sole aim in the present work is to give as brief
+  as possible a statement of what countries the Icelanders of the
+  twelfth and early thirteenth centuries believed to lie to the
+  southwest of Greenland.
+
+  The sources for the Icelandic discovery of America are collected in:
+  Rafn, _Antiq. americanae_, 1837, and Supplement, 1841. Icelandic texts
+  are there given with Danish and Latin translations. For English
+  translations of the Wineland Voyages, see Reeves, _Wineland_, 1890.
+  The best bibliography is Hermannsson, _Northmen_, 1909. For references
+  to recent studies on the subject see Geographisches Jahrbuch, vol.
+  xxxix (1919–1923), Gotha, 1924, p. 277.
+
+Footnote 321:
+
+  Reeves, _op. cit._, p. 11. In some Icelandic texts, _doegr_ indicates
+  twelve hours’ sailing, though it probably did not always have this
+  meaning. See _ibid._, pp. 173–174.
+
+Footnote 322:
+
+  The Wineland voyages are described in detail in the _Saga of Eric the
+  Red_ and in the _Flateyjarbók_, dating from the end of the thirteenth
+  and early fourteenth centuries (Reeves, _op. cit._, _passim_).
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+                              CHAPTER III
+                    THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE MOSLEMS
+
+Footnote 323:
+
+  Duhem, _Système_, vol. ii, 1914, pp. 146–157.
+
+Footnote 324:
+
+  See above, pp. 98–102.
+
+Footnote 325:
+
+  On what follows concerning Moslem knowledge of Ptolemy’s _Almagest_
+  see the introduction to Karl Manitius’ German translation of the
+  _Almagest_, 1912. See also Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 103–104.
+
+Footnote 326:
+
+  See above, p. 96.
+
+Footnote 327:
+
+  Al-Battānī’s _Astronomy_, Nallino’s edit., pt. i, 1903, pp. 166–167;
+  pt. ii, 1907, pp. 210–211; Al-Khwārizmī’s _Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ_,
+  Nallino’s edit., 1894, p. 6. Ptolemy’s _Geography_ was translated into
+  Arabic at least three times: (1) by Ibn Khurdādhbeh not earlier than
+  about 846–847 A. D., but for private use alone; (2) by Yaʿqūb ibn
+  Isḥāq al-Kindī, before 874 A. D.; and (3) by Thābit ibn Qurra (826–901
+  A. D.).
+
+Footnote 328:
+
+  Al-Khwārizmī’s _Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ_ and its origins are of interest to
+  us in view of the fact that certain of the figures there given for
+  latitude and longitude found their way into the _Toledo Tables_, which
+  were translated into Latin and enjoyed wide use in the West during the
+  twelfth century and later (see above, pp. 243–244). Various figures
+  given in the _Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ_ were quoted by later Mohammedan
+  writers, among them the fourteenth-century geographer Abū-l-Fidā.
+  These formed the basis of the discussion of Al-Khwārizmī’s work in
+  Lelewel’s _Géographie du moyen âge_, vol. i, 1852, pp. 21–29;
+  epilogue, 1857, pp. 47–60. A manuscript of the _Ṣūrat al-arḍ_, the
+  only one in existence, was discovered by Wilhelm Spitta in Cairo in
+  1878 and described by him in an article entitled _Die Geographie des
+  Ptolemäus bei den Arabern_, 1882. Spitta’s article was completely
+  superseded by Nallino’s more critical study (_Al-Ḫuwârizmî e il suo
+  rifacimento_, 1894). Nallino shows that Lelewel’s theory, that the
+  _Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ_ is a translation of a work called _Oresmos_ by a
+  seventh-century Greek geographer, will not hold water. He suggested
+  that the work was not a direct translation from Ptolemy but was
+  composed to elucidate and explain a map which itself was compiled
+  directly from a Greek, not Greco-Syrian, version of the _Geography_.
+  The fact that Al-Khwārizmī’s figures in many cases diverge slightly
+  from those of Ptolemy may be explained by the supposition that they
+  were reconstructed from data given on a map, rather than copied from
+  the text of Ptolemy’s _Geography_. Later and more thorough
+  investigations into the _Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ_ by Hans von Mžik confirm
+  Nallino’s opinion that the treatise was based upon a map but show that
+  the map itself must have been compiled from a Syrian text.
+  Al-Khwārizmī’s work embodies the results of Moslem geographical
+  calculations which had tended to correct Ptolemy’s overestimate of the
+  length of the Mediterranean Sea (von Mzik, _Ptolemaeus_, 1915, pp.
+  152–176; idem, _Afrika_, 1916).
+
+Footnote 329:
+
+  The _Astronomy_ contains: (1) in the preamble, a chapter describing
+  the world, first the earth as a whole and then the various seas; (2)
+  among the astronomical tables, a table of the latitudes and longitudes
+  of places in the _oikoumene_. The geographical chapter was edited and
+  translated into French by Reinaud in the introduction to his _Géogr.
+  d’Aboulféda_, vol. i, 1848 (pp. cclxxxiii-ccxc), and more recently
+  into Latin by Nallino in his great edition of Al-Battānī’s
+  _Astronomy_. Nallino contends that it was drawn from a much altered
+  version of a Greco-Syrian Ptolemy and that Lelewel and Reinaud were
+  mistaken in thinking that its origin was non-Ptolemaic.
+
+  Al-Battānī says that he drew on a certain _Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ_ for his
+  astronomical tables. This was not the work of the same title by
+  Al-Khwārizmī (see the preceding note), though its author undoubtedly
+  derived some of his data from Al-Khwārizmī’s _Kitāb_ as well as from
+  the Greco-Syrian version of Ptolemy (Al-Battānī’s _Astronomy_,
+  Nallino’s edit., pt. ii, 1907, pp. 209–211).
+
+Footnote 330:
+
+  See above, pp. 97 and 244, and below, note 11.
+
+Footnote 331:
+
+  See Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 3–19.
+
+Footnote 332:
+
+  The standard work on Az-Zarqalī is Steinschneider, _Études sur
+  Zarkali_, 1881–1887, which deals almost exclusively with manuscripts,
+  texts, and translations.
+
+Footnote 333:
+
+  Steinschneider, _op. cit._, in: Bollettino, vol. xx, 1887, p. 1.
+
+Footnote 334:
+
+  The writer has been unable to find that any detailed study has been
+  made of the sources of the _Toledo Tables_ and of the _Canons_ of
+  Az-Zarqalī. Though these Spanish works in their geographical aspects
+  undoubtedly owe much to Al-Khwārizmī, the exact relationship between
+  them is an unsolved problem. As is explained in Chapter X, p. 244,
+  above, most of the Latin translations of the _Toledo Tables_ dating
+  from the twelfth century and later are accompanied by a list of
+  geographical coördinates obviously copied from a similar list in the
+  original Arabic and Hebrew texts of the _Tables_. So far as the writer
+  is aware no manuscripts of the original Arabic list are known.
+  Consequently, if this is true, we can obtain no precise information
+  regarding the connection between the earlier Arabic figures and those
+  known in the West in our period. A superficial comparison, however, of
+  the Latin list with the figures in Al-Khwārizmī’s _Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ_
+  suffices to show that there are many figures common to each and to
+  establish the general thesis that the figures of the _Toledo Tables_
+  are based on earlier Moslem figures, especially those of Al-Khwārizmī,
+  which, in turn, were derived ultimately, though with many alterations,
+  from Ptolemy’s _Geography_.
+
+Footnote 335:
+
+  See above, pp. 97–98, and below, p. 400, note 45.
+
+Footnote 336:
+
+  Amari, _Musulmani di Sicilia_, vol. ii, 1858, ch. 13.
+
+Footnote 337:
+
+  This quotation is from the preface of Edrisi’s _Geography_, Jaubert’s
+  translation (under Idrīsī in the Bibliography), p. xx.
+
+Footnote 338:
+
+  Dozy and De Goeje, _Description_, 1866 (under Idrīsī in the
+  Bibliography), pp. ii, iv.
+
+Footnote 339:
+
+  1154 is the date given in Edrisi’s preface. See, however, note by G.
+  Pardi in: Rivista geografica italiana, vol. xxiv, Florence, 1917, pp.
+  380–382.
+
+Footnote 340:
+
+  De La Roncière, _Marine française_, vol. i, 1909, p. 136.
+
+Footnote 341:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 136–137.
+
+Footnote 342:
+
+  See above, p. 95.
+
+Footnote 343:
+
+  It is uncertain whether the original tables of Al-Khwārizmī were known
+  as the _Little Sindhind_ or whether this title was given to another
+  related work by the same author. See Suter, _Astron. Tafeln_, 1914, p.
+  viii (under Khwārizmī, Al-, in the Bibliography), and also Nallino,
+  _Al-Ḫuwârizmî e il suo rifacimento_, 1894, p. 10.
+
+Footnote 344:
+
+  Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, p. 45. This was published under the title
+  _Introductorium in astronomiam_ in Venice in 1506. See Duhem,
+  _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, p. 174, note 6. This work was also
+  translated by John of Seville (Haskins, _loc. cit._).
+
+Footnote 345:
+
+  Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. ii, 1914, p. 226.
+
+Footnote 346:
+
+  See above, pp. 14–15.
+
+Footnote 347:
+
+  Duhem, _ibid._, p. 216.
+
+Footnote 348:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 218–220.
+
+Footnote 349:
+
+  See the German translation in Friedrich Dieterici’s _Die Philosophie
+  der Araber im ix. und x. Jahrhundert n. Chr._, vol. v, Leipzig, 1876.
+  The “Brothers of Piety and Sincerity” made some noteworthy
+  contributions to the science of geographical meteorology, but these
+  were not passed on to the Western world. They understood, among other
+  phenomena, the warming of the atmosphere by radiation from the earth’s
+  surface and its connection with the angle of incidence of the sun’s
+  rays; the influence of mountains upon precipitation; and the origin of
+  springs and rivers (Hellmann, _Denkmäler_, 1904, pp. (18), 23–41).
+
+Footnote 350:
+
+  Dieterici, _op. cit._, p. 100.
+
+Footnote 351:
+
+  Gregorius’ edit., fol. 467 (367) (cited by Duhem, _ibid._, p. 227).
+
+Footnote 352:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 369.
+
+Footnote 353:
+
+  _Introductorium_, III, 4–9 (cited by Duhem, _ibid._, pp. 377–386).
+
+Footnote 354:
+
+  Calonymos’ edit. fol. 5 (cited by Duhem, _ibid._, p. 154).
+
+Footnote 355:
+
+  Duhem, _ibid._, p. 388, cites this chapter as: Averroes Cordubensis,
+  _In Aristotelis Meteora expositio media_, II, 1. This work was
+  published in Venice in 1488.
+
+Footnote 356:
+
+  Moses Maimonides, the great Jewish astrologer of the twelfth century,
+  on the other hand, ascribed the causes of the tides wholly to the moon
+  (Duhem, _ibid._, p. 388).
+
+Footnote 357:
+
+  Ibn Yūnūs, Abū-l-Fidā, and other Moslem geographers tell how, in the
+  time of the Caliph Al-Maʾmūn, geographers were instructed to carry out
+  this measurement on the plain of Sinjār, north of the Euphrates, and
+  also in Syria near Tadmor (Palmyra) and that their results gave 57,
+  56¼, 56⅔, etc., Arabic miles for a degree. For translation of text of
+  Ibn Yūnūs see _Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibl. Natle._,
+  vol. vii, Paris, An XII [1803–1804], pp. 94, 96 footnote (2); for
+  Abū-l-Fidā see Reinaud, _Géogr. d’Aboulféda_, vol. ii, pt. i, 1848, p.
+  17. See also Miller, _Erdmessung_, 1919, pp. 30–36, and Schoy,
+  _Erdmessungen_, 1917, for other figures given by the Moslems and for a
+  recent critical discussion of their measurement. Al-Bīrūnī describes a
+  method of determining an arc of meridian by measuring the curvature of
+  the earth from a mountain of known height. See Schoy, _Originalstudien
+  aus “Al-Qânûn al-Masʿûdî,”_ 1923, pp. 69–74. See also Carra de Vaux,
+  _Penseurs de l’Islam_, vol ii, 1921, p. 30.
+
+Footnote 358:
+
+  Miller, Erdmessung, 1919, p. 33.
+
+Footnote 359:
+
+  See above, pp. 243–246. On Moslem methods of determining latitude see
+  Schoy, _Polhöhenbestimmung_, 1911; the same, _Über eine arabische
+  Methode, die geographische Breite aus der Höhe der Sonne im I.
+  Vertikal (“Höhe ohne Azimut”) zu bestimmen_, in: Annalen der
+  Hydrographie und maritimen Meteorologie, vol. xlix, Hamburg, 1921, pp.
+  124–133; on longitudes, see the same, _Längenbestimmung_, 1915;
+  _Originalstudien aus “Al-Qânûn al-Masʿûdî,”_ 1923; _Geography of the
+  Moslems_, 1924, pp. 265–267.
+
+Footnote 360:
+
+  See above, p. 244.
+
+Footnote 361:
+
+  See J. K. Wright, _Knowledge of Latitudes and Longitudes_, 1923, pp.
+  89–91, and especially note (1) on p. 91.
+
+Footnote 362:
+
+  On Kang-Diz see Schoy, _Längenbestimmung_, 1915, pp. 47–48.
+
+Footnote 363:
+
+  Reinaud, _Géogr. d’Aboulféda_, vol. i, 1848, pp. ccxxxiii-ccxlvi.
+  Schoy, _Längenbestimmung_, 1915, pp. 45–57, discusses the question of
+  the origins of the use of a central meridian for the measurement of
+  longitude.
+
+Footnote 364:
+
+  See Schoy, _Geography of the Moslems_, 1924, for a general review of
+  Arabic geography in the Middle Ages.
+
+Footnote 365:
+
+  Josef Marquart, _Osteuropäische und ostasiatische Streifzüge_,
+  Leipzig, 1903, gives much important material, with excerpts from texts
+  and translations, regarding Moslem descriptions of Slavic, Magyar, and
+  Russian peoples in the ninth and tenth centuries of our era. There is
+  included (_ibid._, pp. 206–270) an Arabic description of
+  Constantinople, of the road thence to Rome, and of Rome itself.
+
+Footnote 366:
+
+  Marquart, _op. cit._, pp. 102, 145.
+
+Footnote 367:
+
+  Though the great, formal Arabic geographical works were not known in
+  the West in the Middle Ages, legendary lore of the Moslems influenced
+  European legends. The story of St. Brandan, for instance, undeniably
+  owes much to Moslem romance. See De Goeje, _St. Brandan_, 1890.
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+                               CHAPTER IV
+               THE SOURCES FOR THE PERIOD 1100–1250 A. D.
+
+_Note: See the Bibliography for references to editions of the original
+sources mentioned in the text of this chapter._
+
+Footnote 368:
+
+  De Wulf, _Medieval Philosophy_, 1909, p. 126.
+
+Footnote 369:
+
+  See above, pp. 2 and 52–53.
+
+Footnote 370:
+
+  Zöckler, _Geschichte_, vol. i, 1877, pp. 407–408.
+
+Footnote 371:
+
+  De Wulf, _op. cit._, pp. 216–218.
+
+Footnote 372:
+
+  Hauréau, _Hugues de Saint-Victor_, 1886, p. vi.
+
+Footnote 373:
+
+  Hauréau (_op. cit._, pp. 78–93) believed that these were all the work
+  of Hugh.
+
+Footnote 374:
+
+  Another mystic of the early twelfth century was Rupert of Deutz, whose
+  _De sancta trinitate et operibus eius_ was written, according to
+  Zöckler (_op. cit._, vol. i, p. 393), about 1117.
+
+Footnote 375:
+
+  Some scholars, notably Singer, _Visions of Hildegard_, 1917, pp.
+  12–15, have cast doubt upon the genuineness of the _Subtilitates_ and
+  _Causae et curae_. See, however, Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. ii,
+  pp. 128–129. See also below, pp. 423–424, notes 91–93.
+
+  The _Causae et curae_ is the only one of the works which cannot be
+  dated with considerable accuracy (see Thorndike, _op. cit._, p. 127).
+  The present writer, who has not studied the writings of Hildegard in
+  any detail, hazards the following suggestion for what it is worth. Two
+  passages in the _Causae et curae_ can only be explained on the
+  supposition that its author believed in a flat earth (see below, p.
+  425, note 101). Passages in the _Scivias_ (written between 1141 and
+  1150) and in the _Liber divinorum operum_ (written after 1163) speak
+  explicitly of the earth as a globe (see below, p. 423, note 92). May
+  it not be possible that the _Causae et curae_ is an early work and
+  that in the course of her subsequent life Hildegard gained a wider
+  knowledge of current views of cosmology, which found their expression
+  in the records of her visions?
+
+Footnote 376:
+
+  Thorndike, _op. cit._, p. 131.
+
+Footnote 377:
+
+  See Masson, _Biblical Literature_, 1865.
+
+Footnote 378:
+
+  Clerval, _Écoles de Chartres_, 1895.
+
+Footnote 379:
+
+  The archives at Chartres show that a certain Bernard was _magister
+  scholae_ in 1119 and that a Bernard, chancellor in 1124, had been
+  replaced by Gilbert de la Porrée in 1126 (C. V. Langlois, _Maître
+  Bernard_, 1893, p. 242).
+
+Footnote 380:
+
+  “Perfectissimus inter Platonicos seculi nostri” (John of Salisbury,
+  _Metalogicus_, iv, 35, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcix, col. 938).
+  See also _Metalogicus_, I, 24, in: Migne, _op. cit._, cols. 853–856.
+
+Footnote 381:
+
+  See above, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 382:
+
+  Hauréau, _Thierry de Chartres_, 1890, p. 50.
+
+Footnote 383:
+
+  Clerval, _Écoles de Chartres_, 1895, p. 172.
+
+Footnote 384:
+
+  Hauréau, _op. cit._, pp. 52–70.
+
+Footnote 385:
+
+  Haskins, _Adelard_, 1911, pp. 491–498; _Studies_, 1924, pp. 20–42.
+
+Footnote 386:
+
+  Duhem at the time of the publication of vol. iii of _Le système du
+  monde_, 1915, knew the text of the _Quaestiones naturales_ only at
+  second hand. (On the uncertainty of the date of the _Quaestiones
+  naturales_ see Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 26–27.) Adelard was also
+  the author of _De eodem et diverso_, written probably in his youth
+  (before 1109).
+
+Footnote 387:
+
+  The _De eodem et diverso_ indicates that Adelard had already visited
+  Salerno and Sicily at the time that it was written. In the
+  _Quaestiones naturales_ he mentions Tarsus and Antioch as places where
+  he had been (Haskins, _Adelard_, 1911, pp. 492–493; _Studies_, 1924,
+  p. 26).
+
+Footnote 388:
+
+  See above, pp. 95–96.
+
+Footnote 389:
+
+  See above, p. 97.
+
+Footnote 390:
+
+  Poole, _The Masters_, 1920, p. 330.
+
+Footnote 391:
+
+  This work consists of two parts, _Megacosmus_ and _Microcosmus_. For
+  an analysis of it see _Histoire littéraire de la France_, vol. xii,
+  Paris, 1763, pp. 261–273, especially p. 267.
+
+Footnote 392:
+
+  The principal arguments against the identification of the two Bernards
+  have been set forth by Hauréau (_Mémoire_, 1883, pp. 99–104), Clerval
+  (_Écoles de Chartres_, 1895, pp. 158–163), and Sandys (_Hist. of
+  Class. Schol._, vol. i, 1921, p. 534, note 2). Hauréau and Clerval
+  were followed by De Wulf, Duhem, and others. C. V. Langlois (_Maître
+  Bernard_, 1893) championed the identification of the two. The most
+  recent discussion of the problem, by R. L. Poole (_The Masters_,
+  1920), is convincing in so far as it demonstrates that the evidence
+  now available tends to show that the two Bernards were not the same.
+
+Footnote 393:
+
+  Poole, _op. cit._, pp. 333–335; Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, p.
+  92.
+
+Footnote 394:
+
+  Hauréau, _Singularités_, 1861, p. 249.
+
+Footnote 395:
+
+  This work, written some time before 1145—for at about this date
+  William, in a treatise called _Dragmaticon philosophiae_, retracted
+  certain heretical doctrines which he had expressed in it—has been
+  falsely attributed to Bede, to William of Hirschau, and to Honorius of
+  Autun (see Poole, _Illustrations_, 1920, pp. 338–352, and Duhem,
+  _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 90–93) and printed among the works of
+  each of these. The text attributed to William of Hirschau was printed
+  by Henricus Petrus at Basel in 1531 under the title _Philosophicarum
+  et astronomicarum institutionum libri tres_; that attributed to Bede,
+  under the title Περὶ διδαξέων _sive elementorum philosophiae libri
+  IV_, in Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. xc, cols. 1127–1182; and that
+  attributed to Honorius, under the title _De philosophia mundi_, in
+  Migne, _op. cit._, vol. clxxii, cols. 39–102.
+
+  On William of Conches as a scientist see especially Werner, _Kosm.
+  Wilhelm von Conches_, 1873.
+
+Footnote 396:
+
+  See above, p. 143, and below, p. 419, note 38.
+
+Footnote 397:
+
+  See the preface to Thomas Wright’s edition of the works of Neckam,
+  1863, pp. ix-xii, for a brief life of Alexander Neckam.
+
+Footnote 398:
+
+  On these and other works of Neckam, see Esposito, _Unpublished Poems_,
+  1915, pp. 460–471.
+
+Footnote 399:
+
+  On translators from the Greek, see Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp.
+  141–241. Shortly after the middle of the twelfth century a certain
+  Sicilian, Henricus Aristippus, brought from Constantinople a copy of a
+  Greek text of Ptolemy’s _Almagest_ as a present from the Byzantine
+  Emperor for the Norman king, William I. Subsequently an anonymous
+  medical student of Salerno made a Latin version of this work.
+  Aristippus also distinguished himself at about the same time by
+  turning into Latin from the Greek the fourth book of Aristotle’s
+  _Meteorology_ (Haskins and Lockwood, _Sicilian Translators_, 1910, pp.
+  75–102; Haskins, _Further Notes_, 1912—under Haskins and Lockwood in
+  the Bibliography—pp. 155–166; Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 155–168;
+  on Aristippus’ translation of the fourth book of the _Meteorology_,
+  see also below, p. 401, note 60). A second translation of the
+  _Meteorology_ was made from Greek into Latin before 1260 (see
+  Grabmann, _Forschungen_, 1916, p. 182; Fobes, _Mediaeval Versions_,
+  1915, p. 297). Translations from the Greek of the _Physics_, _De
+  caelo_, and _De generatione et corruptione_ were also known by the
+  early thirteenth century (Grabmann, _op. cit._, p. 178; Haskins,
+  _Studies_, 1924, pp. 149, 224, and 225, note 8).
+
+Footnote 400:
+
+  On translators from the Arabic, see Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp.
+  3–140.
+
+Footnote 401:
+
+  See above, p. 82.
+
+Footnote 402:
+
+  Haskins, _Adelard_, 1911, pp. 493–494; idem, _Studies_, 1924, pp.
+  22–23. There are at least five manuscripts of Adelard’s translation.
+
+Footnote 403:
+
+  See Suter, _Astron. Tafeln_, 1914 (under Khwārizmī, Al-, in the
+  Bibliography).
+
+Footnote 404:
+
+  This is indicated in the following note appended to a Latin
+  translation of Ptolemy’s _Planisphere_ made by Hermann the Dalmatian
+  in 1143: “Quem locum a Ptolomeo minus diligenter perspectum cum
+  Albateni miratur et Alchoarismus, quorum hunc quidem ope nostra Latium
+  habet, illius vero comodissima translatione Roberti mei industria
+  Latine orationis thesaurum accumulat nos discutiendi veri in libro
+  nostro de circulis rationem damus” (_Ptolemaei opera omnia_, Heiberg’s
+  edit., vol. ii: _Opera astronomica minora_, 1907, p. clxxxvii). Some
+  have sought to ascribe this Latin translation of the _Planisphere_ to
+  Rudolph of Bruges, a disciple of Hermann. Reasons why it cannot be the
+  work of Rudolph are given by A. A. Björnbo in: Bibliotheca
+  mathematica, 3rd series, vol. iv, Stockholm, 1903, pp. 130–133. See
+  also Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, p. 173. The note quoted above
+  shows that a certain Robert (undoubtedly Robert of Chester—or, of
+  Retines—whom we know to have been an associate of Hermann) had
+  translated Al-Battānī’s _Astronomy_. See also Suter, _Astron. Tafeln_,
+  1914 (under Khwārizmī, Al-, in the Bibliography), p. xiii.
+
+Footnote 405:
+
+  It is probable that the author of the _Dialogus_ was also the writer
+  of certain astronomical works from about the same period. On Peter
+  Alphonsi see Haskins, _Reception_, 1915, pp. 60–61; the same,
+  _Studies_, 1924, pp. 111–119.
+
+Footnote 406:
+
+  See above, p. 78. On the name “Johannes Hispanensis” see Duhem,
+  _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 177–179. Duhem gives the date of the
+  translation as 1134. He was apparently unfamiliar with Bibliothèque
+  Nationale MSS., fonds St. Victor, no. 848, which establishes the date
+  as March 11, 1135, and with an article on the subject by Woepcke:
+  _Notice_, 1862, pp. 116–117. John of Seville’s translation is found in
+  many manuscripts and was printed at Nuremberg in 1537. John of Seville
+  also translated Abū Maʿshar’s _The Great Book of the Introduction_
+  (see Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, p. 45).
+
+Footnote 407:
+
+  Gerard’s translation was entitled _Liber de aggregationibus scientiae
+  stellarum_ (Boncompagni, _Della vita_, 1851, fol. 442 (separate, pp.
+  58–59); Woepcke, _op. cit._, p. 118).
+
+Footnote 408:
+
+  On the date of Plato of Tivoli, see C. H. Haskins, _The Translations
+  of Hugo Sanctelliensis_, in: Romanic Review, vol. ii, New York, 1911,
+  p. 2, note 5. On Al-Battānī, see above, p. 78.
+
+Footnote 409:
+
+  Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 14704, fol. 110, col. a,
+  to fol. 135vo. For the establishment of the date of these tables see
+  Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 203–204, and Haskins, _Studies_,
+  1924, pp. 96–98. The latter supplies the author’s name from a
+  fifteenth-century manuscript in Oxford of which Duhem was ignorant.
+
+Footnote 410:
+
+  See above, p. 79.
+
+Footnote 411:
+
+  See above, p. 244.
+
+Footnote 412:
+
+  Steinschneider, _Études sur Zarkali_, 1881–1887, discusses the various
+  versions of Az-Zarqalī’s _Canons_ and of the _Toledo Tables_. The
+  former were put into Hebrew, Spanish, Italian, and Latin; of the Latin
+  versions, the manuscripts are more numerous in England than elsewhere,
+  but there are no fewer than nine in the Bibliothèque Nationale in
+  Paris. The _Toledo Tables_ probably did not become well known in the
+  Latin West until the first half of the thirteenth century (see Duhem,
+  _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 287–290), although they were probably
+  known to Roger of Hereford (see Haskins, _Reception_, 1915, p. 66; the
+  same, _Studies_, 1924, p. 95; and Duhem, _op. cit._, pp. 520–521).
+
+Footnote 413:
+
+  Steinschneider (_op. cit._, in: Bollettino, vol. xx, 1887, pp. 3–6)
+  believed that there were two translations of the work of Az-Zarqalī
+  because the manuscripts fall into two groups that differ markedly from
+  each other. The manuscripts of one of these groups bear the name of
+  Gerard of Cremona. Unfortunately, we lack confirmation of the
+  attribution of this translation to Gerard in the list of seventy-four
+  works of the great Cremonese discovered by Boncompagni in the Vatican
+  (see Boncompagni, _Della vita_, 1851). Nevertheless it is highly
+  probable that this list is incomplete, and there is no really good
+  reason for supposing that Gerard was not the translator of the version
+  in question.
+
+Footnote 414:
+
+  See above, p. 398, note 36.
+
+Footnote 415:
+
+  Haskins, _Reception_, 1915, p. 64; idem, _Studies_, 1924, p. 122.
+
+Footnote 416:
+
+  On the _De essentiis_ see Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 48–49, 56–66.
+  On pages 62–65 Haskins publishes for the first time the texts of two
+  interesting geographical passages.
+
+Footnote 417:
+
+  Haskins, _Reception_, 1915, pp. 64–65; idem, _Studies_, 1924, p. 123.
+
+Footnote 418:
+
+  Haskins, _Reception_, 1915, p. 66; idem, _Studies_, 1924, p. 125;
+  British Museum MSS., Arundel, no. 377.
+
+Footnote 419:
+
+  Haskins, _Reception_, 1915, pp. 67–68; idem, _Studies_, 1924, pp.
+  126–127. On Daniel of Morley, see also Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol.
+  ii, pp. 171–181.
+
+Footnote 420:
+
+  Duhem (_Système_, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 219–223) shows, conclusively the
+  writer believes, both from external and internal evidence, that this
+  work was by the twelfth-century Gerard of Cremona and not by the
+  thirteenth-century Gerard of Sabbionetta, with whom the former was
+  often confused. Boncompagni in his important work on Gerard (cited
+  above, p. 399, note 39) made the mistake of attributing the _Theorica
+  planetarum_ to Gerard of Sabbionetta, in which error he was followed
+  by the writer of the article on Gerard of Cremona in the
+  _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 11th edit.
+
+Footnote 421:
+
+  See Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 104–110.
+
+Footnote 422:
+
+  Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 7272, fol. 60, col. a to
+  fol. 67, col. d; Duhem, _op. cit._, p. 234.
+
+Footnote 423:
+
+  There is no modern critical edition of the _De sphaera_. Duhem (_op.
+  cit._, p. 239, note 4) cites seventeenth-century editions. The title
+  of the fifteenth-century edition which has been used by the writer is
+  given in the Bibliography.
+
+Footnote 424:
+
+  On the introduction of the writings of Aristotle to Western knowledge
+  during the Middle Ages, see the modern works to which cross-references
+  are given in the Bibliography under Aristotle. In the present work the
+  attempt is merely made to indicate the dates at which those writings
+  of Aristotle which contained materials of geographic importance became
+  known in Western Europe.
+
+Footnote 425:
+
+  Steinschneider, _Europ. Übersetz._, in: Sitzungsber., vol. cxlix,
+  1905, pp. 32, 42, 43. See also below, p. 402, note 61.
+
+Footnote 426:
+
+  Duhem, _Du temps_, 1909, pp. 163–178; idem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915,
+  pp. 181–193.
+
+Footnote 427:
+
+  Grabmann (_Forschungen_, 1916, pp. 16–17) argues that “this ‘reflet de
+  la _Physique_ d’Aristote’ which Duhem sees is in no way demonstrated
+  by actual citations of Aristotle” but that it results from a general
+  similarity of thought and ideas only. Grabmann believes that Alan of
+  Lille, who appears to have known Aristotle’s books on logic only,
+  could not possibly have been ignorant of the _Physics_ and _De caelo_
+  if these two works had been known in the West before his time. While
+  we may agree with Grabmann that it cannot be proved definitely that
+  the Chartres scholars made direct use of Aristotle’s _Physics_, his
+  arguments should not be interpreted to mean that the scholars of the
+  Chartres school were altogether uninfluenced by Peripatetic physical
+  doctrines. Schneider (_Abendländische Spekulation_, 1915), though he
+  holds that Duhem was mistaken in his interpretation of William of
+  Conches’ views regarding the Peripatetic physics (see below, p. 418,
+  note 28), supports the French savant in maintaining that there was in
+  existence “a specific Aristotelian trend in astronomic and cosmologic
+  thought” at this period and that Theodoric and Gilbert may not have
+  been uninfluenced by it. He maintains that the latter may well have
+  been familiar with Aristotelian theories introduced through new
+  Oriental sources and suggests as evidence of the probability of this
+  the connections established by Hermann the Dalmatian and Rudolph of
+  Bruges between the Chartres scholars and the group of translators at
+  Toledo. He even goes so far as to add (p. 40): “Nicht ausgeschlossen
+  ist, dass ihnen [Theodoric and Gilbert] als solche indirekte Quellen
+  für die Kenntnis der aristotelischen Naturphilosophie die kurz
+  gefassten und verhältnissmässig leicht verständlichen Paraphrasen
+  Avicennas zur _Physik_ und zur _De caelo et mundo_ des Aristoteles
+  gedient haben.” See below, p. 419, note 32.
+
+  Aristotelian influence seems also to have been apparent in the
+  _Quaestiones naturales_ of Adelard of Bath (see above, p. 154–155, and
+  below, p. 426, notes 110, 111). Adelard even cites “Aristoteles in
+  phisicis et alii in tractatibus suis,” though Grabmann and Haskins
+  claim that this reference is too indefinite to be used to identify any
+  particular works of the Stagirite or to indicate first-hand
+  acquaintance with them (Grabmann, _op. cit._, p. 16; Haskins,
+  _Studies_, 1924, pp. 38–39).
+
+Footnote 428:
+
+  See Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. ii, p. 87, for references on
+  Gerard.
+
+Footnote 429:
+
+  A marginal note in a Nuremberg manuscript of the _Meteorology_
+  indicates that the first three books were translated by Gerard of
+  Cremona from the Arabic, the fourth by Henricus Aristippus (see above,
+  p. 398, note 32) from the Greek, and the last three chapters by Alfred
+  the Englishman (Alfred of Sareshel) from the Latin. See V. Rose, in:
+  Hermes: Zeitschrift für classische Philologie, vol. i, Berlin, 1866,
+  p. 385.
+
+  Another translation of the _Meteorology_ was done entirely from the
+  Greek and is dated 1260. See Fobes, _Mediaeval Versions_, 1915, pp.
+  297–314.
+
+  It is very doubtful whether the fourth book is really the work of the
+  Stagirite. Hammer-Jensen (_Das sogenannte IV. Buch_, 1915) attributes
+  it to Strato, a Greek Peripatetic philosopher of the third century
+  before Christ. The last three chapters (those translated from the
+  Arabic by Alfred of Sareshel) were referred to as _Liber de
+  congelatis_ by their translator and in printed editions (see
+  Bibliography under Alfred of Sareshel, II, below) were ascribed either
+  to Avicenna or to Geber (see Baeumker, _Alfred von Sareshel_, 1913, p.
+  26, note 2, and Hammer-Jensen, _op. cit._, p. 131). These three
+  chapters deal with: (1) the origins of stones, (2) the growth of
+  mountains through earthquakes and through the influence of water and
+  winds (see above, pp. 213–214), and (3) minerals.
+
+  Alfred of Sareshel was one of the most enthusiastic Aristotelians of
+  the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. His _De motu cordis_
+  “shows a wealth of Aristotelian citation such as we cannot find in any
+  other Latin author of its time.” Alfred was active in introducing a
+  knowledge of Aristotle’s natural science and metaphysics into England.
+  See Haskins, _Reception_, 1915, pp. 68–69; the same, _Studies_, 1924,
+  p. 129.
+
+Footnote 430:
+
+  _De caelo et mundo_ was the title usually applied in the Middle Ages
+  to the treatise in four books known in the Greek as Περὶ οὐρανοῦ (_De
+  caelo_). It does not include the _De mundo_ referred to above, p. 365,
+  note 1. In the earlier part of the twelfth century Avicenna’s version
+  of the _De caelo et mundo_ was translated into Latin by Dominicus
+  Gondisalvi (Mandonnet, _Siger de Brabant_, vol. i, 1911, p. 15, note
+  1). The fifth book had been translated by Gerard of Cremona. On the
+  work of Dominicus Gondisalvi and John of Seville (Johannes
+  Hispanensis), see Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 177–183;
+  Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. ii, pp. 73–82. Versions of the _De
+  caelo_ from the Greek were also in existence before 1200 (Haskins,
+  _Studies_, 1924, p. 149).
+
+Footnote 431:
+
+  On the manuscript list of the translations of Gerard of Cremona, see
+  above, p. 400, note 45.
+
+Footnote 432:
+
+  Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, pp. 250–275; idem, _Science_,
+  1922, pp. 672, 684–686; idem, _Studies_, 1924, p. 276.
+
+Footnote 433:
+
+  See Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, pp. 268–270, and the same,
+  _Studies_, 1924, pp. 292–294, for the Latin text of the questionnaire;
+  the same, _Science_, 1922, pp. 689–691, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 266–267,
+  for translation.
+
+Footnote 434:
+
+  Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, p. 270; idem, _Studies_, 1924, p.
+  294.
+
+Footnote 435:
+
+  In the same, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, pp. 272–275, and _Studies_,
+  1924, pp. 296–297, will be found the Latin text of the part dealing
+  with hot springs and volcanoes.
+
+Footnote 436:
+
+  Stange, _Arnoldus Saxo_, 1885, pp. 26–31.
+
+Footnote 437:
+
+  Mandonnet, _Siger de Brabant_, vol. i, 1911, p. 17, note 1; Grabmann,
+  _Forschungen_, 1916, p. 18.
+
+Footnote 438:
+
+  On Averroës, on his influence upon European thought, and on his
+  various medieval adherents and opponents, see Renan, _Averroès_, 1866.
+  As a general rule the great Dominican scholars of the thirteenth
+  century (as Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas) were determined
+  opponents of the Averroïstic theology and philosophy. The Franciscans,
+  on the other hand, were more ready to adopt these heretical teachings.
+
+Footnote 439:
+
+  Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, p. 251.
+
+Footnote 440:
+
+  See below, p. 408, note 97.
+
+Footnote 441:
+
+  See especially C. V. Langlois, _La connaissance_, 1911, introduction.
+
+Footnote 442:
+
+  In the earliest printed editions the _De imagine mundi_ is attributed
+  to “Honorius Inclusus.” In an edition of 1497 we are told that the
+  work is sometimes ascribed to St. Anselm and sometimes to Honorius
+  Inclusus. For the first time in 1544 it was attributed to the
+  well-known Honorius of Autun and included among his works. This was
+  also done subsequently in Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxii, cols.
+  115–188. The attribution to Honorius of Autun was based on a note in
+  the last chapter of that author’s _De luminaribus ecclesiae_ which
+  gives a list of his writings: among them _Imago mundi de dispositione
+  mundi_. It can be shown, however, that this chapter was added to the
+  _De luminaribus ecclesiae_ by a later compiler, who may well have
+  confused Honorius of Autun with Honorius Inclusus. On an extremely
+  shaky foundation the German scholar, J. A. Endres, in his _Honorius
+  Augustodunensis: Beitrag zur Geschichte des geistigen Lebens im 12.
+  Jahrhundert_, Kempten and Munich, 1906, has erected a theory that the
+  author was a German, who lived at Ratisbon. For the whole question,
+  see the clear and just discussion by Duhem (_Système_, vol. iii, 1915,
+  pp. 24–31), who tends to favor the attribution of the work to the
+  virtually unknown Honorius Inclusus and who says of the elaborate
+  German argument: “Un loyal et modeste aveu d’ignorance ne vaudrait-il
+  pas mieux que de tels raisonnements?” (_ibid._, p. 31).
+
+Footnote 443:
+
+  “Hic nihil autem in eo pono, nisi majorum commendat traditio” (Migne,
+  _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxii, cols. 119–120).
+
+Footnote 444:
+
+  For a full discussion of the _De imagine mundi_, its sources, and its
+  influence upon future literature, see Doberentz, _Erd- und
+  Völkerkunde_, 1881–1882.
+
+Footnote 445:
+
+  _ibid._, in: Zeitschrift, vol. xiii, 1881, p. 54.
+
+Footnote 446:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 41.
+
+Footnote 447:
+
+  In the prologue of the _Liber floridus_ the author refers to himself
+  as “Lambert, son of Onulph, canon of St. Omer.” See Migne, _Pat.
+  lat._, vol. clxiii, col. 1003.
+
+Footnote 448:
+
+  See Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 43–53.
+
+Footnote 449:
+
+  Six manuscripts of Guido’s work are known (Miller, _ibid._, p. 54).
+
+Footnote 450:
+
+  Doberentz, _op. cit._, in: Zeitschrift, vol. xii, 1880, pp. 392–393.
+
+Footnote 451:
+
+  Hellmann, _Denkmäler_, 1904, p. (23). Hellmann warns against confusion
+  of the German _Lucidarius_ and its translations, on the one hand, with
+  the French popular encyclopedia _Lucidaire_ and the English
+  _Lucydary_, on the other. The two latter are not translations from the
+  German but are independent works.
+
+Footnote 452:
+
+  Le Noble, _Notice_, 1839, p. 243. The only known manuscript of the
+  _Hortus deliciarum_, which contained a large number of magnificent
+  miniatures, was destroyed during the bombardment of Strasburg in 1870.
+  See, however, the edition of Straub and Keller, 1879–1899.
+
+Footnote 453:
+
+  The _Otia imperialia_ is divided into three parts, or “decisiones.”
+  The first deals with theological and cosmological questions and is in
+  the main derived from Peter Comestor. The second treats of geography,
+  and the third of “mirabilia uniuscuiusque provinciae, non omnia, sed
+  ex omnibus aliqua.”
+
+Footnote 454:
+
+  See Doberentz, _ibid._, vol. xii, pp. 412–419. Miller implies that the
+  general description of the geography of the world which Gervase of
+  Tilbury gives at the beginning of Decis. II was taken from a map drawn
+  by Gervase himself (_Itin. rom._, 1916, p. xxxvii).
+
+Footnote 455:
+
+  Doberentz, _ibid._, vol. xii, pp. 426–428.
+
+Footnote 456:
+
+  C. V. Langlois, _La connaissance_, 1911, pp. 49–113. On the sources of
+  the _Image du monde_, see the works of Fant, Fritsche, and Le Clerc,
+  referred to in the Bibliography under these names. The poem in the
+  first redaction was divided into three main parts: first, the part
+  dealing with cosmogony, in fourteen chapters; second, that dealing
+  with geography, in eighteen chapters; third, that dealing with
+  astronomy, in twenty-two chapters. The second part, on geography,
+  follows the _De imagine mundi_ very closely, with additions from
+  Jacques de Vitry. Fritsche, _Untersuchung_, 1880, gives an analysis of
+  the work chapter by chapter. The “mediocrity” of Fritsche’s book,
+  which Langlois asserts, is illustrated by its author’s inability to
+  identify the city of “Aaron”—obviously the world center, Arin
+  (Fritsche, _op. cit._, p. 23).
+
+Footnote 457:
+
+  According to Prior (_L’Image du monde_, 1913) the first verse
+  redaction dates from 1246. To this 4000 verses were later added,
+  including a life of St. Brandan, an account of Seth’s visit to
+  Paradise, and details of the author’s journey to Sicily and Syria and
+  of his ascent of Mount Etna. The original poem with these additional
+  parts constituted the second redaction, dating from 1248. A prose
+  redaction was apparently composed on the basis of the first verse
+  redaction but before the second verse redaction was made. See the
+  discussion of the problem of dates by Prior, _op. cit._ (under “Image
+  du Monde” in the Bibliography), pp. 7–9.
+
+Footnote 458:
+
+  Three manuscripts of the poem contain the assertion that its author
+  was one Gossouin of Metz; only one manuscript of the poem complete
+  with all the additions, alterations, etc., of the second verse
+  redaction mentions Walter of Metz as the author. C. V. Langlois (_op.
+  cit._, pp. 63–65) believed that both verse redactions must have been
+  the work of Gossouin; Prior (_op. cit._, pp. 12–15) that the first
+  verse redaction and the prose form were the work of Gossouin and that
+  the second verse redaction may well have been the work of Walter.
+  Uncertainty still prevails regarding the whole matter.
+
+Footnote 459:
+
+  The _King’s Mirror_ treats, among many other subjects, of the
+  following matters of geographical interest: the moon, the ebb and
+  flood, streams, climates, differences in the length of days and of
+  summer and winter in northern Norway, marvels of India, marvels of
+  Norway, snowshoes, Iceland, Greenland, whales, earthquakes and ice
+  fields in Iceland, flora and fauna of Greenland, volcanic phenomena in
+  Iceland and Sicily, subterranean fire in Iceland, the small extent of
+  habitable land in Greenland, climatic phenomena, the northern lights
+  and noises accompanying them, a cooler zone to the south of the hot
+  equatorial zone where it is summer during our winter. This synopsis is
+  based on portions of the _King’s Mirror_ as given in translation in
+  Nansen’s _In Northern Mists_, 1911.
+
+  Another Icelandic geographical description of the world, which
+  probably dates from our period, besides drawing on well-known earlier
+  authorities, also gives some idea of the Icelandic conception of
+  geography and furnishes details of the itinerary of a certain Abbot
+  Nicholas to Rome and the Holy Land. See above, p. 115, and also,
+  Nansen, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 237 and reference in note 1 regarding
+  the identity of the author of this work, probably Abbot Nikulás
+  Bergsson of Thverá (died 1159), though believed by Storm to be an
+  Abbot Nikulás of Thingeyre. See also K. Kålund, _En islandsk vejviser
+  for pilgrimme fra 12. århundrede_, in: Aarböger for Nordisk
+  Oldkyndighed og Historie, series 3, vol. iii, Copenhagen, 1913, pp.
+  51–105.
+
+Footnote 460:
+
+  In addition to the general works discussed above, mention must be made
+  of a geographical treatise of minor importance dating from our period.
+  Book III of the _Tractatus excerptionum_, printed among the works of
+  Hugh of St. Victor in Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxvii, cols. 209–216,
+  is entitled _De situ terrarum_. This contains chapters on the three
+  parts of the earth, on Asia, Africa, and Europe, on mountains, rivers,
+  islands, and cities. Its attribution to Hugh of St. Victor is
+  extremely doubtful. See Santarem, _Essai_, vol. i, 1849, p. 66, note
+  2.
+
+Footnote 461:
+
+  The monumental _Speculum mundi_ of the Dominican, Vincent of Beauvais,
+  which probably cannot have been written much before 1250, is divided
+  into three parts: _Speculum naturale_, _Speculum doctrinale_, and
+  _Speculum historiale_. There is no complete modern edition. Copies of
+  incunabula and of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century editions are not
+  rare. The work is a gigantic compilation drawn from a great multitude
+  of sources, all of which were carefully indicated by the diligent
+  compiler, together with additions by the compiler himself. Most novel
+  from the geographical point of view are the data on Asia taken from
+  Simon of St. Quentin and from John of Pian de Carpine, which are to be
+  found in _Speculum historiale_ (see above, pp. 269–270). _Speculum
+  naturale_ discusses the various features of the world in the order of
+  their creation. It is in the nature of a vast commentary on the first
+  chapter of Genesis. The following books are of especial geographical
+  significance: II, consisting of metaphysical and theological material
+  on the Creation; IV, dealing with the firmament, and the heavens; V,
+  with meteorology; VI, with the waters; VII, with the lands; XXXIII,
+  with regions habitable by man. The last is a typical cosmography, made
+  up largely of fragments from Isidore, in which chapters are devoted to
+  a discussion of the tripartite division of the earth, Asia and
+  Paradise, India and its marvels, Asia Minor, Europe, Greece, other
+  parts of Europe, Africa, the islands of the ocean which encircles the
+  earth, the islands of the Mediterranean Sea, the Cyclades, etc.
+
+Footnote 462:
+
+  Most of Albertus Magnus’ (1193–1280) many and voluminous works, the
+  greatest repertory of Aristotelian science of the Christian Middle
+  Ages, constitute an immense paraphrase of and commentary on all the
+  writings of Aristotle that were available in the mid-thirteenth
+  century. Albert used many of the titles that were applied in the
+  period to Aristotle’s works and the customary division into books and
+  chapters. Of particular interest from the geographical point of view
+  are: _De caelo et mundo_ (Jammy edit., 1651, vol. ii); _Libri
+  meteorum_ (_ibid._, vol. ii); _De natura locorum_ (_ibid._, vol. v),
+  and _De proprietatibus elementorum_ (_ibid._, vol. v). Kretschmer,
+  _Phys. Erdk._, 1889, _passim_, and Werner, _Kosm. Wilhelm von
+  Conches_, 1873, _passim_, give a fairly satisfactory general idea of
+  the more important contributions of Albert to cosmology and physical
+  geography.
+
+  In the second book of the _De caelo et mundo_ Albert declares that the
+  earth is spherical because the particles which compose it are drawn
+  toward the center of the universe and, in striving to attain that
+  point, arrange themselves symmetrically in the form of a sphere. He
+  gives as proofs of the sphericity of the earth arguments that were
+  familiar to writers of antiquity (see above, p. 368, note 33).
+
+  In the _Libri meteorum_ (_Meteorology_) much material will be found on
+  the atmosphere, on the waters, and on earthquakes. Albert thought that
+  the winds are caused by an earthy humor raised by the sun (Werner,
+  _op. cit._, pp. 351–352; compare this theory with the theory of Seneca
+  and of William of Conches, pp. 171–172, above). He thought that the
+  areas of the earth’s surface covered by water are much more extensive
+  than those represented by land and that large rivers spring from great
+  cavities in the interior of the earth. These cavities, he maintained,
+  usually correspond in position to the major mountain ranges.
+
+  Points of physical geography are also treated at some length in the
+  _De proprietatibus elementorum_ (based upon the pseudo-Aristotelian
+  work of the same title): hot springs, volcanoes, tides, the Deluge,
+  the origin of mountains by earthquakes and by erosion. Albert
+  expresses vigorous opposition to the theory of the periodic rotation
+  of land and sea around the earth’s surface under astrological
+  influences (see above, pp. 14 and 83), but he believed, none the less,
+  that the heavenly bodies through their varying motions and
+  conjunctions may bring to bear powerful local changes in conditions of
+  dampness and dryness which in turn may even produce interchanges of
+  areas of land and sea. He refers to the discovery of the rudder of a
+  great ship when a certain well was dug in muddy ground as evidence of
+  gradual alterations in the relative level of land and sea (Kretschmer,
+  _op. cit._, p. 125).
+
+  In a great many respects the _De natura locorum_ is the most valuable
+  of Albert’s books from the geographical point of view. Kretschmer goes
+  so far as to declare that this work reveals to us in Albert the first
+  great geographer since antiquity (_ibid._, p. 139). Tractatus I
+  treats, among other matters, of latitudes and longitudes, of the
+  habitable and uninhabitable parts of the earth’s surface, and of
+  climates. Albert denies the older view that the equatorial regions are
+  totally uninhabitable on the ground that people were actually known to
+  dwell therein. Moreover, he was inclined to the belief that the
+  countries near the equator are more temperate and pleasant than those
+  nearer the tropics (see above, p. 164). Albert’s “climatic
+  observations in the _Liber de natura locorum_ have at all times
+  aroused undivided admiration, and we find in them the first attempt at
+  a comparative geography” (Kretschmer, _op. cit._, p. 139). This
+  applies more especially to his observations regarding the influences
+  of mountains, seas, woods, and other topographic features upon
+  climate. These would well repay careful comparison with the views of
+  William of Conches upon the same topics (see above, p. 178). Tractatus
+  III of the _De natura locorum_ is a “cosmographia,” or description of
+  the regions of the world, following the usual medieval scheme.
+
+Footnote 463:
+
+  Bartholomew Anglicus, author of the _De proprietatibus rerum_,
+  “belonged probably to the circle of insular [British] clerics who were
+  ardently interested in experimental researches and in natural history;
+  of whom the encyclopedist Alexander Neckam was in a measure the
+  precursor, and of whom the Franciscan Roger Bacon was the most
+  illustrious representative” (C. V. Langlois, _La connaissance_, 1911,
+  p. 117). It has so far been impossible accurately to determine the
+  date of the _De proprietatibus rerum_, though it falls probably before
+  the middle of the thirteenth century (_ibid._, p. 118, note 2). This
+  work was a compilation from many different sources and was intended
+  for less educated readers. Book XI is devoted to the phenomena of the
+  air, XIII to the waters, XIV to the earth, and XV to a _mappamundi_,
+  or description of the various “provinces” of the earth in alphabetical
+  order. There is no modern edition. A summary of the contents will be
+  found in C. V. Langlois, _op. cit._, pp. 128–179, and a discussion of
+  Bartholomew’s geography is given by Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. ii,
+  p. 424–429. Extracts from an English translation of Berthelet, 1535,
+  are given in Steele, _Mediaeval Lore_, 1907 (under Bartholomew
+  Anglicus in the Bibliography). The future influence of the work was
+  very far-reaching, especially upon English literature of the
+  Elizabethan period (see Steele, _op. cit._, pp. 2–4; C. V. Langlois,
+  _op. cit._, pp. 126–127).
+
+Footnote 464:
+
+  The Florentine Brunetto Latino died in 1295. He composed his great
+  _Livre du trésor_ in French during a period of exile in France between
+  1260 and 1266 (C. V. Langlois, _op. cit._, p. 328). This work met with
+  a wide success. It is divided into three parts, the first of which is
+  devoted to geography and cosmography. Much of the material here was
+  derived ultimately from Solinus. The _Trésor_ was edited by P.
+  Chabaille in 1863, but a definitive critical edition has not yet
+  appeared. For a criticism of Chabaille’s edition and for a summary of
+  the contents of the first part, see C. V. Langlois, _op. cit._, pp.
+  333–391.
+
+Footnote 465:
+
+  Among these must be mentioned the following:
+
+  1. An unpublished encyclopedia by an otherwise unknown Arnold the
+  Saxon. This dates from between 1210 and 1250 and is preserved in a
+  manuscript in Erfurt. Rose’s edition, 1875, pp. 447–454, gives a
+  summary of the titles of chapters and prints the prologues of each
+  book. Some idea of the character of the work may be gained from
+  Stange’s dissertation and article, both listed in the Bibliography.
+  The first book, entitled _De caelo et mundo_, and the fourth, _De
+  virtute universali_, include data on physical geography, meteorology,
+  earthquakes, the sea, rivers, hot springs, and mineralogy (Stange,
+  _Arnoldus Saxo_, 1885, p. 18) derived in part from Aristotle’s
+  _Meteorology_ (_ibid._ and Rose, _op. cit._, p. 450). It has been
+  claimed that Arnold the Saxon’s encyclopedia was used by Vincent of
+  Beauvais, Albertus Magnus, and Bartholomew Anglicus, but this is
+  probably erroneous (see Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. ii, p. 430).
+
+  2. The _De natura rerum_ of Thomas of Cantimpré, in twenty books,
+  written between 1228 and 1244 and as yet unedited in a modern edition.
+  Thomas’ work was especially popular in Germany (see C. V. Langlois,
+  _op. cit._, p. 118, note 2; also Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. ii,
+  pp. 372–398).
+
+  3. A work of encyclopedic scope entitled _Summa philosophiae_, which
+  has erroneously been attributed to Robert Grosseteste but which cannot
+  possibly date from before 1250 and may be as late as 1270. It contains
+  chapters on meteorology, tides, and minerals. The full text is given
+  in Baur, _Philos. Werke Grossetestes_, 1912, pp. 275–643, with a
+  critical discussion of its authorship, pp. 126*-141*.
+
+Footnote 466:
+
+  Roger Bacon, one of the most original thinkers of the entire medieval
+  period in matters of natural science, was the last of a series of
+  Englishmen who devoted themselves to these interests. In this group
+  may be counted Adelard of Bath and, at a much later date, Alexander
+  Neckam, Alfred of Sareshel, Daniel of Morley, and Robert Grosseteste
+  (see above, p. 407, note 94). For the last-named, whose teachings in
+  many particulars he adopted and elaborated upon, Bacon had the highest
+  admiration.
+
+  Born about 1210–1215, Roger Bacon became a Franciscan between 1245 and
+  1250. His more important works were completed before 1266 and were
+  condemned as heretical in 1278. He died in the last decade of the
+  century. See Bridges, _Life of Bacon_, 1914, and Thorndike, _Magic_,
+  1923, vol. ii, pp. 616–691.
+
+  From the geographical point of view beyond all question the most
+  important of Bacon’s writings was the _Opus majus_, which sets forth
+  his fundamental ideas in the realms of natural and physical science.
+  Bridges’ edition of this contains a full introduction and a detailed
+  analysis of the text, chapter by chapter. The geographical material
+  will be found in Part IV, on mathematical science. Distinctio ii of
+  Part IV (Bridges’ edit., vol. i, 1897, pp. 109–119) is devoted to the
+  subject of rays of light and emanations from the heavenly bodies and
+  to the problem of the sphericity of the universe. Elsewhere in Part IV
+  the influences of the heavenly rays upon the earth, especially in
+  respect to zones, tides, and the healthfulness of situations, are
+  brought out. Bacon here is largely indebted to Robert Grosseteste (see
+  above, pp. 163–165). These theories are also worked out in some detail
+  in the chapters of Part V (on optics) devoted to the multiplication of
+  species (Bridges’ edit., vol. ii, 1897, pp. 539–543; Werner, _Kosm.
+  Roger Baco_, 1879, pp. 597–599).
+
+  The last portion of Part IV (Bridges’ edit., vol. i, 1897, pp.
+  175–404), not divided into chapters, is a treatment of two broad
+  subjects:
+
+  1. The importance of mathematics in relation to theology. Under this
+  heading, among other points, there is given an explanation of how
+  mathematics aids us in acquiring knowledge of the heavens, of the
+  location of Paradise and of Hell, of sacred geography (that is of the
+  positions and physical conditions of places spoken of in Scripture),
+  of geometry (here the influence of mountains in reflecting the sun’s
+  rays is elucidated; see above, pp. 179–180; Werner, _op. cit._, p.
+  599; Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, p. 418), and of numbers (here
+  are explained the size, distance, and relative magnitude of the
+  heavenly bodies in relation to the earth and to the heavenly spheres).
+
+  2. The influence of the heavens on things terrestrial (Bridges’ edit.,
+  vol. i, 1897, pp. 286–403). According to Bacon geographic conditions
+  are governed by astronomical and astrological forces. This part of the
+  _Opus majus_ shows first how the latter are effective in determining
+  the conditions of habitability on the earth’s surface; it closes with
+  a general description of the habitable earth (see especially Werner,
+  _op. cit._, p. 545, note 4, and pp. 546–550, on Bacon’s astrological
+  geography, and pp. 600–606, on Bacon’s regional geography). _Climata_
+  and the practical utility of knowledge of geography and of climates to
+  the missionary are discussed. The description of the habitable earth
+  is particularly full for Egypt, the Holy Land, India, Eastern Europe,
+  Central Asia, and Cathay. Much fresh material regarding the Mongols
+  and the Far East was derived from Bacon’s contemporaries, the
+  Franciscan travelers John of Pian de Carpine and William Rubruck (see
+  above, pp. 269–270). Bacon dismisses the geography of Western Europe
+  as too familiar to require special treatment.
+
+  Besides the _Opus majus_, Bacon’s _Communia naturalium_ and commentary
+  on the _Secretum secretorum_ include a few passages of interest to us.
+  In the former the finite character of the universe is explained
+  (Oxford edit., fasc., iv, pp. 369–373; see also, _Opus tertium_,
+  Brewer’s edit., pp. 140–141), together with some consideration of the
+  dimensions of heaven and of earth (Oxford edit., fasc. iv, pp.
+  414–418). In the latter (a book of miscellaneous precepts for the
+  guidance of human affairs, which was many times translated from the
+  Arabic during the Middle Ages and which was altered, augmented, and
+  edited by Bacon) there is material on astronomy, on the size and
+  sphericity of the earth, and on the relative extent of land and sea
+  (Oxford edit., fasc. v).
+
+Footnote 467:
+
+  Dante treats incidentally of the traditional geography and astronomy
+  of his period in the _Convito_ and in numerous references in the
+  _Divine Comedy_. His sources were mainly Orosius, Isidore, Albertus
+  Magnus, and Brunetto Latino (see Moore, _Studies in Dante: Third
+  Series_, 1903, pp. 110–111). A most interesting and original
+  discussion of linguistic geography will be found in the _De vulgari
+  eloquentia_ (see Mori, _La geogr._, 1922, pp. 289–292; Andriani, _La
+  carta dialettologica_, 1923, pp. 255–263). The _Quaestio de aqua et
+  terra_, frequently ascribed to Dante, is of doubtful authenticity.
+  Moore, _Studies in Dante: Second Series_, 1899, pp. 303–374, Shadwell
+  in his edition of the _Quaestio de aqua et terra_, 1909, and Mori,
+  _op. cit._, p. 285, hold it to be a genuine work of the poet; Boffito,
+  _Intorno alla “Quaestio de aqua et terra,”_ Memoria I, 1902, believed
+  it to be spurious; serious objections to Boffito’s arguments, however,
+  were raised by V. Biagi in a review of the former’s work (Bollettino
+  della Società Dantesca, vol. x, Florence, 1903) with the “result that
+  Boffito himself appears to be less resolved to maintain his thesis in
+  his latest publication, _La “Quaestio de aqua et terra” di D. A., ed.
+  principe del 1508 riprod. in facsimile, etc._, Florence, 1905”
+  (Marinelli, _Scritti minori_, vol. i, [1908?], p. 196, note 3, p. 219,
+  note 1). See also Arnold Norlind: _Dante som geograf och medeltidens
+  behandling av frågan on vatten och land_, in: Ymer: Tidskrift utgiven
+  av Svenska Sällskapet för Antropologi och Geografi, vol. xliv,
+  Stockholm, 1924, pp. 260–278.
+
+  For references to an edition of the text of Dante and to English
+  translations of his various works see the Bibliography under Dante.
+
+Footnote 468:
+
+  For the latest and most authoritative study of Otto, his works and his
+  place among the literary men of the period, see Hofmeister, _Otto von
+  Freisingen_, 1911–1912.
+
+Footnote 469:
+
+  The continuation to 1160 is surely, and that from 1160 to 1170
+  possibly, the work of Ragewin, Otto’s pupil and notary (Potthast,
+  _Wegweiser_, vol. ii, 1896, p. 886).
+
+Footnote 470:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, II, 13, 43. See Hofmeister, _op. cit._, p. 734.
+
+Footnote 471:
+
+  The genuineness of the _Ligurinus_, which had long been suspected of
+  being an imposture, was established after 1870 by two scholars working
+  simultaneously and independently, Pannenborg and Gaston Paris.
+  Pannenborg, who at first thought that the author of this poem was an
+  Italian, was subsequently converted to the opinion that he was a
+  German by the arguments of Paris. In 1883 Pannenborg definitely
+  established the thesis that the _Ligurinus_ was the work of Gunther of
+  Pairis. See Pannenborg, _Über den Ligurinus_, 1871; the same,
+  _Magister Guntherus_, 1873; the same, _Der Verfasser_, 1884; Gaston
+  Paris, _Dissertation critique_, 1872; Vulpinus, _Der Ligurinus_, 1889
+  (under Gunther of Pairis in the Bibliography), introduction.
+
+Footnote 472:
+
+  Pannenborg, _Über den Ligurinus_, 1871, p. 254.
+
+Footnote 473:
+
+  See, for example, the description of the spring, Bk. VI, lines
+  481–485.
+
+Footnote 474:
+
+  Gaston Paris, _op. cit._, pp. 85–86.
+
+Footnote 475:
+
+  See below, p. 412, note 13.
+
+Footnote 476:
+
+  See Delaborde’s introduction to the _Philippis_ in: _Oeuvres de
+  Rigord_, vol. i, 1882, pp. lxxii-lxxiii (under William the Breton in
+  the Bibliography).
+
+Footnote 477:
+
+  A thorough study of the geographical ideas expressed in the historical
+  epics of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries would undoubtedly
+  yield fruitful results.
+
+Footnote 478:
+
+  The Nearer East as pictured in the old French Crusading literature is
+  discussed by Dreesbach, _Der Orient_, 1901.
+
+Footnote 479:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 69–73.
+
+Footnote 480:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 70.
+
+Footnote 481:
+
+  See preface to Stubbs’s edition of the works of Benedict of
+  Peterborough, vol. i, 1867, pp. ix-lxvii.
+
+Footnote 482:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, p. 122.
+
+Footnote 483:
+
+  _Chronica_, Stubbs’s edit., vol. iii, 1870, pp. 47–55.
+
+Footnote 484:
+
+  Dreesbach, _Der Orient_, 1901, pp. 73–75.
+
+Footnote 485:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 79–83.
+
+Footnote 486:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 88–89.
+
+Footnote 487:
+
+  See Hermannsson, _Bibl. Icelandic Sagas_, 1908; the same, _Northmen_,
+  1909; the same, _Bibl. Sagas Kings_, 1910.
+
+Footnote 488:
+
+  See the same, _Bibl. Eddas_, 1920.
+
+Footnote 489:
+
+  On the _Saga of Eric the Red_ and on the _Flateyjarbók_, see Reeves,
+  _Wineland_, 1890, _passim_.
+
+Footnote 490:
+
+  Virtually nothing is known of Ari Frodhi. The _Íslendingabók_ was
+  “written probably shortly after 1134” (Hermannsson, _Bibl. Icelandic
+  Sagas_, 1908, p. 56).
+
+Footnote 491:
+
+  The discovery of Iceland is also described in a Latin work written by
+  “Theodricus monachus,” probably toward the close of the twelfth
+  century and bearing the title _Historia de antiquitate regum
+  norwagiensium_. Nansen dates this work about 1180 (_Northern Mists_,
+  1911, vol. i, p. 254). See Hermannsson, _Bibl. Sagas Kings_, 1910, p.
+  67.
+
+Footnote 492:
+
+  Hermannsson, _Northmen_, 1909, pp. 5–6; Reeves, _op. cit._, pp. 79–83.
+
+Footnote 493:
+
+  Nansen, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 263. The _Greenland Annals_ were
+  compiled by Björn Jonsson (1574–1656).
+
+Footnote 494:
+
+  Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, p. 517.
+
+Footnote 495:
+
+  This manuscript was discovered in Scotland in 1849. See Hermannsson,
+  _Bibl. Sagas Kings_, 1910, p. 31.
+
+Footnote 496:
+
+  See above, pp. 49–50 and 73–74.
+
+Footnote 497:
+
+  The fundamental work on the Romance of Alexander during our period is
+  Meyer, _Alexandre le Grand_, 1886.
+
+Footnote 498:
+
+  The _Historia de praeliis_, for instance, the tenth-century work of
+  Leo Archipresbyter (see above, p. 381, note 26), was the text from
+  which Frutolf of Michaelsberg derived the version of the Romance of
+  Alexander which he inserted in his chronicle and which thus found its
+  way to the chronicle of Otto of Freising (Meyer, _op. cit._, vol. ii,
+  p. 39). That the chronicle from which Otto drew was by Frutolf and not
+  by Ekkehard of Aura was shown by Bresslau, _Die Chroniken_, 1895.
+
+Footnote 499:
+
+  This probably dates from the beginning of the twelfth century (Meyer,
+  _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 49).
+
+Footnote 500:
+
+  On the sources of the _Alexandreis_, see Francke, _Geschichte_, 1879,
+  pp. 89–107, and Giordano, _Alexandreis_, 1917, _passim_.
+
+Footnote 501:
+
+  Meyer, _op. cit._, pp. 69–101.
+
+Footnote 502:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 102–132.
+
+Footnote 503:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 133–253.
+
+Footnote 504:
+
+  Meyer, _loc. cit._, has worked out the probable authorship and
+  derivation of the various parts of the poem. He divides the work as a
+  whole into four consecutive sections or “branches.” Of these the
+  oldest is the third in order and is by Lambert li Tors; this branch
+  contains those parts of the Romance which are concerned with
+  Alexander’s adventures in the heart of Asia and in India; in fact
+  those parts of the work which contain the majority of the elements of
+  geographic interest. To this third branch, the first, second, and
+  fourth were added at a later date. These were the work of Alexandre de
+  Bernai and Pierre de St. Cloud. There are also a number of
+  interpolations into the body of the poem which may not be attributed
+  to any of the three writers named.
+
+Footnote 505:
+
+  This poem was entitled _Le Roman de toute chevalerie_. Meyer (_op.
+  cit._, vol. ii, p. 275) knew of four manuscripts. In one of these, in
+  Paris, the _Roman_ is ascribed to Thomas of Kent, and in a manuscript
+  in Cambridge it is attributed to Eustace of Kent—Meyer holding that
+  the latter is correct. There is much of geographical interest in the
+  poem. The following are some of the chapter headings of parts dealing
+  with material of geographic significance (from a manuscript in Durham,
+  Library of the Chapter of Durham, C. iv, 27b, as cited by Meyer, _op.
+  cit._, vol. i, pp. 177–190).
+
+  “.i. Le proloug
+
+  \.ij. La descripcion del mond....”
+
+  “.lxxxiiij. De genz de grant age en Inde.
+
+  \.lxxxv. De Gangarides l’idle e de son poeple.
+
+  \.lxxxvj. De Polibatre e de son poeple.
+
+  \.lxxxvii. Del mont Malens le plus haut del mond.
+
+  \.lxxxviij. De genz qe vivent de veneison et de pesson....”
+
+  [Further details of races and marvels of India follow.]
+
+  “.cxlviij. De Gog et Magog qui mangerent la gent....”
+
+  “.ccxxxij. Del pople qu’est apellés Serres et de lur dreiture.”
+
+Footnote 506:
+
+  Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_ (under Prester John in the Bibliography),
+  in: Abhandl., vol. vii, 1879, pp. 832–846.
+
+Footnote 507:
+
+  Zarncke, _op. cit._, p. 878. In some manuscripts this _Letter_ is said
+  to be a Latin translation by Archbishop Christian of Mainz; Thorndike,
+  however, observes that it seems “even in its earliest and briefest
+  form without doubt a Western forgery and bears the marks of its Latin
+  origin” (Thorndike, _Magic_, vol. ii, 1923, p. 240).
+
+Footnote 508:
+
+  Edited by Zarncke, _op. cit._, pp. 872–934.
+
+Footnote 509:
+
+  Zarncke, _op. cit._, in: Abhandl., vol. viii, 1876, pp. 120–127.
+
+Footnote 510:
+
+  See Zarncke’s observations regarding the French text (Berichte, vol.
+  xxix, 1877, p. 135) and his edition of the English text (Berichte,
+  vol. xxx, 1878, pp. 41–46). French, English, and Italian texts are
+  addressed to the Emperor Frederick and not to Manuel.
+
+Footnote 511:
+
+  See above, p. 50; also pp. 381–382, notes 28, 29.
+
+Footnote 512:
+
+  Beazley (_Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 112–217) gives an excellent
+  summary of the history of pilgrim travel throughout the Middle Ages,
+  with a résumé of the most important sources. For the bibliography of
+  this subject see especially Röhricht, _Bibliotheca_, 1890. For English
+  translations of the pilgrims’ accounts of the Holy Land see the
+  publications constituting _The Library of the Palestine Pilgrims’ Text
+  Society_, 1897 (see the Bibliography under Palestine Pilgrims’ Text
+  Society).
+
+Footnote 513:
+
+  Beazley, _op. cit._, pp. 139–155. See also Bibliography under Saewulf.
+
+Footnote 514:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 190–195. See also Bibliography under John of Würzburg.
+
+Footnote 515:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 195–199. See also Bibliography under Theoderic (Pilgrim).
+
+Footnote 516:
+
+  From internal evidence the itinerary of Abbot Nikulás can be shown to
+  date from the twelfth century. See above, p. 405, note 90.
+
+Footnote 517:
+
+  Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, p. 184.
+
+Footnote 518:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 186–189. See also Bibliography under Fetellus.
+
+Footnote 519:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 203–207.
+
+Footnote 520:
+
+  See especially Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 202–216, for
+  citations and translations (into German) of portions of letters which
+  throw light on the medieval feeling for nature.
+
+Footnote 521:
+
+  Wattenbach, _Guido von Bazoches_, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in the
+  Bibliography). Wattenbach (_op. cit._, p. 71) refers to a _Libellus de
+  regionibus mundi_ by Guy of Bazoches now in Paris, Bibliothèque
+  Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 4998.
+
+Footnote 522:
+
+  _Chronica Slavorum_, V, 19, in: _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol.
+  xxi, pp. 192–196.
+
+Footnote 523:
+
+  See Carmoly, _Itinéraires_, 1847, pp. 115–168, for text and commentary
+  on the itinerary of Samuel bar Simson, 1211, and pp. 171–216, for
+  Jacob of Paris’ description of the holy tombs, 1258. The other
+  itineraries in Carmoly’s volume fall in a period later than that
+  covered by the present study.
+
+Footnote 524:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., 1907, p. xiii.
+
+Footnote 525:
+
+  On Benjamin of Tudela, see Adler’s edition of the _Itinerary_ and
+  Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 224–264. For a useful general
+  introduction to the geographical literature of the Jews, see Zunz,
+  _Essay_, 1841.
+
+  As the manuscript of this book is about to go to press there has come
+  to the writer’s attention the brief note by Paul Borchardt,
+  _L’itinéraire de Rabbi Benjamin de Tudèle_, 1924. Borchardt writes (p.
+  31): “En différents travaux j’ai prouvé que le célèbre Rabbi Benjamin
+  ne mérite pas le reproche d’inexactitude, même en ce qui concerne la
+  route de Chine.... J’espère prouver par ce qui suit que R. Benjamin
+  mérite comme Marco Polo le nom d’un homme digne de foi.” References
+  are given in footnote 1, p. 31, of Borchardt’s note to other studies
+  by Borchardt relating to Benjamin. Unfortunately the present writer
+  has been unable to consult these. The references follow as given by
+  Borchardt: “Conférence de la Soc. d’Anthrop. de Munich: _Reiseweg des
+  R. Benjamin von Tudela und des R. Petachia von Regensburg in
+  Mesopotamien_, 3, III. 22., _Karawanenstrassen in Arabien nach R.
+  Benjamin von Tudela_, Anthropos Wien 1922/23 (4–6), p. 1066 ss.,
+  1923/24 (1–3) et _Zur Frage der Falaschajuden in Abessinien_,
+  Anthropos, Wien 1923/24 (1–3), carte.” See also below, p. 474, note
+  237a.
+
+Footnote 526:
+
+  Petachia of Ratisbon, _Travels_, Benisch and Ainsworth’s transl.,
+  1856; Beazley, _op. cit._, pp. 264–274.
+
+Footnote 527:
+
+  This poem is inserted at fol. 13 of Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds
+  latin, nouvelles acquisitions, no. 299, in the midst of the _Speculum
+  regum_ of Godfrey of Viterbo. Delisle, its editor, explains why it
+  should be attributed to Godfrey (_Littérature latine_, 1890, p. 41;
+  listed under Godfrey of Viterbo in the Bibliography).
+
+Footnote 528:
+
+         “Praelia regnorum non hic, set fastus eorum
+         Scribitur, aut fluvius, orbes speciesque locorum
+           Aut series morum, norma colenda, forum.”
+                         —_Denumeratio_, Delisle’s edit., p. 44.
+
+Footnote 529:
+
+  Stubbs’s edition of the works of Gervase of Canterbury, vol. i, 1879,
+  p. xxi.
+
+Footnote 530:
+
+  On the dimensions of Britain he quotes from Henry of Huntingdon,
+  _Historia Anglorum_, I.
+
+Footnote 531:
+
+  On the work of Giraldus as a whole see preface to vol. i (pp. i-xcv)
+  of the Rolls Series edition (no. 21), London, 1861, and Lloyd,
+  _History of Wales_, 1911, vol. i, pp. 554–564.
+
+Footnote 532:
+
+  _Giraldi Cambrensis opera_ (Rolls Series No. 21), vol. i, edited by J.
+  S. Brewer, London, 1861, Introduction, p. xl.
+
+Footnote 533:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. vi, edited by J. F. Dimock, London, 1867, pp.
+  xlvi-xlvii.
+
+Footnote 534:
+
+  In addition to the _Mirabilia_, there was written, probably in the
+  twelfth century, a short tract by one Master Gregory, on the marvels
+  of Rome, much of which was copied by Ranulph Higden in his
+  _Polychronicon_. This appears to have been composed independently of
+  the _Mirabilia_, although it deals with the same subject. The author
+  may have been an Englishman. See James, _Magister Gregorius_, 1917
+  (under Gregory, Master, in the Bibliography), pp. 531–554.
+
+Footnote 535:
+
+  Miller’s _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895, deals with the Beatus maps and
+  is accompanied by a colored reproduction of the St. Sever Beatus map
+  (our Fig. 2, p. 69). Vol. ii, 1895, is an atlas of photographic
+  reproductions of the Beatus and other maps of the world of the period.
+  Vol. iii, 1895, contains explanatory text on the more important
+  earlier maps, together with photographs and cuts. Vol. iv, 1896, and
+  vol. v, 1896, are devoted to the Hereford and Ebstorf maps of the
+  world from after our period, and vol. vi, 1898, to attempts at the
+  reconstruction of lost _mappaemundi_. A word of caution is perhaps
+  necessary against too ready acceptance of all of Miller’s theories
+  regarding the connections between maps and the influence of one type
+  upon others. See above, p. 377, note 167, and below, p. 458, note 17.
+
+Footnote 536:
+
+  Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 549–642.
+
+Footnote 537:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, pp. 123–126. On p. 124 Miller states
+  that “in the manuscript of the _Magna de naturis philosophia_ of
+  William of Conches ... in the Stuttgart Library, three maps are
+  included, described by Santarem.” See Santarem, _Essai_, vol. iii,
+  1852, pp. 499–505. Beazley (_Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, p. 626), following
+  Miller, also ascribes these maps to a manuscript of the _Magna de
+  naturis philosophia_. The manuscript in question, however, is of no
+  other work than William of Conches’ _De philosophia mundi_, which
+  Santarem (_op. cit._, pp. 499–500) ascribed wrongly to William of
+  Hirschau (see above, p. 398, note 28). No manuscripts or copies of the
+  _Magna de naturis philosophia_ are extant, and Poole believes that if
+  such a work ever existed it has been wrongly attributed to William of
+  Conches (Poole, _Illustrations_, 1920, pp. 306–310).
+
+Footnote 538:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 126–128.
+
+Footnote 539:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 118–120.
+
+Footnote 540:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 110–115.
+
+Footnote 541:
+
+  See above, p. 68. See also Miller, _op. cit._, vol. i, 1895, _passim_.
+
+Footnote 542:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 43–53 and pl. 4.
+
+Footnote 543:
+
+  In this respect Lambert’s map resembles a _mappamundi_ made in the
+  eleventh century at Ripoll in Catalonia. On this interesting map see
+  Vidier, _Mappemonde de Théodulfe_, 1911, pp. 285–315.
+
+Footnote 544:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, pp. 54–57.
+
+Footnote 545:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 21–29 and pl. 2; vol. ii, pl. 13.
+
+Footnote 546:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 71–73.
+
+Footnote 547:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 37–43 and pl. 3; vol. ii, pl. 1.
+
+Footnote 548:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 1–21 and pl. 1; vol. ii, pls. 11 and 12.
+
+Footnote 549:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 61–68.
+
+Footnote 550:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 68–94.
+
+Footnote 551:
+
+  Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, p. 585.
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+                               CHAPTER V
+   THE PLACE OF GEOGRAPHY IN THE MEDIEVAL CLASSIFICATION OF KNOWLEDGE
+
+Footnote 552:
+
+  Adam of Bremen, however, used the term “geography,” applying it to the
+  fourth section of his _Gesta Hammenburgensis ecclesiae pontificum_.
+
+Footnote 553:
+
+  Parker, _Seven Lib. Arts_, 1890, pp. 417–461.
+
+Footnote 554:
+
+  See above, p. 366, note 9.
+
+Footnote 555:
+
+  _Fons philosophiae_, Charma’s edit., 1868, Introduction, p. 11.
+
+Footnote 556:
+
+  _De eodem et diverso_, p. 28.
+
+Footnote 557:
+
+  “... qua ratione regulam omnibus saeculis perennam de terrae mensura
+  habere posset” (_loc. cit._).
+
+Footnote 558:
+
+  “Subsequenter ergo orbem in partes, partes in provincias, provincias
+  in regiones, regiones in loca, loca in territoria, territoria in
+  agros, agros in centurias, centurias in iugera divisit” (_loc. cit._).
+
+Footnote 559:
+
+  _De nupt. Phil. et Merc._, VI, 580, 587. See Mâle, _Religious Art_,
+  1913, p. 78.
+
+Footnote 560:
+
+  _Anticlaudianus_, III, 6.
+
+Footnote 561:
+
+  Mâle, _op. cit._, p. 114.
+
+Footnote 562:
+
+  _De div. phil._, pp. 115–116.
+
+Footnote 563:
+
+  “Tercia vero inquirit de terra, de eo quod ipsa inhabitatur et quod
+  non habitatur; et ostenditur quantum est illud, quod inhabitatur et
+  quot sunt partes eius magne, que sunt climata; et comprehendit
+  habitaciones, quas contingit esse in unaquaque illarum in illa hora,
+  et ubi sit locus cuiusque habitacionis, et ordinem eorum ex mundo;
+  inquirit de eo, quod sequitur necessario ut accidat unicuique climatum
+  habitacionum de revolucione mundi continenti totio et est revolucio
+  diei et noctis propter situm terre in loco, in quo sunt sicut ortus et
+  occasus et longitudo diei et noctis et brevitas et alia hiis similia”
+  (_ibid._). This passage, together with the greater part of the _De
+  divisione philosophiae_, is drawn from Al-Fārābī’s book _On the
+  Enumeration of the Sciences_. Al-Fārābī was a Moslem philosopher and
+  Aristotelian of the tenth century. See Baur’s edition of the _De div.
+  phil._, 1903, pp. 160, 314.
+
+Footnote 564:
+
+  See H. O. Taylor, _The Mediaeval Mind: A History of the Development of
+  Thought and Emotion in the Middle Ages_, 2 vols., New York, 1914, vol.
+  ii, pp. 312–313.
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+                               CHAPTER VI
+                 COSMOGONY, COSMOLOGY, AND COSMOGRAPHY
+
+Footnote 565:
+
+  On this rational spirit, see C. B. Jourdain, _Dissertation_, 1838, pp.
+  20ff.
+
+Footnote 566:
+
+  Poole, _Illustrations_, 1920, p. 148.
+
+Footnote 567:
+
+  “... secundum physicam et ad litteram” (_De sex d. op._, p. 52).
+
+Footnote 568:
+
+  “Causas ex quibus habeat mundus existere et temporum ordinem in quibus
+  idem mundus conditus et ornatus est rationabiliter ostendit”
+  (_ibid._). See C. B. Jourdain, _loc. cit._ On Adelard’s rationalism,
+  see the same, pp. 1O4ff.
+
+Footnote 569:
+
+  Hauréau, _Thierry de Chartres_, 1890, p. 51.
+
+Footnote 570:
+
+  Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 40–41.
+
+Footnote 571:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, ch. 6 in printed edit.; fol. 25v. in Bibliothèque
+  Nationale MSS., fonds lat., no. 6415 (as cited by Haskins, _loc.
+  cit._).
+
+Footnote 572:
+
+  _ibid._, ch. 1 in printed edit.; fol. 24 in MS.
+
+Footnote 573:
+
+  _ibid._, ch. 4 in printed edit.; fol. 25 in MS.
+
+Footnote 574:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, II, 3.
+
+Footnote 575:
+
+  “... principium a magistro, sed perfectio debet esse ab ingenio”
+  (_ibid._, I, 21; quoted by Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, p. 99).
+
+Footnote 576:
+
+  _Entheticus_, 601–624, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcix, col. 978.
+  See Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_, 1914, p. 227.
+
+Footnote 577:
+
+  Translation from Moffat, _Complaint of Nature_, 1908 (in the
+  Bibliography under Alan of Lille), p. 27. See also Ganzenmüller, _loc.
+  cit._
+
+Footnote 578:
+
+  See above, p. 223.
+
+Footnote 579:
+
+  _Historia Norwegiae_, Storm’s edit., p. 95.
+
+Footnote 580:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 96.
+
+Footnote 581:
+
+  Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, p. 69.
+
+Footnote 582:
+
+  _Symb. elect._, II, 1.
+
+Footnote 583:
+
+  _Topog. Hiber._, I, 13.
+
+Footnote 584:
+
+  _De laud. div. sap._, III, 97–98, 123–124. This point of view was also
+  that of William the Breton, who, in more than one place in his
+  _Philippis_, writes that it is enough for us to know the facts of such
+  natural phenomena as tides, miraculous springs, and the like, but that
+  the causes of them will forever remain hidden from men (_Philippis_,
+  VI, 550–551; VIII, 82–90; see above, pp. 193–194).
+
+Footnote 585:
+
+  Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, pp. 271–272; idem, _Studies_,
+  1924, p. 295.
+
+Footnote 586:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 885–890.
+
+Footnote 587:
+
+  See K. Werner, _Wilhelms von Auvergne Verhältniss zu den Platonikern
+  des XII. Jahrhunderts_, in: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften in
+  Wien, Sitzungsberichte, Philosophisch-historische Classe, vol. lxxiv,
+  Vienna, 1873, pp. 119–172.
+
+Footnote 588:
+
+  _De mundi univ._, I, _passim_.
+
+Footnote 589:
+
+  _De sex d. op._, pp. 52–54.
+
+Footnote 590:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 60.
+
+Footnote 591:
+
+  _Sententiae_, II, 12, 1.
+
+Footnote 592:
+
+  Zöckler, _Geschichte_, vol. i, 1877, pp. 415–421.
+
+Footnote 593:
+
+  _Hist. schol._, Gen. 1.
+
+Footnote 594:
+
+  Though Comestor here denies the teachings of Plato in regard to the
+  existence of matter prior to the “Creation,” he adopted a traditional
+  medieval view based on the _Timaeus_ of Plato and given expression by
+  Augustine: that God created time and the universe simultaneously (see
+  above, p. 52). How these two conceptions were reconciled is shown by
+  Daniel of Morley where he writes: “Primus mundus est in eternitate
+  figuratus, secundus cum tempore creatus, tercius in tempore formatus”
+  (_De philosophia_, Sudhoff’s edit., p. 8). (For Daniel of Morley’s
+  views on hyle see Singer, _Daniel of Morley_, 1920, p. 267.)
+  Essentially the same Platonic doctrine was shared by Hugh of Amiens,
+  archbishop of Rouen, who wrote in his _Tractatio in hexaemeron_ that
+  God precedes the world by eternity, not by time (Migne, _Pat. lat._,
+  vol. cxcii, col. 1249). The _De imagine mundi_ (II, 1) applied the
+  term _aevum_ to God alone; _tempora aeterna_, beginning before the
+  world and continuing with and after it, to the _architypus mundus_ and
+  to the angels; and _tempus_ to the world (Robbins, _Hexaemeral Lit._,
+  1912, p. 7, note 1).
+
+Footnote 595:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, I, 21.
+
+Footnote 596:
+
+  Bede and Hugh of St. Victor also held that the elements were thus
+  segregated at the moment they were called into existence by God
+  (Zöckler, _op. cit._, vol. i, 1877, pp. 248, 401).
+
+  William of Conches argues specifically against the Aristotelian
+  doctrine of a fifth element of which the heavenly bodies are composed
+  (_Dragmaticon philosophiae_, III, 80–83, cited by Schneider,
+  _Abendländische Spekulation_, 1915, p. 40, note 1). Duhem (_Système_,
+  vol. iii, 1915, pp. 105, 194) saw in William’s _De philosophia mundi_
+  what seemed to be a remarkable analogy between the ideas there
+  expressed and those expressed by Aristotle in the fourth book of his
+  _Physics_. Schneider (_op. cit._, pp. 40–42) points out that Duhem,
+  through failure to take into account the passage in the _Dragmaticon_
+  to which we have just referred, was led to think that William was
+  actually a believer in the main theories set forth in the _Physics_.
+  On the contrary, in referring to the elements in the _Dragmaticon_
+  William merely adopted the traditional Platonic doctrine, and he went
+  on to explain Aristotle’s theory of the fifth element and vigorously
+  to denounce it. Though this shows that William may not have agreed
+  with Aristotle in essentials, it would seem to be, nevertheless, an
+  argument in favor of the existence of an Aristotelian trend of thought
+  in William’s time. See above, p. 401, note 58.
+
+Footnote 597:
+
+  Though William denied the possibility of chaos preëxisting the
+  “Creation,” he was none the less accused of heresy by Walter, prior of
+  St. Victor in Paris during the last part of twelfth century, because
+  of his failure to make it clear that God created everything out of
+  nothing. William’s atomic theories suggest the possibility of belief
+  in his mind that matter in the form of atoms had coexisted with God
+  and that at the so-called “Creation” God had merely organized and
+  arranged these atoms. See Hauréau, _Singularités_, 1861, p. 258;
+  Poole, _Illustrations_, 1920, pp. 300–301.
+
+Footnote 598:
+
+  _De sex d. op._, p. 62.
+
+Footnote 599:
+
+  See above, pp. 15–16. Belief in the World Soul (_anima mundi_) was a
+  doctrine of Platonism. Theodoric of Chartres (_De sex d. op._, pp.
+  60–62), Bernard Sylvester (_De mundi univ._, _passim_), and William of
+  Conches (see Poole, _op. cit._, p. 151) shared it with Peter Abelard
+  (Hauréau, _op. cit._, p. 253). The two latter, like Theodoric,
+  identified this mysterious unifying conscious spirit of all things
+  with the Holy Ghost and maintained that belief in the World Soul was
+  not inconsistent with the Christian teaching that each individual has
+  a personal soul of his own. The personal soul in some way was thought
+  to be merged with and to form a portion of the World Soul. The theory
+  of the World Soul, however, could not be purged of an heretical taint.
+  At the very beginning of our period Manegold argued as vigorously
+  against it (_Contra Wolfelmum Coloniensem opusculum_, 1–3) as he
+  argued against the possibility of antipodeans (see above, p. 161). It
+  was also severely condemned by other defenders of more old-fashioned
+  and orthodox beliefs. Peter Comestor says, for example: “Hunc locum
+  male intellexit Plato, dictum hoc putans de anima mundi” (_Hist.
+  schol._, Gen. 1, 2), and Peter Lombard’s whole treatment of the
+  question of the Trinity in the _Sententiae_ (II, 17) precludes the
+  possibility of a World Soul. Peter Lombard specifically states that
+  the soul of man is not of the same substance as the soul of God.
+
+Footnote 600:
+
+  Theodoric adduced various reasons for the rotary motion of the heavens
+  and gave explanations of this phenomenon which so closely resembled
+  the arguments given by Aristotle in his _De caelo_ (I, 8; II, 3),
+  _Physics_ (IV, 4), and _De motu animalium_ (II, 698b) (see above, p.
+  370, note 42) that Duhem was led by them to the opinion that the
+  Chartres scholar must have had direct access to Arabic translations of
+  versions of Aristotle. See above, p. 154, and p. 401, notes 57, 58.
+
+Footnote 601:
+
+  _De sex d. op._, p. 54.
+
+Footnote 602:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 55.
+
+Footnote 603:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 57.
+
+Footnote 604:
+
+  See above, p. 141.
+
+Footnote 605:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, I, 23; Werner, _Kosm. Wilhelm von Conches_, 1873, p.
+  320.
+
+Footnote 606:
+
+  This curious opinion is expressed in _De phil. mundi_, I, 23. William
+  retracted it in the preface to the sixth book of his _Dragmaticon
+  philosophiae_ on the ground that it contradicts the Scriptural account
+  according to which Eve was made from Adam’s rib. See above, p. 398,
+  note 28.
+
+Footnote 607:
+
+  _De civitate Dei_, XI, 33, in: _Corpus script. eccl. lat._, vol. xl,
+  pt. 1, pp. 562–564. See also Zöckler, _Geschichte_, vol. i, 1877, p.
+  238.
+
+Footnote 608:
+
+  _Hexaemeron_, I, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. xci, cols. 17–18. See
+  also Zöckler, _op. cit._, pp. 247–248.
+
+Footnote 609:
+
+  _De sacramentis_, bk. I, pt. 1, ch. 11, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol.
+  clxxvi, col. 195. See also Zöckler, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 401.
+
+Footnote 610:
+
+  _Hist. schol._, Gen. 1, 3. See also Zöckler, _op. cit._, vol. i, p.
+  417.
+
+Footnote 611:
+
+  So Rupert of Deutz, Arnold of Chartres, Hugh of Rouen (_ibid._, pp.
+  395, 405, 406).
+
+Footnote 612:
+
+  _Sententiae_, II, 13, 2–6. See also Zöckler, _op. cit._, pp. 413–414.
+
+Footnote 613:
+
+  See Bauer, _Philos. Werke des Grosseteste_, 1912 (under Grosseteste in
+  the Bibliography), p. 76*.
+
+Footnote 614:
+
+  _De luce seu de inchoatione formarum_, Baur’s edit., pp. 51–59.
+
+Footnote 615:
+
+  See Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 284–287, and vol. v, 1917,
+  pp. 356–358.
+
+Footnote 616:
+
+  _De sex d. op._, pp. 53–54.
+
+Footnote 617:
+
+  _Adnotat. elucidat. in Pentateuchon_, Gen. 6, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._,
+  vol. clxxv, cols. 34–37; _De sacramentis_, I, pt. 1, 1–16, in: Migne,
+  _op. cit._, vol. clxxvi, cols. 187–199. See also Zöckler, _op. cit._,
+  vol. i, p. 401.
+
+Footnote 618:
+
+  _De Genesi ad litteram_, V, 5, in Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. xxxiv,
+  cols. 325–327. See also other passages in Augustine’s works cited in
+  Zöckler, _op. cit._, pp. 236–237.
+
+Footnote 619:
+
+  Zöckler, _op. cit._, p. 406.
+
+Footnote 620:
+
+  See above, p. 366, note 7.
+
+Footnote 621:
+
+  See above, p. 9.
+
+Footnote 622:
+
+  See above, p. 401, note 60.
+
+Footnote 623:
+
+  See above, p. 99.
+
+Footnote 624:
+
+  See above, p. 82.
+
+Footnote 625:
+
+  See above, p. 82.
+
+Footnote 626:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, III, 19.
+
+Footnote 627:
+
+  Zöckler, _Geschichte_, vol. i, 1877, pp. 429–430. Averroës discussed
+  the origin of matter in his commentary on Aristotle’s _Metaphysics_,
+  XII (Renan, _Averroès_, 1866, pp. 108–115). On medieval opposition to
+  the Averroïstic doctrine of the eternity of the world, see the same,
+  pp. 258, 274. On Michael Scot’s denial of this doctrine see Haskins,
+  _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, pp. 260–261; the same, _Studies_, 1924, p.
+  285.
+
+Footnote 628:
+
+  Duhem, _Système_, vol. v, 1917, p. 277.
+
+Footnote 629:
+
+  Notably in the _De finitate motus et temporis_ and in the unpublished
+  _Hexaemeron_; see Baur, _Philos. Werke des Grosseteste_, 1912 (under
+  Grosseteste (under Grosseteste in the Bibliography), pp.
+  19*-24*—especially p. 23*—93*-95*, 101–106). Robert Grosseteste’s
+  pupil, Roger Bacon, “believed that he was in a position to demonstrate
+  by philosophical proofs that the world had a beginning; and besides he
+  maintained that Aristotle never maintained a contrary doctrine”
+  (Duhem, _op. cit._, vol. v, p. 402). Albertus Magnus, on the other
+  hand, did not categorically deny the truth of the Aristotelian
+  teaching, “but rather treated it as a theory that must be accepted
+  from the philosophical point of view but rejected from the
+  theological” (Zöckler, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 439). Bacon discussed
+  this matter in an unpublished work now preserved in the Bibliothèque
+  Municipale at Amiens, MS. no. 406, fol. 69, col. a; see Duhem, _op.
+  cit._, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 260–277. Albertus Magnus discussed the same
+  subject in _Summa theologiae_, pt. II, tract. 11, and in _De quattuor
+  coaevis_, both cited by Zöckler, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 436.
+
+Footnote 630:
+
+  See the summary of the _De mundi univ._ in: _Histoire littéraire de la
+  France_, vol. xii, Paris, 1763, pp. 267–269.
+
+Footnote 631:
+
+  See Anderson, _Younger Edda_, 1880 (under Snorri Sturluson, II, in the
+  Bibliography).
+
+Footnote 632:
+
+  Ginungagap may be related to the great “northerly gulf” referred to
+  above, p. 349.
+
+Footnote 633:
+
+  Quotation is here from Anderson’s paraphrase of the leading ideas of
+  the _Edda_ of Snorri Sturluson (Anderson, _op. cit._, Preface, p. 5).
+
+Footnote 634:
+
+  _Quod homo sit minor mundus_, Baur’s edit., p. 59. See also Thorndike,
+  _Magic_, 1923, vol. ii, p. 446.
+
+Footnote 635:
+
+  See above, pp. 213–214.
+
+Footnote 636:
+
+  Cumont, _After Life_, 1922, p. 12.
+
+Footnote 637:
+
+  See above, p. 185, and also below, p. 436, note 17.
+
+Footnote 638:
+
+  It is to be recalled that the _De mundi universitate_ is divided into
+  two books, _Megacosmus_ and _Microcosmus_. See above, p. 146.
+
+Footnote 639:
+
+  There are marked analogies between the theory of the microcosm as
+  expounded by Herrad and by Hildegard of Bingen. Singer believes that
+  “the theory, in the form in which these writers present it, reached
+  the upper Rhineland somewhere about the middle or latter half of the
+  twelfth century” (Singer, _Visions of Saint Hildegard_, 1917, p. 20).
+
+Footnote 640:
+
+  See Singer, _op. cit._, pp. 30–43, for a discussion of the theory of
+  the macrocosm and microcosm according to Hildegard and for highly
+  interesting reproductions of miniatures illustrating this theory.
+  Singer, believing that the _Causae et curae_ and _Subtilitates_ are
+  spurious (see above, p. 396, note 8), omits consideration of these
+  works in this connection.
+
+Footnote 641:
+
+  “In creatione hominis de terra alia terra sumpta est, quae homo est,
+  et omnia elementa ei serviebant, quia eum vivere sentiebant, et obviam
+  omnibus conversationibus ejus cum illo operabantur et ipse cum illis”
+  (_Subtilitates_, I, praefatio, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcvii,
+  col. 1125).
+
+Footnote 642:
+
+  _Causae et curae_, I (Kaiser’s edit., p. 2).
+
+Footnote 643:
+
+  Thorndike, _Magic_, vol. ii, 1923, pp. 153–154.
+
+Footnote 644:
+
+  _Subtilitates_, praef., in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. cxcvii, cols.
+  1125–1128.
+
+Footnote 645:
+
+  “Terram centrum idest punctum vocamus eo quod sit media in spera.”
+  “Terra autem in medio celestris circuli per quem sol currit ut centro
+  locata est” (Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 8865, fol.
+  55vo).
+
+Footnote 646:
+
+  Grosseteste, _De sphaera_, Baur’s edit., pp. 12–13.
+
+Footnote 647:
+
+  _Im. du monde_, I, 13. See above, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 648:
+
+  John of Holywood, _De sphaera_, 1.
+
+Footnote 649:
+
+  Translation of Al-Farghānī’s _Astronomy_ by John of Seville (or
+  Johannes Hispanensis, or John of Luna), Nuremberg edit., diff. iv,
+  fol. 4ro. In the _De sphaera_, _loc. cit._, John of Holywood stated
+  that Ptolemy and all philosophers had declared that six signs and the
+  middle of the heaven (_medietas caeli_)—by which he probably meant the
+  celestial equator—were visible from any place whatsoever to which a
+  man might go on the surface of the earth. If the earth were not at the
+  center of the universe it would be impossible, he argued, to see the
+  _medietas caeli_ from those parts of the earth nearest the firmament:
+  “aliquis existens in illa parte superficiei terrae quae magis
+  accederet ad firmamentum non videret caeli medietatem.”
+
+[Illustration:
+
+  Fig. 10—Diagram to illustrate John of Holywood’s reasoning that the
+    earth is in the center of the universe.
+]
+
+  Figure 10 illustrates what appears to have been John’s line of
+  reasoning as well as the flaws in it. With the earth in position I,
+  not in the center of the universe, the celestial equator (_E-E′_) is
+  invisible from all points between _x_ and _y_ through _N_ (the north
+  pole), _x_ and _y_ being points at which tangents _E-x_ and _E′-y_
+  touch the earth’s surface. If the earth is in the center of the
+  universe and the sphere of the universe is incomparably great in
+  relation to the size of the earth—something which John believed to be
+  true (see above, p. 155)—the area between _x′_ and _y′_ will be
+  reduced to a very small area around _N′_. John seems to have assumed
+  that the universe is large enough to make this area negligible. Such
+  an area must exist, nevertheless, with all but an infinitely great
+  celestial sphere. But if the universe were of infinite dimensions,
+  John’s entire argument based on the invisibility of _E-E′_ from an
+  earth not in the center would fall to the ground, for all points may
+  be deemed the center of an infinite universe. See also below, p. 426,
+  note 118.
+
+  Ptolemy’s _Almagest_, I, 4, contains an argument aimed to demonstrate
+  why the earth must be at the center of the universe. John of
+  Holywood’s reasoning is a confused attempt to condense the argument of
+  Ptolemy into a short space.
+
+Footnote 650:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 5.
+
+Footnote 651:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 1.
+
+Footnote 652:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 885.
+
+Footnote 653:
+
+  _Hist. schol._, Gen. 1, 4.
+
+Footnote 654:
+
+  _Im. du monde_, I, 10.
+
+Footnote 655:
+
+  _Expos. in hex._, cols. 735–736.
+
+Footnote 656:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, IV, 1.
+
+Footnote 657:
+
+  Abelard (_loc. cit._) and William of Conches (_loc. cit._) compare the
+  shell of the egg to the fire, the skin to the air, the white to the
+  water, and the yolk to the earth. Daniel of Morley makes the same
+  comparison, as follows: “Mundus vero ad similitudinem ovi factus est
+  vel dispositus. Terra est in medio ut vitellum in ovo; circa hanc est
+  aqua ut circa vitellum album; circa aquam aer ut panniculus continens
+  album. Extra vero cetera concludens est ignis ad modum teste ovi” (_De
+  philosophia_, Sudhoff’s edit., p. 20).
+
+Footnote 658:
+
+  Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, pp. 271–272; idem, _Studies_,
+  1924, pp. 295–296.
+
+Footnote 659:
+
+  “Et terra modica est et prope fundum firmamenti est, quod si in medio
+  firmamenti esset, tunc eam oporteret maiorem esse et tunc etiam facile
+  caderet et dirumperetur, si tantam amplitudinem aeris sub se haberet,
+  quantam super se habet. Sed et ipsa ad meridiem quasi descensus montis
+  est, unde etiam ibi maiorem calorem de sole habet, quia sol et
+  firmamentum ipsi viciniora ibi sunt. Ad aquilonem vero alta est
+  adversum poenas, et etiam ibi maius frigus est, quia nec firmamentum
+  nec sol ibi prope terram sunt, sed quaedam maior amplitudo firmamenti”
+  (_Causae et curae_, II, Kaiser’s edit., p. 49).
+
+Footnote 660:
+
+  _Liber div. op._, pars I, visio II, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol.
+  cxcvii, cols. 751–755, 759–760. In a previous vision referred to in
+  the passage just cited and described in _Scivias_, I, visio III
+  (Migne, _op. cit._, col. 405), Hildegard saw the universe as an egg,
+  in which the earth appeared as follows: “Et in medio istorum
+  elementorum quidam arenosus globus plurimae magnitudinis erat; quem
+  eadem elementa ita circumdederant, quod nec hac nec illac dilabi
+  poterat. Sed dum interdum eadem elementa cum praedictis flatibus se
+  invicem concuterent, eumdem globum sua fortitudine aliquantulum
+  moveri. Et vidi inter aquilonem et orientem velut maximum montem, qui
+  versus aquilonem multas tenebras et versus orientem multam lucem
+  continebat; ita tamen quod nec lux illa ad tenebras, nec tenebrae ad
+  lucem pertingere poterant.”
+
+  Singer in his _Visions of Saint Hildegard_, 1917, pp. 22–30, discusses
+  Hildegard’s theories of the structure of the material universe as
+  revealed in the records of her visions. Particularly striking are the
+  colored illustrations taken from miniatures in manuscripts of her
+  works. Singer asserts (p. 22) that “the concentric structure of the
+  universe is a commonplace of mediaeval science, and is encountered,
+  for instance, in the works of Bede, Isidore, Alexander of Neckam,
+  Roger Bacon, Albertus Magnus, and Dante. To all these writers,
+  however, the universe is spherical. The egg-shape is peculiar to
+  Hildegard. Many of the _Mappaemundi_ of the Beatus and other types
+  exhibit the _surface_ of the habitable earth itself as oval, and it
+  was from such charts that Hildegard probably gained her conception of
+  an oval universe. In her method of orientation also she follows these
+  maps, placing east at the top of the page where we are accustomed to
+  place the north.” This statement would seem to be misleading if it
+  means that the comparison of the universe with an egg is peculiar to
+  Hildegard. As is shown by the texts cited above, p. 151, and below,
+  note 100, _ad fin._, this comparison was a frequent one throughout our
+  period. It does not, however, necessarily imply belief that the
+  universe is shaped like an egg, but merely that its concentric
+  structure corresponds with that of the egg. Furthermore, in the
+  opinion of the present writer, the fact that the Beatus and other maps
+  of the period show the surface of the habitable earth as an oval or
+  rectangle should not necessarily be taken as meaning that the
+  draftsmen of the maps believed that the earth was oval or rectangular.
+  The maps were highly conventionalized, and their shape was often
+  determined by the shape of the page upon which they were drawn. On the
+  other hand, Hildegard in her Scivias unquestionably meant to describe
+  an egg-shaped universe. Otherwise she would not have been so careful
+  to point out at the opening of the _Liber divinorum operum_ that in
+  the earlier vision described in _Scivias_ the universe had appeared as
+  an egg whereas in the vision she was about to describe it appeared as
+  a wheel.
+
+Footnote 661:
+
+  “In medio quoque aeris terra posita est, ita scilicet ut aer aequali
+  mensura super terram, ac sub terra, et in utraque partes terrae sit”
+  (_Liber div. op._, pars I, visio IV, cap. 63).
+
+  Doubts have been thrown on the authenticity of the _Causae et curae_
+  as a work of Hildegard (see above, p. 396, note 8). The three passages
+  quoted in this and the two preceding notes show that in both phrasing
+  and substance the passage from the _Causae et curae_ bears marked
+  resemblances to the passages from the two other known works of
+  Hildegard, even though there is inconsistency in regard to the central
+  issue relating to the position of the earth. If the _Causae et curae_
+  were not written by Hildegard, it was assuredly the work of someone
+  thoroughly familiar with her writings.
+
+Footnote 662:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 5.
+
+Footnote 663:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, IV, 2–3.
+
+Footnote 664:
+
+  See above, p. 368, note 33.
+
+Footnote 665:
+
+  John of Holywood, _De sphaera_, 1.
+
+Footnote 666:
+
+  Similar arguments are set forth in Robert Grosseteste’s _De sphaera_,
+  Baur’s edit., p. 13.
+
+Footnote 667:
+
+  See Alexander Neckam, _De nat. rer._, II, 14, where much the same
+  argument is given. Neckam adds that the roundness of drops of dew is
+  proof of the inherent tendency of water to assume a spherical shape.
+
+Footnote 668:
+
+  The text upon which this accusation is based is from _Otia imper._,
+  II, 2, where Gervase says: “Nos tamen assignantes orbis divisionem
+  distributioni filiorum Noë, a quibus summa totius orbis coepit
+  partitio, orbem totius terrae Oceani limbo circumseptum et quadratura
+  statuimus secundum Pauli Orosii sententiam, eiusque tres partes Asiam,
+  Europam et Africam nominamus.” This was interpreted by Daunou
+  (_Discours_, 1824, p. 120)—who was followed by Santarem (_Essai_, vol.
+  i, 1848, p. 107), C. B. Jourdain (_Infl. d’ Arist._, 1861, pp. 19–20),
+  and others—as implying that Gervase believed the earth to be square.
+  On the other hand, Lecoy de La Marche rallied to the defense of
+  Gervase (_Connaiss. géogr._, 1884, p. 208). He argued that the passage
+  should be rendered thus: “Nous calculons, nous pensons, que le monde
+  terrestre est entouré et encadré (_quadratum_) par une ceinture de
+  mers” and that elsewhere Gervase asserts definitely that the earth is
+  a sphere: “Forma eius (terrae) rotunda est ad modum pilae” (_Otia
+  imper._, vol. i, p. 885). As a matter of fact Gervase was speaking of
+  the universe and not of the earth when he made this comparison with a
+  ball, and Lecoy de La Marche would have been more correct if he had
+  inserted _mundi_ after _eius_ instead of _terrae_. It seems,
+  nevertheless, that we are justified in rejecting the text first quoted
+  as furnishing any sure evidence that Gervase believed the earth to be
+  square, especially since he also adopted the old comparison of the
+  universe to an egg (_Otia imper._, _loc. cit._) with which it would
+  have been difficult, though not impossible, to reconcile a theory of a
+  square earth. Gervase, however, had an uncritical mind. His work was
+  in large measure one of compilation from the writings of others, and
+  it would not be surprising to find contradictory statements in it.
+  Quite as contradictory passages on the same subject occur in Isidore
+  and in most medieval writings of a similar encyclopedic character. See
+  above, p. 54. Lecoy de La Marche, it would seem, tried to do the
+  impossible when he attempted to show that Gervase had clear and
+  consistent ideas of a scientific nature.
+
+  There is no question, however, but that belief in the sphericity of
+  the earth was well grounded in the consciousness of many Western
+  Europeans of the late twelfth century. Other evidence of this beside
+  that already cited is furnished by the fact that in an ecstasy Alpis
+  (or Alpäis) of Cudot, of the diocese of Sens, was said to have seen
+  the entire world in the form of a globe, compact and united. The sun
+  was larger than the earth; and the latter was suspended in the midst
+  of the air like an egg surrounded by water on all sides (_Histoire
+  littéraire de la France_, vol. ix, 1750, p. 155). This vision was much
+  like those of Hildegard of Bingen; see above, p, 423, note 92.
+
+Footnote 669:
+
+  _Causae et curae_, II; Kaiser’s edit., p. 49, quoted above, p. 423,
+  note 91. The fact that Hildegard here states that if the earth were in
+  the middle of the firmament it would have to be larger or else it
+  would fall, would seem to necessitate belief in a flat earth
+  contiguous with the firmament. The passage from _Causae et curae_, I,
+  Kaiser’s edit., p. 23, translated above, pp. 183–184, would also seem
+  to require the same belief.
+
+Footnote 670:
+
+  See above, p. 54.
+
+Footnote 671:
+
+  See passages quoted above, p. 423, notes 91 and 92.
+
+Footnote 672:
+
+  _Scivias_, I, visio III, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcvii, col.
+  405; _Liber div. op._, pars I, visio II, in: Migne, _op. cit._, cols.
+  751–755, 759–760; pars I, visio IV, in: Migne, _op. cit._, col. 869.
+
+Footnote 673:
+
+  _De arca Noë myst._, 14. For a similar text see Daniel of Morley’s _De
+  philosophia_, Sudhoff’s edit., pp. 9–10.
+
+Footnote 674:
+
+  See above, p. 369, notes 39 and 40.
+
+Footnote 675:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 5.
+
+Footnote 676:
+
+  _De sex d. op._, p. 58.
+
+Footnote 677:
+
+  See above, p. 370, note 42; p. 401, note 58; p. 419, note 32.
+
+Footnote 678:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, 48 (49). Adelard’s arguments resemble those of
+  Aristotle in the _De caelo_. See above, p. 370, note 42; p. 401, note
+  58.
+
+Footnote 679:
+
+  Similar Aristotelian arguments are to be found in Alexander Neckam’s
+  _De nat. rer._, I, 16. Neckam cites Aristotle as his authority.
+
+Footnote 680:
+
+  _De sphaera_, 1.
+
+Footnote 681:
+
+  “Haec [i. e. terrae] centrum in medio mundi ut punctus in medio
+  circuli aequaliter collocatur ...” etc. (_De imag. mundi_, I, 5).
+  “Tanta est firmamenti quantitas ut ipsi totalis terra collata quasi
+  punctum esse videatur” (Alexander Neckam, _De nat. rer._, I, 5).
+  Michael Scot, however, believed that “the distance to the extreme of
+  the waters beneath the earth equals the distance to the moon”
+  (Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, p. 272; idem, _Studies_, 1924,
+  pp. 295–296).
+
+Footnote 682:
+
+  “Cum ergo corpus solis et terrae aequalia non sunt, quippe cum sit sol
+  octies major quam terra, umbram terrae κυλίνδρος esse non potest” (_De
+  phil. mundi_, II, 32).
+
+Footnote 683:
+
+  _Im. du monde_, I, 14. This is based on Neckam, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 684:
+
+  _Im. du monde_, III, 16. Neckam (_De nat. rer._, I, 8), with whose
+  text the _Image du monde_ here corresponds, borrowed from Ptolemy
+  certain details in regard to the relative sizes of sun, earth,
+  planets, and stars. The sun is by far the largest body in the
+  universe, 166 and a fraction times larger than the earth. Next after
+  the sun rank fifteen of the largest fixed stars; Jupiter ranks in the
+  third place, Saturn in the fourth, the remainder of the fixed stars in
+  the fifth, Mars in the sixth, the earth in the seventh, Venus in the
+  eighth, the moon in the ninth, and Mercury in the tenth. See Ptolemy,
+  _Almagest_, V, 16.
+
+Footnote 685:
+
+  _De sphaera_, 1.
+
+Footnote 686:
+
+  “Item si intelligatur superficies plana super centrum terrae dividens
+  eam in duo aequalia, et per consequens ipsum firmamentum, oculus
+  igitur existens in centro terrae videret medietatem firmamenti;
+  idemque existens in superficie terrae videret eandem medietatem. Ex
+  his colligitur quod insensibilis est quantitas terrae quae est a
+  superficie ad centrum et per consequens quantitas totius terrae
+  insensibilis est respectu firmamenti” (_loc. cit._).
+
+  John of Holywood’s argument is here closely related to that employed
+  by him to prove that the earth must be in the center of the universe
+  as set forth above, p. 422, note 81. It would seem probable that by
+  “an eye stationed in the center of the earth” he means an eye on a
+  line between the center of the earth and the _medietas firmamenti_,
+  and by “the same (eye) stationed on the surface of the earth” he means
+  on the surface at a point where a line at right angles to the line
+  from the center of the earth to the _medietas firmamenti_ cuts the
+  surface of the earth. Referring, then, to Figure 10, p. 422, above,
+  let us assume that line _E-E′_ represents the plane through the
+  _medietas firmamenti_ and the center of the earth (_C_). When the
+  earth is at the center of the universe line _C-N′_ will represent the
+  line drawn at right angles to this plane. With a universe of infinite
+  dimensions obviously _N′-E_ and _N′-E′_ would be parallel to _E-E′_,
+  and the _medietas firmamenti_ would be visible from _N′_. John assumes
+  that the universe is so large in relation to the earth that the area
+  around _N′_ whence _E-E′_ would be invisible is negligible.
+
+Footnote 687:
+
+  _Almagest_, I, 5.
+
+Footnote 688:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 5.
+
+Footnote 689:
+
+  _Im. du monde_, III, 15.
+
+Footnote 690:
+
+  _Liber floridus_, Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 8865,
+  fol. 55vo. A note illustrating a diagram on the same page of the same
+  manuscript gives 240,000 stades for the circumference, one of the two
+  figures of Posidonius. See above, p. 16.
+
+Footnote 691:
+
+  _De sphaera_, 1.
+
+Footnote 692:
+
+  See the various works referred to on pp. 95–98, above. Robert
+  Grosseteste’s _De sphaera_ includes a very clear discussion of the
+  main elements of geocentric astronomy as taught in the early
+  thirteenth century.
+
+Footnote 693:
+
+  See above, pp. 17–18.
+
+Footnote 694:
+
+  _De mundi univ._, p. 17.
+
+Footnote 695:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 6.
+
+Footnote 696:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 892.
+
+Footnote 697:
+
+  _Etym._, XIII, 6.
+
+Footnote 698:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, III, 2–3.
+
+Footnote 699:
+
+  “Extra tres autem partes orbis, quarta pars trans oceanum interior est
+  in meridie, quae solis ardore incognita nobis est. In cuius finibus
+  antipodas fabulosae inhabitare produntur.” Text (not legible on our
+  Fig. 2, p. 69) from Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895, p. 58. See
+  Isidore, _Etym._, XIV, 5, 17. Gervase of Tilbury describes the austral
+  continent in similar terms: “Porro inter mare rubrum et Oceanum plaga
+  torrida est, propter calorem nobis incognita, in cuius finibus
+  antipodes esse dicuntur” (_Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 760).
+
+Footnote 700:
+
+  See above, p. 385, note 58.
+
+Footnote 701:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, 1895, p. 50.
+
+Footnote 702:
+
+  “Hic antipodes nostri habitant, sed noctem diversam diesque contrarios
+  perferunt ...” (_loc. cit._).
+
+Footnote 703:
+
+  See above, p. 185.
+
+Footnote 704:
+
+  _Microcosmus_, Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds St. Victor, no. 738,
+  fol. 18vo.
+
+Footnote 705:
+
+  _De sphaera_, Baur’s edit., pp. 24–25. Amphitrite is also discussed in
+  the _Liber de essentiis_ of Hermann the Dalmatian, dating from 1143,
+  in a geographical passage published recently by Haskins (_Studies_,
+  1924, pp. 62–64): “Hinc vero per Amphitritis sinus ab Athlante Libico
+  Strixisque inflexu per littora Gaditana per confinia Thiles proprie
+  Temiscirios campos e vicino portibus Caspiis usque ad Caucason et
+  Ethiopici Gangis effluxus.” In another passage of the same work quoted
+  by Haskins (_op. cit._, p. 64) Hermann indicates that in the latitude
+  of Lisbon and Toledo eight equal land stages are the equivalent of 4°
+  of longitude, that the width of Amphitrite is 44°, or the equivalent
+  of eighty-eight equal land stages, and that there is an opinion that
+  paradise lies beyond this ocean. “... spatium ... dierum 44 que
+  secundum quod ratio tribuit est dimidia latitudo Amphitritis, tota
+  (totam) videlicet itineris terrestris equabilis dierum fere 88. Tantum
+  ergo spatii vel etiam aliquanto plus que ratio hucusque transnatari
+  prohibuit nondum audivimus nisi forte illa quam (que) exposuimus. In
+  ea tamen parte non modica est opinio eam esse regionem quam paradisum
+  vocant, cuius indicio sunt signa tam ab oriente quam ab occidente.” In
+  this same passage Hermann states that Toledo is 62° west of Arin (see
+  above, p. 86). One would therefore expect the width of Amphitrite to
+  be 44° in order to bring to 90° the total distance from Arin to the
+  prime meridian in the midst of Amphitrite (Haskins, _op. cit._, p. 64,
+  note 202).
+
+Footnote 706:
+
+  _Im. du monde_, II, 1.
+
+Footnote 707:
+
+   “Quid significat globus aureus, qui regum manibus gestatur?
+       Aureus ille globus pomum vel palla vocatur,
+       Unde figuratum mundum gestare putatur,
+         Quando coronatur, palla ferenda datur.
+       Significat mundum forma peribente rotundum,
+       Intus habet plenum terrestri pondere fundum,
+         Quem tenet archanum palla ferenda manu.
+       Hec fuit ex terris mundi collecta quaternis;
+       Ut foret imperii manibus gestenda supernis.
+         Hac tulit imperium Iulius arte suum.
+       Taliter hunc mundum gestat manus una rotundum,
+       Regius includit sic omnia climata pugnus,
+         Taliter omne quod est regia pompa tenet.”
+                       —_Pantheon_, particula xxvi, 4; in: _Mon. Germ.
+                       hist._, Scriptores, vol. xxii, pp. 274–275; pars
+                       19 in Herold’s edit., 1559, col. 620.
+
+Footnote 708:
+
+  Eugen Oberhummer, _Das britische Weltreich und die imperialistischen
+  Staatenbildung früherer Zeit_, in: Mitteilungen der Geographischen
+  Gesellschaft in Wien, vol. lxiii, 1920, pp. 108–109. See also Miller,
+  _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 129–131.
+
+Footnote 709:
+
+           “In den bûchen vant er ouch dô,
+           daz eine werlt wêre sô
+           gelegen under dirre erde:
+           swen ez hie naht werde,
+           daz ez danne dort tac sî.”
+                       Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871, p. 51.
+
+Footnote 710:
+
+  _De nupt. Phil. et Merc._, VI, 602–608.
+
+Footnote 711:
+
+  The word _antipodes_ as we employ it at the present time refers rather
+  to the _antichthones_ of Capella. These terms, however, were not used
+  with consistency by classical and medieval writers.
+
+Footnote 712:
+
+  _In som. Scip. com._, II, 5.
+
+Footnote 713:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, IV, 3. Alexander Neckam also did not deny the
+  abstract possibility of the existence of antipodeans: “Nonne enim et
+  antipodes sub pedibus nostris esse dicuntur. Si tamen philosophice
+  loqui volueris, non magis sunt sub pedibus nostris quam nos sub
+  pedibus eorum. Sed numquid de primis parentibus descenderunt
+  antipodes? Secundum Augustinum non sunt antipodes, sed doctrinae causa
+  aut figmenti ita dici solet” (_De nat. rer._, pp. 159–160).
+
+Footnote 714:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 975.
+
+Footnote 715:
+
+  “Mira res a messibus subterraneis veniens hyemalia frigora videt in
+  nostro haemispherio perseverare, quod utique solis absentiae ac
+  vicariae praesentiae merito adscribendum duxi” (_loc. cit._).
+
+Footnote 716:
+
+  Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 64–65. For data relating to
+  another attack on Macrobius’ cosmography preserved in a
+  twelfth-century manuscript in Cambrai see Haskins, _Studies_, 1924,
+  pp. 98–103.
+
+Footnote 717:
+
+  The Latin text of the passage of which this is a free paraphrase, runs
+  as follows: “Suscepto enim semel, quatuor habitationes hominum esse,
+  quorum ad se invicem nulla penitus possit esse per naturam commeandi
+  licentia, dic age, quomodo verum erit, quod Sancta, & Apostolica
+  rationalibiliter confitetur Ecclesia, Salvatorem videlicet, per primos
+  Patres ab ipsis, ut ita dicam, huius Mundi cunabulis praesignatum, & a
+  Patriarchis, & Prophetis consequenter multifarie, & multis evidentibus
+  modis praefiguratum, tandem in plenitudine temporis, ineffabilibus
+  humilitatis, & caritatis suae operibus cognitum, ac clarificatum, in
+  salutem totius humani generis advenisse, si tria hominum genera
+  excepta sunt, quae praedictus Macrobius praeter hanc habitabilem, quam
+  incolumus, secundum zonarum Coeli, & terrae temperiem, posse esse
+  persuadet, ad quae tantae salubritatis notitia pervenire non potuit?
+  Ubi est, quod ille fidelis, quem invenit Dominus virum secundum cor
+  suum, in spiritu veritatis clamat: ‘Ante conspectum gentium revelavit
+  justitiam suam Deus.’ Et ibidem: ‘Videbunt omnes fines terrae salutare
+  Dei nostri,’ si aliqui fines terrae sunt ab hominibus inhabitati, ad
+  quos sonus Prophetarum, & Apostolorum nostrorum prohibente natura per
+  inaccessibiles aquarum, frigorum, calorumve distantias transire
+  nequivit?” (Manegold, _Opusculum_, Muratori’s edit., 1713, pp.
+  175–176.)
+
+Footnote 718:
+
+  Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 14704, fol. 114vo. See
+  also above, p. 96.
+
+Footnote 719:
+
+  _Dialogus_, I, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clvii, col. 547.
+  Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 10722, fol. 77ro, gives
+  a diagram illustrating the eccentricity of the sun’s orbit. In accord
+  with the Moslem cartographic tradition, south is at the top.
+
+Footnote 720:
+
+  Plato of Tivoli’s translation of Al-Bāttanī’s _Astronomy_, Bologna
+  edit., 1645, p. 26 (from _Opus astron._, 6, Nallino’s edit., pt. i,
+  1903, p. 14). Essentially the same ideas, though expressed in somewhat
+  different terms, are to be found in the _Liber de essentiis_ of
+  Hermann the Dalmatian. See above, p. 400, note 48.
+
+Footnote 721:
+
+  _De lineis angulis_, etc., Baur’s edit., p. 64. Roger Bacon’s views on
+  the influence of pyramidal rays as set forth in _Opus majus_ (Bridges’
+  edit., vol. i, 1897, pp. 117–143) are discussed in Werner, _Kosm.
+  Roger Baco_, 1879, pp. 597–600. Bacon’s indebtedness to Grosseteste,
+  however, does not seem to be sufficiently emphasized by Werner. See
+  above, pp. 179–180 and p. 408, note 97.
+
+Footnote 722:
+
+  _De natura locorum_, Baur’s edit., pp. 66–67.
+
+Footnote 723:
+
+  _De sphaera_, Baur’s edit., pp. 20–24.
+
+Footnote 724:
+
+  _De natura locorum_, Baur’s edit., p. 69.
+
+Footnote 725:
+
+  Emmanuel de Martonne, _Traité de géographie physique_, 3rd edit.,
+  Paris, 1920, p. 40.
+
+Footnote 726:
+
+  _De sphaera_, Baur’s edit., p. 25.
+
+Footnote 727:
+
+  _Opus majus_, Bridges’ edit., vol. i, 1897, p. 192. See Duhem,
+  _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 416–419.
+
+Footnote 728:
+
+  _De natura locorum_, Baur’s edit., pp. 68–69.
+
+Footnote 729:
+
+  See above, pp. 179–180, and below, p. 431, note 7.
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+                              CHAPTER VII
+                             THE ATMOSPHERE
+
+Footnote 730:
+
+  Those parts of the _Dragmaticon philosophiae_ and of the _De
+  philosophia mundi_ which deal with meteorology are conveniently
+  available in Hellmann, _Denkmäler_, 1904, pp. 42–54, 69–75. See also
+  the extensive discussion in Werner, _Kosm. Wilhelm von Conches_, 1873.
+
+Footnote 731:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, I, 21; III, 1; III, 14. See also Werner, _op. cit._,
+  p. 318.
+
+Footnote 732:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, I, 21. See also Werner, _op. cit._, pp. 316–317.
+
+Footnote 733:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, I, 17–21. See also Werner, _op. cit._, pp. 313–315.
+
+Footnote 734:
+
+  These five regions were: (1) the celestial region, or sphere of the
+  fixed stars; (2) the region of ether, which reaches from the sphere of
+  the fixed stars down to that of the moon; (3) the upper air, clear and
+  lucid; (4) the lower air, turbid and cloudy; and (5) the earth. (_De
+  phil. mundi_, I, 16–21). See Werner, _loc. cit._, for discussion of
+  these ideas, of their derivation from Plato’s _Timaeus_ and from later
+  Platonists, and of the “demons” associated with each of the five
+  regions.
+
+Footnote 735:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, IV, 5: III, 5, 6.
+
+Footnote 736:
+
+  Robert Grosseteste believed that if you take into account the
+  theoretical principles of the “pyramids” of rays alone (see above, pp.
+  163–164), mountain heights should be hotter than valleys because the
+  pyramids striking the crests of mountains are shorter than those
+  striking the floors of valleys (_De natura locorum_, Baur’s edit., p.
+  66). In other words, mountain summits theoretically ought to be warmer
+  because they are nearer the sun. In the _De natura locorum_ Robert
+  explains that accidental circumstances frequently cause a reversal of
+  these conditions in such a way that the heights may be dominated by
+  cold. Among these accidental circumstances are the winds and also the
+  fact that peaks rise to the “middle space of the air or of the sphere
+  where there is the greatest cold (medium interstitium aeris vel
+  sphaerae, ubi est maxima frigiditas).”
+
+Footnote 737:
+
+  “... calor non provenit ex corpore solari, sed ex reflexione et
+  condensatione radiorum” (_De impressionibus elementorum_, Baur’s
+  edit., p. 88).
+
+Footnote 738:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 87–88.
+
+Footnote 739:
+
+  See above, p. 23.
+
+Footnote 740:
+
+  “Triplex est universa dimensio, in longum, latum, et altum. Quoniam
+  igitur omnis corporis sedes in fundamento suo terra vero tocius mundi
+  fundamentum, multo pocius mundane prolis ex substantia collecte sedem
+  terram esse necesse est. Eius pars quedam a terra in altum crescit,
+  alia vero super terram in altum elevatur tocius fomentum hic spiritus
+  terreni vapores pinguedine crassus, sine quo nulla huius geniture vita
+  per aliquot horarum spacia possibilis. Hic autem vapor, ut per
+  altitudinem Olimpi concipit Aristotiles, a terre superficie non plus
+  quam .xvi. stadiis exaltatur. Hic ergo terminus videtur in altum omnis
+  nostre habitabilis. Videtur fortasse huius altitudinis mensura sumi
+  posse vel per arcum yris que secundum Ipparci descriptionem ab ipsis
+  nubibus usque in superficiem terre perveniat. Sed quoniam nec ipsa
+  descriptio constans nec ipsius arcus ad semicirculum habitudo,
+  propterea nos id cuilibet probandum relinquimus” (_Liber de
+  essentiis_, text from Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, p. 62, where variant
+  readings from different manuscripts are given). Haskins points out
+  that Aristotle (_Meteor._, I, 13) omits Olympus from his list of the
+  highest mountains.
+
+Footnote 741:
+
+  See above, p. 169, and below, p. 432, note 16.
+
+Footnote 742:
+
+  _Hist. schol._, Gen. 34; copied in Gervase of Tilbury, _Otia imper._,
+  vol. i, p. 893.
+
+Footnote 743:
+
+  The origin of this story has not been traced by the present writer. It
+  would certainly seem to be based on some actual knowledge of the
+  physiological effects of lower air pressure at great heights.
+
+  According to Benini (_Origine del Monte del Purgatorio_, 1917, p.
+  1085) Dante (_Purgatorio_, XXVIII, 103–112; see also _Inferno_, IV,
+  26–28, 149–150) held that the Mount of Purgatory reaches above the
+  lower levels of the atmosphere, which are corrupted by the earth and
+  where winds, clouds, rain, hail, and rainbows are to be found, into a
+  realm of motionless air. The very summit of the mountain where the
+  Terrestrial Paradise is situated is in a belt of air which moves from
+  east to west with the motion of the ninth sphere.
+
+Footnote 744:
+
+  “Nos vero dicimus quod ille aer non spissatur, sed fumus humidus qui
+  ex convallibus ascendit, ex frigiditate superiorum in nubes et nives
+  constringitur” (_De phil. mundi_, IV, 5).
+
+Footnote 745:
+
+  _Dialogus_, IX, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clvii, col. 631.
+
+Footnote 746:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, III, 4–8.
+
+Footnote 747:
+
+  Of the water drawn up by the sun, the lighter or “more liquid”
+  (liquidius) portions were supposed actually to have been turned into
+  fire and in this way to have served as a replenishment for the solar
+  fires. The coarser portions fell back to the earth. A blood rain was
+  caused by great heat.
+
+Footnote 748:
+
+  See E. W. Gudger, _Rains of Fishes_, in: Natural History: The Journal
+  of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. xxi, 1921, New York,
+  pp. 607–619.
+
+Footnote 749:
+
+  _De sex d. op._, p. 54.
+
+Footnote 750:
+
+  William of Conches follows Theodoric in this explanation of snow and
+  hail (_De phil. mundi_, III, 4, 8, 9). In the epic poem, _Philippis_
+  (IX, 672–682), of William the Breton there is a remarkable description
+  of a nocturnal fog lying over the humid and fertile ground near Lille,
+  so thick that a rider could scarcely discern the ears of his horse in
+  front of him. William attributed the fog to damp vapors rising from
+  beneath the muddy surface of the plain rather than to a more probable
+  cause: the cooling and condensation of water vapor in the lower strata
+  of the atmosphere as a result of active radiation from the earth’s
+  surface.
+
+Footnote 751:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 6. On the miraculous production of rain, see above,
+  pp. 203–204, and below, p. 433, note 31.
+
+Footnote 752:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, III, 7 (cited by Werner, _Kosm. Wilhelm von
+  Conches_, 1873, p. 375). William discusses opposing views as to the
+  end of the world, whether it will come by flood or by fire (see above,
+  pp. 13–14). William himself was inclined to believe that it would be
+  by fire.
+
+Footnote 753:
+
+  See above, p. 184.
+
+Footnote 754:
+
+  _Hist. schol._, Gen. 34.
+
+Footnote 755:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 907. See below, p. 446, note 18.
+
+Footnote 756:
+
+  The presence of fossils on mountains was cited by early Christian
+  writers as proof that the Deluge rose higher than the highest
+  mountains. See references in E. S. McCartney, _Fossil Lore in Greek
+  and Roman Literature_, in: Proceedings of the Michigan Academy of
+  Science, Arts, and Letters, vol. iii, New York, 1924, pp. 23–38,
+  references on p. 35.
+
+Footnote 757:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 893–894.
+
+Footnote 758:
+
+  “‘Non maledicam ultra terram, propter homines. Tempus sementis et
+  messis, frigus et aestas, nox et dies requiescent.’ Forte nondum ita
+  plene distincta erant tempora quatuor, quia nec usque ad diluvium
+  aquae collectae fuerant in nubes” (_loc. cit._).
+
+Footnote 759:
+
+  _Liber div. op._, pars III, visio VII, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol.
+  cxcvii, col. 966. Quotation from Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. ii, p.
+  136.
+
+Footnote 760:
+
+  On the supernatural production of storms and wind, and on the belief
+  that they are caused by magic and by evil spirits in the air, see
+  White, _Warfare_, 1920, vol. i, pp. 336–350; Hoffmann, _Anschauungen_,
+  1907, PP· 85–91; and, especially, J. G. Frazer, _The Golden Bough_,
+  Part I, _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, London, 1911, vol.
+  i, pp. 244–331. See also above, pp. 203–204 and 209.
+
+  A characteristic story of this sort is related in the _Gesta regis
+  Ricardi_, falsely ascribed to Benedict of Peterborough. Here we are
+  told that a huge black dragon raises waterspouts in the Gulf of
+  Satalia on the south coast of Asia Minor. The author adds, however:
+  “Quidem autem dicunt quod hoc non est draco sed sol qui attrahit aquas
+  maris ad se, quod plus verum videtur” (_Gesta regis Ricardi_, vol. ii,
+  p. 197). The author is also skeptical towards a fantastic story of how
+  storms are produced in the same gulf by the rising to the surface of
+  the head of an abortive child that had been thrown into its waters
+  (_ibid._, p. 196).
+
+Footnote 761:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 54.
+
+Footnote 762:
+
+  “Ventus ... est ... aer commotus et agitatus” (_Otia imper._, vol. i,
+  p. 889).
+
+Footnote 763:
+
+  “Est igitur ventus aer densus usque ad offensionem (quidem) motus.
+  Esse enim venti genus aerem estimo” (_Quaest. nat._, 59 (60)). On
+  references to the _Quaestiones naturales_, see the Bibliography under
+  Adelard of Bath.
+
+Footnote 764:
+
+  “Ventus igitur est aer in unam partem flans” (_Dragmaticon
+  philosophiae_, in: Hellmann, _Denkmäler_, 1904, p. 42).
+
+Footnote 765:
+
+  _Liber div. op._, pars I, visio II, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol.
+  cxcvii, col. 762; Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. ii, p. 132.
+
+Footnote 766:
+
+  _Causae et curae_, I, Kaiser’s edit., p. 4.
+
+Footnote 767:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 5.
+
+Footnote 768:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, III, 15.
+
+Footnote 769:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, 59 (60); quotation is from Gollancz’s translation, p.
+  145.
+
+Footnote 770:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 922.
+
+Footnote 771:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, III, 15.
+
+Footnote 772:
+
+  See above, pp. 192–193.
+
+Footnote 773:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, III, 15.
+
+Footnote 774:
+
+  Gilbert, _Meteorol. Theorien_, 1907, pp. 539–557.
+
+Footnote 775:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, V, 17.
+
+Footnote 776:
+
+  On the names of the winds in medieval French literature, see Frahm,
+  _Das Meer_, 1914, pp. 78–82.
+
+Footnote 777:
+
+  _Liber floridus_, Ghent MS., fol. 24, as cited in Migne, _Pat. lat._,
+  vol. clxiii, col. 1009.
+
+Footnote 778:
+
+  Einhard, the Frankish scholar, contemporary and biographer of
+  Charlemagne, in his _Vita Caroli magni_ so designates the winds (_Mon.
+  Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. ii, p. 459).
+
+Footnote 779:
+
+  Bertolini, _L’orologio_, 1916, p. 977.
+
+Footnote 780:
+
+  Cusa, _Denom. dei venti_, 1884, pp. 375–415.
+
+Footnote 781:
+
+  Alexander Neckam makes Boreas a bringer of hail and Auster a rainy
+  wind (_De laud. div. sap._, II, 85–92).
+
+  Bernard Sylvester writes:
+
+        “Obriguit Boreas, maduit Notus, Auster et Eurus:
+        Hic tempestates, ille serena facit.”
+                                        —_De mundi univ._, p. 19.
+
+  Classical tradition, however, was apparently uniform in conceiving of
+  Notus and Auster as the same. See table in Gilbert, _op. cit._, pp.
+  550–551. William of Conches describes Boreas as a dry, as well as
+  cold, wind “because it drives the clouds before it toward the mid
+  region of the earth.” But also, because of the very fact that it does
+  so drive the clouds before it, it is a producer of rain along the
+  borders of the torrid zone. “Siccus vero, quia nubes de hoc angulo
+  terrae ad medium fugat, estque pluviosus juxta fines torridae zonae”
+  (_De phil. mundi_, III, 15).
+
+Footnote 782:
+
+  _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 783:
+
+          “Arthous, Boreas, Boreae contrarius Auster,
+            Sol oriens Eurum, vespera dat Zephyrum.
+          Constringit Boreas, pluvius fert humidus Auster,
+            Clara dies Euro, flos alitur Zephyro.
+          Auctumno Boreas, aestati convenit Eurus;
+            Auster hyemsque madent; ver Zephyrusque tepent.”
+                                  —_Symbolum electorum_, II, 1.
+
+  See also Giraldus Cambrensis, _Top. Hiber._, I, 3, on Zephyr and
+  Eurus, and I, 6, on Corus, the violent northwester which uproots or
+  bends over trees in the west of Ireland. Corus was the favoring wind
+  for voyagers from England to France, according to Willibald, an eighth
+  century ecclesiastic, associate of Boniface, in his _Vita Bonifatii_,
+  5 (Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. lxxxix, col. 613). Alexander Neckam (_loc.
+  cit._) and Bernard Sylvester (_loc. cit._) make Eurus a stormy wind.
+  Neckam says that it disturbs the waters and is unwelcome to travelers;
+  Zephyr, on the other hand, spreads the fields with flowers.
+
+Footnote 784:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 922.
+
+Footnote 785:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 972.
+
+Footnote 786:
+
+  Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, p. 112.
+
+Footnote 787:
+
+  _Historia_, XIX, 16 (in medieval French transl., edited by Paulin
+  Paris, vol. ii, 1880, p. 275; see also Dreesbach, _Der Orient_, 1901,
+  p. 29). Walter of Châtillon describes vividly the drought, whirlwinds,
+  and sand storms of the Libyan desert (_Alexandreis_, III, 374). See
+  Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_, 1914, p. 201.
+
+Footnote 788:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 31.
+
+Footnote 789:
+
+  _Collectanea_, Mommsen’s edit., p. 236, translated in: Nansen,
+  _Northern Mists_, 1911, vol. i, p. 193.
+
+Footnote 790:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 3.
+
+Footnote 791:
+
+  Dreesbach, _op. cit._, pp. 19–24.
+
+Footnote 792:
+
+  Ambroise, _Estoire de la guerre sainte_, verses 10610–10612, in:
+  Gaston Paris’ edit., col. 284; see also the same, verses 6303–6306
+  (Paris’ edit., col. 168), and Dreesbach, _op. cit._, p. 20. The last
+  four words may be translated by “as is its wont.”
+
+Footnote 793:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s transl., p. 81.
+
+Footnote 794:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 64.
+
+Footnote 795:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 38.
+
+Footnote 796:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, IV, 3.
+
+Footnote 797:
+
+  _De prop. rerum_, XI, 3.
+
+Footnote 798:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 33–40.
+
+Footnote 799:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 35.
+
+Footnote 800:
+
+  Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+  p. 22.
+
+Footnote 801:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 3, 6, etc.
+
+Footnote 802:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 33.
+
+Footnote 803:
+
+  See above, p. 167.
+
+Footnote 804:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, IV, 6.
+
+Footnote 805:
+
+  _Ligurinus_, II, 61–66, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. ccxii, cols.
+  350–351.
+
+Footnote 806:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 4.
+
+Footnote 807:
+
+  _Itin. Kamb._, I, 2.
+
+Footnote 808:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 3.
+
+Footnote 809:
+
+  _De natura locorum_, Baur’s edit., pp. 68–69. See above, p. 165.
+
+Footnote 810:
+
+  _De natura locorum_, Baur’s edit., pp. 68–69.
+
+Footnote 811:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 912.
+
+Footnote 812:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 922.
+
+Footnote 813:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, II, 13.
+
+Footnote 814:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 35–37.
+
+Footnote 815:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, II, 34.
+
+Footnote 816:
+
+  _Ligurinus_, IV, 179–220, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. ccxii, cols.
+  381–382.
+
+Footnote 817:
+
+  Referring to Capua, Benjamin of Tudela wrote: “It is a fine city, but
+  its water is bad and the country is fever-stricken” (Benjamin of
+  Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s transl., p. 7).
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+                              CHAPTER VIII
+                               THE WATERS
+
+Footnote 818:
+
+  _Expos. in hex._, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxviii, cols.
+  741–747.
+
+Footnote 819:
+
+  _De sex d. op._, pp. 54–55.
+
+Footnote 820:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, II, 2.
+
+Footnote 821:
+
+  William of Conches went on to explain in this connection (_De phil.
+  mundi_, II, 4) why the heavens are blue, a phenomenon which some
+  observers had attributed to the presence of waters. “What do we see up
+  there, dense and the color of water? It is not fire, for if the air is
+  invisible because of its great rarity (_subtilitas_), so also must
+  fire be invisible, fire which is so much more rare than air.
+  Furthermore, it is not the color of fire.” William asserted that you
+  see nothing at all and that the impression of seeing water is an
+  optical illusion. Unless some other color interposes, a ray of light
+  on entering the eye takes the color of water from the aqueous humor
+  contained in the eye.
+
+Footnote 822:
+
+  Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, p. 272; idem, _Studies_, 1924, p.
+  296.
+
+Footnote 823:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 894.
+
+Footnote 824:
+
+  Paraphrase by White, _Warfare_, 1920, vol. i, p. 95, note.
+
+Footnote 825:
+
+  _De universo_, I, 38 (Orléans edit., 1674, p. 598, col. 2G, as cited
+  and translated by Stegmann, _Anschauungen_, 1913, p. 19, note 3).
+
+Footnote 826:
+
+  _Causae et curae_, I (Kaiser’s edit., p. 23). See above, p. 425, note
+  101.
+
+Footnote 827:
+
+  _Solutiones_, quaest. 2, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcvii, cols.
+  1040–1041.
+
+Footnote 828:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 893.
+
+Footnote 829:
+
+  _Expos. in hex._, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxviii, cols.
+  743–744.
+
+Footnote 830:
+
+  Psalm cxlviii, 4–5.
+
+Footnote 831:
+
+  See above, pp. 186–187.
+
+Footnote 832:
+
+  _Hist. schol._, Gen. 5. See Norlind, _Problem_, 1918, p. 39.
+
+Footnote 833:
+
+  _De sacramentis_, bk. I, pt. I, ch. 22. See Norlind, _op. cit._, p.
+  44.
+
+Footnote 834:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 5. See also _Im. du monde_, II, 9; Bartholomew
+  Anglicus, _De prop. rerum_, VIII, 3. The symbolism of the microcosm is
+  in one instance curiously inverted in the _Causae et curae_, I
+  (Kaiser’s edit., p. 23) of Hildegard of Bingen, who compares the water
+  with the body and the earth with the heart of man. On the other hand,
+  in _Subtilitates_, II, 3 (in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcvii, col.
+  1212) she asserts that “rivers are sent forth from the sea like the
+  blood in the veins of the human body” (Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol.
+  ii, p. 132). See also above, pp. 147–150.
+
+Footnote 835:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 45.
+
+Footnote 836:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, III, 14. See also Werner, _Kosm. Wilhelm von
+  Conches_, 1873, p. 374.
+
+Footnote 837:
+
+  _Dialogus_, IX, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clvii, col. 631.
+
+Footnote 838:
+
+  _Hist. schol._, Gen. 14.
+
+Footnote 839:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 892.
+
+Footnote 840:
+
+  See above, p. 60, and Norlind, _Problem_, 1918, pp. 38–40.
+
+Footnote 841:
+
+  Norlind, _op. cit._, p. 38, notes, gives the following interesting
+  quotations: “Quae videlicet aquae circumfusae globo terrae ipsum
+  quodammodo sustentant, quod est mirabile in oculis nostris” (Gerhohus,
+  _Expos. in psalmos_, ad Ps. cxxxv, 6, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol.
+  cxciv, col. 901). “Quod autem terra super aquas fundata esse dicitur,
+  nostram scientiam excedit. Mihi autem non videtur mirabilius, terram
+  super aquas esse fundatam, quam aquas, quae eiusdem ponderis sunt,
+  super terras in aere volare” (Bruno Astensis, _Expos. in psalmos_,
+  cxxxv, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. clxiv, col. 1194). Bruno adds an
+  allegorical explanation (_loc. cit._): “Possumus autem per terram
+  Ecclesiam intelligere quae super multos populos fundata est, qui per
+  aquas significantur, etc.”
+
+Footnote 842:
+
+  “Movebitur aliquis super hoc quod dicit propheta ‘Dominum firmasse
+  terram super aquas.’ Ex hoc enim videbitur haberi posse aquas esse
+  inferiores terra, cum tamen Alfraganus dicat, unam esse sphaeram
+  aquarum et terrae. Sancti igitur expositores referunt illud prophetae
+  ad cotidianum usum loquendi quo dici solet Parisius fundatam esse
+  super Secanam. Rei tamen veritas est, quod paradisus terrestris
+  superior est aquis, cum etiam lunari globo superior sit” (_De nat.
+  rer._, II, 49). See also below, p. 462, note 34.
+
+Footnote 843:
+
+  _Expos. in hex._, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxviii, col. 748.
+
+Footnote 844:
+
+  See above, p. 151.
+
+Footnote 845:
+
+  “Verumtamen ut animalia terrena habitaculum et receptaculum haberent,
+  aqua in concavitates terrae recessit et apparuit superficies terrae
+  arida et separata. Estque terra cum aquis in se contentis sicut
+  sphaera terrae solum” (_De sphaera_, Baur’s edit., p. 12). Günther,
+  _Studien_, vol. iii (?), 1879, p. 160, interpreted the last sentence
+  to indicate that Robert believed that waters were contained in the
+  interior of the earth and that it was to these waters that he here
+  refers. Though this is possible, it is more likely from the context
+  that the words “aquis in se contentis” are a reference to the seas
+  (Stegmann, _Anschauungen_, 1913, p. 15).
+
+Footnote 846:
+
+  _Livre du trésor_, I, 35, 36, 39, as cited by Boffito, _Intorno alla
+  “Quaestio de aqua et terra,”_ Memoria I, _La controversia_, 1902, pp.
+  113–114.
+
+  The fact that the waters do not completely cover the lands also had
+  puzzled the Moslems, who anticipated Robert Grosseteste in ascribing
+  this apparent reversal of the normal operation of the laws of nature
+  to God’s wish to preserve a dry area whereon man and animals might
+  thrive. Averroës had given a more proximate cause, maintaining that
+  the stars are more numerous in the northern hemisphere than in the
+  southern and that through their attraction of the land, as well as
+  through the evaporative power of their heat and of that of the sun,
+  the lands were uncovered. On the theory of eccentric spheres of earth
+  and water see Kretschmer, _Phys. Erdk._, 1889, pp. 67–74; Norlind,
+  _Problem_, 1918, pp. 48–54; and more especially Boffito’s elaborate
+  discussion of the history of this theory and of ancient, Arabic, and
+  Christian doctrines of the relations of land and water in general
+  (Boffito, _op. cit._). For the theory as developed in the sixteenth,
+  seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries see Wisotzki, _Zeitströmungen_,
+  1897, pp. 39–57. The matter was discussed in a small treatise,
+  _Quaestio de aqua et terra_, which has been attributed to Dante but is
+  of doubtful authenticity (see above, p. 410, note 98). This is an
+  argument against the possibility of eccentric spheres; the “emergent
+  land” of the northern hemisphere is ascribed to the attractive force
+  of the stars of that hemisphere.
+
+Footnote 847:
+
+  In _De imag. mundi_, I, 39, we find a definition of the word ocean:
+  “Oceanus dicitur, quasi ocior annis, vel quasi zonarum limbus.”
+
+Footnote 848:
+
+  II Esdras, vi, 42, 47, 50, 52.
+
+Footnote 849:
+
+  Roger Bacon, _Opus majus_, Bridges’ edit., pt. iv, vol. 1, 1897, p.
+  291. See Kretschmer, _Phys. Erdk._, 1889, pp. 141–142, for an
+  explanation of Bacon’s theory of the distribution of land and water.
+
+Footnote 850:
+
+  _De nat. rer._, II, 16.
+
+Footnote 851:
+
+  Neckam believed that the level of the sea is higher than that of the
+  lands, upon which the waters are prevented from encroaching only by
+  the divine power. “Mare vero superius est litoribus, ut visus docet.
+  Unde divinae jussioni attribuendum est, quod metas positas a Domino
+  non transgreditur mare” (_De nat. rer._, II, 49; _De laud. div. sap._,
+  III, 127–142). This curious doctrine persisted until the eighteenth
+  century; see Wisotzki, _op. cit._, pp. 39–57. “Mare etiam e litoribus
+  ascendere videtur, secundum judicium visus. Fidem etiam facit
+  proposito, videlicet quod aqua in sphericam formam tendat, guttae
+  pluvialis concavatio in petra. Nisi enim rotunda esset gutta, non
+  esset concavatio rotunda. Ros enim matutinus, qui rotundus est, verum
+  esse docet quod diximus. Per rotunditatem autem perfectio
+  intelligitur. Unde mens humana, per aquam designata, tendere habet ad
+  perfectionem” (_De nat. rer._, II, 14). See above, p. 369, note 35.
+
+Footnote 852:
+
+  Adelard of Bath, _Quaest. nat._, 53 (54); _De imag. mundi_, I, 45, 47;
+  Peter Alphonsi, _Dialogus_, IX, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clvii,
+  col. 631.
+
+Footnote 853:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, 53 (54).
+
+Footnote 854:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 45.
+
+Footnote 855:
+
+  _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 856:
+
+  _Im. du monde_, II, 13.
+
+Footnote 857:
+
+  “Salsuginis causam in calore solis planetarumque pono. Cum enim per
+  torridam mediamque zonam verus feratur occeanus perque eandem licet
+  indirectus versetur cursus planetarum a tanto stellarum calore ipsum
+  mare calefieri necesse est, ex quo et eiusdem caloris effectivam
+  salsuginem accipere consequens est. Quod autem hec ita se habeant
+  illud asserit quod in maritimis illis quae illi occeano propinquiora
+  sunt, sine omni artificio aqua marina ad solem super rupes siccata in
+  sal convertitur. In longinquioribus vero maribus ut sal habeas ipsam
+  aquam marinam utpote iam a vi caloris remotam; ideoque minus coctam
+  [_decoctam_ in MS] igni adhibere et recoquere necesse est. Sed et
+  dulces quasdam aquas in sal verti caloris artificiosa decoctione sepe
+  visum est. Huc etiam [_Hinc et_ in MS] illud accedit quod estate
+  quidem omnis aqua [_aqua_ omitted in MS] marina salsior est quam hyeme
+  quod si quis operam dederit re ipsa experiri potit” (_Quaest. nat._,
+  51 (52)).]
+
+Footnote 858:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, III, 16.
+
+Footnote 859:
+
+  _De nat. rer._, II, 1; _De laud. div. sap._, III, 75–80.
+
+Footnote 860:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 974.
+
+Footnote 861:
+
+  C. B. Jourdain, _Dissertation_, 1838, p. 75. Hildegard of Bingen
+  speaks of the tides thus: “Et quoniam in oriente magna profunditas
+  arenae et litoris est, idcirco mare superhabundando et se dilatando
+  ibi non effluit; in occidente autem et in austro ac in aquilone tanta
+  profunditas arenarum et litoris non est. Ideo ibi multotiens effluit
+  magnas et latas effusiones ibi faciens, cum ab igne procellarum in
+  insaniam commovetur, ut praedictum est. Unde ibi multa inutilia et
+  sordida in se colligit atque putredines hominum, pecorum, avium et
+  vermium sibi attrahit. Et idcirco fontes et flumina, quae de partibus
+  istis de mari effluunt, tam sana et tam bona non sunt sicut illa, quae
+  de orientali mari effluunt” (_Causae et curae_, I, Kaiser’s edit., p.
+  24).
+
+Footnote 862:
+
+  In this connection it is interesting to note that the Chinese in
+  antiquity and during the Middle Ages had developed an understanding of
+  the tides “in advance of anything that seems to have been known at
+  that time in Europe” (A. C. Moule, _The Bore on the Ch’ien-T’ang River
+  in China_, in: T’oung Pao, ou archives concernant l’histoire, les
+  langues, la géographie, et l’ethnographie de l’Asie orientale, vol.
+  xxii, Leiden, 1923, pp. 135–188, reference on p. 173).
+
+Footnote 863:
+
+  _De mundi univ._, p. 19.
+
+Footnote 864:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 46.
+
+Footnote 865:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 866:
+
+  Robert’s theories of the tides are interpreted by Almagià, _Dottrina_,
+  1905, pp. 456–457. Almagià’s exposition, though probably essentially
+  correct, seems more clean-cut than the original upon which it is
+  based.
+
+Footnote 867:
+
+  See above, p. 163.
+
+Footnote 868:
+
+  _De nat. locorum_, Baur’s edit., pp. 69–70.
+
+Footnote 869:
+
+  _De impress. element._, Baur’s edit., p. 88.
+
+Footnote 870:
+
+  “Cuius summae difficultatis rationem multi astruere conantur per hoc,
+  quod quartae mundi oppositae sunt eiusdem commixtionis, et ideo
+  faciunt eosdem effectus. Sed ista ratio deficit tamen, quia falsa est,
+  eo quod aliquae sunt imagines stellarum in una quarta et in alia,
+  quoniam, quando planeta est super unam quartam mundi, tunc terra
+  interponitur inter corpus eius et aliam quartam. Propterea, si hoc
+  esset verum, peteretur principium. Quaeritur enim causa, quare sunt
+  oppositae quartae eiusdem commixtionis et per consequens eiusdem
+  effectus. Et ideo reflexio radiorum solvit istud, quoniam radii
+  lunares multiplicantur ad caelum stellarum, quod est corpus densum.
+  Ideoque per medium eius non possumus videre caelum, quod est valde
+  luminosum, sicut dicit Alpetragius et Messalahe. Et alii radii reflexi
+  cadunt in quartam oppositam ad angulos aequales” (_De nat. locorum_,
+  Baur’s edit., p. 70).
+
+Footnote 871:
+
+  See above, pp. 18–19 and, on William of Conches’ related views, p.
+  173.
+
+Footnote 872:
+
+  Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 8865, fol. 55vo.
+
+Footnote 873:
+
+  In the dialogue constituting the _Quaestiones naturales_ Adelard’s
+  nephew asks if the following theory is true: “Aiunt enim verum
+  occeanum per torridam fluentem brachia immense quantitatis fluentia ab
+  orientali et occidentali plaga in articam et in antarticam refundere
+  regionem. Illis igitur vi magna confluentibus redundationem hanc fieri
+  dicunt ut ictus nobis accessum pariat, cessio vero recessum.” To this
+  Adelard replies: “Philosophorum dictis invidere non ausim; illud tamen
+  audacter affirmem: si ita ut aiunt maxima conveniunt brachia, semel
+  comixtis undis secundo ictum non fieri neque enim convenit iterum eas
+  separari; vel certe si iterum collidantur minor erit secundus ictus
+  quam primus et tertius quam secundus itaque et quandoque minimus,
+  deinde nullus. Videant igitur illi quid dixerint; ego pro me breviter
+  respondebo. Recursus itaque brachiorum colligo; eorundem etiam
+  obviationibus non contradico; non tamen ea conflui vel collidi
+  concedo. Impotentie autem huius causam in ipsius terre situ facio. Cum
+  enim ipsa brachia sibi obviare atque confluere impetuose festinent,
+  fit tandem cum montium interpositione tum ipsius terre situ quodam
+  elatiore ut ab eodem cursu dum deficiunt referantur. Itaque fit ut quo
+  ea paternus motus ac naturalis impellit, ab eodem loci ipsius reducat
+  situs. Licet non ignorem quosdam esse qui hunc motum nili mari idest
+  caribdi dicant estuare. Quod si verum esset in maribus illis que
+  torride zone viciniora sunt vis talis nec minus valeret; nunc vero
+  illa omni fere tali carent agitatione; eo videlicet quod ab illa causa
+  quam supra scripsimus procul remota sunt” (_Quaest. nat._, 52 (53)).
+
+  It is not altogether clear as to what is meant by the last two
+  sentences of this quotation, which is here given as in the printed
+  text (see the Bibliography under Adelard, II) without collation from
+  the manuscripts (see Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, p. 26). If the word
+  _nili_ is a corruption of _lunae_, they may possibly be interpreted as
+  a denial of the lunar control theory of the tides. A passage from the
+  _Disputationes adversus astrologos_ of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola
+  according to Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, p. 116, cites a certain
+  “Adelandus” as giving expression to views closely allied to those
+  expressed in the preceding quotation. If Adelard is meant by
+  “Adelandus,” as Duhem assumes (_ibid._, pp. 116–117), Pico’s citation
+  may well refer to this chapter of the _Quaestiones naturales_.
+  Adelandus, in any case, is made categorically to deny the possibility
+  of lunar control over the tides. Incidentally, it may be added that
+  Duhem was unfamiliar with the text of the _Quaestiones naturales_ at
+  the time that he wrote the third volume of his _Système du monde_ and
+  that Almagià’s otherwise exhaustive monograph on the history of
+  theories of the tides gives us nothing on Adelard. Examination of the
+  manuscripts (Haskins, _loc. cit._) might throw light on the problem.
+  The phrase “mari idest caribdi,” in the next-to-the-last sentence of
+  the quotation above, is not found in the manuscript copy of the
+  _Quaestiones naturales_ referred to in the Bibliography under Adelard,
+  II. Gollancz’s translation of this phrase, “one sea, the Caribbean” is
+  an obvious absurdity (Gollancz, _Dodi ve-Nechdi_, 1920, p. 141).
+
+Footnote 874:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, III, 14.
+
+Footnote 875:
+
+  See above, pp. 84–85.
+
+Footnote 876:
+
+  _De nat. rer._, II, 17.
+
+Footnote 877:
+
+  In the _De imagine mundi_, I, 40, there is extraordinary confusion
+  regarding the entire subject of the tides. There are said to be two
+  tides daily, corresponding to the rising and setting of the moon. When
+  the moon waxes, the height of the tides becomes greater; when it
+  wanes, the height diminishes. When the moon at the time of the
+  equinoxes is nearest to the earth, the floods rise to their highest;
+  at the time of the solstices they rise less high on account of the
+  distance of the moon. There is also said to be a tidal cycle of
+  nineteen years. So far, these ideas were drawn from Bede; but in the
+  succeeding chapter (41) there comes an echo of Paul the Deacon’s
+  description (_Hist. gentis Langobard._, I, 6, as cited by Almagià, _La
+  dottrina_, 1905, p. 51) of the great whirlpool, which “in exortu lunae
+  majori aestu fluctus involvit et revomit.”
+
+Footnote 878:
+
+  _Philippis_, VI, 500–551. See above, pp. 137–138.
+
+Footnote 879:
+
+        “Nobis humanam qui sortem vivimus infra,
+        Rem satis est sciri, nesciri causa sinatur.”
+                                        —_Philippis_, VI, 550–551.
+
+  William the Breton in another connection (_Philippis_, VIII, 43–99)
+  discusses the tides near Mont St. Michel in Brittany. His information
+  appears to have been fairly correct, and he notes among other details
+  that there is exceptionally high water at the times of the vernal and
+  autumnal equinoxes. He makes no attempt to explain the cause of the
+  ebb and flood, asserting that this transcends the knowledge of man. He
+  puts forth, however, the singular suggestion that it is just as likely
+  that the tides may cause the motion of the moon as vice versa, because
+  the sea was created before the moon:
+
+        “Rursus an a luna maris hec inflatio fiat,
+        An magis a pelago fluat hec variatio lune,
+        Cum pelagus luna constet prius esse creatum,
+        Posteriusque sui nunquam sit causa prioris,
+        Nullaque res habitum trahat a non ente vel actum.”
+                                        —_Philippis_, VIII, 73–77.
+
+Footnote 880:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, II, 3.
+
+Footnote 881:
+
+  _ibid._, II, 14.
+
+Footnote 882:
+
+  _ibid._, II, 1–2.
+
+Footnote 883:
+
+  See _United States Tide Tables_ for 1919, also _British Islands
+  Pilot_, U. S. Hydrographic Office [Publications] nos. 145, 146,
+  Washington, D. C., 1917. See also: A. Defant, _Die Gezeiten und
+  Gezeitenströmungen im Irischen Kanal_, Akademie der Wissenschaften in
+  Wien, Sitzungsberichte, mathematisch-naturwissenschaftliche Klasse,
+  Abteilung IIa, vol. cxxix, 1920, pp. 253–308.
+
+Footnote 884:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, II, 2.
+
+Footnote 885:
+
+  _ibid._, II, 3.
+
+Footnote 886:
+
+  “In the British Museum (Cotton MS. Julius D. 7, fol. 45vo) there is a
+  tide table of the thirteenth century giving the time of ‘fflod at
+  london brigge’ for each day of the lunar month, and the hours of
+  moonlight (quantum luna lucet in nocte)” (A. C. Moule, _The Bore on
+  the Ch’ien-T’ang River in China_, in: T’oung Pao, ou archives
+  concernant l’histoire, les langues, la géographie, et l’ethnographie
+  de l’Asie orientale, vol. xxii, Leiden, 1923, pp. 135–188, reference
+  on p. 155).
+
+Footnote 887:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, II, 3.
+
+Footnote 888:
+
+  _ibid._, II, 28.
+
+Footnote 889:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 1003.
+
+Footnote 890:
+
+  See above, p. 279.
+
+Footnote 891:
+
+  _Expug. Hiber._, I, 36.
+
+Footnote 892:
+
+  See above, p. 351.
+
+Footnote 893:
+
+  Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+  p. 19.
+
+Footnote 894:
+
+  For references to the Liver Sea and to classical allusions to a
+  clotted sea, see Moritz, _Geogr. Kenntnis_, 1904, p. 24, note 2;
+  Konrad Kretschmer, _Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedeutung für
+  die Geschichte des Weltbildes_, Berlin, 1892, p. 85, note 1; and more
+  especially the full data in Graf, _Miti, leggende_, vol. i, 1892, p.
+  106 and notes on pp. 186–187, and in Nansen, _Northern Mists_, 1911,
+  vol. i, pp. 181–182 and p. 182, note 1. Benjamin of Tudela places the
+  clotted sea in the Far East (_Itinerary_, Adler’s transl., 1907, p.
+  66, and above p. 272). In early French literature the sea is often
+  referred to as _la mer betée_ (see Frahm, _Das Meer_, 1914, pp.
+  76–77).
+
+  Many theories have been adduced to explain the origins of this
+  persistent rumor of a clotted sea. It may have arisen through
+  distorted reports of floating masses of seaweed or of the Sargasso
+  Sea. It has also been suggested that experiences in dead water such as
+  that described by Fridtjof Nansen (_Farthest North_, New York, 1897,
+  vol. i, p. 196) may have contributed to the formation of the legend.
+  Such dead water, Nansen explains, is caused by the presence of a layer
+  of fresh water from melted ice over the surface of the sea water. See
+  Frahm, _loc. cit._; Koch, _Das Meer_, 1910, pp. 21–22. For another
+  explanation see Paul Masson, _Pythéas et le poumon marin_, in:
+  Bulletin de la Section de Géographie, vol. xxxvii, Paris, 1923, pp.
+  55–66.
+
+Footnote 895:
+
+  Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+  p. 27.
+
+Footnote 896:
+
+  Ezekiel, xl, xli.
+
+Footnote 897:
+
+  Revelation, xxi, 11.
+
+Footnote 898:
+
+  Schröder, _op. cit._, p. 26.
+
+Footnote 899:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 921.
+
+Footnote 900:
+
+  Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, p. 94, note 24. Later
+  tradition sometimes had it that the Emperor Frederick II was the king
+  who sent Nicholas the Fish to explore these waters. See Haskins,
+  _Science_, 1922, p. 686; the same, _Studies_, 1924, p. 262; and
+  Liebrecht, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 901:
+
+  _Romans d’Alix._, Michelant’s edit., 1846, pp. 259–260. This is an
+  interpolation into the part of the poem called by Meyer the “third
+  branch.” It is not by Lambert li Tors, author of the “third branch,”
+  but was derived from the _Historia de praeliis_ (Meyer, _Alexandre le
+  Grand_, 1886, vol. ii, p. 216). See above, p. 381, note 26. Alexander
+  Neckam (_De nat. rer._, II, 21) and Roger Bacon also refer to
+  Alexander’s visit to the sea floor. See Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol.
+  ii, pp. 263–264, 654–655.
+
+Footnote 902:
+
+  _De mundi univ._, p. 22.
+
+Footnote 903:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, III, 17–18.
+
+Footnote 904:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, 56 (57), 57 (58).
+
+Footnote 905:
+
+  _Sermones in cantica_, xiii; translation from Eales, _Life and Works
+  of St. Bernard_, vol. iv, 1896, p. 67.
+
+Footnote 906:
+
+  Haskins, _Science_, 1922, p. 690; idem, _Studies_, 1924, p. 267. See
+  above, p. 100 and p. 402, note 64.
+
+Footnote 907:
+
+  _Causae et curae_, I (Kaiser’s edit., pp. 24–30).
+
+Footnote 908:
+
+  See above, pp. 185 and 326–327, p. 436, note 17, p. 439, note 44; also
+  Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. ii, pp. 132–133.
+
+Footnote 909:
+
+  See above, p. 439, note 44.
+
+Footnote 910:
+
+  See above, pp. 211–212.
+
+Footnote 911:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, III, 19. See also _De imag. mundi_, I, 47. Hildegard
+  of Bingen also believed that the interior of the earth is warmer in
+  winter than in summer. She attributed this circumstance, however, to
+  the fact that “in hieme sol supra terram sterilis est et sub terram
+  calorem suum figit, quatinus terra diversa germina servare possit”
+  (_Causae et curae_, I, Kaiser’s edit., p. 30). See also
+  _Subtilitates_, II, 9, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcvii, col. 1213.
+
+Footnote 912:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 48.
+
+Footnote 913:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 49.
+
+Footnote 914:
+
+  Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, pp. 272–273; idem, _Studies_,
+  1924, pp. 296–297.
+
+Footnote 915:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, II, 7.
+
+Footnote 916:
+
+  _Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 6.
+
+Footnote 917:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 961.
+
+Footnote 918:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, II, 7.
+
+Footnote 919:
+
+  _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 920:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 987, 990.
+
+Footnote 921:
+
+  J. G. Frazer, _The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion_, Part
+  I, _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, London, 1911, vol. i,
+  p. 301.
+
+Footnote 922:
+
+  _De nat. rer._, II, 3–7; see also _De laud. div. sap._, III, 171–328.
+
+Footnote 923:
+
+  “Sic et sapientia hujus saeculi mentes candore innocentiae fulgentes
+  nonnunquam in pejus commutat, sapientia autem vera mentes tenebris
+  vitiorum involutas reddit serenas” (_De nat. rer._, II, 3).
+
+Footnote 924:
+
+  _Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 6.
+
+Footnote 925:
+
+  _Letter of Prester John_, 27–30, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
+  Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 912–913.
+
+Footnote 926:
+
+  _Romans d’Alix._, Michelant’s edit., 1846, p. 350.
+
+Footnote 927:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 974.
+
+Footnote 928:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 892.
+
+Footnote 929:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 7. See above, p. 339.
+
+Footnote 930:
+
+  On another unusual type of river, the gold-bearing stream, as
+  understood in the Middle Ages (but not discussed by Giraldus
+  Cambrensis), see below, p. 479, note 318.
+
+Footnote 931:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, II, 2.
+
+Footnote 932:
+
+  _Itin. Kamb._, I, 8.
+
+Footnote 933:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 2.
+
+Footnote 934:
+
+  _ibid._, II, 11.
+
+Footnote 935:
+
+  _The British Islands Pilot_, United States Hydrographic Office
+  [Publication] no. 145, Washington, D. C., 1917, p. 375, testifies to
+  the changeable character of the sands and channels of the Dee estuary.
+
+Footnote 936:
+
+  See above, pp. 235–237.
+
+Footnote 937:
+
+  Isidore, _De nat. rer._, 43, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. lxxxiii,
+  col. 1013.
+
+Footnote 938:
+
+  Bede, _De nat. rer._, 43 (Giles’s edit., p. 117).
+
+Footnote 939:
+
+  _Expos. in hex._, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxviii, cols.
+  779–780.
+
+Footnote 940:
+
+  _Sermo XXI in Feria quarta Pentecostes_, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol.
+  clxxviii, cols. 518–521.
+
+Footnote 941:
+
+  On the flood of the Nile see also above, p. 300.
+
+Footnote 942:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 8.
+
+Footnote 943:
+
+  _ibid._, III, 2.
+
+Footnote 944:
+
+  _ibid._, III, 3.
+
+Footnote 945:
+
+  _Itin. Kamb._, I, 1.
+
+Footnote 946:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 2.
+
+Footnote 947:
+
+  _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 948:
+
+  _ibid._, II, 9.
+
+Footnote 949:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, II, 9.
+
+Footnote 950:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 1001.
+
+Footnote 951:
+
+  “Navim non patitur, quinimo tota supereminet nisi sit bituminata, et
+  hoc forte propter homines intus viventes. Siquis vivum aliqua arte
+  immiserit statim super exilit” (_loc. cit._). Gervase seems here to
+  have derived from Bede (_De locis sanctis_, 12, in Tobler, _Itinera_,
+  vol. i, 1877, pp. 227–228) a hazy conception of the actual properties
+  of the waters of the Dead Sea. The opposite theory, however, had been
+  expressed by Antonius Martyr two centuries earlier than Bede: “Nor do
+  sticks float, nor can a man swim, but whatever is cast into it sinks
+  to the bottom” (White, _Warfare_, 1920, vol. ii, p. 228).
+
+Footnote 952:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 966.
+
+Footnote 953:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 982. See below, p. 449, note 49.
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+                               CHAPTER IX
+                               THE LANDS
+
+Footnote 954:
+
+  _De eodem et diverso_, p. 28.
+
+Footnote 955:
+
+  _Etym._, XIV, 1.
+
+Footnote 956:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 4.
+
+Footnote 957:
+
+  Peter Comestor stated that on the third day of the Creation the earth
+  appeared and that it bears five names, the derivation of which he
+  explained as follows: (1) _arida_, because the earth appeared (_quia
+  apparuit_); (2) _humus_, because it was still humid; (3) _terra_,
+  because it was trodden upon (_quia teritur_) by the feet of animals;
+  (4) _solum_, because, of the four elements, it forms the one that is
+  solid; and, finally, (5) _tellus_, because it endures (_quia tolerat_)
+  the labors of man (_Hist. schol._, Gen. 5). See Zöckler, _Geschichte_,
+  vol. i, 1877, p. 418. These are typical examples of free etymology.
+  For Hildegard of Bingen on qualities of different kinds of earth or
+  soil, see above, p. 232.
+
+Footnote 958:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 966.
+
+Footnote 959:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 895.
+
+Footnote 960:
+
+  Peter Comestor speaks of islands with the same characteristics: “Cum
+  adhuc sint quedam insule viventium, in quibus nullus moretur” (_Hist.
+  schol._, Gen. 3, cited by Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, p.
+  62, note 6**).
+
+Footnote 961:
+
+  _Im. du monde_, I, 6.
+
+Footnote 962:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, II, 4.
+
+Footnote 963:
+
+  See above, p. 177; for Hildegard’s corresponding views see above, p.
+  201.
+
+Footnote 964:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 28.
+
+Footnote 965:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 29.
+
+Footnote 966:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 30. This legend regarding the properties of the earth of
+  Ireland was very widespread in the Middle Ages. It is found in Bede’s
+  _Historia ecclesiastica_, I, 1 (Giles’s edit., vol. ii, p. 34), which
+  Giraldus goes on to quote at length on the subject (_Top. Hiber._, I,
+  31). It also appears in Gervase of Tilbury’s _Otia imperialia_, vol.
+  i, p. 917 (see Liebrecht, _op. cit._, p. 88, note 21). Solinus,
+  _Collectanea_, 22 (Mommsen’s edit., p. 101), and Isidore, _Etym._,
+  XIV, 6, ascribe similar properties to the earth of the Isle of Thanet.
+  In his _Letter_, Prester John boasts that some of his territories are
+  proof against poisonous snakes and animals. See _Letter of Prester
+  John_, 21, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in: Abhandlungen, vol.
+  vii, 1879, p. 912.
+
+Footnote 967:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 39.
+
+Footnote 968:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 34–40.
+
+Footnote 969:
+
+  Benl, _Frühere und spätere Hypothesen_, 1905, pp. 1–14, discusses the
+  origin and development in antiquity and the Middle Ages of theories
+  regarding the distribution of the principal mountain systems of the
+  known world, the Taurus-Caucasus-Imaus range of Asia, the Rhipaean
+  Mountains of the far north, and the Mountains of the Moon of Africa.
+  The subsequent elaboration of these theories between the sixteenth and
+  nineteenth centuries, when the conception was developed by some
+  geographers of a symmetrical, rectilinear arrangement of the mountain
+  ranges of the entire globe is treated by Wisotzki, _Zeitströmungen_,
+  1897, pp. 131–192, and by Benl, _op. cit._, pp. 15–50.
+
+Footnote 970:
+
+  _Hist. schol._, Gen. 34.
+
+Footnote 971:
+
+  Gervase said that the waters for the Flood came from the bowels of the
+  earth and from the air above. They rose to a level of fifteen cubits
+  above the summits of the mountains which are now in existence, “quia
+  tunc terram dicunt in planitie factam” (_Otia imper._, vol. i, p.
+  907). See above, pp. 170–171.
+
+Footnote 972:
+
+  _De prop. rerum_, XIV, 1.
+
+Footnote 973:
+
+  _Liber de congelatis_, 2. For the Latin text of this passage see
+  Hammer-Jensen, _Sogen. IV. Buch_, 1915, pp. 132–133. See the next note
+  and also above, p. 401, note 60.
+
+Footnote 974:
+
+  This translation is from Geikie, _Founders of Geology_, 1905, p. 43.
+  The processes of erosion by winds and water as a cause for the
+  inequalities of the earth’s surface are much more in evidence in arid
+  regions than in regions of dense vegetation. It is therefore not
+  surprising that these processes were recognized by Moslems like
+  Avicenna (if it be he from whom Alfred of Sareshel translated the
+  above quotation) and Ḥamd-Allāh Mustaufī, a Persian writer of the
+  early fourteenth century, who dwelt in the arid countries of the East.
+  The latter writes: “... the sun’s heat ... beginning to act on the
+  stone, this loses its hardness and is broken up; which process
+  continually accelerated by the succession of many nights and days,
+  cracks appear, splitting the rocks, which same are thus again turned
+  to earth. Then by the action of earthquakes mountain peaks are
+  demolished, while by the blowing of the winds and the running waters
+  the soft earth is carried from one place to another, yet all that is
+  rock and hard soil will remain fixed, whereby heights and hollows are
+  formed, and it is these heights that are mountain ranges” (Guy Le
+  Strange, transl., _The Geographical Part of the Nuzhat-al-Qulūb
+  Composed by Ḥamd-Allāh Mustawfī of Qazwīn in 740 (1340)_, London and
+  Leiden, 1919, p. 180).
+
+Footnote 975:
+
+  _De sancta trinitate_, Gen. I, 34; see also Zöckler, _Geschichte_,
+  vol. i, 1877, p. 396. That teleological reasoning of this sort was not
+  confined to the medieval period may be seen from the following
+  paragraph from R. J. Sullivan, _A View of Nature in Letters to a
+  Traveller Among the Alps_, London, 1794, vol. I, p. 105: “On a cursory
+  view it must be acknowledged, the surface of our earth exhibits no
+  great regularity or order. In its outward appearance it strikes us
+  with heighths, depths, plains, seas, marshes, rivers, caverns, gulfs,
+  volcanoes, and a vast variety of other discordant objects;... Yet all
+  these apparent deformities are absolutely necessary to vegetation and
+  animal existence. Were the earth’s surface smooth and regular, we
+  should not have those beautiful hills which furnish water. A dreary
+  ocean would cover the globe, which would in such case be suited only
+  for the habitation of fishes. As it is, the motions of the sea and the
+  currents of the air are regulated by fixed laws. The returns of the
+  seasons are uniform, and the rigour of Winter invariably gives place
+  to the verdure of Spring. Men, animals, and plants consequently
+  succeed one another, and flourish in their destined soils.”
+
+Footnote 976:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 5.
+
+Footnote 977:
+
+  _Hist. schol._, Gen. 34 (Gervase in: _Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 893,
+  972).
+
+Footnote 978:
+
+  _De phil. mundi_, IV, 5.
+
+Footnote 979:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 972. Gervase also said that Mount Atlas was
+  so high that it was inaccessible (_ibid._, p. 986).
+
+Footnote 980:
+
+  _Dialogus_, I, 17, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. xx, col. 194.
+
+Footnote 981:
+
+  Roger Bacon (_Opus majus_, part iv, Bridges’ edit., vol. i, pp.
+  229–230) discusses classical and Arabic estimates of the heights of
+  mountains. His own opinion was that the maximum height is eight miles.
+  See the discussion of this topic included in Benini’s interesting
+  treatment of the altitude of Dante’s Mount of Purgatory (_Origine del
+  Monte del Purgatorio_, 1917, pp. 1056–1072, especially pp. 1057–1058).
+
+Footnote 982:
+
+  _Itin. Kamb._, II, 7.
+
+Footnote 983:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 982. See Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_,
+  1856, p. 139.
+
+Footnote 984:
+
+  _Romans d’Alix._, Michelant’s edit., pp. 70–71. This story is found in
+  the “first branch” of the Romance. See above, p. 412, note 135. Meyer,
+  _Alexandre le Grand_, 1886, vol. i, p. 151, did not know the origin of
+  it.
+
+Footnote 985:
+
+  _Romans d’Alix._, Michelant’s edit., pp. 320–330. This story is an
+  interpolation into the “third branch” (Meyer, _op. cit._, pp.
+  172–174).
+
+Footnote 986:
+
+  _De mundi univ._, p. 20.
+
+Footnote 987:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 986.
+
+Footnote 988:
+
+  _Descr. Kamb._, I, 5.
+
+Footnote 989:
+
+  _Itin. Kamb._, II, 5.
+
+Footnote 990:
+
+  _De mundi univ._, p. 20.
+
+Footnote 991:
+
+  “Hic claustrales, in claustro sedentes, cum respirandi gratia forte
+  suspiciunt, ad quascunque partes trans alta tectorum culmina, montium
+  vertices quasi coelum tangentes, et ipsas plerumque feras, quarum hic
+  copia, in summo pascentes, tamquam in ultimo visus horizonte
+  prospiciunt. Hora vero diei quasi circa primam, vel parum ante, super
+  montium cacumina vix emergens, etiam sereno tempore, corpus hic solare
+  primo conspicitur” (_Itin. Kamb._, I, 3).
+
+Footnote 992:
+
+  _Alexandreis_, I, 427–441. See Giordano, _Alexandreis_, 1917, pp.
+  40–41; Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 199–200.
+
+Footnote 993:
+
+  See above, p. 236.
+
+Footnote 994:
+
+  _Vita Altmanni_, 39, in: _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. xii, p.
+  238. See also _Vita Altmanni_, 26–29, for a vivid description of a
+  mountain. See Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, p. 143.
+
+Footnote 995:
+
+  Eadmer, _Vita Sancti Anselmi_, II, 4, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol.
+  clviii, col. 100. See Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, p. 173. Eadmer
+  (1060–1124) was bishop of St. Andrew’s in Scotland early in the
+  twelfth century.
+
+Footnote 996:
+
+  For an article on the Casentino, with photographs of La Verna, see
+  Fulberto Vivaldi, _Casentino ignorato_, in: Le vie d’Italia: Rivista
+  mensile del Touring Club Italiano, vol. xxx, Rome, 1924, pp.
+  1073–1082.
+
+Footnote 997:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, II, 40.
+
+Footnote 998:
+
+  _Ligurinus_, IV, 432–447.
+
+Footnote 999:
+
+  _Gesta abbatum trudonensium_, xii, 6, in: _Mon. Germ. hist._,
+  Scriptores, vol. x, p. 307.
+
+Footnote 1000:
+
+  “In quo loco tamquam in mortis faucibus coagulati, manebant nocte et
+  die sub pericula mortis. Angustia villulae tota completa erat
+  peregrinorum multitudine. Ex altissimis et scopulosis rupibus ruebant
+  frequenter intolerabiles omni opposito nivium aggeres, ita ut aliis
+  iam collocatis, aliis adhuc supersedentibus mensis domos iuxta, eos
+  prorsus obruerent, et inventos in eis quosdam suffocarent, quosdam
+  contritos inutiles redderent” (_loc. cit._).
+
+Footnote 1001:
+
+  Gribble, _Early Mountaineers_, 1899, p. 4. Quotation from John of
+  Bremble’s letter as translated by Gribble, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1002:
+
+  _Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 7.
+
+Footnote 1003:
+
+  See Thoroddsen, _Gesch. isländ. Geogr._, vol. i, 1897, p. 63.
+
+Footnote 1004:
+
+  Peter Comestor speaks of certain philosophers who made the ascent of
+  Mount Olympus (see above, p. 168). We have already mentioned St.
+  Francis’ visit to the mountain of La Verna (see above, p. 217).
+
+  Though not falling strictly within our period, several other medieval
+  mountaineering exploits deserve notice. The anonymous _Chronicon
+  novaliciense_, 5, written in the eleventh century, describes
+  unsuccessful attempts at the ascent of the Rochemelon, near Susa in
+  the Dora Riparia valley, in search of the treasure of a mythical King
+  Romulus (from whom the mountain takes its name) supposed to be hidden
+  there. In the fourteenth century the Rochemelon (11,605 feet high) was
+  a place of pilgrimage (Gribble, _op. cit._, pp. 5–13).
+
+  The _Heimskringla_ (under Snorri Sturluson in the Bibliography)
+  describes King Olaf Trygvasson’s ascent of the Smalserhorn, now
+  probably the Hornelen, in the year 1000. The feat was accomplished in
+  a sporting, athletic spirit, and Olaf is said to have left his shield
+  at the summit (H. Raeburn, _Mountaineering Art_, London, 1920, p. 6).
+  Of this mountain, which overlooks the Fröj Fiord, Karl Baedeker’s
+  _Norway and Sweden_, Leipzig, 1909, p. 160, says: “Soon ... to the
+  left is seen the huge Hornelen (3002 feet) towering almost sheer,
+  ascended on the E. side by K. Bing in 1897.”
+
+  The _Chronicle_ of Fra Salimbene of Parma (_Salimbene parmensis
+  chronica_, Parma, 1857, p. 354, cited in: Geographisches Jahrbuch,
+  vol. xviii, Gotha, 1895, p. 12) describes the ascent of Mount Canigou
+  (9135 feet) in the latter half of the thirteenth century by Peter III
+  of Aragon. This mountain lies “on the borders of the province of
+  Spain,” and the king found upon the summit a lake into which he threw
+  a stone, whereupon “a horrible dragon of enormous size came out of it,
+  and began to fly about in the air, and to darken the air with its
+  breath” (Gribble, _op. cit._, pp. 14–17, 262–263). Canigou is probably
+  the Mount “Cavagum” described by Gervase of Tilbury as an abode of
+  devils (see above, pp. 209 and 214). Curiosity as to what was on the
+  top seems to have impelled Peter to make the climb.
+
+  S. Günther, in writing of scientific mountaineering before 1600
+  (_Wiss. Bergbesteigungen_, 1896), gives no details on mountaineering
+  in the period between the ascent by Philip III of Macedon (181 B. C.)
+  of a peak in the Rhodope Range and Petrarch’s famous ascent of Mont
+  Ventoux in 1336.
+
+Footnote 1005:
+
+  Haskins and Lockwood, _Sicilian Trans._, 1910, pp. 80, 89; Haskins,
+  _Studies_, 1924, pp. 159, 191.
+
+Footnote 1006:
+
+  Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+  p. 29.
+
+Footnote 1007:
+
+  The passage describing the ascent of Etna is given in full by C. V.
+  Langlois, _La connaissance_, 1911, pp. 57–58. We heartily agree with
+  Langlois’ view that this passage could only have been written by one
+  who had personally visited the Sicilian volcano: “Aucun doute ne peut
+  subsister sur ce point après avoir lu sa description, certainement
+  directe et d’après nature.” On the other hand, Fant, _L’image du
+  monde_, 1886, p. 33, calls the assertions in the narrative
+  “tout-à-fait fantastiques.” See note in Langlois, _op. cit._, p. 58.
+
+Footnote 1008:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 964–965.
+
+Footnote 1009:
+
+  Virgil, about whom a cycle of legends grew up in the Middle Ages, was
+  regarded as a prophet. Gervase of Tilbury tells of many marvels
+  performed by him (Gregorovius, _City of Rome_, vol. iv, 1896, pp.
+  670–677).
+
+Footnote 1010:
+
+  Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, p. 107, note, shows that
+  this story and others like it were common in the Middle Ages. He cites
+  an analogous South Russian legend of twelve miraculous wind-blown
+  horns which keep Gog and Magog at bay and will continue to do so until
+  the horns shall have been silenced either by birds building nests in
+  them or else by falling to the ground. When this occurs the hordes of
+  Gog and Magog will come forth and destroy the world.
+
+Footnote 1011:
+
+  Conrad of Querfurt, _Letter_, in: Arnold of Lübeck, _Chron. Slavorum_,
+  V, 19.
+
+Footnote 1012:
+
+  Wattenbach, _Guido von Bazoches_, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in the
+  Bibliography), p. 106.
+
+Footnote 1013:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 108.
+
+Footnote 1014:
+
+  Second verse redaction of _Im. du monde_, in: C. V. Langlois, _La
+  connaissance_ 1911, p. 57.
+
+Footnote 1015:
+
+  Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, p. 273; idem, _Studies_, 1924, pp.
+  296–297.
+
+Footnote 1016:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, II, 13.
+
+Footnote 1017:
+
+  _Collectanea_, Mommsen’s edit., p. 236. Translated in: Nansen,
+  _Northern Mists_, 1911, vol. i, p. 193, note 1.
+
+Footnote 1018:
+
+  _Gesta Hammenb. eccles. pont._, IV, 35.
+
+Footnote 1019:
+
+  Nansen, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1020:
+
+  _Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 6.
+
+Footnote 1021:
+
+  _Hist. Norweg._, Storm’s edit., pp. 93–95.
+
+Footnote 1022:
+
+  Thoroddsen, _Gesch. isländ. Geogr._, vol. i, 1897, p. 65.
+
+Footnote 1023:
+
+  _Konungs-Skuggsjá_, 8 (Brenner’s edit., pp. 30–31). See also
+  Thoroddsen, _op. cit._, p. 66.
+
+Footnote 1024:
+
+  Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+  pp. 28–29.
+
+Footnote 1025:
+
+  Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, p. 274; idem, _Studies_, 1924, p.
+  298. See below, note 80.
+
+Footnote 1026:
+
+  Schröder, _op. cit._, p. 30. This incident is the subject of Matthew
+  Arnold’s poem of St. Brandan.
+
+Footnote 1027:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 965–966.
+
+Footnote 1028:
+
+  Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, pp. 108–109.
+
+Footnote 1029:
+
+  _Konungs-Skuggsjá_, 9 (Brenner’s edit., pp. 32–34). See also
+  Thoroddsen, _op. cit._, p. 66; Stegmann, _Anschauungen_, 1913, p. 38.
+
+Footnote 1030:
+
+  _Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 7.
+
+Footnote 1031:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 35.
+
+Footnote 1032:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 922.
+
+Footnote 1033:
+
+  Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, pp. 272–274; idem, _Studies_,
+  1924, pp. 296–297. See also Geographical Review, vol. xiii, New York,
+  1923, pp. 141–142.
+
+Footnote 1034:
+
+  “Vulcanus est iste ignis inferior, qui ideo dicitur claudus, quia
+  quasi uno pede materiae adhaeret, altero quasi in altum prout flammae
+  natura desiderat nititur” (_De nat. rer._, I, 17; Stegmann, _op.
+  cit._, p. 39).
+
+Footnote 1035:
+
+  See Stegmann, _op. cit._, p. 22, note 5, for references to texts
+  demonstrating the widespread belief in the Middle Ages that Hell is at
+  the center of the earth. On the topography of Dante’s Inferno, see
+  Benini, _Origine del Monte del Purgatorio_, 1917, pp. 1080–1129.
+
+Footnote 1036:
+
+  Hildegard of Bingen in the passage quoted above, p. 423, note 92,
+  would seem to refer to blasts of wind as a cause of earthquakes.
+
+Footnote 1037:
+
+  Other explanations of earthquakes were sometimes given. It was
+  occasionally argued that seismic disturbances are not the result of
+  purely physical causes but are punishments sent by God. It was also
+  held by some that they are due to movements in the mass of waters
+  which was thought to permeate the earth, or else to the collapse of
+  subterranean cavities as a result of the erosion caused by these
+  waters. See Stegmann’s elaborate discussion of this matter and his
+  many references, _op. cit._, pp. 44–73.
+
+Footnote 1038:
+
+  In the _De philosophia_, p. 21, Daniel of Morley expresses the same
+  idea, that in earthquakes the earth moves _particulariter_, not
+  _universaliter_.
+
+Footnote 1039:
+
+  _Quaest. nat._, 50 (51). See above, pp. 31–32.
+
+Footnote 1040:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 42; _Im. du monde_, II, 12; _De prop. rerum_,
+  XIV, 1.
+
+Footnote 1041:
+
+  _Dragmaticon philosophiae_, Hellmann’s edit., p. 43; _De phil. mundi_,
+  III, 15. See also Werner, _Kosm. Wilhelm von Conches_, 1873, p. 35.
+
+Footnote 1042:
+
+  _De nat. rer._, II, 48.
+
+Footnote 1043:
+
+  _Gesta regis Henrici Secundi_, Stubbs’s edit., vol. i, p. 220 (in the
+  Rolls Series, no. 49, 1867).
+
+Footnote 1044:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 337.
+
+Footnote 1045:
+
+  See passages cited by Dreesbach, _Der Orient_, 1901, pp. 28–29.
+
+Footnote 1046:
+
+  _Letter of Prester John_, 31–41, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
+  Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 914–915.
+
+Footnote 1047:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, II, 16.
+
+Footnote 1048:
+
+  “... longe post diluvium, terra multiplicatis jam animantibus ubique
+  repleta, non violenter et subito, sed paulatim et tamquam per
+  eluvionem insulas natas fuisse” (_loc. cit._).
+
+Footnote 1049:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 983.
+
+Footnote 1050:
+
+  _Itin. Kamb._, II, 9.
+
+Footnote 1051:
+
+  Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+  pp. 3–36.
+
+Footnote 1052:
+
+  See below, p. 487, note 463.
+
+Footnote 1053:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, II, 12.
+
+Footnote 1054:
+
+  _De mundi univ._, pp. 46–47.
+
+Footnote 1055:
+
+       “Cepit enim fructosa lupos, deserta leones,
+         Arida serpentes, pars nemoralis apros.”
+                                                   —_ibid._, p. 21.
+
+Footnote 1056:
+
+       “Fronduit in plano platanus, convallibus alnus,
+         Rupe rigens buxus, littore lenta salix,
+       Monte cupressus olens, sacra vitis colle supino
+         Inque laborata Palladis arbor humo.”
+                                                   —_ibid._, p. 23.
+
+Footnote 1057:
+
+  _De nat. rer._, II, 57.
+
+Footnote 1058:
+
+  _Subtilitates_, I, 9; in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcvii, col. 1214.
+  See also above, p. 211.
+
+Footnote 1059:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, II, 13.
+
+Footnote 1060:
+
+  _Descr. Kamb._, I, 6.
+
+Footnote 1061:
+
+  _Ligurinus_, VI, 24–34, based on Ragewin’s continuation of Otto of
+  Freising, _Gesta Frid._, III, 1.
+
+Footnote 1062:
+
+  _Descr. Kamb._, I, 1.
+
+Footnote 1063:
+
+  _ibid._, II, 8.
+
+Footnote 1064:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 986.
+
+Footnote 1065:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 8.
+
+Footnote 1066:
+
+  Ragewin’s continuation of Otto of Freising, _Gesta Frid._, IV, 12.
+
+Footnote 1067:
+
+  _De mundi creatione_, 5, in: _Maxima bibliotheca veterum patrum_, vol.
+  xxvii, Lyons, 1577, p. 118.
+
+Footnote 1068:
+
+  _De arca Noë morali_, IV, 9.
+
+Footnote 1069:
+
+  “In hoc spatio mappa-mundi dipingitur ita ut caput arcae ad orientem
+  convertitur, et finis ejus occidentem contingat, ut mirabile
+  dispositione ab eodem principe decurrat situs locorum cum ordine
+  temporum, et idem sit finis mundi, qui est finis saeculi” (_De arca
+  Noë mystica_, 14).
+
+Footnote 1070:
+
+  _De vanitate mundi_, II.
+
+Footnote 1071:
+
+  On the relations of this theory to Otto’s philosophy of history, on
+  its origins, and on the bibliography of the subject, see I. Schmidlin,
+  _Die geschichtsphilosophische und kirchenpolitische Weltanschauungen
+  Ottos von Freisingen_, in: Studien und Darstellungen auf dem Gebiete
+  der Geschichte, vol. iv, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1906, pts. 2 and 3; see
+  especially pp. 20, 35ff.
+
+Footnote 1072:
+
+  Here he explains that science, invented in the East among the
+  Babylonians, passed first to the Egyptians, thence to the Greeks, and
+  thence to the Romans, notably Scipio, Cato, and Tully. Finally it was
+  brought to the West, that is to Gaul and Spain, by Berengar, Manegold,
+  and Anselm (of Canterbury).
+
+  Neckam (_De nat. rer._, II, 174) traces the course of learning—i. e.
+  the study of the liberal arts—among the Egyptians and Greeks and, in
+  later days, in Italy and Spain, but he draws no moral from it as did
+  Hugh of St. Victor and Otto of Freising.
+
+Footnote 1073:
+
+  _Chron._, V, 36.
+
+Footnote 1074:
+
+  See above, p. 64. On this subject see Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_,
+  1914, _passim_. Many of the references in this section are derived
+  from Ganzenmüller’s book.
+
+Footnote 1075:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 163–182.
+
+Footnote 1076:
+
+  _Epistola CVI ad Magistrum Henricum Murdach_, in Migne, _Pat. lat._,
+  vol. clxxxii, col. 242. Translation from Eales, _Life and Works_, vol.
+  i, 1889, p. 353.
+
+Footnote 1077:
+
+  _Sermo in natali sancti Benedicti abbatis_, in Migne, _op. cit._, vol.
+  clxxxiii, col. 377.
+
+Footnote 1078:
+
+  _Sermo XIII in Cantica_, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. clxxxiii, cols.
+  833–834; Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, pp. 170–171. See also above, p.
+  200.
+
+Footnote 1079:
+
+  See above, pp. 206–207.
+
+Footnote 1080:
+
+  See especially Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, pp. 182–241.
+
+Footnote 1081:
+
+  From a letter of Guy of Bazoches to his uncle, in: Wattenbach, _Guido
+  von Bazoches_, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in the Bibliography), p.
+  78.
+
+Footnote 1082:
+
+  _Carmina varia_, xxviii, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. clxxi, cols.
+  1665–1666; Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, pp. 224–225.
+
+Footnote 1083:
+
+  Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, p. 225.
+
+Footnote 1084:
+
+  Dreesbach, _Der Orient_, 1901, pp. 24–36.
+
+Footnote 1085:
+
+  _Historia_, IV, 10; Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. i, pp. 134–135.
+
+Footnote 1086:
+
+  _ibid._, XVII, 3; Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, p. 141.
+
+Footnote 1087:
+
+  _ibid._, XIX, 15–16, 24; XIX, 14–15, 23, in: Paulin Paris’ edit., vol
+  ii, pp. 273–275, 288–289.
+
+Footnote 1088:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, II, 46.
+
+Footnote 1089:
+
+  _Chron._, V, 24.
+
+Footnote 1090:
+
+  _Itin. Kamb._, II, 1.
+
+Footnote 1091:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 5.
+
+Footnote 1092:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 4.
+
+Footnote 1093:
+
+  _Itin. Kamb._, II, 1.
+
+Footnote 1094:
+
+  _ibid._, II, 7.
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+                               CHAPTER X
+             THE ASTRONOMICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE KNOWN WORLD
+
+Footnote 1095:
+
+  _Etym._, XIV, 6.
+
+Footnote 1096:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 11.
+
+Footnote 1097:
+
+  _Im. du monde_, II, 2.
+
+Footnote 1098:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 911.
+
+Footnote 1099:
+
+  _De sphaera_, 3.
+
+Footnote 1100:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 31.
+
+Footnote 1101:
+
+  _Collectanea_, 22.
+
+Footnote 1102:
+
+  _Etym._, XIV, 6.
+
+Footnote 1103:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, II, 17.
+
+Footnote 1104:
+
+  See above, p. 23.
+
+Footnote 1105:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, VI, 33–34.
+
+Footnote 1106:
+
+  _De nupt. Phil. et Merc._, VIII, 876.
+
+Footnote 1107:
+
+  _Almagest_, II, 6.
+
+Footnote 1108:
+
+  _Geogr._, I, 23.
+
+Footnote 1109:
+
+  The relation between the parallels as given in the _Almagest_, _loc.
+  cit._ and in the _Geography_, _loc. cit._, are shown graphically in
+  the adjoining table (Fig. 11, cols. I and II). In the text of the
+  _Almagest_ the parallels are not specifically named beyond the
+  twenty-sixth. Each paragraph, however, is numbered to correspond to
+  the parallel which it describes through the thirty-eighth. The
+  thirty-ninth paragraph describes conditions at the pole.
+
+Footnote 1110:
+
+  See Fischer, _Ptolemäus und Agathodämon_, 1916, pp. 89–93.
+
+Footnote 1111:
+
+  On the famous Vatopedi manuscript map of the world ascribed to
+  Agathodaemon by Fischer but, as Fischer claims, directly based upon
+  material furnished by Ptolemy, the boundaries of the climates are
+  expressly defined in relation to Ptolemy’s parallels, as set forth in
+  the _Geography_. The first climate begins with the parallel of Meroë,
+  latitude 16°25′N., and extends to that of Syene, 23°50′N., there being
+  a difference of half an hour between the length of the longest day at
+  its northern and at its southern edge. The other six climates follow
+  as shown on Figure 11, col. III. The same correlation is made in the
+  anonymous Greek treatise Διάγνωσις ἐν ἐπιτομῇ τῆς ἐν τῇ σφαίρᾳ
+  γεωγραφίας in: Müller, _Geogr. graeci min._, 1882, vol. ii, pp.
+  491–493. See Fischer, _op. cit._, pp. 90–91. See Figure 11, cols. III
+  and IV.
+
+  It may be added that in a work entitled _Preceptum canonis Ptolemei_,
+  preserved in Chartres, Bibliothèque Publique, MS. No. 214, fol. 1ro.,
+  and dating perhaps from the sixth century, the writer found a
+  description of the division of the world in seven climates. No mention
+  is made of the parallels by number, but the boundaries of the
+  climates, as there defined and as is shown on Figure 11, col. V,
+  correspond to the figures for latitude assigned to the fifth, seventh,
+  ninth, eleventh, thirteenth, fifteenth, and seventeenth parallels of
+  Ptolemy’s _Almagest_.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+[Illustration:
+
+  FIG. 11 (in two sections)—Comparative diagram of certain parallels of
+    latitude and of the _climata_ according to various ancient and
+    medieval geographers. For explanation see the text, pp. 242–243, and
+    notes 15, 17, 18, and 21 of this chapter.
+]
+
+Footnote 1112:
+
+  The figures as given in Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no.
+  16658, fol. 50ff., are shown in Figure 11, col. VI.
+
+Footnote 1113:
+
+  _Rudimenta astronomica_, Nuremberg edit., 1537, fol. 8vo.
+
+Footnote 1114:
+
+  _De sphaera_, 3. After giving a brief definition of the climates, John
+  says: “Dicitur autem clima tantum spacium per quantum sensibiliter
+  variatur horologium.” In practice, this was always taken to be a
+  difference of a half hour up to and including the sixth climate.
+
+Footnote 1115:
+
+  The boundaries of Al-Farghānī’s and John of Holywood’s climates are
+  one parallel south of those indicated in the various works referred to
+  in note 17, p. 453, above, and those of the _Toledo Tables_; that is
+  to say, the centers of the former are at the parallels of the northern
+  borders of the latter (see Fig. 11, col. VII). According to
+  Al-Khwārizmī, the figures for the parallels bounding the climates
+  appear to have been derived from the _Almagest_; Al-Khwārizmī’s second
+  climate, however, corresponds to the first climate of Agathodaemon’s
+  map and of the other works derived from Ptolemy (see above, p. 453,
+  note 17, and Fig. 11, cols. III-VI). The third climate of Al-Khwārizmī
+  corresponds to the second climate in the works derived from Ptolemy,
+  and so on. See Fischer, _op. cit._, p. 92, and footnotes 1 and 2. See
+  Figure 11, col. VIII.
+
+Footnote 1116:
+
+  This subject has been discussed by me in greater detail in: J. K.
+  Wright, _Knowledge of Latitudes and Longitudes_, 1923.
+
+Footnote 1117:
+
+  Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 14704, fol. 119vo. At
+  the time of the publication of the article referred to in the
+  preceding note, the writer was not aware of Professor Haskins’
+  discovery of the name of the author of the _Marseilles Tables_ (see
+  Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 96–97).
+
+Footnote 1118:
+
+  See, for example, Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, nos. 7198,
+  fol. 90ro., 7406, fol. 58vo., 7421, fol. 203vo., 16211, fol. 93vo.,
+  16658, fol. 113ro.
+
+Footnote 1119:
+
+  J. K. Wright, _op. cit._, pp. 84–85.
+
+Footnote 1120:
+
+  See above, p. 86.
+
+Footnote 1121:
+
+  J. K. Wright, _op. cit._, pp. 91–96.
+
+Footnote 1122:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 77–84.
+
+Footnote 1123:
+
+  For texts illustrating this see Haskins, _Reception_, 1915, p. 57; the
+  same, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 114–115. See also Peter Alphonsi,
+  _Dialogus_, I, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clvii, cols. 543–547.
+
+Footnote 1124:
+
+  See J. K. Wright, _op. cit._, p. 85.
+
+Footnote 1125:
+
+  _Theorica planetarum_, Renner’s edit., fourth page before _explicit_.
+  See also Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 7421, fol. 133.
+
+Footnote 1126:
+
+  See J. K. Wright, _op. cit._, pp. 91–96, for discussion of the
+  interpretation of these figures. In Figure 12 the circles show the
+  relative positions of certain points in Europe as they actually are;
+  the stars show them as given in the tables and referred to the
+  meridian of Marseilles. It will readily be seen that the relative
+  longitudes of all the points except London and Toledo are remarkably
+  accurate when we consider the rough means of calculation at the
+  disposal of twelfth- and thirteenth-century observers. London and
+  Toledo are placed accurately in relation to each other though far
+  astray in relation to Marseilles, probably as a result of a single
+  initial error in the estimation of the number of degrees between the
+  meridian of Toledo and that of some intermediate station (perhaps
+  Marseilles) from which the positions of the remaining stations were
+  calculated. The highly erroneous latitudes of Toulouse, Florence, and
+  Naples are probably attributable to clerical errors. For a fuller
+  discussion of this map see work cited, p. 95.
+
+[Illustration:
+
+  FIG. 12—Map showing the relative positions of certain points in Europe
+    as indicated in astronomical tables of the twelfth and early
+    thirteenth centuries. In the original tables a consistent error
+    appears in the longitudes of all the cities in Italy. This has been
+    corrected as discussed in the work cited in note 32 above.
+]
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+                               CHAPTER XI
+                              CARTOGRAPHY
+
+Footnote 1127:
+
+  For facsimiles and texts of legends of the maps referred to in this
+  chapter, see Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vols, i and ii, 1895, for the
+  Beatus group, and vols. ii and iii, 1895, for other small maps of the
+  world. Specific references are given in the notes that follow.
+
+Footnote 1128:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 11; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 1.
+
+Footnote 1129:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 12; vol. iii, p. 14.
+
+Footnote 1130:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 85–89.
+
+Footnote 1131:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 91–92.
+
+Footnote 1132:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 62–65.
+
+Footnote 1133:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, p. 10; vol. iii, p. 33.
+
+Footnote 1134:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pls. 3a, 4, 5, 6, 7.
+
+Footnote 1135:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 74, 76, 77.
+
+Footnote 1136:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 78.
+
+Footnote 1137:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pls. 3b (our Fig. 4, p. 123, above), 8, 9. See also
+  Figure 2, p. 69, above.
+
+Footnote 1138:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, p. 46 and pl. 4.
+
+Footnote 1139:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2.
+
+Footnote 1140:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 2; vol. i, p. 31.
+
+Footnote 1141:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, p. 33.
+
+Footnote 1142:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pls. 3–9.
+
+Footnote 1143:
+
+  Notably Miller, _op. cit._, vol. vi, 1898, pp. 143–145. Detlefsen,
+  _Ursprung_, 1906, pp. 106–107, argues against this theory of Miller.
+  See above, p. 377, note 167, p. 415, note 166.
+
+Footnote 1144:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 23.
+
+Footnote 1145:
+
+  On the Paris map (_ibid._, p. 45). The St. Sever Beatus map shows some
+  mountains in green and others in a dark tint, in both cases outlined
+  with red (see reproduction, _ibid._, vol. i, reduced in our Fig. 2, p.
+  69, above, where of course the difference in color cannot be
+  distinguished).
+
+Footnote 1146:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, p. 31.
+
+Footnote 1147:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, p. 74.
+
+Footnote 1148:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 8.
+
+Footnote 1149:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 11; vol. iii, pl. 1.
+
+Footnote 1150:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pls. 2, 3b; vol. i, pp. 31, 35.
+
+Footnote 1151:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1152:
+
+  _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1153:
+
+  The immense size of rivers and seas was characteristic of Moslem
+  cartography. Pullé, _La cartog. antica_, pt. 2, 1905, pp. 21–22,
+  points out the striking resemblances in this respect of the Guido map
+  to contemporary specimens of Moslem cartography.
+
+Footnote 1154:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pls. 3a, 4–9.
+
+Footnote 1155:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, p. 33.
+
+Footnote 1156:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pls. 11, 12; vol. iii, pl. 1 and p. 14.
+
+Footnote 1157:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pls. 3–9. See also Figure 2, p. 69, above.
+
+Footnote 1158:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, p. 33.
+
+Footnote 1159:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, p. 76.
+
+Footnote 1160:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. i, pp. 53, 56, 58.
+
+Footnote 1161:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 78–79.
+
+Footnote 1162:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. i, p. 32; see also reproductions, vol. i, p. 31, vol.
+  ii, pl. 2.
+
+Footnote 1163:
+
+  On the general arrangement of the mountains of the known world as
+  shown on medieval maps see Benl, _Frühere und spätere Hypothesen_,
+  1905, pp. 8–14. See also above, p. 445, note 16.
+
+Footnote 1164:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pls. 3–9. See also Figure 2, p. 69,
+  above, where Mount Sinai (the black pinnacle in the southern part of
+  the map) and Mount Olympus (the wooded pyramid in the northeastern
+  part) are so represented.
+
+Footnote 1165:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 12; vol. iii, pp. 13, 14.
+
+Footnote 1166:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 11; vol. iii, p. 8 and pl. 1.
+
+Footnote 1167:
+
+  The lighthouse of Alexandria is shown on the Jerome map of Palestine
+  (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 12; vol. iii, pl. 1), the columns of Alexander
+  and Hercules on the same map and on the Henry of Mayence map (_ibid._,
+  vol. ii, pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2), the tower of Babel on the Psalter
+  map (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 1; vol. iii, pl. 3) and the Ebstorf and
+  Hereford maps (reproductions accompanying _ibid._, vols. v and iv
+  respectively).
+
+Footnote 1168:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 5, 13.
+
+Footnote 1169:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. i, p. 35; vol. ii, pl. 3b.
+
+Footnote 1170:
+
+  On Paris No. II (Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pl. 2; vol. i, p. 31),
+  and on Osma (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 3b; vol. i, p. 35).
+
+Footnote 1171:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 74, 76, 77.
+
+Footnote 1172:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, pp. 29–37.
+
+Footnote 1173:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iv, 1896, with reproduction in colors accompanying the
+  volume. Two sections are reproduced in Figure 8, pp. 276–277, above.
+
+Footnote 1174:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. v, 1896, with facsimile in colors accompanying the
+  volume.
+
+
+                                 NOTES
+                              CHAPTER XII
+                           REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY
+
+Footnote 1175:
+
+  See above, p. 19 and p. 372, note 69.
+
+Footnote 1176:
+
+  _Opus majus_, Bridges’ edit., vol. i, 1897, p. 292. Pierre d’Ailly
+  (1350–1420), the famous French theologian, in his _Imago mundi_, an
+  encyclopedic compilation of the same sort as the _De imagine mundi_ of
+  our period, plagiarized the work of Roger Bacon in this connection.
+  The _Imago mundi_ was read and annotated by Columbus, and in this way
+  the idea that the eastern shores of Asia lie not far to the west of
+  Spain was brought to the attention of the discoverer of America. See
+  Henry Vignaud, _Histoire critique de la grande enterprise de
+  Christophe Colomb_, 2 vols., reference in vol. i, Paris, 1911, pp.
+  315–316; Edward Channing, _A History of the United States_, vol. i,
+  New York, 1905, p. 15.
+
+Footnote 1177:
+
+  The Cratesian or Macrobian theory (see above, p. 18) would seem to
+  have been accepted by William of Conches (_De phil. mundi_, IV, 3) and
+  by Giraldus Cambrensis (_Top. Hiber._, II, 3) as the basis of their
+  explanation of the tides. See also _Im. du monde_, II, 1. The theory
+  was set forth by Macrobius and by Martianus Capella and, as a result
+  of the great popularity of both of these writers throughout the Middle
+  Ages, was undoubtedly entirely familiar to scholars.
+
+Footnote 1178:
+
+  See above, pp. 186–187.
+
+Footnote 1179:
+
+  _De mundi univ._, p. 48.
+
+Footnote 1180:
+
+  _Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2, 1.
+
+Footnote 1181:
+
+  _Chron._, I, 1.
+
+Footnote 1182:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 910.
+
+Footnote 1183:
+
+  _Tractatus excerptionum_ (under Hugh of St. Victor in the
+  Bibliography), III, 1, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxvii, col. 209.
+
+Footnote 1184:
+
+  See above, pp. 66, 121–122, and Fig. 1 on p. 67.
+
+Footnote 1185:
+
+  _Etym._, XIV, 2.
+
+Footnote 1186:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 7, I, 34; Gervase of Tilbury, _Otia imper._, vol.
+  i, p. 908; Rudolf of Hohen-Ems, _Weltchronik_, cited by Doberentz,
+  _Erd- und Völkerkunde_, in Zeitschr., vol. xiii, 1881, p. 171; _Im. du
+  monde_, II, 5.
+
+Footnote 1187:
+
+  Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. i, 1897, pp. 133, 338–339.
+
+Footnote 1188:
+
+  Jerusalem is not at the center in the Beatus maps. Probably the
+  earliest map now known which so places it is the T-O map of 1110 at
+  Oxford, upon which a cross on “Mons Syon” marks the exact spot
+  (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 119). Jerusalem is at the
+  center of the _oikoumene_ on the Psalter (_ibid._, vol. ii, 1895, pl.
+  1; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 3), Hereford, and Ebstorf maps (_ibid._,
+  accompanying vols. iv, 1896, and v, 1896, respectively) of the late
+  thirteenth century. See below, p. 463, note 38.
+
+Footnote 1189:
+
+  “Ista est Hierusalem, in medio gentium posui eam et in circuitu ejus
+  terrae” (Ezekiel, v. 5). See also Ezekiel, xxxviii, 12. Jerome,
+  _Commentarius in Ezechielem_, II (Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. xxv, col.
+  54), gives proofs that Jerusalem is the center of the earth. The Jews
+  also identified Bethel and Mount Moriah, and the Samaritans Mount
+  Gerizim with the center (Roscher, _Omphalos_, 1913, p. 27).
+
+Footnote 1190:
+
+  On ancient and Scriptural theories concerning the center of the earth,
+  see Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, p. 54, note 3a; Roscher,
+  _Omphalos_, 1913, pp. 20–36; the same, _Neue Omphalosstudien_, 1915,
+  pp. 12–28, 73–75; and A. I. Wensinck, _The Ideas of the Western
+  Semites Concerning the Navel of the Earth_, in Verhandelingen der
+  Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afdeeling
+  Letterkunde, N. S., vol. xvii, No. 1, 1916.
+
+Footnote 1191:
+
+  White, _Warfare_, 1920, vol. i, p. 98.
+
+Footnote 1192:
+
+  Liebrecht, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1193:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 892. Gervase, _loc. cit._, gives the
+  following proof that there is as much land to the east as there is to
+  the west of Jerusalem: “Unde tradunt, tantam terram a Jerusalem
+  protendi ad Orientem, quantam ad Occidentem, quod probant ex eo, quod
+  legitur: ‘Deus ab austro veniet et sanctus de monte Pharaan’
+  [Habakkuk, iii, 3]. Auster enim et Aquilo, qui pro Borea scribitur, ut
+  ibi: ‘ab Aquilone pandetur omne malum.’ Et alibi: ‘Ponam sedem meam ab
+  aquilone, & ero similis altissimo.’ Per contrapositionem oppositi per
+  effectum, & locorum distantiam objecti, aequaliter distant a centro,
+  quod est inter Orientem et Occidentem.” See below, p. 463, note 38.
+
+Footnote 1194:
+
+  See above, p. 460, note 14.
+
+Footnote 1195:
+
+  _De situ Hierusalem_, d’Avezac’s edit., 1839, pp. 841–842; Wright’s
+  translation, 1848, p. 38.
+
+Footnote 1196:
+
+  The cross of Calvary was usually supposed to mark the navel of the
+  earth (White, _Warfare_, 1920, vol. i, p. 100).
+
+Footnote 1197:
+
+  The manuscript in which the passage telling of this experiment is
+  found is described in Sir G. F. Warner and J. P. Gilson’s _Catalogue
+  of Western Manuscripts in the Old Royal and King’s Collections_
+  [British Museum], vol. i, London, 1921, p. 193, under MS 7 D xxv
+  (saec. xii). It is there suggested that the author may have been
+  Adelard of Bath; Professor Haskins (_Studies_, 1924, p. 31) states
+  that the manuscript “clearly represents Adelard’s generation and
+  circle of interests” and gives (_ibid._, pp. 31–32) the following
+  transcription of the text of the passage (from folio 66): “Mons Amor
+  reorum est locus medius mundi, ubi apposui mensuras et probavi per
+  multa loca et posui lignum rea [_sic_] rotundum habens. xii. cubitos
+  longitudinis et grossitudo illi cubitus unus et suspendi illum per
+  funem et tantum commutavi eum de loco in locum in medio eius. vii.
+  kal. Iulii donec suspendi illud in loco medii diei et residit suum cum
+  splendor solis ex omnibus partibus et facta est umbra ipsius subtus
+  cum rotunda sicut rotunditas ipsius ligni quod suspenderam; et de ipsa
+  mensura cognovi quod medius mundus est in Monte Amor reorum. Et
+  tempore quo mensuravi hoc est annus .xxxviiii. et vinum non bibi,
+  oculi mei somno satiati non fuerunt, ne exuperaveram in eo quod
+  inquirebam.” Haskins (_loc. cit._) suggests that “.vii.” should read
+  “.xi.” and “exuperaveram” should read “exuperarer.”
+
+Footnote 1198:
+
+  “Hoc autem circumferentiae centrum arbitrantur quidam in illo loco
+  esse, ubi Dominus locutus est ad Samaritanam ad puteum, illic enim in
+  solstitio aestivo monstrans, meridiana hora sol recto transite
+  descendit in aquam putei umbram nullam aliqua parte monstrans, quod
+  apud Syenem fieri tradunt philosophi....” (_Otia imper._, vol. i, p.
+  892; Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, p. 1).
+
+Footnote 1199:
+
+  This would seem to place the center of the earth, not at Jerusalem,
+  but at Jacob’s well on Mount Gerizim in Samaria. See John, iv, 6, 20,
+  and above, p. 460, note 15.
+
+Footnote 1200:
+
+  The most elaborate and scholarly monograph on the Terrestrial Paradise
+  as it was conceived in the Middle Ages is Coli, _Il paradiso terrestre
+  dantesco_, 1897. This treats in great detail the history of the
+  legends of Paradise and the development of theories concerning the
+  nature and location of the Garden of Delights. Special attention is
+  given to the Terrestrial Paradise of Dante.
+
+Footnote 1201:
+
+  On the St. Sever Beatus map, Paradise is enclosed by mountains, its
+  northern border by the Montes Ceraunes, a continuation of the Taurus
+  (see Fig. 2, p. 69, above). On the Beatus maps Paradise is rectangular
+  (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pls. 2–9); on the Psalter
+  (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 1; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 3) and Lambert
+  _mappaemundi_ (_ibid._, vol. iii, p. 46 and pl. 4) it is circular; and
+  on the Henry of Mayence map (_ibid._, vol. iii, pl. 2) it is more or
+  less circular and is placed on an island in the Eastern Sea. A few
+  maps do not show it at all; as the Cotton, Jerome, Guido, some of the
+  Sallust maps, and the Matthew Paris map of the world (_ibid._, vol.
+  ii, pls. 10, 11, 12; vol. iii, pp. 56, 70–71, 110–113).
+
+Footnote 1202:
+
+  Paraphrased from _De imag. mundi_, I, 8, from Isidore, _Etym._, XIV,
+  3.
+
+Footnote 1203:
+
+  Paraphrased from _De imag. mundi_, I, 10; _Im. du monde_, II, 2.
+
+Footnote 1204:
+
+  _Expos. in hex._, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxviii, cols.
+  775–776.
+
+Footnote 1205:
+
+  _Tractatus excerptionum_ (under Hugh of St. Victor in the
+  Bibliography), III, 2, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. clxxvii, cols.
+  209–210.
+
+Footnote 1206:
+
+  _Im. du monde_, II, 2.
+
+Footnote 1207:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 911.
+
+Footnote 1208:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 892.
+
+Footnote 1209:
+
+  See also Alexander Neckam, _De nat. rer._, II, 49: “Rei tamen veritas
+  est, quod paradisus terrestris superior est aquis, cum etiam lunari
+  globo superior sit. Unde et aquae cataclysmi paradiso nullam intulere
+  molestiam. Enoc, qui in paradiso jam tunc erat collocatus, aquarum non
+  sensit diluvii incrementa.” See above, p. 437, note 25.
+
+Footnote 1210:
+
+  _Sententiae_, II, 17, 5. Peter Lombard maintains that there were three
+  _sententiae_ concerning Paradise: (1) that of those who conceived of
+  it in a spiritual sense, (2) that of those who conceived of it in a
+  corporeal sense, and (3) that of those who conceived of it in both
+  senses. The third method was the most pleasing to Peter, who says: “ut
+  homo in corporali paradiso sit positus, qui ab illo principio
+  plantatus accipi potest, quo terram omnem remotis aquis herbas et
+  ligna producere jussit. Qui etsi praesentis Ecclesiae vel futurae
+  typum tenet, ad litteram tamen intellegendum est esse locum
+  amoenissimum fructuosis arboribus, magnum et magno fonte foecundum.
+  Quod dicimus ‘a principio,’ antiqua translatio dicit ‘ad Orientem.’
+  Unde volunt in orientali parte esse paradisum, longo interjacente
+  spatio vel maris vel terrae a regionibus quas incolunt homines,
+  secretum, et in alto situm, usque ad lunarem circulem pertingentem,
+  unde nec aquae diluvii illuc pervenerunt.” The older translation
+  referred to may have been the “Old Latin” translation of the
+  Septuagint. See above, p. 390, note 122.
+
+Footnote 1211:
+
+  The Beatus (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pls. 3a, 3b—our Fig.
+  4 on p. 123, above—4–9; vol. i, 1895, pp. 35, 39, and accompanying
+  reproduction—our Fig. 2 on p. 69 above) and Psalter (_ibid._, vol. ii,
+  pl. 1; vol. iii, pl. 3) maps show Paradise in Asia; those of Henry of
+  Mayence (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2) and of Lambert
+  (_ibid._, vol. iii, pl. 4) place it on an island. On Paradise as
+  represented on these and other medieval maps, see Coli, _Il paradiso
+  terrestre_, 1897, pp. 100–122.
+
+Footnote 1212:
+
+  See above, p. 428, note 136.
+
+Footnote 1213:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 892. Dante also placed the Terrestrial
+  Paradise in the southern hemisphere, at the summit of the Mount of
+  Purgatory, which was the antipodes of “Mount Zion.” This has usually
+  been interpreted to mean the Mount Zion near Jerusalum. See Coli, _op.
+  cit._, pp. 185–207; Moore, _Studies in Dante, Third Series_, 1903, pp.
+  134–139; Mori, _La geogr._, 1922, pp. 287–289. Benini (_Origine del
+  Monte del Purgatorio_, 1917, pp. 1037–1055), however, maintains that
+  the mountain to which Dante refers was to be associated with Sinai or
+  with the Mount Pharaan of Habakkuk, iii, 3 (see above, p. 461, note
+  19; see also R. Benini, _Il grande Sion, il Sinai e il piccolo Sion
+  (dove ha posto Dante l’entrata dell’ inferno)_, in: Rendiconti della
+  Reale Accademia dei Lincei, Classe di scienze morali, storiche e
+  filologiche, series 5, vol. xxiii, Rome, 1915, pp. 293–315). He argues
+  that Dante believed this mountain to be on the Tropic of Cancer and
+  that the Mount of Purgatory, its antipodes, was consequently on the
+  Tropic of Capricorn.
+
+Footnote 1214:
+
+  See above, p. 164.
+
+Footnote 1215:
+
+  _Chron._, II, 25.
+
+Footnote 1216:
+
+  _Tractatus excerptionum_ (under Hugh of St. Victor in the
+  Bibliography), III, 2, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxvii, col. 211.
+
+Footnote 1217:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 2.
+
+Footnote 1218:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, p. 46 and pl. 4.
+
+Footnote 1219:
+
+  Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+  p. 36.
+
+Footnote 1220:
+
+  Augustine, _De Genesi ad litteram_, VIII, 1, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._,
+  vol. xxxiv, cols. 371–373. On other medieval ideas concerning the
+  location of Paradise, see Graf, _Miti, leggende_, vol. i, 1892, pp.
+  1–15.
+
+Footnote 1221:
+
+  _Iter ad Paradisum_, edit. by J. Zacher, 1859 (under “Alexander the
+  Great, Romance of, VI” in the Bibliography). See Meyer, _Alexandre le
+  Grand_, vol. i, 1886, pp. 47–51.
+
+Footnote 1222:
+
+  Graf, _op. cit._, pp. 73–126, discusses these stories in detail. In
+  his _La leggenda_, 1878, pp. 22–44, he shows that there were four
+  types of Paradise legend in the Middle Ages: (1) legends which grew
+  out of pre-existing legendary themes, as, for example, the story of
+  Seth’s visit to Paradise; (2) those which developed out of a spirit of
+  pure devotion and asceticism, such as certain of the stories of the
+  visits of pious monks; (3) those which arose out of a spirit of
+  exploration and adventure, as the story of St. Brandan’s voyages or
+  that given in the _Pantheon_ of Godfrey of Viterbo; and, finally, (4)
+  those which arose from a chivalric love of adventure and conquest, as
+  the _Iter ad Paradisum_, connected with the Romance of the conquests
+  of Alexander the Great.
+
+Footnote 1223:
+
+  On the story of Seth’s visit to Paradise, see Graf, _Miti, leggende_,
+  vol. i, 1892, pp. 76–84. This story was included in the second verse
+  redaction of the _Image du monde_. See above, p. 404, note 88.
+
+Footnote 1224:
+
+  _Pantheon_, pars 2, in: Pistorius’ edit., 1726, pp. 58–60; see also
+  Graf, _Miti, leggende_, vol. i, 1892, pp. 112–113.
+
+Footnote 1225:
+
+  _Acta Sanctorum quotquot tota orbe coluntur.... Editio novissima_,
+  Octobris vol. x, Paris and Rome, 1869, pp. 566–574 (see Potthast,
+  _Wegweiser_, vol. i, 1896, p. xxxii-xxxiii).
+
+Footnote 1226:
+
+  Hercules’ and Alexander’s columns are shown on the Jerome map of
+  Palestine (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii,
+  1895, pp. 13–14).
+
+Footnote 1227:
+
+  Mâle, _L’art religieux_, 1898, p. 19. Cyprian, bishop of Carthage in
+  the third century, had suggested this allegorical interpretation, and
+  it was passed on to the Western world by Isidore. See Rahn,
+  _Glasgemälde_, 1879, p. 42 (14).
+
+Footnote 1228:
+
+  _De nat. rer._, II, 2.
+
+Footnote 1229:
+
+  See above, pp. 29–30, 59–60, 184–185, and 199–203.
+
+Footnote 1230:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 10.
+
+Footnote 1231:
+
+  _Etym._, XIV, 3.
+
+Footnote 1232:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 1; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 3.
+
+Footnote 1233:
+
+  _Expos. in hex._, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxviii, col. 778.
+
+Footnote 1234:
+
+  _Elysaeus_, 14, 26, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
+  Abhandlungen, vol. viii, 1876, pp. 123–124.
+
+Footnote 1235:
+
+  _De mundi univ._, p. 22.
+
+Footnote 1236:
+
+  See the introduction to Yule, _Cathay and the Way Thither_, 2nd edit.,
+  vol. i, 1915.
+
+Footnote 1237:
+
+  See Friedrich Hirth, _China and the Roman Orient_, Leipzig, 1885; an
+  especially full study is Albert Herrmann, _Die Westländer in der
+  chinesischen Kartographie_, forming vol. viii, pt. 2, of Sven Hedin,
+  _Southern Tibet_, Stockholm, 1922. See also Albert Herrmann, _Die
+  ältesten chinesischen Karten von Zentral- und Westasien_, in:
+  Ostasiatische Zeitschrift, vol. viii, Berlin, 1919–1920, pp. 185–198,
+  and note upon this monograph in: Geographical Review, vol. xiii, New
+  York, 1923, pp. 311–313.
+
+Footnote 1238:
+
+  See E. Bretschneider, _Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic
+  Sources: Fragments Towards the Knowledge of the Geography and History
+  of Central and Western Asia from the Thirteenth to the Seventeenth
+  Century_, London, 1888, vol. i, pp. 275–344; Leon Cahun, _Introduction
+  à l’histoire de l’Asie: Turcs et Mongols des origines à 1405_, Paris,
+  1896; René Grousset, _Histoire de l’Asie_, in 3 vols., Paris, 1922,
+  vol. ii, pp. 12–160.
+
+Footnote 1239:
+
+  W. W. Rockhill, translator and editor, _The Journey of William of
+  Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World, 1253–55, As Narrated by
+  Himself, With Two Accounts of the Earlier Journey of John of Pian de
+  Carpine_, Hakluyt Society Publications, series 2, vol. iv, London,
+  1900, p. xiii.
+
+Footnote 1240:
+
+  _Chron. maiora_, Rolls series edit., vol. iv, pp. 76–78; translated by
+  Rockhill, _op. cit._, pp. xiv-xvii.
+
+Footnote 1241:
+
+  See above, pp. 287–288.
+
+Footnote 1242:
+
+  See Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 275–391; Bréhier, _L’Église et
+  l’Orient_, 1911, pp. 219–221, 228–233. See also above, p. 286.
+
+Footnote 1243:
+
+  See above, pp. 283–286.
+
+Footnote 1244:
+
+  See especially Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 275–391, vol. iii,
+  1906, pp. 15–381.
+
+Footnote 1245:
+
+  For the Latin text of John of Pian de Carpine’s travels edited by
+  d’Avezac with extensive commentary see: Recueil de voyages et de
+  mémoires publié par la Société de Géographie, vol. iv, Paris, 1839,
+  pp. 397–779. English translation of a part of this in Rockhill, _op.
+  cit._, pp. 1–32. Professor Paul Pelliot of the Collège de France in a
+  lecture delivered at Columbia University in 1923 announced that the
+  original letter sent by Carpine from the Khan at Karakorum to the Pope
+  had recently been discovered in the Vatican archives.
+
+Footnote 1246:
+
+  For the Latin text of Rubruck’s travels edited by d’Avezac see:
+  Recueil de voyages et de mémoires publié par la Société de Géographie,
+  vol. iv, Paris, 1839, pp. 213–396. English translation and commentary
+  in Rockhill, _op. cit._
+
+Footnote 1247:
+
+  See above, p. 405, note 92.
+
+Footnote 1248:
+
+  See above, p. 408, note 97.
+
+Footnote 1249:
+
+  See Yule, _Marco Polo_, 3rd edit., 1903, with Cordier’s supplement,
+  _Ser Marco Polo_, 1920 (both under Polo, Marco, in the Bibliography).
+
+Footnote 1250:
+
+  See especially vols. ii and iii of Yule’s _Cathay_, 2nd edit. by
+  Cordier, 1913–1914.
+
+Footnote 1251:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 8.
+
+Footnote 1252:
+
+  _Etym._, XIV, 3.
+
+Footnote 1253:
+
+  For a brief statement in regard to the origins of the conception of a
+  great mountain range running east and west across Asia see Benl,
+  _Frühere und spätere Hypothesen_, 1905, pp. 1–7.
+
+Footnote 1254:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 761.
+
+Footnote 1255:
+
+  _Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
+
+Footnote 1256:
+
+  St. Sever Beatus (see Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895, p. 50, also
+  reproduction accompanying volume—reduced in our Fig. 2, page 69,
+  above), Osma Beatus (_ibid._, vol. i, p. 35—our Fig. 4, p. 123,
+  above—; vol. ii, 1895, pl. 3), Henry of Mayence (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl.
+  13; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 2), Psalter (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. i, vol.
+  iii, pl. 3). For “Paropanissade montes,” see Jerome map of the East
+  (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 11; vol. iii, p. 8 and pl. 1).
+
+Footnote 1257:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pls. 11 and 12; vol. iii, pl. 1.
+
+Footnote 1258:
+
+  “Hae superius dictae regiones, ab oriente incipientes, recta linea ad
+  Mediterraneum mare extenditur” (_De imag. mundi_, I, 18). See Isidore,
+  _Etym._, XIV, 3; Gervase of Tilbury, _Otia imper._, vol. ii, pp.
+  758–760.
+
+Footnote 1259:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 19; Isidore, _loc. cit._; Gervase of Tilbury,
+  _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 762.
+
+Footnote 1260:
+
+  Gervase, _loc. cit._, says that all he remembers having read about the
+  Seres are certain verses of Sidonius, which he quotes as follows:
+
+        “‘Ergo ubi se mediam solio dedit (sc. Roma), advolat omnis
+        Terra simul, fert quaeque suos provincia fructus.’
+        Et post pauca:
+            ‘Ser vellera, thura Sabeus.’”
+
+Footnote 1261:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, VI, 17, sect. 54.
+
+Footnote 1262:
+
+  _Collectanea_, 50.
+
+Footnote 1263:
+
+  _Etym._, XIV, 3, 29.
+
+Footnote 1264:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 19.
+
+Footnote 1265:
+
+  _Letter of Prester John_, 42, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
+  Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, p. 915.
+
+Footnote 1266:
+
+  Yule, _Cathay_, vol. i, 1915, pp. 11–13, 183–185, 187–196, especially
+  p. 195. On the _Periplus_ see above, p. 40.
+
+Footnote 1267:
+
+  See Yule, _op. cit._, pp. 181–182.
+
+Footnote 1268:
+
+  _De scientia stellarum_, Bologna edit., 1645, p. 24.
+
+Footnote 1269:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 66–67. See above,
+  p. 414, note 156.
+
+Footnote 1270:
+
+  See above, p. 197, and p. 442, note 75; and Borchardt, _Itinéraire_,
+  1924, p. 33.
+
+Footnote 1271:
+
+  Marco Polo placed the griffon, or Rukh, in Madagascar and asserted
+  that it could carry elephants in its talons (Yule, _Marco Polo_, 3rd
+  edit., 1903 (under Polo, Marco, in the Bibliography), pp. 412, 415).
+
+Footnote 1272:
+
+  Pseudo-Abdias, _De historia certaminis apostolici_, VIII; edition of
+  1560, fol. 96a.
+
+Footnote 1273:
+
+  Guido’s _mappamundi_ of 1119 indicates “insunt tres Indiae” (Miller,
+  _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 54). Lambert’s map designates the
+  three divisions as “India prima, hic pigmei et fauni et reges
+  gentium,” “India secunda,” and “India ultima, hic arbores solis et
+  lunae” (_ibid._, p. 49). The Jerome map of the East represents “India
+  ultima” as extending from the Indus to the “Hipanis,” bordering on
+  Persia and Carmania, and including the city of Ophir. “India inferior”
+  lies between the “Hipanis” and the Ganges, and “India superior” to the
+  northeast, between the Ganges and the Octorogorra, a river rising in
+  the Caucasus (_ibid._, pl. 1). Pullé, _La cartog. antica_, pt. 2,
+  1905, p. 31, conjectures plausibly that these three divisions may
+  represent in order, Punjabic India, peninsular India, and Gangetic
+  India.
+
+Footnote 1274:
+
+  _Hist. eccles._, pt. I, bk. II, 15.
+
+Footnote 1275:
+
+  _Letter of Prester John_, 12, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
+  Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, p. 910.
+
+Footnote 1276:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 911.
+
+Footnote 1277:
+
+  “Isti 4 rivuli fundunt his duabus Indiis....” _Elysaeus_, 14, in:
+  Zarncke, _op. cit._, vol. viii, 1876, p. 123.
+
+Footnote 1278:
+
+  “En Ynde a maintes granz contrées qui sont pueploiées de genz et de
+  grant plente de bestes. Une en y a que l’en apele Perse ...” etc.
+  (_Im. du monde_, II, 2). This shows that the writer considered Persia
+  a part of India. A rubric in the manuscript of the _Image du monde_ of
+  the Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds français, no. 574, reads “Des
+  contrées d’Ynde,” and includes under it Babylonia, Chaldaea, Arabia,
+  Phoenicia, Assyria, Palestine, and Armenia, showing that the scribe at
+  least, if not the poet, believed that India comprises the greater part
+  of Asia.
+
+Footnote 1279:
+
+  See, on India, Isidore, _Etym._, XIV, _passim_; _De imag. mundi_, I,
+  11, 12, 13; Gervase of Tilbury, _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 911; vol.
+  ii, pp. 755, 756; _Im. du monde_, II, 2. Also see, for a study of
+  India as delineated on medieval maps, Pullé, _La cartog. antica_, pt.
+  2, 1905.
+
+Footnote 1280:
+
+  _Etym._, XIII, 21; _De imag. mundi_, I, 10; Peter Abelard, _Expos. in
+  hex._, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxviii, col. 779; Peter
+  Comestor, _Hist. schol._, Gen. xiv; Gervase of Tilbury, _Otia imper._,
+  vol. i, p. 892.
+
+Footnote 1281:
+
+  _Hist. schol._, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1282:
+
+  Peter Comestor gives an alternative suggestion that the word “Phison”
+  may refer to the changeable appearance of the river.
+
+Footnote 1283:
+
+  _Letter of Prester John_, 22, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
+  Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, p. 912.
+
+Footnote 1284:
+
+  The Jerome map of the East (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, pl.
+  1) and the Henry of Mayence map of the world (_ibid._, pl. 2) show
+  these rivers and give their Greek names, Hydaspes, Indus, and Hipanis.
+  Pullé, _op. cit._, pt. 2, pp. 28, 31, believes that the shape of the
+  coast line, the Greek names of the rivers, the position of Taprobane,
+  and other details on these maps strongly suggest the Ptolemaic
+  representation of the East. The resemblances in form to the Ptolemaic
+  map, however, are too doubtful to warrant us in assuming any direct
+  Ptolemaic influence.
+
+Footnote 1285:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 63–65.
+
+Footnote 1286:
+
+  These marvels were almost never arbitrary inventions. They can usually
+  be traced back to a remote source which was itself an exaggeration or
+  distortion of a true story. See Peschel, _Abhandlungen_, vol. i, 1877,
+  pp. 9–19. Most of the marvels of India as set forth by Ctesias had
+  their counterparts in Persian and Indian mythology and probably
+  “originated in obscure and disfigured accounts of nature and man in
+  the mountain chains between the upper Indus and the Ganges and on the
+  high plateaus as far as the Tarim Basin” (Doberentz, _Erd- und
+  Völkerkunde_, in: Zeitschr., vol. xiii, 1881, pp. 41–57).
+
+Footnote 1287:
+
+  Many of the stories go back to Greek writers earlier even than
+  Ctesias. The pygmies who fight with storks are found in Homer, the
+  half-dog-half-men in Hesiod, the umbrella-footed men in Alcman, the
+  gold-guarding griffons and the one-eyed Arimaspians in the writings of
+  Aristeas of Proconnesus. Hecataeus, Scylax, Aeschylus, and, above all,
+  Herodotus, repeat many of these yarns. Ctesias of Cnidus gathered
+  together most of the earlier tales and added to them stories that he
+  himself had heard in the Persian realm, or, perhaps, he wrote down
+  descriptions of monsters that he had seen depicted or sculptured on
+  the walls of the great palaces at Persepolis. Ctesias’ book became the
+  great reservoir to which later writers looked for their marvels. See
+  Doberentz, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1288:
+
+  The mantichora (see Fig. 8, p. 277 above) was a beast described by
+  Pliny, _Hist. nat._, VIII, 21, as follows (transl. in Bohn’s edit.,
+  vol. ii, p. 280): “It has a triple row of teeth which fit into each
+  other like those of a comb, the face and ears of a man, and azure
+  eyes, is of the color of blood, has the body of a lion, and a tail
+  ending in a sting, like that of a scorpion. Its voice resembles the
+  union of the sound of the flute and the trumpet; it is of excessive
+  swiftness, and is particularly fond of human flesh.” Doberentz shows
+  the route by which the story of this extraordinary combination found
+  its way from its Oriental place of origin to the _Weltchronik_ of
+  Rudolf of Hohen-Ems.
+
+  This route was the same as that taken by most of the other marvels
+  which came to this chronicle. The beast appears illustrated on the
+  monuments of Persepolis; possibly it was thought to be the king of the
+  evil beasts of Ahriman, the Zoroastrian god of darkness. Ctesias
+  describes it in his _Indica_; thence it probably made its way to the
+  _Historia animalium_ of Aristotle, thence to the _Chorographia
+  Pliniana_, thence to Solinus, thence to the _De imagine mundi_, and
+  thence to Rudolf’s chronicle (Doberentz, _op. cit._, pp. 175–180).
+
+Footnote 1289:
+
+  Peschel in his _Abhandlungen_, vol. i, 1877, p. 10, pointed out that
+  some medieval commentators on the subject were disinclined to believe
+  in the existence of these creatures because they were not included in
+  Noah’s ark. St. Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, XVI, 8, had said:
+  “Either such monsters do not exist at all, or else they are in no wise
+  men, for in the latter case they would be sprung from Adam.” In the
+  ninth century there was discussion as to whether or not the
+  _cynocephali_ in the north were descended from Adam. During our period
+  no text that has been found by the writer questions their existence.
+
+Footnote 1290:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 41 and pl. 3; vol. ii, 1895,
+  pl. 1.
+
+Footnote 1291:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 13 and 14; vol. ii, 1895, pl. 12.
+
+Footnote 1292:
+
+  Lambert (_ibid._, vol. iii, 1895, p. 49), Jerome (Palestine) (_ibid._,
+  p. 13), Psalter (_ibid._, p. 38). On the Hereford map the legend
+  reads: “Arbor balsami id est sicca” (_ibid._, vol. iv, 1896, p. 8); on
+  the Ebstorf map, “Oraculum solis et lune” (_ibid._, vol. v, 1896, p.
+  48). See Yule, _Marco Polo_, 3rd edit., 1903, vol. i, pp. 128–138;
+  Cordier, _Ser Marco Polo_, 1920, pp. 31–32 (both under Polo, Marco, in
+  the Bibliography).
+
+Footnote 1293:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 48 and pl. 4.
+
+Footnote 1294:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 8 and pl. 1.
+
+Footnote 1295:
+
+  See above, p. 74.
+
+Footnote 1296:
+
+  Philipps, _St. Thomas_, 1903, pp. 1–8.
+
+Footnote 1297:
+
+  _Hist. eccles._, pt. I, bk. II, 14. Ordericus drew from Pseudo-Abdias.
+  See above, p. 379, note 8.
+
+Footnote 1298:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. i, 1895, p. 35; vol. ii, 1895, pl. 3 (our
+  Fig. 4 on p. 123 above).
+
+Footnote 1299:
+
+  _Letter of Prester John_, 56–72, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
+  Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 916–920.
+
+Footnote 1300:
+
+  Mâle, _L’art religieux_, 1898, pp. 378–388.
+
+Footnote 1301:
+
+  Zarncke, _op. cit._, pp. 832–843.
+
+Footnote 1302:
+
+  In writing of the journey of Sighelm, who was sent by King Alfred to
+  the shrines of Saints Thomas and Bartholomew in India (see above, p.
+  74), William of Malmsbury remarks that the journey was made with great
+  success, “at which everybody in this age wonders” (_Gesta regum
+  Anglorum_, II, 122, edited by William Stubbs (Rolls Series, no. 90), 2
+  vols., London, 1887).
+
+Footnote 1303:
+
+  _De adventu patriarchae Indorum ad urbem sub Callisto papa II_, 12,
+  in: Zarncke, _op. cit._, p. 838.
+
+Footnote 1304:
+
+  See Zarncke, _op. cit._, pp. 843–846.
+
+Footnote 1305:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 12 and pl. 1; vol. ii, 1895,
+  pl. 11.
+
+Footnote 1306:
+
+  _Etym._, XIV, 6.
+
+Footnote 1307:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 11.
+
+Footnote 1308:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 911.
+
+Footnote 1309:
+
+  Jerome map of the East (Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 12 and pl. 1;
+  vol. ii, pl. 11); Lambert map of the world (_ibid._, p. 50 and pl. 4).
+
+Footnote 1310:
+
+  _Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2. This passage was copied in: _De imag. mundi_,
+  I, 11.
+
+Footnote 1311:
+
+  _Etym._ XIV, 6; _Otia imper._, _loc. cit._ Copied from Orosius in: _De
+  imag. mundi_, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1312:
+
+  _Collectanea_, 53, 2–3.
+
+Footnote 1313:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2.
+
+Footnote 1314:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pls. ii and 12; vol. iii, pl. 1.
+
+Footnote 1315:
+
+  _ibid._, reproduction accompanying vol. iv, 1896.
+
+Footnote 1316:
+
+  _ibid._, reproduction accompanying vol. v, 1896.
+
+Footnote 1317:
+
+  _De scientia stellarum_, Bologna edit., 1645, pp. 24ff.
+
+Footnote 1318:
+
+  G. A. Wood in his _Discovery of Australia_, London, 1921, p. 28,
+  writes that though the Arabs “knew Sumatra, and Java, and perhaps
+  Timor, and though they must have shared whatever knowledge may have
+  been possessed by the Malays or Hindus, there seems no evidence that
+  they had heard of Australia.”
+
+Footnote 1319:
+
+  _Etym._, XIV, 3, sects. 31–32; _De imag. mundi_, I, 19; _Otia imper._,
+  vol. ii, p. 756. A long legend on the St. Sever Beatus map describes
+  “Scythia maior” in similar terms (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895,
+  p. 49).
+
+Footnote 1320:
+
+  See above, pp. 269–270.
+
+Footnote 1321:
+
+  Notably on the Jerome map of the East (Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii,
+  pl. 1), the St. Sever Beatus (_ibid._, reproduction accompanying vol.
+  i, 1895; see Fig. 2, p. 69, above), the Osma Beatus (_ibid._,
+  reproduction in vol. ii, 1895, pl. 3; see also vol. i, p. 35, and Fig.
+  4, p. 123, above), and Henry of Mayence map (_ibid._, vol. ii, 1895,
+  pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 2). Other significant features shown on
+  contemporary maps in northern and central Asia are the Amazons, the
+  Anthropophagi, the Caspian Gates, the Armenian Pillars, and the
+  Hyperboreans. Beatus Paris No. II (_ibid._, vol. i, pp. 31–32) shows a
+  region in the vicinity of the Caspian Sea labeled “terra inhabitabilis
+  propter habundanti[am] aqu[ae],” which does not appear on other maps.
+
+Footnote 1322:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., p. 59.
+
+Footnote 1323:
+
+  _loc. cit._ See Neubauer, _Ten Tribes_, 1888–1889. Neubauer’s article
+  traces the history of speculations regarding the lost ten tribes from
+  the earliest times and contains incidentally much important
+  geographical lore.
+
+Footnote 1324:
+
+  See above, pp. 287–288.
+
+Footnote 1325:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., p. 60.
+
+Footnote 1326:
+
+  _Chron._, VII, 33.
+
+Footnote 1327:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 60–61.
+
+Footnote 1328:
+
+  See Yule, _Marco Polo_, 3rd edit., 1903 (under Polo, Marco, in the
+  Bibliography), vol. i, pp. 234–235.
+
+Footnote 1329:
+
+  Oppert, _Presbyter Johannes_, 1870, _passim_; Zarncke, _Priester
+  Johannes_ (under Prester John in the Bibliography), in: Abhandl., vol.
+  vii, 1879, pp. 847–871.
+
+Footnote 1330:
+
+  Pelliot, _Chrétiens_, 1914, p. 627.
+
+Footnote 1331:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 629.
+
+Footnote 1332:
+
+  Zarncke gives a critical Latin text of the _Letter_ in _Priester
+  Johannes_, in: Abhandl., vol. vii, 1879, pp. 909–924.
+
+Footnote 1333:
+
+  Zarncke in: Berichte, vol. xxix, 1877, p. 151 and note 9.
+
+Footnote 1334:
+
+  See above, pp. 268–269 and p. 465, note 67.
+
+Footnote 1335:
+
+  The name “Prester John” was not used in early manuscripts of the
+  _Letter of Prester John_. The letter of Pope Alexander III was
+  discussed and edited critically by Zarncke in his _Priester Johannes_,
+  in: Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 935–946. See Yule, _Marco Polo_,
+  3rd edit., 1903 (under Polo, Marco, in the Bibliography), vol. i, p.
+  231.
+
+Footnote 1336:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 1337:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 11.
+
+Footnote 1338:
+
+  _Rudimenta astronomica_, Nuremberg edit., 1537, dif. ix, fol. 9ro.
+
+Footnote 1339:
+
+  From Meyer’s “third branch.” See above, p. 412, note 135, and Meyer,
+  _Alexandre le grand_, 1886, vol. ii, pp. 170, 217, 386–389.
+
+Footnote 1340:
+
+  From Meyer’s “fourth branch,” by Alexandre de Bernay (de Paris).
+  Meyer, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 207.
+
+Footnote 1341:
+
+  _Chron._, V, 9. Godfrey of Viterbo incorporated this passage in his
+  _Pantheon_, pars 16 (in Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcviii, col. 913;
+  also in _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. xxii, p. 196).
+
+Footnote 1342:
+
+  _Chronicon Wirziburgense_, in: _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol.
+  vi, p. 25. See above, p. 412, note 129.
+
+Footnote 1343:
+
+  _Chron._, II, 23, from Orosius, _Hist. adv. pag._, III, 7.
+
+Footnote 1344:
+
+  This belief in the increase of Jewish population in these regions may
+  possibly have been connected in some way with knowledge of the
+  conversion of the Khazars to Judaism in the eighth century. See
+  Carmoly, _Itinéraires_, 1847, pp. 3–112, and S. Schechter, _An Unknown
+  Khazar Document_, in: Jewish Quarterly Review, vol. iii (N. S.),
+  London, 1912, pp. 181–219.
+
+Footnote 1345:
+
+  “Goth & Magoth, aeternaliter conclusit. Vndecim trib. Hebraeorum,
+  montib. aeternaliter circumcinxit, de quibus omnibus in versibus
+  plenius dicemus atque iocundius” (_Pantheon_, pars 11, Herold’s edit.,
+  1559, col. 262; for the poetic elaboration mentioned, see cols.
+  266–267; both of these passages of the _Pantheon_ are omitted in the
+  editions of Migne and of the _Mon. Germ. hist._). Marinelli (_La
+  geogr._, 1882, p. 493; _Scritti minori_, vol. i, [1908?], p. 316, note
+  2, p. 415, note 2) knew of the passage in the _Pantheon_ just quoted
+  at second hand through a paraphrase in Giusto Grion, _I nobili fatti
+  di Alessandro Magno: Romanzo storico tradotto dal francese nel buon
+  secolo_ ..., Rome, 1872, p. cxxxii; not having the original text of
+  the _Pantheon_ at hand, Marinelli was in doubt as to whether the error
+  in the statement that there were _eleven_ tribes was to be imputed to
+  Grion or to Godfrey. Marinelli cites this passage together with a
+  passage from Albertus Magnus’ _Compendium theologicae veritatis_, VII,
+  10, as evidence of the fact that the ten tribes of the Jews were
+  associated with Gog and Magog as early as the twelfth and thirteenth
+  centuries. See also the prophecy in the _Pantheon_ within a longer
+  prophecy of the Sibyl: “Et exurgent ab Aquilonae spurcissimae gentes,
+  quas Alexander rex inclusit, Goth videlicet & Magoth. Haec duodecim
+  [_sic_] regna, quorum numerus est sicut arena maris” (pars 10,
+  Herold’s edit., col. 257; _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. xxii,
+  p. 147). See also above, p. 391, note 130, p. 470, note 147.
+
+Footnote 1346:
+
+  See above, pp. 267–268.
+
+Footnote 1347:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 14; _Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 756, from Orosius,
+  _Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
+
+Footnote 1348:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_ and _Otia imper._, _loc. cit._, from Isidore,
+  _Etym._, XIV, 3, sect. 13.
+
+Footnote 1349:
+
+  _Hist. schol._, Gen. 14; _De imag. mundi_, I, 10.
+
+Footnote 1350:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 911. Most of the maps of the period
+  correctly represent the Tigris as flowing into the Persian Gulf; the
+  Jerome maps even show a common outlet for the two rivers (Miller,
+  _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 11; vol. iii, 1895, p. 14 and pl.
+  1). The Jerome map of the Orient, however, makes the Hydaspes a branch
+  of the Tigris (_ibid._, vol. iii, p. 14).
+
+Footnote 1351:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. ii, pp. 756–757; _De imag. mundi_, I, 15, from
+  Isidore, _Etym._, XIV, 3.
+
+Footnote 1352:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 757, from Orosius, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1353:
+
+  Otto of Freising, _Chron._, VII, 3.
+
+Footnote 1354:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., p. 42. See also above,
+  p. 414, note 156.
+
+Footnote 1355:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1356:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 35–38.
+
+Footnote 1357:
+
+  Some manuscripts give “Sikbia” rather than “Siberia.” The “land of
+  Togarmim” was Turkestan.
+
+Footnote 1358:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 40–41.
+
+Footnote 1359:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 757, from Orosius, _op. cit._, I, 2. See
+  also _De imag. mundi_, I, 16, from Isidore, _Etym._, XIV, 3.
+
+Footnote 1360:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 47–51. See
+  especially pp. 48–50, note 2. See also above, p. 414, note 156.
+
+Footnote 1361:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _op. cit._, p. 67.
+
+Footnote 1362:
+
+  Yule, _Marco Polo_, 3rd edit., 1903 (under Polo, Marco, in the
+  Bibliography), vol. ii, p. 431.
+
+Footnote 1363:
+
+  _Etym._, xiv, 3; _De imag. mundi_, I, 16–17; _Otia imper._, vol. ii,
+  pp. 757–758.
+
+Footnote 1364:
+
+  On the growth of the legends of the Dead Sea before and after our
+  period and particularly on the supposed persistence of the pillar of
+  salt into which Lot’s wife was turned, see White, _Warfare_, 1920,
+  vol. ii, pp. 221–235. See also above, pp. 208–209.
+
+Footnote 1365:
+
+  See Rey, _Colonies franques_, 1883; Bréhier, _L’Église et l’Orient_,
+  1911, pp. 88–100; Heyd, _Commerce du Levant_, vol. i, 1885, pp.
+  129–190; Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 396–464.
+
+Footnote 1366:
+
+  A brief account of this expedition with references to the Arabic
+  sources will be found in Bernhard Moritz, _Arabien: Studien zur
+  physikalischen und historischen Geographie des Landes_, Hanover, 1923,
+  pp. 119–120.
+
+Footnote 1367:
+
+  Heyd, _op. cit._, pp. 163–176.
+
+Footnote 1368:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 301–310. It is unnecessary to enter upon a detailed
+  discussion of the geography of Asia Minor as given in the _De imagine
+  mundi_, I, 19–20, and _Otia imperialia_, vol. ii, p. 762. This is no
+  more than the dry repetition of information drawn from classical
+  sources. The Jerome map of the Orient shows the classical divisions of
+  Asia Minor with a good deal of detail; the river systems are also
+  represented, but very poorly (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895,
+  pl. 11; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 1). Troy appears on the Psalter, Lambert,
+  and Guido maps (_ibid._, vol. iii, p. 56, and pls. 3 and 4). On the
+  last-named it is the only detail in Asia Minor.
+
+Footnote 1369:
+
+  Dreesbach, _Der Orient_, 1901.
+
+Footnote 1370:
+
+  See above, pp. 176, 212, 238–239.
+
+Footnote 1371:
+
+  _Historia_, XIII, 3; in medieval French translation in Paulin Paris’
+  edit., vol. i, p. 480. The “Sur” of William of Tyre is Tyre. See also
+  Dreesbach, _op. cit._, pp. 24–28.
+
+Footnote 1372:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 53–61.
+
+Footnote 1373:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, 1895, p. 93.
+
+Footnote 1374:
+
+  Ambroise, _Estoire de la guerre sainte_, verses 9541–9542, in Gaston
+  Paris’ edit., col. 255. See also Dreesbach, _op. cit._, p. 60.
+
+Footnote 1375:
+
+  Dreesbach, _op. cit._, pp. 36–49.
+
+Footnote 1376:
+
+  _Historia_, XXI, 24; in medieval French translation, XXI, 22 (Paulin
+  Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 397–398). See also Dreesbach, _op. cit._,
+  p. 41.
+
+Footnote 1377:
+
+  Dreesbach, _op. cit._, pp. 4–19.
+
+Footnote 1378:
+
+  _Historia_, XVII, 10, XIX, 13, 15, 21; in medieval French translation,
+  XVII, 10, XIX, 12, 14, 20 (Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 153, 270,
+  272–274, 282–283); see also Dreesbach, _op. cit._, pp. 10–11.
+
+Footnote 1379:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., p. 35.
+
+Footnote 1380:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 71.
+
+Footnote 1381:
+
+  Dreesbach, _op. cit._, pp. 13–19.
+
+Footnote 1382:
+
+  _Historia_, XIV, 19, XX, 29; in medieval French translation, XIV, 16,
+  XX, 28 (Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 25 and 357–358).
+
+Footnote 1383:
+
+  _Estoire de la guerre sainte_, verses 8819–8846; in Gaston Paris’
+  edit., cols. 236–237. Also quoted in Dreesbach, _op. cit._, p. 17.
+
+Footnote 1384:
+
+  See also Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 53–54.
+
+Footnote 1385:
+
+  “Hac in oriente Indii fluminis surgit, et per meridiem vergens in
+  occidentem tendit” (_De imag. mundi_, I, 32). “Indii fluminis” as it
+  occurs in the chapter on Africa, here, obviously refers to the Nile.
+  See above, p. 304.
+
+Footnote 1386:
+
+  _The Image du monde_, II, 4, on the other hand, confusedly includes
+  Syria and Palestine in Africa.
+
+Footnote 1387:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 759.
+
+Footnote 1388:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 18.
+
+Footnote 1389:
+
+  _Etym._, XIV, 3.
+
+Footnote 1390:
+
+  The delta figures on many maps: Jerome map of Palestine (Miller,
+  _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1896, p. 14), St. Sever Beatus (_ibid._,
+  reproduction accompanying vol. i, 1895; Fig. 2, p. 69, above), Turin
+  Beatus (_ibid._, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 8), Cotton (_ibid._, pl. 10),
+  Henry of Mayence (_ibid._, pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2), Psalter (_ibid._,
+  vol. iii, pls. 1 and 3).
+
+Footnote 1391:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 36. See also Gervase of Tilbury, _Otia imper._,
+  vol. ii, p. 759. See above, pp. 260–261.
+
+Footnote 1392:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 14. Also shown on the Osma Beatus map
+  (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 3; vol. iii, p. 35; Fig. 4, p. 123, above).
+
+Footnote 1393:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 75–77.
+
+Footnote 1394:
+
+  _Historia_, XIX, 27; in medieval French translation, XIX, 28 (Paulin
+  Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 298–299). See also Dreesbach, _Der Orient_,
+  1901, p. 32.
+
+Footnote 1395:
+
+  Schaube, _Handelsgeschichte_, 1906, p. 146.
+
+Footnote 1396:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 181.
+
+Footnote 1397:
+
+  Matthew Paris, _Chron. maiora_, Rolls Series edit., vol. v, p. 217,
+  tells how “the indifferentist, Frederic II, nominal leader of a
+  Crusade, maintains so close a friendship with the Sultan of Egypt that
+  German merchants (it is said) were able to travel in the company of
+  Egyptians to the Indies” (Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, p. 461).
+  Heyd, _Commerce du Levant_, vol. ii, 1886, pp. 153–156, refers to a
+  Pisan claim to an expedition to India in 1175. This is very doubtful.
+
+Footnote 1398:
+
+  _Historia_, XIX, 24, 27; in medieval French translation, XIX, 23, XIX,
+  28 (Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 288–289 and 298–299). See also
+  Dreesbach, _op. cit._, p. 29.
+
+Footnote 1399:
+
+  _Historia_, XIX, 27; in medieval French translation, XIX, 28 (Paulin
+  Paris’ edit., vol. ii, 298–299). See also Dreesbach, _op. cit._, p.
+  30.
+
+Footnote 1400:
+
+  _Historia_, XIX, 28, XXI, 23; in medieval French translation, XIX, 29,
+  XXI, 21 (Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 300 and 395). See also
+  Dreesbach, _op. cit._, p. 34.
+
+Footnote 1401:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 71–73. On the
+  flood of the Nile, see also above, pp. 206–207.
+
+Footnote 1402:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 32.
+
+Footnote 1403:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 2.
+
+Footnote 1404:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 33.
+
+Footnote 1405:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, reproduction accompanying vol. i, 1895 (reduced in
+  Fig. 2, p. 69, above).
+
+Footnote 1406:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. i, _passim_; vol. ii, pls. 2–9.
+
+Footnote 1407:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. i, p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1408:
+
+  Schaube, _Handelsgeschichte_, 1906, pp. 276–277.
+
+Footnote 1409:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 275–316.
+
+Footnote 1410:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 289–290.
+
+Footnote 1411:
+
+  Mas-Latrie, _Traités de paix_, 1866, p. 70.
+
+Footnote 1412:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 71–72.
+
+Footnote 1413:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 10, 124–125; Léon Godard, _Les évêques de Maroc_, in:
+  Revue africaine, vol. ii, Algiers, 1857, pp. 124–130, 242–249,
+  433–440; vol. iii, 1858, pp. 1–8; vol. iv, 1859, pp. 259–273, 332–346.
+
+Footnote 1414:
+
+  R. B. Merriman, _The Rise of the Spanish Empire_, 2 vols., New York,
+  1918, vol. i, pp. 303–304.
+
+Footnote 1415:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895, p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1416:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, 1895, p. 42.
+
+Footnote 1417:
+
+  For a discussion of trade routes westward from Egypt and Nubia across
+  the Sahara according to Benjamin of Tudela and Edrisi, see Paul
+  Borchardt, _Die grossen Ost-West Karawanenstrassen durch die Libysche
+  Wüste_, in Petermanns Mitteilungen, vol. lxx, Gotha, 1924, pp.
+  219–223.
+
+Footnote 1418:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 2 and
+  p. 27.
+
+Footnote 1419:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. i, 1895, p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1420:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, 1895, p. 14.
+
+Footnote 1421:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 759.
+
+Footnote 1422:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 760.
+
+Footnote 1423:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 33.
+
+Footnote 1424:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. i, 1895, p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1425:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 1, vol. iii, 1895, pl. 3
+  (Psalter); reproduction accompanying vol. v, 1896 (Ebstorf).
+
+Footnote 1426:
+
+  Simar, _Afrique centrale_, 1912, pp. 15–23.
+
+Footnote 1427:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 10.
+
+Footnote 1428:
+
+  Langenmaier, _Alte Kenntnis_, 1916, p. 47.
+
+Footnote 1429:
+
+  _Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
+
+Footnote 1430:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 759.
+
+Footnote 1431:
+
+  _Etym._, XIII, 21, 7.
+
+Footnote 1432:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 10.
+
+Footnote 1433:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895, _passim_; vol. ii, 1895, pls.
+  2–9.
+
+Footnote 1434:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. i, reproduction accompanying the volume, and also p. 57.
+
+Footnote 1435:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, 1895, p. 34.
+
+Footnote 1436:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 14, 18.
+
+Footnote 1437:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 13; vol. iii, p. 27 and pl. 2.
+
+Footnote 1438:
+
+  Simar, _op. cit._, pp. 157–158.
+
+Footnote 1439:
+
+  Solinus, _Collectanea_, 18, 1; 23, 13; Isidore, _Etym._, XIII, 16,
+  (cited by Bunbury, _Ancient Geogr._, 1879, vol. ii, pp. 678–679).
+
+Footnote 1440:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 10, from Isidore, _Etym._, XIV, 4; _Otia imper._,
+  vol. i, p. 920. On the other hand, during our period the term “mare
+  mediterraneum” was not invariably applied to the sea between Africa
+  and Europe. Bernard Sylvester says (_De mundi univ._, pp. 34–35):
+  “Neve rerum tranquillitas violentis passionibus temptaretur, contra
+  fontem caloris solem quem linea medialis exportat, fontem humoris
+  mediterraneum mare medio telluris infudi.” “Nous,” or the
+  personification of Providence, is here speaking of the equatorial
+  ocean girdling the earth. The same expression, _mare mediterraneum_,
+  referring to the equatorial sea is used on the _mappaemundi_
+  accompanying manuscripts of the _Liber floridus_ of Lambert of St.
+  Omer (Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, 1895, p. 50; see also Rainaud,
+  _Continent austral_, 1893, p. 162 and note 3).
+
+Footnote 1441:
+
+  The term “Mediterranean Sea” in its present-day application is used on
+  the Hereford map (see Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iv, 1896, p. 23, and
+  reproduction accompanying vol. iv). The St. Sever Beatus map
+  represents the various parts of the sea by the following names:
+  “Tirrenum Mare,” “Mare Ligusticum,” “Mare Balearicum,” “Mare Libicum,”
+  “Mare Siculum,” “Mare Creticum,” “Mare Egeum,” “Sinus Adriaticus,”
+  “Sinum Noricum,” “Ellespontum,” “Eusinus Pontus” (_ibid._, vol. i,
+  1895, pp. 60–61 and reproduction accompanying vol. i; names barely
+  legible on our Fig. 2, p. 69, above). The Jerome map of the East also
+  designates portions of the Mediterranean as “Issicum,” “Pamphilicum,”
+  “Ionicum” (_ibid._, vol. iii, 1895, p. 12 and pl. 1). See also the
+  discussion of the nomenclature of the Mediterranean and of the ocean
+  in Frahm, _Das Meer_, 1914, pp. 73–77.
+
+Footnote 1442:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 920.
+
+Footnote 1443:
+
+  _De scientia stellarum_, Bologna edit., 1645, p. 25.
+
+Footnote 1444:
+
+  [Benedict of Peterborough,] _Gesta regis Ricardi_, Rolls Series edit.,
+  vol. ii, pp. 198–199; Roger of Hoveden, _Chron._, Rolls Series edit.,
+  vol. iii, p. 51.
+
+Footnote 1445:
+
+  The usual route from the Tyrrhenian Sea to the east, however, was
+  through the Strait of Messina. Burkhard, an official of Frederick
+  Barbarossa, tells us that during the war of 1162–1179 between the
+  Sicilians and Genoa, Genoese ships used to make their way to Egypt as
+  follows: through the strait between Corsica and Sardinia, thence past
+  the west coast of Sicily, Pantellaria, and Malta to the north coast of
+  Africa, “until they came in sight of the great stone lighthouse of
+  Alexandria by day or of its light by night” (Burkhard, in: _Mon. Germ.
+  hist._, Scriptores, vol. xxi, p. 236, cited by Schaube,
+  _Handelsgeschichte_, 1906, p. 153).
+
+Footnote 1446:
+
+  This would represent rapid, though probably not excessively rapid,
+  sailing for the Middle Ages. The data which have come down to us on
+  the speed of medieval sea journeys are so varied that it is impossible
+  to determine a fair average. On the whole it is probable that better
+  time was made by the Scandinavian seafarers than by those of the
+  Mediterranean. A rate of fifty miles (English statute) a day was
+  perhaps about all that could have been expected in the Mediterranean
+  under ordinary circumstances, though on occasions one hundred to one
+  hundred and fifty miles or even more may have been accomplished. The
+  Icelanders, on the other hand, may well have covered as much as one
+  hundred and fifty miles in twenty-four hours. See below, p. 486, note
+  440, and Ludwig, _Untersuchungen_, 1897, _passim_, especially pp.
+  131–132, 185–186.
+
+  To make the journey from Marseilles to Acre in fifteen days a rate of
+  rather more than one hundred and twenty miles a day would have to be
+  maintained throughout the entire passage. Schaube (_op. cit._, pp.
+  153–154) brings together some interesting material on the speed of
+  journeys in the Mediterranean. “The duration of the voyages naturally
+  varied very much; we hear that it was reckoned from Messina or one of
+  the Apulian harbors an average of forty days to Accon (Acre);
+  obviously this would refer to a voyage in no way influenced by adverse
+  circumstances. For galleys a somewhat longer time was necessary. The
+  forty galleys of the Emperor Frederick II took in midsummer of 1228
+  twenty-four days for the journey from Brindisi to Limassol in Cyprus
+  in the best of weather. Benjamin of Tudela assumed that the passage
+  from Messina to Egypt took twenty days. At a somewhat later date Peter
+  of Albeney went from Marseilles to Damietta in twenty-two days, though
+  the ambassador of Barbarossa, Burkhard, who left Genoa on the 6th of
+  September and followed the route by way of Pantellaria and Malta, took
+  more than twice this long, or forty-seven days to reach Alexandria.”
+
+Footnote 1447:
+
+  [Benedict of Peterborough,] _Gesta regis Ricardi_, Rolls Series edit.,
+  vol. ii, pp. 192–199; Roger of Hoveden, _Chron._, Rolls Series edit.,
+  vol. iii, pp. 47–53.
+
+Footnote 1448:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 56.
+
+Footnote 1449:
+
+  _ibid._, reproduction accompanying vol. i, 1895 (our Fig. 2, p. 69,
+  above).
+
+Footnote 1450:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. i, p. 35; vol. ii, 1895, pl. 3b (our Fig. 4, p. 123,
+  above).
+
+Footnote 1451:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 34–36; _Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 920–923.
+
+Footnote 1452:
+
+  [Benedict of Peterborough,] _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 198.
+
+Footnote 1453:
+
+  Wattenbach, _Guido von Bazoches_, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in the
+  Bibliography), pp. 104–112.
+
+Footnote 1454:
+
+  See above, pp. 221–222.
+
+Footnote 1455:
+
+  Gaston Paris, _La Sicile_, 1876, pp. 108–113.
+
+Footnote 1456:
+
+    “Mons ibi stat magnus qui dicitur esse Rolandus
+    Alter Oliverus simili ratione vocatus:
+    Haec monumenta truces consistere duces.”
+            —_Pantheon_, pars. 17, in Pistorius’ edit., 1726, p. 314.
+
+  Gaston Paris argues (_op. cit._, p. 110) that place names of this
+  origin are still to be found in Sicily.
+
+Footnote 1457:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 921. On this legend see Graf, _Miti,
+  leggende_, vol. ii, 1893, pp. 303–325.
+
+Footnote 1458:
+
+  Gaston Paris, _op. cit._, p. 112.
+
+Footnote 1459:
+
+  See above, p. 221–222.
+
+Footnote 1460:
+
+  Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 202, 207, 210–212.
+
+Footnote 1461:
+
+  Conrad of Querfurt’s letter, in: Arnold of Lübeck, _Chron. Slavorum_,
+  V, 19.
+
+Footnote 1462:
+
+  _Estoire de la guerre sainte_, verses 510–558, in: Gaston Paris’
+  edit., cols. 14–16. See Gaston Paris, _La Sicile_, 1876, p. 111.
+
+Footnote 1463:
+
+  See above, pp. 220–222 and p. 449, note 52.
+
+Footnote 1464:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 22 (from Isidore, _Etym._, XIV, 8) mentions the
+  Rhipaean range. See Benl, _Frühere und spätere Hypothesen_, 1905, pp.
+  10–12. This doctrine may perhaps be traced back to Babylonian
+  geography, according to which the high mountains at the headwaters of
+  the Tigris and Euphrates were thought to bound the earth on the north.
+  See Lutz, _Geographical Studies_, 1924, pp. 167–168.
+
+Footnote 1465:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 763.
+
+Footnote 1466:
+
+  See, on Grosseteste, above, pp. 179–180. Roger Bacon’s argument occurs
+  in his _Opus majus_, Bridges’ edit., vol. i, 1897, p. 359.
+
+Footnote 1467:
+
+  Theodosia was on the coast of the Crimea, not far from the Strait of
+  Azov (the Cimmerian Bosporus), which might well have been spoken of as
+  the mouth of the Tanaïs, or Don.
+
+Footnote 1468:
+
+  See above, p. 75.
+
+Footnote 1469:
+
+  Nansen, _Northern Mists_, 1911, vol. ii, pp. 139–140. Adam of Bremen
+  in the eleventh century wrote (_Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, IV, 13)
+  of Russia as the last and largest province of the Wends, whose
+  territory bounded the Baltic Sea on the east. He mentioned Ostrogard
+  as an important Russian trading city in his time, situated on the
+  Baltic (_ibid._, II, 19; IV, 11); Chive, or Kiev, as the principal
+  city of Russia (_ibid._, II, 19), a rival to Constantinople and an
+  honor to “Graecia”—the lands of the Greek church (Dietrich, _Geogr.
+  Anschauungen_, 1885, p. 103). See Tiander, _Poyezdki_, 1906, pp.
+  47–48.
+
+Footnote 1470:
+
+  Schaube, _Handelsgeschichte_, 1906, pp. 238–239.
+
+Footnote 1471:
+
+  “... inter aquilonem et item orientem Pecenatorum et Falonum, maximam
+  venationum copiam habente, sed vomere ac rastro pene experte campania”
+  (_Gesta Frid._, I, 31). In _Chron._, VI, 10, Otto states that
+  “Pecenati et hii qui Falones dicuntur, crudis et immundis carnibus,
+  utpote equinis catinis, usque hodie vescuntur.” “Falones” was the
+  medieval German name for the Komans (see Hofmeister’s edition of the
+  _Chronicon_, p. 271, note 6). The eleventh-century chronicle of Nestor
+  of Kiev speaks of the Komans as eaters of raw flesh (Zeuss, _Die
+  Deutschen und die Nachbarstämme_, 1837, p. 744). On the Komans,
+  Petchenegs, and other tribes of the Russian plains in the Middle Ages,
+  see the exhaustive treatise of J. Marquart, _Über das Volkstum der
+  Komanen_, forming chapter 2 of W. Bang and J. Marquart, _Osttürkische
+  Dialektstudien_, in: Abhandlungen der königlichen Gesellschaft der
+  Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse, vol.
+  xiii (N. S.), 1912–1914, pp. 25–238.
+
+Footnote 1472:
+
+  Hoff’s edit., p. 52 (as cited by Dreesbach, _Der Orient_, 1901, pp.
+  82–83).
+
+Footnote 1473:
+
+  See above, pp. 267–268.
+
+Footnote 1474:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, III, 1.
+
+Footnote 1475:
+
+  See above, pp. 330–331.
+
+Footnote 1476:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., p. 81.
+
+Footnote 1477:
+
+  See above, p. 269.
+
+Footnote 1478:
+
+  Petachia of Ratisbon, _Travels_, Benisch and Ainsworth’s transl.,
+  1856, pp. 3–5; Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 266–268.
+
+Footnote 1479:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 764, from Orosius, _Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
+
+Footnote 1480:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, I, 32.
+
+Footnote 1481:
+
+  Karl, _La Hongrie dans les chansons de geste_, 1908.
+
+Footnote 1482:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 20–21.
+
+Footnote 1483:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 29.
+
+Footnote 1484:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 36.
+
+Footnote 1485:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 25–27.
+
+Footnote 1486:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. ii, pp. 764–766.
+
+Footnote 1487:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 11 and pl. 1, vol. ii, 1895,
+  pl. 11.
+
+Footnote 1488:
+
+  _Chron. Slav._, I, 3; IV, 9.
+
+Footnote 1489:
+
+  Dietrich, _Geogr. Anschauungen_, 1885, p. 102, identifies this with
+  the modern Cuprija (Tsupriya).
+
+Footnote 1490:
+
+  Heyd, _Commerce du Levant_, vol. i, 1885, pp. 243–244.
+
+Footnote 1491:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 221.
+
+Footnote 1492:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., p. 12.
+
+Footnote 1493:
+
+  Heyd, _op. cit._, vol. i, 1885, p. 295. A brief of Innocent III of
+  1208 mentions the presence of Lombards, Danes, and English.
+
+Footnote 1494:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 12–14.
+
+Footnote 1495:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, II, 13.
+
+Footnote 1496:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela traversed the length of Italy on his way to the
+  Orient. He gives in his _Itinerary_ (Adler’s edit., pp. 5–10) some
+  details regarding the cities which he passed through. Genoa and Pisa,
+  he said were governed “neither by king nor prince but only by the
+  judges appointed by the citizens.” Each was noted for its “turreted
+  houses for battle in time of strife.” Rome was “the head of the
+  kingdoms of Christendom,” but Benjamin dismissed with brief phrase her
+  claims to glory as the seat of the Papacy. On the other hand, he wrote
+  in some detail of the Jewish inhabitants of Rome and more especially
+  of the ruins, among them “eighty palaces belonging to eighty kings who
+  lived there, each called Imperator, commencing with King
+  Tarquinius ... and ... ending with Pepin, who freed the land of
+  Sepharad [Spain] from Islam, and was father of Charlemagne.” The
+  Colosseum, the Catacombs, statues of Samson and of Constantine the
+  Great, and “many other edifices” and “remarkable sights beyond
+  enumeration” aroused the admiration of the Hebrew traveler. Farther
+  south he spoke of the great school of medicine at Salerno; of Amalfi,
+  “the inhabitants of which are merchants engaged in trade, who do not
+  sow or reap, because they dwell upon high hills and lofty crags, but
+  buy everything for money;” of Benevento; of Trani, with a convenient
+  port where pilgrims gather to take ship to Jerusalem; of Brindisi;
+  and, finally, of Otranto, whence one crosses to Corfu.
+
+  Interesting details of a journey through Italy in the twelfth century
+  are also supplied in Abbot Nikulás’ _Itinerary_ (Werlauff, _Symbolae_,
+  1821, pp. 29–35).
+
+Footnote 1497:
+
+  For a brief discussion of various regional divisions of Italy
+  suggested by writers from the time of Augustus to that of Dante and of
+  Flavio Biondo (fifteenth century) see Andriani, _La carta
+  dialettologica_, 1923, and below, p. 484, note 418.
+
+Footnote 1498:
+
+  On another source of wealth of Northern Italy, its auriferous rivers,
+  as listed in the _Honorantie civitatis papie_, a document of the
+  second half of the ninth century, see F. Landogna, _Su alcuni fiumi
+  auriferi nell’ alto medio evo_, in: Rivista geografica italiana, vol.
+  xxxi, Florence, 1924, pp. 77–86.
+
+Footnote 1499:
+
+  _Denumeratio_, p. 45.
+
+Footnote 1500:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, II, 13.
+
+Footnote 1501:
+
+  _Ligurinus_, II, 131–143.
+
+Footnote 1502:
+
+  _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1503:
+
+  See above, pp. 180–181.
+
+Footnote 1504:
+
+  Gregorovius, _City of Rome_ (Hamilton’s translation), vol. iv, pt. II,
+  1896, p. 655. Gregorovius comments on the decided preference given in
+  this book to the pagan as distinguished from the ecclesiastical city.
+  He also commends the work as being fairly accurate in its details. On
+  the interest in ruins that prevailed in our period, see Ganzenmüller,
+  _Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 213–215.
+
+Footnote 1505:
+
+  One of the sources which Master Gregory used was a booklet entitled
+  _De septem miraculis mundi_. The wonders as given in this booklet
+  were: (1) the Capitol at Rome; (2) the lighthouse at Alexandria; (3)
+  the Colossus of Rhodes; (4) the statue of Bellerophon at Smyrna; (5)
+  the theater at Heraclea; (6) the baths of Apollonius of Tyana; and (7)
+  the temple of Diana at Ephesus. All of these, except the last, were
+  included by Gregory in his account of Rome, though he did not believe
+  that all were actually situated in Rome (James, _Magister Gregorius_,
+  1917, pp. 537–539).
+
+Footnote 1506:
+
+  Conrad of Querfurt’s letter, in: Arnold of Lübeck, _Chron. Slav._, V,
+  19. See also Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 205–208.
+
+Footnote 1507:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 916.
+
+Footnote 1508:
+
+  _Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
+
+Footnote 1509:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 30.
+
+Footnote 1510:
+
+  _Chron._, Rolls Series edit., vol. iii, p. 48.
+
+Footnote 1511:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 176.
+
+Footnote 1512:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, II, 13.
+
+Footnote 1513:
+
+  _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1514:
+
+  Oehlmann, _Alpenpässe_, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iv, 1879, p. 304.
+
+Footnote 1515:
+
+  _ibid._, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iii, 1878, p. 181.
+
+Footnote 1516:
+
+  _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. xvi, p. 340.
+
+Footnote 1517:
+
+  Oehlmann, _op. cit._, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iii, 1878, p. 180.
+
+Footnote 1518:
+
+  Schaube, _Handelsgeschichte_, 1906, pp. 334–338. The Great St. Bernard
+  Pass was the principal artery of trade between Northern Italy and the
+  fairs of Champagne. The Septimer Pass, now little used, was much
+  traveled in the Middle Ages and was a principal trade route between
+  Lombardy and southern and western Germany (Schaube, _op. cit._, p.
+  450; Oehlmann, _op. cit._, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iv, 1879, pp. 305–323).
+
+Footnote 1519:
+
+  Oehlmann, _op. cit._, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iii, 1878, pp. 226–227.
+
+Footnote 1520:
+
+  See especially Abbot Nikulás’ description of the route over the Great
+  St. Bernard Pass (Werlauff, _Symbolae_, 1821, pp. 18–19).
+
+Footnote 1521:
+
+  Oehlmann, _op. cit._, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iii, 1878, pp. 257–267.
+
+Footnote 1522:
+
+  _ibid._, vol. iv, 1879, pp. 304–323. The medieval history of the
+  Alpine passes is discussed in detail by Oehlmann, _op. cit._; see
+  also, Reinhard, _Pässe und Strassen_, 1903; Schulte, _Geschichte_,
+  1900; Scheffel, _Verkehrsgeschichte_, vol. ii, 1914, pp. 167–286. For
+  a more compact account of the Alpine passes in the Middle Ages and in
+  later times, see Coolidge, _The Alps_, 1908, pp. 150–198.
+
+  It would seem that the passes of the Central Alps were relatively
+  little known in our period in comparison with those farther east and
+  west. The Simplon and St. Gotthard, now so important, were only just
+  beginning to be frequented. Other routes across the main ranges of the
+  Alps made use of in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries were
+  the Mont Genèvre and Little St. Bernard, leading from Italy into
+  France and French-speaking Switzerland; the Grimsel and possibly the
+  San Bernardino in the Central Alps; and farther east the
+  Reschen-Scheideck and the Pontebba. Shortly before the opening of our
+  period and during it many hospices were built to provide travelers
+  with shelter and hospitality on the passes and along the routes
+  leading to them.
+
+Footnote 1523:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, II, 1, 24, 28. See also Dietrich, _Geogr.
+  Anschauungen_, 1885, p. 99; Marinelli, _Scritti minori_, vol. i,
+  [1908?], pp. 600–601.
+
+Footnote 1524:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, III, 15a; IV, 3.
+
+Footnote 1525:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 8 (discussed in: Dietrich, _op. cit._, p. 99). Ragewin
+  used the term “Alemanni” to designate Germans in distinction from
+  “Italici” (_Gesta Frid._, III, 38).
+
+Footnote 1526:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 24, 25.
+
+Footnote 1527:
+
+  Notably by J. A. Endres, _Honorius Augustodunensis: Beitrag zur
+  Geschichte des geistigen Lebens im 12. Jahrhundert_, Kempten and
+  Munich, 1906, sect. 12. See Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, p. 30.
+
+Footnote 1528:
+
+  See above, p. 281.
+
+Footnote 1529:
+
+  See above, p. 239.
+
+Footnote 1530:
+
+  _Gesta Frid._, II, 46.
+
+Footnote 1531:
+
+  _Denumeratio_, pp. 49–50. For descriptive passages in Godfrey’s
+  _Pantheon_ on various parts of Germany and Holland, especially on the
+  regions of Nimwegen, Bamberg, and Würzburg, see _Mon. Germ. hist._,
+  Scriptores, vol. xxii, pp. 159–161, 240 (cited by Ganzenmüller,
+  _Naturgefühl_, 1914, p. 194).
+
+Footnote 1532:
+
+  _Ligurinus_, I, 377. See also Gaston Paris, _Dissertation critique_,
+  1872, pp. 85–86.
+
+Footnote 1533:
+
+  Gunther (_Ligurinus_, _loc. cit._) also describes in detail the
+  frontier between the territory of Cologne and that of Mayence and
+  mentions other local details of this region.
+
+Footnote 1534:
+
+  _Subtilitates_, II, 3–10.
+
+Footnote 1535:
+
+  See above, pp. 185 and 201–202.
+
+Footnote 1536:
+
+  _Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, I, 1–5. This is taken from Einhard’s
+  _Vita Caroli magni_ (Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, p. 533). Beazley,
+  _op. cit._, pp. 514–548, gives an excellent résumé of the geography of
+  Adam of Bremen. He asserts that Adam “possessed the geographical
+  instinct; almost every mention he makes of persons, places, or nations
+  is accompanied by some definition of their habitat or position”
+  (_ibid._, p. 516).
+
+Footnote 1537:
+
+  Dietrich, _Geogr. Anschauungen_, 1885, p. 189. Adam gives, of course,
+  much fuller detail regarding this and other regions; we have merely
+  tried to bring out a few of his more important geographical ideas.
+
+Footnote 1538:
+
+  _Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 4.
+
+Footnote 1539:
+
+  _ibid._, pp. 4–5.
+
+Footnote 1540:
+
+  “Iulinum, Iumne, Iomsburg, 935/60–1043 a fort of the Jom Vikings”
+  (Spruner-Menke, _Hand-Atlas für die Geschichte des Mittelalters und
+  der neueren Zeit_, 3rd edit., Gotha, 1880, pl. 37)—the site of the
+  present-day town of Wollin, according to some (Karl Baedeker, _Die
+  deutsche Ostseeküste: Handbuch für Reisende_, Leipzig, 1922, p. 122)
+  or of Swinemünde according to Dietrich, _op. cit._, p. 189, note 8.
+
+Footnote 1541:
+
+  Dietrich, _loc. cit._ Helmold (_Chron. Slav._, I, 2) describes this
+  city, but by his time it had been destroyed by a Danish king.
+
+Footnote 1542:
+
+  _Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, IV, 18; Helmold, _Chron. Slav._ I, 1.
+  See Dietrich, _op. cit._, p. 192.
+
+Footnote 1543:
+
+  _Chron. Slav._, II, 216.
+
+Footnote 1544:
+
+  Moritz, _Geogr. Kenntnis_, 1904, p. 26.
+
+Footnote 1545:
+
+  _Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, IV, 10; IV, 15. In Adam of Bremen’s work
+  the designation “Baltic” probably appears for the first time. Adam
+  says it was so called “because it extends in the form of a belt
+  (baltei)” (Nansen, _Northern Mists_, 1911, vol. i, p. 185).
+
+Footnote 1546:
+
+  Adam speaks of a bay trending northward at Birka (_Gesta Hammenb.
+  eccl. pont._, I, 62). See also Moritz, _op. cit._, p. 21.
+
+Footnote 1547:
+
+  Nansen, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 186. See also Marinelli, _Scritti
+  minori_, vol. i, [1908?], pp. 301–302, esp. footnote 1 on p. 302.
+
+Footnote 1548:
+
+  _Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 8.
+
+Footnote 1549:
+
+  Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 516–520. For Adam of Bremen’s
+  conception of the geography of the North see the full treatment by
+  Björnbo, _Adam af Bremen_, 1909. Björnbo’s map showing his theory of
+  Adam’s geography is reproduced in Nansen, _Northern Mists_, 1911, vol.
+  i, p. 186. See also Tiander, _Poyezdki_, 1906, pp. 46–51, for a
+  Russian scholar’s identification of places mentioned by Adam.
+
+Footnote 1550:
+
+  _Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, IV, 30.
+
+Footnote 1551:
+
+  Nansen, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 203–232.
+
+Footnote 1552:
+
+  _Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 8.
+
+Footnote 1553:
+
+  _Historia Norweg._, I, Storm’s edit., p. 83. See also Nansen, _op.
+  cit._, p. 204. A ski-runner is represented on the Hereford map of the
+  thirteenth century (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, reproduction accompanying
+  vol. iv, 1896; see also Nansen, _ibid._, p. 157).
+
+Footnote 1554:
+
+  _Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, IV, 31.
+
+Footnote 1555:
+
+  Ragewin’s continuation of Otto of Freising, _Gesta Frid._, III, 1.
+
+Footnote 1556:
+
+  _Ligurinus_, VI, 13–49.
+
+Footnote 1557:
+
+  Traditions of cannibalism among the northern tribes of Europe and
+  Scythia were widespread in the ancient world and date back at least to
+  the time of Herodotus. Human sacrifice and cannibalism were
+  undoubtedly practiced by the early Scandinavians (Nansen, _Northern
+  Mists_, 1911, vol. 1, pp. 81, 148–149).
+
+Footnote 1558:
+
+  _Chron._, VI, 30.
+
+Footnote 1559:
+
+  Wattenbach, _Guido von Bazoches_, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in the
+  Bibliography), pp. 72–73.
+
+Footnote 1560:
+
+  _Denumeratio_, pp. 47–48.
+
+Footnote 1561:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 914, 923.
+
+Footnote 1562:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 914.
+
+Footnote 1563:
+
+  _Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
+
+Footnote 1564:
+
+  _Etym._, XIV, 6, 38.
+
+Footnote 1565:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 914.
+
+Footnote 1566:
+
+  _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1567:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 29.
+
+Footnote 1568:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 922.
+
+Footnote 1569:
+
+  See above, pp. 72–173 and 175.
+
+Footnote 1570:
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela passed through the south of France. He gives a few
+  details (for the most part concerning the Jewish population) about
+  Narbonne, Béziers, Montpellier, Lunel, Posquières, Arles, and
+  Marseilles. Apparently he went by sea from Marseilles to Genoa
+  (_Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 2–5).
+
+  William the Breton gives several striking descriptions of landscapes
+  in France in his _Philippis_. His descriptions of Château Gaillard, of
+  the vicinity of Tours, of Flanders, and of the region about Pontarlier
+  are cited and in part translated into German by Ganzenmüller,
+  _Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 196–197.
+
+Footnote 1571:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895, p. 50 and reproduction
+  accompanying the volume (reduced in Fig. 2, p. 69, above).
+
+Footnote 1572:
+
+  _Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
+
+Footnote 1573:
+
+  _Hist. nat._, IV, 16. Pliny gives Agrippa as authority for these
+  figures. He states that the width of Britain is 300 miles, not 200 as
+  according to Orosius (_loc. cit._).
+
+Footnote 1574:
+
+  Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 10; vol. iii, 1895, p. 33.
+
+Footnote 1575:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 31.
+
+Footnote 1576:
+
+  _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 916. Gervase quotes Orosius, _Hist. adv.
+  pag._, I, 2, 37, to the effect that Britain is 800 miles long by 200
+  broad, but adds that “more recent authorities” give its length as
+  twenty days’ journeys and its breadth as ten days’ journeys. Elsewhere
+  (_Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 936–938) Gervase copies extensively from
+  Geoffrey of Monmouth’s _Historia Britonum_, which contains a long
+  account of various supernatural marvels of Britain.
+
+Footnote 1577:
+
+  _De laud. div. sap._, V, 789–880.
+
+Footnote 1578:
+
+  _ibid._, III, 825–938.
+
+Footnote 1579:
+
+  Giraldus Cambrensis, _Top. Hiber._, I, 1.
+
+Footnote 1580:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 2.
+
+Footnote 1581:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 3.
+
+Footnote 1582:
+
+  See above, pp. 211–212.
+
+Footnote 1583:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 5.
+
+Footnote 1584:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 6.
+
+Footnote 1585:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 8.
+
+Footnote 1586:
+
+  _ibid._, I, 9.
+
+Footnote 1587:
+
+  _ibid._, III, 2.
+
+Footnote 1588:
+
+  _ibid._, III, 10.
+
+Footnote 1589:
+
+  _ibid._, III, 11–15.
+
+Footnote 1590:
+
+  Giraldus Cambrensis, _Opera_, Rolls Series edit., vol. v, p. lxiii.
+
+Footnote 1591:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, I, 7.
+
+Footnote 1592:
+
+  “Gratianus Lucius” (Dr. John Lynch), _Cambrensis eversus_, edited by
+  Matthew Kelly, 3 vols., Dublin, 1848–1851. This work, a violent attack
+  on Giraldus, was first published in 1662. Dr. Lynch believed that the
+  Welsh traveler had uttered a terrible calumny against the good name of
+  the Irish people and undertook to demolish practically everything he
+  had said.
+
+Footnote 1593:
+
+  Kelly in his notes to the _Cambrensis eversus_, vol. i, 1848, pp.
+  117–119, shows how it would have been possible for Giraldus to have
+  made this mistake. From near the Shannon Pot, or source of the River
+  Shannon, other streams flow northward toward Ballyshannon; from Lough
+  Clean (Allen), also very near the Shannon Pot, it is only four miles
+  to the headwaters of the River Bennet, which flows westward into Sligo
+  Bay. These facts might easily give an impression that the Shannon
+  itself branches at its source in two directions, one branch running
+  down towards Ballyshannon or the Bennet, and the other flowing to the
+  southwest. The imperfect drainage development of Ireland would make
+  such an impression seem natural. Lough Hoyle, for instance, is
+  actually drained by two outlets at opposite ends of the lake.
+
+Footnote 1594:
+
+  _Desc. Kamb._, 6.
+
+Footnote 1595:
+
+  _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1596:
+
+  _ibid._, 17.
+
+Footnote 1597:
+
+  See above, pp. 178–179, 197, 215, and 216.
+
+Footnote 1598:
+
+  _Desc. Kamb._, 6.
+
+Footnote 1599:
+
+  An unusual treatment of linguistic geography is found, subsequent to
+  our period, in the _De vulgari eloquentia_ of Dante. Whereas Isidore
+  of Seville on Biblical authority had divided the languages of the
+  world into three main groups, the Japhetic, Hamitic, and Semitic,
+  Dante recognized the fact that these groups are further divisible into
+  secondary groups each consisting of several kindred languages. He
+  believed that there were three original European tongues: Greek,
+  spoken in the southeast and in Asia Minor; a language spoken in the
+  southwest; and one spoken in the north and east. “Man being a most
+  unstable and variable animal,” these three original tongues became
+  altered “according to the distances in place and time” with the result
+  that certain “vulgar tongues” were formed. These tongues in turn
+  underwent variations in different localities; the resultant forms were
+  still further subdivided, until by Dante’s time there were in
+  existence in Italy alone more than a thousand local dialectic
+  peculiarities. See Mori, _La geogr._, 1922, pp. 289–292.
+
+  Andriani, _La carta dialettologica_, 1923, discusses Dante’s study of
+  the local dialects of Italy as elaborated in the _De vulgari
+  eloquentia_. The poet divided the peninsula and Sardinia into fourteen
+  major dialectic regions. These correspond essentially with the
+  geographical regions established by Flavio Biondo in his _Italia
+  illustrata_ (fifteenth century). With the aid of the latter work
+  Andriani constructs a tentative dialectic map of Italy as Dante
+  probably would have conceived it. Modern research in the linguistic
+  geography of that country has served in general to confirm Dante’s
+  assertions on the subject.
+
+Footnote 1600:
+
+  See Bibliography under William Fitzstephen.
+
+Footnote 1601:
+
+  See above, p. 331–332.
+
+Footnote 1602:
+
+  The preceding quotations from William Fitzstephen are taken from
+  Morley’s translation on pp. 22–26 of his edition of Stow’s _A Survay
+  of London ... 1598_, 1908.
+
+Footnote 1603:
+
+  The quotations on the sports of the Londoners are from Stow’s
+  sixteenth-century translation in Morley’s edition of Stow, _op. cit._,
+  pp. 117–125.
+
+Footnote 1604:
+
+  Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 74–77.
+
+Footnote 1605:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 75.
+
+Footnote 1606:
+
+  See above, p. 335 and p. 483, notes 392 and 395. For these and other
+  legends quoted below, see Miller, _ibid._, pp. 75–82.
+
+Footnote 1607:
+
+  “Pinlimon,” “Montes Chivieti,” “Mons Snaudun” (_ibid._, pp. 78, 79).
+
+Footnote 1608:
+
+  “Regio montuosa et nemorosa, gentem incultam generans et pastoralem,
+  quia pars eius mariscus est et harundinetum” (_ibid._, p. 78).
+
+Footnote 1609:
+
+  “Regia invia et aquosa.” “Patria palustris et invia, pecudibus et
+  pastoribus apta” (_ibid._).
+
+Footnote 1610:
+
+  “Regio palustris, montuosa, nemorosa, invia, pastoribus accomoda,
+  incolas habet agiles, incultos et bellicosos” (_ibid._, p. 79). See
+  above, p. 233.
+
+Footnote 1611:
+
+  “Sephe,” “Thanet,” “Vecta,” “V̄en̄.” (Alderney?), “Grenese”
+  (Guernsey), “Purland,” “Sulli,” “Lundeth,” “Engleseia insula,” “Man,”
+  “Tyren insula” (this may be either Tiree or the peninsula of Kintyre,
+  Miller, _ibid._, p. 75), “insula Columkilli” (Icolmkill, or Iona),
+  “Orkades Insule” (_ibid._, p. 75).
+
+Footnote 1612:
+
+  _Top. Hiber._, II, 15.
+
+Footnote 1613:
+
+  _ibid._, II, 11.
+
+Footnote 1614:
+
+  _ibid._, II, 13.
+
+Footnote 1615:
+
+  _ibid._, II, 17.
+
+Footnote 1616:
+
+  C. H. Haskins, _The De Arte Venandi cum Avibus of the Emperor
+  Frederick II_, in: English Historical Review, vol. xxxvi, London,
+  1921, p. 346, note 8; idem, _Studies_, 1924, p. 316, note 104.
+  “Gallandia” here may mean Greenland, although in Ordericus Vitalis
+  (_Hist. eccles._, II, 5) “Gollanda” is probably Gotland (see below, p.
+  487, note 455). Abu-l-Ḥasan, a Moslem geographer of the thirteenth
+  century, places the island of the white falcons to the west of
+  Denmark. “Its length from west to east is about seven days and its
+  breadth about four days.” He reports that white falcons are brought
+  from here for the Sultan of Egypt. He also speaks of a white bear in
+  these regions, which goes out into the sea and swims and catches fish
+  (Nansen, _Northern Mists_, 1911, vol. ii, pp. 208–209).
+
+Footnote 1617:
+
+  _Íslendingabók_, 1, 2–3; translation from Nansen, _op. cit._, vol. i,
+  p. 254. The pre-Norse Christians in Iceland were Irish hermits, whose
+  visits to Thule or Iceland are described by Dicuil, _De mens. orb.
+  ter._, 7 (Letronne’s edit., p. 38). See also (_ibid._, pp. 165–166).
+
+Footnote 1618:
+
+  _Hist. de antiq. reg. norwag._, 3, Storm’s edit., p. 8; translation
+  from Nansen, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 254. See above, p. 412, note 122.
+
+Footnote 1619:
+
+  _Hist. Norweg._, I, Storm’s edit., p. 92; translation from Nansen,
+  _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 255.
+
+Footnote 1620:
+
+  Translation from Nansen, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1621:
+
+  On Norse settlements and voyages on the coasts of Greenland, see
+  Nansen, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 258–311. The _Landnámabók_, I (transl.
+  in Vigfusson and York Powell, _Orig. Island._, vol. i, 1905, pp.
+  14–15) gives the distances in days’ sailing from points on the coast
+  of Iceland to points on the coasts of Norway, Greenland, Ireland, and
+  to “Svalbard” (possibly Spitsbergen; see above, p. 349). It was said
+  to have been a journey of seven _doegr_ from Cape Stat in Norway to
+  Cape Horn on the east coast of Iceland, of three (according to one
+  version of the _Landnámabók_) or of five (according to another
+  version) from Reykyanes to the Mare’s Leap in Ireland, of four _doegr_
+  from the northeasternmost cape of Iceland to Svalbard, and of one
+  across to Greenland at what was probably the narrowest passage. These
+  figures are difficult to interpret. The relative times given in no way
+  correspond to the actual relative distances, and we are not absolutely
+  certain what is meant by _doegr_. In fact Nansen writes that it is
+  hopeless to look for any system in these data (_op. cit._, vol. ii, p.
+  170). If we take _doegr_ to be a journey of twelve hours (as would
+  seem to be indicated by the _Heimskringla_, Morris and Magnússon’s
+  transl., vol. ii, p. 242; interpreted by Nansen, _op. cit._, pp. 170,
+  171, and note) the passage from Norway to Iceland would require
+  sailing at a rate of 155 sea miles in twenty-four hours, not
+  altogether excessive under favorable conditions. On the other hand,
+  the passage from Iceland to Ireland and to Greenland would necessitate
+  a speed of either 475 or 385 sea miles in twenty-four hours
+  respectively, which would be excellent speed for a modern liner. See
+  Nansen, _loc. cit._, and E. Magnússon’s note on the sailing directions
+  of the _Landnámabók_ in: Transactions of the Cambridge Philological
+  Society, vol. i, for 1872–1880, London, 1881, pp. 316–318.
+
+Footnote 1622:
+
+  _Konungs-Skuggsjá_, 16 (Brenner’s edit.), pp. 47–48; translation from
+  Nansen, _Northern Mists._, 1911, vol. i, pp. 279–280.
+
+Footnote 1623:
+
+  _Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, IV, 39; translation from Nansen, _op.
+  cit._, vol. i, p. 195.
+
+Footnote 1624:
+
+  _Gesta Danorum_, VIII, Holder’s edit., pp. 287–292.
+
+Footnote 1625:
+
+  _Hist. Norweg._, I, Storm’s edit., pp. 75–76; translation from Nansen,
+  _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 167.
+
+Footnote 1626:
+
+  _Hist. Norweg._, I, Storm’s edit., pp. 78–79; translation from Nansen,
+  _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 168. On the relation of this gulf with the
+  mythical Ginungagap (see above, p. 147) see Nansen, _op. cit._, vol.
+  ii, p. 239–240.
+
+Footnote 1627:
+
+  _Landnámabók_, I, 1 (transl. in Vigfusson and York Powell, _Orig.
+  Island._, vol. i, 1905, p. 15.) See Nansen, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p.
+  166.
+
+Footnote 1628:
+
+  Nansen, _loc. cit._
+
+Footnote 1629:
+
+  It is of course not certain that Spitsbergen is meant by the
+  “Svalbard” of the _Icelandic Annals_. See the discussion in Nansen,
+  _op. cit._, vol. ii, pp. 166–171.
+
+Footnote 1630:
+
+  Reeves, _Wineland_, 1890, p. 10.
+
+Footnote 1631:
+
+  _ibid._, p. 81.
+
+Footnote 1632:
+
+  English translation of these in Reeves, _op. cit._, pp. 28–52, 64–78.
+
+Footnote 1633:
+
+  See above, p. 405, note 90. This part of the geographical description
+  is probably not the work of Abbot Nikulás Bergsson. See Nansen, _In
+  Northern Mists_, 1911, vol. i, p. 313.
+
+Footnote 1634:
+
+  Nikulás Bergsson’s geographical description of the world, in:
+  Werlauff, _Symbolae_, 1821, p. 14.
+
+Footnote 1635:
+
+  _Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, IV, 38; translation from Reeves, _op.
+  cit._, p. 92.
+
+Footnote 1636:
+
+  “Orcades insulae et Finlanda. Islanda quoque et Grenlanda, ultra quam
+  ad Septentrionem terra non reperitur, aliaeque plures usque in
+  Gollandam regi Noricorum subjiciuntur, et de toto orbe divitiae
+  navigio illuc advehuntur” (_Hist. eccles._, pt. III, bk. X, 5, in:
+  Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxxviii, col. 727). “Finlanda” here refers
+  to Wineland (Rafn, _Antiq. americanae_, 1837, p. 337).
+
+Footnote 1637:
+
+  See Rafn, _op. cit._, p. 338, note g; Lappenberg, in his edition of
+  Adam of Bremen in _Scriptores rerum germ._, Hanover, 1876, p. xvii,
+  maintained that this was a later interpolation made by Adam himself.
+  See Nansen, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 195; vol. ii, pp. 147–155.
+
+Footnote 1638:
+
+  _Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, IV, 38; translation from Reeves, _op.
+  cit._ pp. 92–93.
+
+Footnote 1639:
+
+  _De imag. mundi_, I, 36.
+
+Footnote 1640:
+
+  E. Renan, _Essais de morale et de critique_, 3rd edit., Paris, 1868,
+  p. 445, quoted by F. Michel, _Les voyages merveilleux de St. Brandan_,
+  Paris, 1878, p. vii.
+
+Footnote 1641:
+
+  Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+  p. vi.
+
+Footnote 1642:
+
+  This résumé of the voyages of St. Brandan in the present text was made
+  from the Latin text of the _Peregrinatio_ given by Schröder, _op.
+  cit._, pp. 3–36. Reference has already been made to various aspects of
+  the voyages; see above, pp. 197–198, 224–225, 230–231.
+
+Footnote 1643:
+
+  _De mensura orbis terrae_, 7 (Letronne’s edit., p. 40).
+
+Footnote 1644:
+
+  The _Peregrinatio_ (Schröder, _op. cit._, p. 32) describes Paul’s
+  islet as being as long as it was broad and of equal height. This
+  suggests the lonely Rockall, some 280 miles west of the Outer
+  Hebrides. See J. B. Charcot, _Les croisières du “Pourquoi pas?” en
+  1921_, in: La Géographie, vol. xxxvi, Paris, 1922, pp. 475–476.
+
+
+
+
+                              BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+
+
+                          BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+Those who wish to carry out detailed investigations of the various
+topics discussed in the present volume will find in the Notes and
+Bibliography references to the original sources and to secondary works.
+Owing, however, to the scattered nature of the references in the Notes
+and to the alphabetical arrangement of the Bibliography it is impossible
+from them alone to gain a rapid introduction to the outstanding
+publications on the subject. To supply such an introduction is the
+purpose of the following note.
+
+Titles are not as a rule here cited in full, and the reader should
+therefore turn to the Bibliography for the full titles, for indications
+of the place and manner of publication, and for other bibliographical
+details. The relatively few titles of publications mentioned here only
+are given in full and are followed by the words “(not in Bibliography).”
+
+
+                             BIBLIOGRAPHIES
+
+The study of the geographical lore of the Middle Ages has been
+approached by scholars from many different points of view. This is
+reflected in the character of the bibliographies dealing specifically or
+incidentally with this field. We may group these bibliographies
+arbitrarily into three classes: (a) historical bibliographies; (b)
+geographical bibliographies; (c) bibliographies devoted to the history
+of science.
+
+
+                       Historical Bibliographies
+
+Among the historical bibliographies mention should first be made of
+Chevalier’s _Répertoire des sources historiques du moyen
+âge_, 1894–1907. Two volumes of this work, with the subtitle
+_Bio-bibliographie_, list alphabetically a large number of personages of
+importance in the Middle Ages. Brief biographical notes are given,
+followed by extensive lists of references to publications by or in any
+way relating to these personages. A great difficulty in using the
+_Bio-bibliographie_ lies in the fact that no clues are given regarding
+the type of publications to which reference is made. We are not told
+whether these publications are printed texts of medieval works,
+scholarly treatises, or merely passing and relatively unimportant
+allusions. In a third volume of Chevalier’s _Répertoire_ (with the
+subtitle _Topo-bibliographie_) the effort is made to list alphabetically
+a multitude of topics relating to medieval history and life and, as in
+the _Bio-bibliographie_, to give references to publications upon these
+topics. Here again, owing to the lack of critical evaluation of the
+references as well as to the somewhat arbitrary selection of the topical
+headings, the work is of very uneven utility.
+
+Whereas Chevalier attempts to cover the entire range of medieval
+civilization, the writings of the historians and chroniclers of the age
+are dealt with in Potthast’s indispensable _Bibliotheca historica medii
+aevi_, 1896. The main part of these volumes consists of an alphabetical
+repertory of names and titles with references to manuscripts, editions,
+translations, and secondary works explanatory of the sources. There are
+also included highly useful synopses of the contents of the great
+collections of medieval sources (see below, pp. 493–495) and an appendix
+in which the titles of the original sources are given chronologically
+within regional divisions.
+
+For a general guide to many of the more important books and articles on
+medieval history, L. J. Paetow’s _Guide to the Study of Medieval History
+for Students, Teachers, and Librarians_ (University of California
+Syllabus Series, no. 90), Berkeley, Cal., 1917 (not in Bibliography), is
+valuable. A large part of Paetow’s book is devoted to medieval culture.
+Though by no means exhaustive, the _Guide_ is excellent for orienting
+the student in an unfamiliar field.
+
+We refrain from mentioning other historical bibliographies of regions
+and topics relating to the Middle Ages. References to many of these may
+readily be found in the first chapter of Paetow’s _Guide_ and in the
+various paragraphs entitled “Bibliographies” appended to the topical
+sections of that publication.
+
+
+                      Geographical Bibliographies
+
+The bibliography of ancient and medieval geography has been dealt with
+at some length in the summaries of the progress of geographical research
+that have appeared from time to time in the _Geographisches Jahrbuch_
+published by Justus Perthes, Gotha (not in Bibliography), which since
+1880 has been edited by Professor Hermann Wagner of Göttingen. The
+ancient period has been covered by Professor Eugen Oberhummer in vols.
+xix (1896), xxii (1899), xxviii (1905), and xxxiv (1911); the medieval
+by Professors Sophus Ruge and Walther Ruge in vols. xviii (1895), xx
+(1897), xxiii (1900), xxvi (1903), and xxx (1907). These reports are
+running commentaries on the progress of current investigation, with
+references to the literature in the footnotes.
+
+A section on the history of geography, with occasional references to
+publications in the medieval field, has appeared regularly in the
+_Bibliographie géographique annuelle_ (not in Bibliography) of the
+periodical Annales de Géographie, published by Armand Colin, Paris,
+1893–1914, and in its continuation, _Bibliographie géographique
+1915–1919, 1920–1921, 1922_ (not in Bibliography), published under the
+auspices of the Association de Géographes Français. References to
+secondary works in medieval geography are also given in the annual
+volumes of _Bibliotheca Geographica_ (not in Bibliography), published by
+the Gesellschaft für Erdkunde Berlin, and covering 1891 to 1912.
+
+
+                Bibliographies of the History of Science
+
+References to publications on medieval geography as a part of the
+history of science may be found in the critical bibliographies that have
+been included since its inception in 1913 in each number of the
+periodical Isis: International Review Devoted to the History of Science
+and Civilization, Brussels.
+
+
+                              DICTIONARIES
+
+Research in the field covered by the present volume requires a working
+knowledge of medieval Latin, the language in which most of the original
+sources were written. Medieval Latin is not difficult—except in
+occasional passages—for one who has some knowledge of classical Latin.
+The great dictionary of C. D. Du Cange, _Glossarium ad scriptores mediae
+et infimae latinitatis_ (not in Bibliography), first published at Paris
+in 1678 and subsequently in other editions (the latest at Niort,
+1883–1887), is indispensable. For medieval French, consult F. E.
+Godefroy, _Dictionnaire de l’ancienne langue française_, 10 vols.,
+Paris, 1881–1902 (not in Bibliography).
+
+
+                              MANUSCRIPTS
+
+Many of the works of medieval authors have never been printed. They can
+be consulted only in the collections of manuscripts of the libraries of
+Europe and, to a limited extent, of America. While research in
+manuscripts is not absolutely essential for a general study like the
+present, no detailed research can very well be conducted without direct
+recourse to unprinted documents.
+
+The use of medieval manuscripts is an art in itself, requiring some
+familiarity with paleography. The handwritings of the twelfth and
+thirteenth centuries, however, are frequently not difficult to decipher.
+On this subject consult: E. M. Thompson, _An Introduction to Greek and
+Latin Palaeography_, Oxford, 1912 (not in Bibliography), and, for
+abbreviations commonly used in manuscripts, A. Cappelli, _Lexicon
+abbreviaturarum ...: Dizionario di abbreviature latine ed italiane ..._,
+Milan, 1899, 2nd edit., Milan, 1912 (not in Bibliography).
+
+A list of catalogues of collections of manuscripts will be found in a
+publication of the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris: _Collection
+alphabétique des livres imprimés mis à la disposition des lecteurs dans
+la salle de travail, suivi de la liste des catalogues usuels du
+département des manuscrits_, Paris, 1910 (not in Bibliography). Useful
+references to manuscripts of some of the writings on geography and
+natural science of the Middle Ages are included in Beazley, _Dawn of
+Modern Geography_, 1897–1906, in Thorndike, _History of Magic and
+Experimental Science_, 1923, and in Haskins, _Studies in the History of
+Mediaeval Science_, 1924. References to manuscript maps will be found in
+Miller, _Mappaemundi_, 1895–1898.
+
+
+                    COLLECTIONS OF ORIGINAL SOURCES
+
+The great printed collections of historical sources dealing with the
+Middle Ages are discussed in Paetow’s _Guide_ (see above, p. 492) and
+analyzed in Potthast’s _Bibliotheca_ (see above, p. 491). In the
+Bibliography of the present volume reference is made to printed texts of
+individual works. It will therefore not be necessary here to do more
+than indicate the titles of a few of the collections most important from
+the point of view of medieval geography.
+
+The _Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum_, 1866 ff., is a
+collection of critically edited texts of the writings of the Latin
+Church Fathers. Migne, _Patrologiae cursus completus ... series latina_
+(referred to in the Notes as _Pat. lat._), 1844–1864, contains texts,
+for the most part uncritical, not only of the writings of the Church
+Fathers but also of a vast assemblage of works bearing directly or
+indirectly on the medieval Church.
+
+In nearly all the nations of Europe the publication has been carried
+through or is in progress of great collections of sources dealing with
+the national history during the Middle Ages. To mention briefly a few of
+these, we may refer first to the _Rerum britannicarum medii aevi
+scriptores_, 1858–1891, usually known as the “Rolls Series.” This series
+includes not only the works of the historians and chroniclers of Britain
+of the Middle Ages but also those of many British writers on matters of
+geography and natural science. The _Monumenta Germaniae historica_,
+1826–1874 and 1876 ff., contains in its magnificent volumes documents
+relating to all aspects of the history and life of the medieval Germans
+and incidentally of Europe as a whole. Many of the texts of the
+_Monumenta_ have been more critically edited in the _Scriptores rerum
+germanicarum in usum scholarum ex Monumentis Germaniae historicis
+recusi_, 1840 ff. For France there are the _Rerum gallicarum et
+francicarum scriptores_, or _Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la
+France_, Paris, 1738–1904 (not in Bibliography), and the publications of
+the Société de l’Histoire de France, Paris, 1835 ff. (not in
+Bibliography); for the Crusades the most important collection is the
+_Recueil des historiens des croisades_, 14 vols., Paris, 1841–1898 (not
+in Bibliography).
+
+Collections dealing more especially with texts of geographical
+importance are, for ancient geography, Müller’s _Geographi graeci
+minores_, 1882, and Riese’s _Geographi latini minores_, 1878.
+Itineraries to and descriptions of the Holy Land will be found in
+Tobler, _Descriptiones terrae sanctae_, 1874, Tobler, _Itinera ... saec.
+iv-xi_, 1877, Michelant and Reynaud, _Itinéraires à Jerusalem_, 1882,
+and Tobler, Molinier, and Kohler, _Itinera ... bellis sacris anteriora_,
+1880–1885. English translations of certain medieval travels in Palestine
+will be found in Thomas Wright, _Early Travels in Palestine_, 1848, and
+in the _Library_ of the Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society, 1885–1897.
+Texts and English translations for the early exploration of Iceland will
+be found in Vigfusson and Yorke Powell, _Origines islandicae_, 1905.
+Documents relating to the Norse discovery of America are included in
+Rafn, _Antiquitates americanae_, 1837–1841; and Reeves, _The Finding of
+Wineland the Good_, 1890, gives English translations of the Vineland
+voyages. On the texts of the great Asiatic voyages of the thirteenth and
+fourteenth centuries, which do not fall within the scope of the present
+volume, see above, pp. 269–270, and p. 465, notes 70, 71, 74, 75.
+
+The primary collection of facsimiles of medieval maps prior to the
+appearance of the portolan charts is Miller, _Mappaemundi_, 1895–1898;
+critical texts with references to manuscripts and discussions are here
+given. Reproductions of early medieval maps are also given in the
+atlases to Santarem, _Essai sur l’histoire de la cosmographie et de la
+cartographie_, 1849–1852, and to Lelewel, _Géographie du moyen âge_,
+1852–1857.
+
+A selection of medieval texts dealing with meteorology will be found in
+Hellmann, _Denkmäler mittelalterlicher Meteorologie_, 1904.
+
+
+                            SECONDARY WORKS
+
+We may divide our treatment of secondary works into two parts: first, a
+discussion of publications dealing with the broader background of
+medieval life and thus, incidentally, with the geographical lore of the
+period; second, a discussion of publications dealing directly with the
+geographical and related lore of antiquity and the Middle Ages or with
+the enlargement of geographical knowledge. The titles of secondary works
+relating to the specific writings or authors referred to in the present
+volume may readily be found by using the cross-references in the
+Bibliography.
+
+
+                Background of Medieval Intellectual Life
+
+In order not to expand our discussion beyond due measure, we shall
+restrict ourselves in this section to mentioning a very few publications
+the majority of which have been of direct service in the preparation of
+the present volume.
+
+For a broad and brilliantly written treatment of medieval intellectual
+activity in its many phases, we may refer to H. O. Taylor, _The
+Mediaeval Mind: A History of the Development of Thought and Emotion in
+the Middle Ages_, 2 vols., New York, 1911, revised edit., 1914 (not in
+Bibliography). Haskins’ _Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science_,
+1924, which appeared while the present volume was in press, is
+fundamental for the history of science in Western Europe in the twelfth
+and thirteenth centuries. Several of its chapters are revisions of
+articles which had previously appeared, but other parts of the work are
+entirely new contributions. The volume is based to a very large extent
+upon hitherto unpublished sources; many critical and interesting
+passages of Latin texts are published in it for the first time. Poole’s
+_Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought and Learning_, 1920,
+is a discussion of the work of a few selected exponents of typical modes
+of medieval thought. The original work of the scholars of Chartres in
+the Middle Ages is the subject of Clerval’s _Écoles de Chartres_, 1895.
+
+The Latin literature of the period as a whole is dealt with in Gröber,
+_Übersicht über die lateinische Literatur von der Mitte des 6.
+Jahrhunderts bis 1350_, 1888–1902, and medieval Latin literature prior
+to the middle of the eleventh century is treated in greater detail in M.
+Manitius, _Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters_, vol.
+1, 1911. On the Latin poetry of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries
+consult Francke, _Geschichte der lateinischen Schulpoesie_, 1879. For
+the French literature of the age there is the important volume of Gaston
+Paris, _La littérature française au moyen âge_, 1914, or the English
+translation.
+
+Medieval philosophy is outlined in De Wulf, _Histoire de la philosophie
+médiévale_, 1900, or the English translation.
+
+On the art of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries as expressing the
+thought of the time the student should read Mâle’s two volumes, _L’art
+religieux du xii^e siècle_, 1922, and _L’art religieux du xiii^e
+siècle_, 1910, or the English translation of the volume dealing with the
+thirteenth century.
+
+An old but highly suggestive treatise on the natural science of the
+early twelfth century is that of C. B. Jourdain, _Dissertation sur
+l’état de la philosophie naturelle_, 1838. Natural science, magic, and
+legendary lore of the first thirteen centuries of the Christian era form
+the topics of Thorndike’s learned _History of Magic and Experimental
+Science_, 1923. Some of these subjects as they were embodied in medieval
+French encyclopedias compiled for the use of the layman are illustrated
+in C. V. Langlois, _La connaissance de la nature_, 1911. Legendary lore
+more especially is the theme of Denis’ little _Monde enchanté_, 1843, of
+Berger de Xivrey’s _Traditions tératologiques_, 1836, and, more
+recently, of Graf’s _Miti, leggende e superstizioni_, 1892–1893.
+
+The relation between theology and natural science in the Middle Ages has
+been a matter of controversy. From a point of view relatively favorable
+to medieval science the subject was discussed by Zöckler, _Geschichte
+der Beziehungen zwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft_, vol. i, 1877;
+from a more critical point of view, by Draper, _Conflict Between
+Religion and Science_, 1875, and in White’s scholarly _Warfare of
+Science with Theology_, 1895.
+
+The influence of classical scholarship upon medieval thought was potent.
+This topic as a whole is dealt with in much detail in Sandys’ monumental
+_History of Classical Scholarship_, 3rd edit., vol. i, 1921. On the use
+of classical works in the Middle Ages see also the two monographs of M.
+Manitius, _Beiträge zur Geschichte der römischen Prosaiker_, 1890, and
+_Philologisches aus alten Bibliothekskatalogen_, 1892. In regard to
+medieval Latin translations from the Greek, Arabic, and Hebrew, the
+formerly authoritative treatises of Amable Jourdain, _Recherches
+critiques_, 1843, and Wüstenfeld, _Übersetzungen arabischer Werke_,
+1877, have to a large extent been superseded by the researches of
+Steinschneider (_Hebräische Übersetzungen_, 1893; _Europäische
+Übersetzungen_, 1905–1906), Mandonnet (_Siger de Brabant_, 1908, 1911),
+Grabmann (_Forschungen über die lateinischen Aristotelesübersetzungen_,
+1916), Haskins (_Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science_, 1924),
+and others (see above, pp. 95–102, and notes 32–70 on pp. 398–403).
+
+
+       The Geographical Lore of Antiquity and of the Middle Ages
+
+The publications dealing with ancient and medieval geographical lore may
+be divided into three groups: those devoted to (a) the history of
+geography as a whole; (b) the history of geography in particular
+periods; (c) the history of particular aspects of geography.
+
+
+                 _The History of Geography as a Whole_
+
+With the exception of a few brief popular works, the writer knows of
+only three general histories of geography in which the attempt is made
+to cover the entire field. These are Louis Vivien de St. Martin,
+_Histoire de la géographie et des découvertes géographiques depuis les
+temps les plus reculés jusqu’à nos jours_, with atlas, Paris, 1873 (not
+in Bibliography); Peschel, _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 1877; and Günther,
+_Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 1904. The first is concerned primarily with
+explorations and the expansion of regional knowledge; in its pages the
+medieval period receives but scant attention. Peschel aimed to cover
+both exploration and scientific geography, and his work, though old, is
+of great value: scholarly, well balanced, and clearly written. Whereas
+Peschel stopped with the early nineteenth century, Günther carries the
+record through that century; his book contains a wealth of detail and of
+useful bibliographical notes.
+
+
+            _The History of Geography in Particular Periods_
+
+1. _Ancient Geography._ Bunbury’s _History of Ancient Geography_, 1879,
+remains to the present day the only work of large scope on Greek and
+Latin geography as a whole. Tozer’s delightful _History of Ancient
+Geography_, 1897, is a good introduction to the subject but is
+inadequate for detailed research. A scholarly treatment of the
+scientific geography of the Greeks is Berger’s _Geschichte der
+wissenschaftlichen Erdkunde der Griechen_, 1903. The most extensive
+recent treatment of classical geography as a whole, with numerous
+references, is Gisinger’s article “Geographie” in _Paulys
+Real-Encyclopädie_, 1924. The evolution of those theories of ancient
+geography which prepared the way toward the discovery of America is
+admirably outlined in the now somewhat out of date but nevertheless
+useful and stimulating chapter by Tillinghast, _Geographical Knowledge
+of the Ancients in Relation to the Discovery of America_, in the first
+volume of Winsor’s _Narrative and Critical History_, 1889. Alexander von
+Humboldt in the first part of the _Examen critique de l’histoire de la
+géographie du nouveau continent et des progrès de l’astronomie nautique
+aux quinzième et seizième siècles_, Paris, 1st edit., 1814–1834 (not in
+Bibliography), probed deeply into the history of ancient geography. See
+also C. B. Jourdain, _De l’influence d’Aristote ... sur la découverte du
+Nouveau-Monde_, 1861.
+
+2. _Medieval Geography._ Santarem’s _Essai sur l’histoire de la
+cosmographie et de la cartographie_, 1849–1852, marks one of the
+earliest attempts in modern times to open up the subject of medieval
+geography. It consists of a mass of detailed notes on the regional
+geographical theories of the cosmographers of the Middle Ages. Lelewel’s
+_Géographie du moyen âge_, 1852–1857, is a work of erudition
+exasperating in the confusion of its arrangement, the difficulty of its
+style, and the untenability of many of its theories. Lelewel, however,
+went beyond Santarem in his endeavor to take into consideration the work
+of Arabic as well as of Occidental geographical authors.
+
+The most recent broad history of medieval geography is Beazley’s
+important _Dawn of Modern Geography_, 1897–1906. These three volumes are
+the result of long and arduous research and will probably remain for
+many years to come on the whole the most satisfactory general treatment
+of the subject. They cover the period from 300 to 1420 A. D. Attention
+is given to the explorations and geographical science not only of the
+Christians but also of the Arabs and Chinese (the two latter subjects,
+however, having been studied through translations and secondary works
+only). Throughout, especial stress is laid upon the record of travel and
+exploration and upon the historical events that led to the acquisition
+of geographical information by travel and exploration. In the first two
+volumes, on the period until 1260, extensive chapters are devoted to
+“Geographical Theory,” but in the third, covering 1260 to 1420, only 29
+out of a total of 541 pages are given to geographical theory, and the
+chapter on geographical theory of the period from 900 to 1260 in the
+second volume barely touches upon the various topics discussed in
+Chapters V to X of the present book. To illustrate the theoretical
+“earth-knowledge” of the “Central Middle Age period” Beazley discusses
+three examples only, the work of Constantine Porphyrogenetos, that of
+Adam of Bremen, and the chief maps of the age. There is either the
+briefest passing mention or else no reference whatever to the writings
+of the highly characteristic authors the study of whose geographical
+opinions is the main purpose of the present volume—such writers as Peter
+Abelard, Peter Comestor, Hildegard of Bingen, Bernard and Theodoric of
+Chartres, Adelard of Bath, William of Conches, Gerard of Cremona,
+Michael Scot, Robert Grosseteste, Gervase of Tilbury, Otto of Freising,
+Gunther of Pairis, Giraldus Cambrensis, Saxo Grammaticus, Guy of
+Bazoches, and the various translators from the Arabic. Furthermore,
+Beazley makes no attempt to give a systematic analysis of the various
+elements that constituted the geographical lore of the scholar or
+educated reader of Western Europe in the age of the Crusades.
+
+A scholarly account of the geography of the Church Fathers is Marinelli,
+_La geografia e i padri della chiesa_, 1882 (also translated into
+German). Very full references are here given in footnotes.
+
+On the geography of the Moslems of the Middle Ages the first volume of
+Reinaud’s _Géographie d’Aboulféda_, 1848, though now more than seventy
+years old, is still, to our knowledge, the only thoroughly scholarly
+work covering the whole field in detail. More recent, but much briefer
+treatments are those of Baron Carra de Vaux in the second volume of his
+_Penseurs de l’Islam_, 1921, and of Carl Schoy in various articles
+(cited in the Bibliography under his name), especially the article in
+the Geographical Review, 1924.
+
+
+            _The History of Particular Aspects of Geography_
+
+1. _Cosmogony and Cosmology._ Duhem’s great _Système du monde_,
+1913–1917, is now the fundamental history of the evolution of
+cosmological doctrines from the time of Plato to the fourteenth century.
+To it the writer owes, to a large extent, his guidance to the original
+sources as well as much of the material which he has necessarily
+accepted at second hand in those parts of the present book which deal
+with the origins and the larger relations of the earth to the remainder
+of the universe. For the twelfth and thirteenth centuries Werner’s two
+monographs, _Die Kosmologie ... Wilhelm von Conches_, 1873, and _Die
+Kosmologie ... des Roger Baco_, 1879, are important. On the development
+of Christian theories of the Creation one should also consult Zöckler,
+_Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft_,
+1877–1879, and Robbins, _Hexaemeral Literature_, 1912. See also A. C.
+McGiffert, _The God of the Early Christians_, New York, 1924 (not in
+Bibliography), for the theologians’ view of the Creation in the early
+centuries of our era. An interesting monograph on the ancient theory of
+the periodic destruction and rebirth of the universe is that of Günther,
+_Die antike Apokatastasis_, 1916.
+
+2. _Larger problems of terrestrial geography._ These problems are dealt
+with by Kretschmer in the monograph discussed in the following
+subsection (3).
+
+Several important studies have been written on the medieval beliefs
+regarding the shape of the earth. Günther, in his _Studien zur
+Geschichte der mathematischen und physikalischen Geographie_, 1877–1879,
+treated the subject from the point of view shared by many Protestants;
+Schneid, _Die Lehre von der Erdrundung_, 1877, replied to Günther from
+the Catholic point of view. More recently the matter has been discussed
+by Betten (see above, p. 384, note 48). Proofs of the curvature of the
+earth adduced in antiquity and during the Middle Ages are the topic of a
+monograph by Günther, _Optische Beweisung für die Erdkrümmung_, 1920.
+
+On the Eratosthenic measurement of the size of the earth and its
+subsequent influence the fundamental work is now the two volumes of
+Thalamas, _Étude bibliographique de la géographie d’Ératosthène_, 1921,
+and _La géographie d’Ératosthène_, 1921. Other interesting studies in
+this field are those of Mori, _La misurazione eratostenica_, 1911,
+Decourdemanche, _Note sur l’estimation de la longeur du degré
+terrestre_, 1913, and Miller, _Die Erdmessung im Alterthum_, 1919.
+
+The problems of the antipodes and the austral continent are sketched
+historically by Rainaud, _Le continent austral_, 1893; the antipodes
+more particularly by Boffito, _La leggenda degli antipodi_, 1903.
+
+Three important discussions of the evolution of ancient and medieval
+theories regarding the relative positions and extent of areas of land
+and water on the earth’s surface and of the relations which obtain
+between the spheres of land and of water are Günther, _Ältere und neuere
+Hypothesen_ ..., forming part iii of his _Studien zur Geschichte der
+mathematischen und physikalischen Geographie_, 1879; Boffito, _La
+controversia dell’acqua e della terra prima e dopo di Dante_, forming
+Memoria I of his _Intorno alla “Quaestio de aqua et terra,”_ 1902; and
+Norlind, _Das Problem des gegenseitigen Verhältnisses von Land und
+Wasser_, 1918.
+
+3. _Physical Geography._ An important monograph on the physical
+geography of the Christian Middle Ages is Kretschmer, _Die physische
+Erdkunde im christlichen Mittelalter_, 1889. After a discussion of the
+sources—both Greek and Latin—Kretschmer takes up systematically the
+problems of the size and shape of the earth, the question of the
+antipodes, medieval theories of the divergent centers of the spheres of
+earth and water, the compass, and the physical geography of the waters,
+the atmosphere, and the lands. The topics dealt with are similar to
+those treated in parts of Chapter VI and in Chapters VII, VIII, and IX
+of the present volume. On the other hand, Kretschmer neglects the
+interesting question of theories of the origin of the earth. In dealing
+with physical geography he gives little attention to the writers of the
+age of the Crusades. With the exception of William of Conches, he
+neglects the same authors of that age whom Beazley neglects (see above,
+p. 498).
+
+Several works on particular phases of ancient and medieval physical
+geography deserve special mention. An elaborate study of the
+meteorological lore of the Greeks is that of Gilbert, _Die
+meteorologischen Theorien des griechischen Altertums_, 1907. A German
+doctoral dissertation is devoted to the theories of the Church Fathers
+in regard to meteorology: Hoffmann, _Die Anschauungen der Kirchenväter
+über Meteorologie_, 1907 (see also Günther, _Notiz zur Geschichte der
+Klimatologie_, 1887). Medieval wind-roses are discussed in Cusa, _Sulla
+denominazione dei venti_, 1884; Revelli, _Una “rosa dei venti,”_ 1910;
+and Bertolini, _L’orologio solare di Aquileia e la sistemazione della
+rosa dei venti_, 1916. Dissertations by Frahm (_Das Meer und die
+Seefahrt in der altfranzösischen Literatur_, 1914) and Koch (_Das Meer
+in der mittelhochdeutschen Epik_, 1910) deal respectively with the sea
+as depicted in old French literature and in the Middle High German epic.
+The basic study of the history of theories of the tides in antiquity and
+during the Middle Ages is Almagià, _La dottrina della marea_, 1905.
+Material, pleasingly presented, on the history of geology, with,
+incidentally, some interesting observations on medieval physical
+geography, will be found in Geikie, _Founders of Geology_, 1905.
+Medieval beliefs regarding the interior of the earth, volcanoes, and
+earthquakes are outlined by Stegmann in a dissertation, _Die
+Anschauungen ... über die endogenen Erscheinungen der Erde_, 1913.
+Classical and medieval ideas of the arrangement of the mountains of the
+earth’s surface form the subject of Benl’s dissertation, _Hypothesen
+über die regelmässige Anordnung der Erdgebirge_, 1905.
+
+4. _Feeling for Nature._ The feeling for nature as expressed in the
+Latin literature of antiquity is the topic of a delightful book by
+Geikie, _The Love of Nature Among the Romans_, 1912. On the feeling for
+nature in the medieval period we may refer to the works of Biese, _Die
+Entwicklung des Naturgefühls_, 1892 (or the English translation), and of
+Ganzenmüller, _Das Naturgefühl_, 1914. To the latter the writer is
+especially indebted for numerous references to source material that
+might otherwise have been overlooked. Interesting studies of early
+mountain climbing are those of Gribble, _The Early Mountaineers_, 1899;
+Günther, _Wissenschaftliche Bergbesteigungen_, 1896; and W. W. Hyde,
+_The Development of the Appreciation of Mountain Scenery in Modern
+Times_, in: Geographical Review, vol. iii, 1917, pp. 107–118 (not in
+Bibliography), though none of these devotes a great deal of attention to
+the period of the Crusades.
+
+5. _Astronomical Geography._ On the history of the invention and use of
+methods of determining latitude, see Schoy, _Die geschichtliche
+Entwicklung der Polhöhenbestimmung_, 1911; on longitudes, Schoy’s
+_Längenbestimmung und Zentralmeridian_, 1915. See also the various
+articles and monographs on Ptolemy cited in the cross-references under
+Ptolemy in the Bibliography. Knowledge of latitudes and longitudes in
+the Christian West in the Middle Ages is discussed by J. K. Wright,
+_Notes on the Knowledge of Latitudes and Longitudes_, 1923.
+
+6. _Cartography._ The history of cartography is discussed in the works
+mentioned in the sections on the history of geography as a whole and in
+particular periods, pp. 497–498 above. To the cartography of the ancient
+period as a whole are devoted two important recent publications:
+Kubitschek’s article “Karten” in _Paulys Real-Encyclopädie_, 1919, and
+Cebrian, _Geschichte der Kartographie_, 1923. The most complete single
+study of the medieval cartography of the period with which we have to
+deal is Miller, _Mappaemundi_, 1895–1898. Other publications which deal
+incidentally but significantly with the cartography of the pre-portolan
+period are the works of Pullé, Simar, and Langenmaier referred to in
+subsection 7, immediately below.
+
+7. _Regional Geography._ The fundamental study of belief in the
+Terrestrial Paradise is that of Coli, _Il paradiso terrestre_, 1897,
+although the matter has also been discussed by Graf in his _La leggenda
+del paradiso terrestre_, 1878, and in his _Miti, leggende e
+superstizioni_, 1892–1893.
+
+The growth of medieval knowledge of Asia is traced in the introduction
+to Yule, _Cathay and the Way Thither_, 1913–1916, and much important
+material on this topic may be gleaned from the notes in the third
+edition of Yule’s _Marco Polo_, 1903, and from Cordier’s _Ser Marco
+Polo_, 1920. India as depicted on medieval maps is the subject of an
+interesting treatise by Pullé, _La cartografia antica dell’India_,
+1901–1905. Lowes, in _The Dry Sea_, 1905, deals with interesting
+problems in the geography of Central Asia in the Middle Ages (see also
+Pelliot, _Chrétiens d’Asie centrale et d’Extrême-Orient_, 1914). On the
+history of commercial connections between the Near East and Europe
+during our period, two highly important books are Heyd, _Commerce du
+Levant_, 1885–1886 (reprinted 1923), and Schaube, _Handelsgeschichte der
+romanischen Völker des Mittelmeergebiets_, 1906. Dreesbach, _Der Orient
+in der altfranzösischen Kreuzzugsliteratur_, 1901, is a résumé of
+notices relating to the Near East as they appear in French literature of
+the Crusades.
+
+Two scholarly works deal with the widening of Western knowledge of
+Central Africa in antiquity and during the Middle Ages. These are Simar,
+_La géographie de l’Afrique centrale_, 1912, and Langenmaier, _Alte
+Kenntnis ... der Zentralafrikanischen Seenregion_, 1916. Schaube’s
+_Handelsgeschichte_ and Mas-Latrie, _Traités de paix et de commerce ...,
+concernant les relations des Chrétiens avec les Arabes de l’Afrique
+septentrionale_, 1866, are also important for the relations between
+Europe and North Africa.
+
+Not much has been written in modern times upon the geography of Europe
+as it was conceived in the period covered by the present book. Hungary
+as it figures in the _chansons de geste_ is the subject of an article by
+Karl, _La Hongrie ... dans les chansons de geste_, 1908, and there are
+other monographs of limited scope, but no general discussion. The
+progress of geographical knowledge of the North is outlined by Moritz,
+_Die geographische Kenntnis von den Nord- und Ostseeküsten_, 1904;
+Weinhold, _Die Polargegenden Europas_, 1871; and especially by Nansen,
+_In Northern Mists_, 1911. The history of Icelandic geography (both of
+historical geography and of geographical studies in Iceland) is treated
+by Thoroddsen, _Geschichte der isländischen Geographie_, 1897. European
+wanderings in the Atlantic and legends of fabulous islands in that ocean
+have been made the subject of a large library of books and monographs.
+We may mention here Westropp, _Brasil and the Legendary Islands of the
+Atlantic_, 1912, and the recent volume of Babcock, _Legendary Islands of
+the Atlantic_, 1922.
+
+
+
+
+                              BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+This bibliography is intended merely as an aid to those who wish to
+carry on further studies of the topics covered by this book. It is in no
+sense complete. The publications listed are for the most part only those
+to which reference is made in the Notes. Enough, but only enough,
+additional information is given about each entry to enable the reader to
+identify it. In the case of original sources the attempt has been made
+to refer to modern critical editions, and only to manuscripts or early
+printed editions where modern critical editions are lacking. More
+complete bibliographical information may be obtained from the
+publications discussed on pp. 491–493 above.
+
+The arrangement is alphabetical by authors and, in the case of anonymous
+works, by the first important word in the titles. (Collections of
+sources are in general placed under the editor’s name.) The names of
+authors of original sources, or the titles in the case of anonymous
+original sources or collections of sources, are given in capital
+letters, the former in Roman, the latter in italic type. The names of
+authors of modern, secondary studies are set in small letters in Roman
+type. Different works by the same ancient, Arabic, or medieval author
+are listed together in the same entry and are indicated by Roman
+numerals. Different works by the same modern author are listed
+separately and are arranged chronologically.
+
+Cross-references within the Bibliography are, as in the Notes, given in
+abbreviated form. The full titles of the works referred to will be found
+in the Bibliography in their proper places.
+
+For a topical discussion of the bibliography of ancient and medieval
+geography, see the Bibliographical Note above.
+
+  ABDIAS, PSEUDO-. _Abdiae, Babyloniae primi episcopi, ab apostolis
+      constituti, De historia certaminis apostolici libri X, Julio
+      Africano interprete._ Paris, 1551, 1560, 1566, etc.
+
+  ABELARD, PETER. I. _Expositio in hexaemeron_, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._,
+      vol. clxxviii, cols. 731–784. II. _Sermones_, in: Migne, _op.
+      cit._, cols. 379–610. III. _Sic et non_, in: Migne, _op. cit._,
+      cols. 1329–1610.
+
+  ABŪ-L-FIDĀ. _Géographie d’Aboulféda, traduite de l’arabe en français._
+      Vol. i (Paris, 1848) of this work, by J. T. Reinaud, is a general
+      introduction to Moslem geography. Vol. ii, pt. 1 (Paris, 1848),
+      forms the first part of the French translation and is also by J.
+      T. Reinaud. Vol. ii, pt. 2 (Paris, 1883), contains the second part
+      of the translation and is by Stanislas Guyard.
+
+  ABŪ MAʿSHAR (ALBUMASAR). _The Great Book of the Introduction._ This
+      was translated into Latin by Hermann the Dalmatian and by John of
+      Seville. The title of Hermann’s translation reads in the
+      manuscript _Liber introductorius in astrologiam_ (see Haskins,
+      _Studies_, 1924, p. 45); editions printed in Venice, 1489, 1495,
+      1506, bear the title _Introductorium in astronomiam_ (see Duhem,
+      _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, p. 174, note 6, and Haskins, _loc.
+      cit._)
+
+  ACTS OF THE APOSTLES, APOCRYPHAL. _Acta apostolorum apocrypha_ ...
+      etc., edited by L. F. C. von Tischendorf, Leipzig, 1851. _Acta
+      apostolorum apocrypha post Constantinum Tischendorf denuo
+      ediderunt R. A. Lipsius et [A.] M. Bonnet_, Leipzig, 1891–1903.
+      Acts of Thomas in vol. ii, pt. 2, of this edition. English
+      translation by M. R. James, _The Apocryphal New Testament_, Oxford
+      University Press, 1924.
+
+  ADAM OF BREMEN. _Gesta Hammenburgensis_ (or _Hammaburgensis_)
+      _ecclesiae pontificum_ (also called _Historia ecclesiastica_, or
+      _Bremensium praesulum historia_), edited by J. M. Lappenberg, in:
+      _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. vii, 1846, pp. 280–389, and
+      in: _Scriptores rerum germ. in usum scholarum_, Hanover, 1876.
+
+      See Björnbo, A. A.; Kohlmann, P. W.; Krabbo, _Nordeuropa_, 1909.
+
+  ADELARD OF BATH. I. _De eodem et diverso_, edited by Hans Willner, in:
+      Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters, vol. iv,
+      pt. I, Münster, 1903. II. _Quaestiones naturales._ There is no
+      modern edition of the text of this work. An English translation is
+      found in Gollancz, _Dodi ve-Nechdi_, 1920, pp. 87–161. The
+      references in the present work are to the chapters as numbered in
+      the Louvain incunabulum, ap. 1484, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris
+      (shelf-mark “Rés. R. 900”). In parentheses are given references to
+      the chapters as numbered in the twelfth-century manuscript,
+      Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds latin, no. 6415. For further
+      bibliographical references, see Haskins, _Adelard_, 1911, p. 493;
+      the same, _Studies_, 1924, p. 26. III. Translation of _Khorazmian
+      Tables_. In MSS. only. See Haskins, _loc. cit._; KHWĀRIZMĪ, Al-,
+      II.
+
+  Adler, M. N. See BENJAMIN OF TUDELA.
+
+  _ADVENTU, DE, PATRIARCHAE INDORUM AD URBEM SUB CALISTO PAPA II._ In:
+      Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, Erste Abhandlung, in: Abhandlungen,
+      vol. vii, 1879, pp. 837–843 (also numbered 11–17).
+
+  AETHICUS OF ISTRIA. _Cosmographia Aethici Istrici_, edited by H.
+      Wuttke, Leipzig, 1854.
+
+  AGRIPPA. Map of the world. See Detlefsen, D.; Lessert, C. P. de.
+
+  Ainsworth, W. F. See PETACHIA OF RATISBON.
+
+  ALAN OF LILLE. I. _De planctu naturae_, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol.
+      ccx, cols. 430–482. English translation by D. M. Moffat, _The
+      Complaint of Nature by Alain of Lille_, New York, 1908. II.
+      _Anticlaudianus_, in: Migne, _op. cit._, cols. 482–576.
+
+  Al-BATTĀNĪ, Al-FARGHĀNĪ, and other Arabic names beginning with the
+      article Al. See under first letter of main part of name.
+
+  ALBERTUS MAGNUS (OF BOLLSTADT). _Opera omnia_, edited by Petrus Jammy,
+      21 vols., Lyons, 1651. Also an edition by Augustus Borgnet, 38
+      vols., Paris, 1890–1899 (not seen).
+
+      For brief discussion of the geographical works, see above p. 406,
+      note 93.
+
+  ALBUMASAR. See ABŪ MAʿSHAR.
+
+  _ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE OF._ I. _Pseudo-Callisthenes_, edited by
+      C. Müller and included in a volume with F. Dübner’s edition of
+      Arrian’s _Anabasis_ and _Indica_, Paris, 1846 (also 1877). II.
+      Julius Valerius, _Res gesta Alexandri Macedoniae II_, edited by B.
+      Kübler, Leipzig, 1888. III. _Epitoma Julii Valerii_, edited by J.
+      Zacher in his _Pseudo-Callisthenes: Forschungen zur Kritik und
+      Geschichte der ältesten Aufzeichnung der Alexandersage_, Halle,
+      1867. See _De Julii Valerii epitoma oxoniense_, by G. G. Cillie
+      (Dissertation, University of Strasburg, 1905). IV. _Epistola ad
+      Aristotelem de mirabilibus Indiae_, edited by F. Pfister in his:
+      _Kleine Texte zum Alexanderroman_, Heidelberg, 1910. See also
+      Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. i, pp. 555–556, footnote 2. V.
+      _Historia de praeliis_ of Leo Archipresbyter. See Landgraf, G. VI.
+      _Iter ad Paradisum_, edited by J. Zacher, Regimonti (Königsberg),
+      1859 (not seen). VII. The Romance in alexandrines: _Li romans
+      d’Alixandre par Lambert li Tors et Alexandre de Bernay_, edited by
+      Heinrich Michelant, in: Bibliothek des Literarischen Vereins in
+      Stuttgart, vol. xiii, 1846; F. le Court de la Villethassetz and E.
+      Talbot, _Alexandriade ou chanson de geste d’Alexandre le Grand, de
+      Lambert le Court et Alexandre de Bernay_, Dinan, Huart, and Paris,
+      1861.
+
+      See Meyer, P. For further references to texts and secondary works
+      on Oriental versions see Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. i, pp.
+      551–552.
+
+  ALEXANDER NECKAM. See NECKAM, ALEXANDER.
+
+  ALEXANDER III (Pope). See PRESTER JOHN, III.
+
+  ALEXANDRE DE BERNAI. See _ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE OF_, VII.
+
+  _ALEXANDRIADE._ See _ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE OF_, VII.
+
+  ALFRAGANUS. See FARGHĀNĪ, Al-.
+
+  ALFRED THE GREAT. See Geidel, H.
+
+  ALFRED OF SARESHEL. I. _De motu cordis._ Extracts were published by C.
+      S. Barach in: Bibliotheca philosophorum mediae aetatis, vol. ii,
+      Innsbruck, 1878. II. _Liber de congelatis._ Baeumker, _Alfred von
+      Sareshel_, 1913, p. 27, note, states that this work was printed
+      under the title _Avicennae de congelatione et conglutinatione
+      lapidum_, in: _Theatrum chemicum, praecipuos selectorum auctorum
+      tractatus de chemiae et lapidis philosophici_ ... etc., vol. iv,
+      Argentorati (Strasburg), 1659, pp. 883–887 (not seen), and that it
+      was also printed in: _Gebri, régis Arabum ... summa perfectionis
+      Magisterii, in sua natura ... denique libri Investigationis
+      Magisterii et Testamenti eiusdem Gebri ac aurei Trium Verborum
+      libelli et Avicennae ... mineralium additione castigatissimi_,
+      “Gedani” (Danzig), 1682, pp. 245–253 (not seen).
+
+      See Baeumker, C.
+
+  Almagià, Roberto. _La dottrina della marea nell’antichità classica e
+      nel medio evo_, in: Memorie della Reale Accademia dei Lincei,
+      Classe di scienze fisiche, matematiche, e naturali, series 5, vol.
+      v, Rome, 1905, pp. 375–514. (Also printed separately.)
+
+      The most authoritative study of the history of theories of the
+      tides in ancient and medieval times.
+
+  ALPETRAGIUS. See BITRŪJĪ, Al-.
+
+  ALPHONSI, PETER (PETRUS ANFUSI). _Dialogus cum Judeo._ Bibliothèque
+      Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 10722, fols. 3ff.; also in:
+      Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clvii, cols. 527–706.
+
+  Amari, M. _Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia_, 3 vols., Florence,
+      1854–1872.
+
+      Contains material on Edrisi and earlier Moslem geographers of
+      Sicily.
+
+  AMBROISE. _L’Estoire de la guerre sainte: Histoire en vers de la
+      troisième croisade_, edited by Gaston Paris, Paris, 1897.
+
+  ANAXIMANDER. See Heidel, W. A.
+
+  Anderson, R. B. See SNORRI STURLUSON, II.
+
+  Andriani, Giuseppe. _La carta dialettologica d’Italia secondo Dante_
+      in: Atti dell’ VIII Congresso Geografico Italiano, vol. ii,
+      Florence, 1923, pp. 255–263.
+
+  ANFUSI, PETRUS. See ALPHONSI, PETER.
+
+  ANONYMOUS. See under initial letter of first important word of title.
+
+  _ANTIQUITATES AMERICANAE._ See Rafn, C. C.
+
+  ARI FRODHI. _Íslendingabók._ For editions see Hermannsson, _Bibl.
+      Icelandic Sagas_, 1908, pp. 56–59. English translation in:
+      Vigfusson and York Powell, _Origines Islandicae_, vol. i, 1905,
+      pp. 279–306.
+
+  ARISTARCHUS OF SAMOS. See Heath, T.
+
+  ARISTOTLE. _Aristoteles, graece (et latine, interpretibus variis), ex
+      recensione Imm. Bekkeri, edidit Academia Regia Borussica_, 5
+      vols., Berlin, 1830–1870. This is the best general edition of the
+      Greek text of the works of Aristotle and is known as the Berlin
+      edition. It was reprinted with the title _Aristotelis opera,
+      graece, ex recensione Imm. Bekkeri, accedunt indices sylburgiani_,
+      11 vols., Oxford, 1837. There is also the following useful edition
+      with Latin translations: _Aristotelis opera omnia, graece et
+      latine, cum indice nominum et rerum absolutissimo_, 5 vols., Paris
+      (Firmin-Didot), 1848–1886. An English translation is appearing
+      entitled: _The Works of Aristotle, Translated into English_,
+      Oxford (Clarendon Press), 1908ff.; in this the _De caelo_
+      (translated by J. L. Stocks), 1922, _De generatione et
+      corruptione_ (translated by H. H. Joachim), 1922, the spurious _De
+      mundo_ (translated by E. S. Forster), 1914, and the
+      _Meteorologica_ (translated by E. W. Webster), 1923, have
+      appeared, together with other works of lesser geographical
+      interest. The best Greek text of the _Meteorology_ is that of F.
+      H. Fobes, _Aristotelis meteorologicorum libri quattuor_,
+      Cambridge, Mass., 1919.
+
+      See also Duhem, _Du temps_, 1909; Endrös, A.; Fobes, F. H.;
+      Grabmann, M.; Hammer-Jensen, I.; Jourdain, A.; Jourdain, C. B.,
+      _Infl. d’Aristote_, 1861; von Lippmann, E. O.; Lones, T. E.;
+      Mandonnet, P.
+
+  ARNOLD OF CHARTRES. _De sex dierum operibus_, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._,
+      vol. clxxxix, cols. 1513–1570.
+
+  ARNOLD OF LÜBECK. _Chronica Slavorum_, edited by J. M. Lappenberg, in:
+      _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. xxi, pp. 115–250, and in:
+      _Scriptores rerum germ. in usum scholarum_, Hanover, 1868.
+
+  ARNOLD THE SAXON. Encyclopedic work published in part by Valentin
+      Rose, _Aristoteles de lapidibus und Arnoldus Saxo_, in:
+      Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum, vol. xviii (new series, vol.
+      vi), Berlin 1875, pp. 424–454.
+
+      See Stange, E.
+
+  Asher, A. See BENJAMIN OF TUDELA.
+
+  ATHELHARD. See ADELARD OF BATH; KHWĀRIZMĪ, Al-, II.
+
+  AUGUSTINE, Saint. Works in Migne, _Pat. lat._, vols. xxxii-xlvii. Also
+      in part in _Corpus script. eccl. lat._
+
+  AVERROËS. See IBN RUSHD.
+
+  Avezac, [Armand] d’. _Coup d’oeuil historique sur la projection des
+      cartes de géographie_, in: Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de
+      Paris, series 5, vol. v, 1863, pp. 257–361, 438–485. (Also printed
+      separately, Paris, 1863.)
+
+      Still the classical and probably the most satisfactory treatment
+      of the subject.
+
+  AVICENNA (IBN SINĀ). See ALFRED OF SARESHEL, II; IBN SINĀ; and above,
+      p. 401, note 60.
+
+  Babcock, W. H. _Saint Brendan’s Explorations and Islands_, in:
+      Geographical Review, vol. viii, New York, 1919, pp. 37–46.
+
+  Babcock, W. H. _Legendary Islands of the Atlantic_ (American
+      Geographical Society Research Series, no. 8), New York, 1922.
+
+  BACON, ROGER. I. _The Opus majus of Roger Bacon_, edited by J. H.
+      Bridges, 3 vols., Oxford, 1897–1900. II. _Opus minus_, _Opus
+      tertium_, _Compendium philosophiae_, edited by J. S. Brewer, in:
+      _Fr. Rogeri Bacon opera quaedam hactenus inedita_ (Rolls Series,
+      no. 15), London, 1859. III. _Communia naturalium_, edited by
+      Robert Steele, in: _Opera hactenus inedita Rogeri Baconi_, fascs.
+      ii, iii, iv, Oxford, 1905, 1911, 1913. IV. _Secretum secretorum_,
+      edited by Robert Steele, _op. cit._, fasc. v, Oxford, 1920.
+
+      See Bridges, J. H.; Little, A. G.; Steele, R.; Werner, _Kosm.
+      Roger Baco_, 1879.
+
+  Baeumker, Clemens. _Die Stellung des Alfred von Sareshel (Alfredus
+      Anglicus) und seiner Schrift De motu cordis in der
+      Wissenschaft des beginnenden XIII. Jahrhunderts_, in:
+      Koeniglich-bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
+      Sitzungsberichte, Philosophisch-philologische und historische
+      Klasse, Munich, 1913, Abhandlung 9. (Also published
+      separately, Munich, 1913.)
+
+  Barthold, W. _Die geographische und historische Erforschung des
+      Orients mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der russischen Arbeiten_
+      (Quellen und Forschungen zur Erd- und Kulturkunde herausgegeben
+      von R. Strube, vol. viii), Leipzig, 1913.
+
+      Summary of the history of relations between Orient and Occident to
+      the nineteenth century. Extensive bibliographies.
+
+  BARTHOLOMEW ANGLICUS. _De proprietatibus rerum._ There is no modern
+      edition. Translations of extracts will be found in: Robert Steele,
+      _Mediaeval Lore_, London, 1907.
+
+  BATTĀNĪ, Al-. _Astronomy._ Arabic text with Latin translation and
+      commentary in C. A. Nallino, _Al-Battānī sive Albatenii opus
+      astronomicum_, in: Pubblicazioni del Reale Osservatorio di Brera
+      in Milano, no. xl, pts. 1–3, Milan, 1899–1907.
+
+      See PLATO OF TIVOLI.
+
+  Baur, L. _Der Einfluss des Robert Grosseteste auf die
+      wissenschaftliche Richtung des Roger Bacon_, in: Little, _Roger
+      Bacon Essays_, 1914, pp. 33–54.
+
+  Beazley, C. R. _The Dawn of Modern Geography_, 3 vols., London,
+      1897–1906.
+
+      This, the most extensive and satisfactory work on medieval
+      geography as a whole, covers the period from 300 to 1420 A. D. The
+      main emphasis is laid upon the history of discovery and
+      exploration. The study of the geographical science of the latter
+      part of the Middle Ages is relatively brief (see above, p. 498).
+
+  BEDE, The Venerable. I. _De natura rerum_, edited by J. A. Giles, _The
+      Complete Works of the Venerable Bede (Bedae opera quae supersunt
+      omnia)_, vol. vi, London, 1843, pp. 99–138. Also in Migne, _Pat.
+      lat._, vol. xc, cols. 187–278. II. _De temporum ratione_, edited
+      by Giles, _op. cit._, pp. 139–342. Also in Migne, _op. cit._, vol.
+      xc, cols. 293–578. III. _Hexaemeron, sive libri quatuor in
+      principium Genesis_, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. xci, cols. 9–190.
+
+      See above, p. 387, note 68.
+
+  [BENEDICT OF PETERBOROUGH.] I. _Gesta regis Henrici II_; II. _Gesta
+      regis Ricardi_; both in: _The Chronicle of the Reigns of Henry II
+      and Richard I, A. D. 1169–1192_, edited by William Stubbs (Rolls
+      Series, no. 49), 2 vols., London, 1867.
+
+      These two works have been erroneously ascribed to Benedict of
+      Peterborough.
+
+  Benini, R. _Origine, sito, forma e dimensioni del Monte del Purgatorio
+      e dell’Inferno dantesco_, in: Rendiconti della Reale Accademia dei
+      Lincei, Classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, series
+      5, vol. xxv, Rome, 1917, pp. 1015–1129.
+
+      This important study of the cosmography of Dante came to the
+      present writer’s attention when this book was in press.
+
+  Benisch, A. See PETACHIA OF RATISBON.
+
+  BENJAMIN OF TUDELA. _The Itinerary of Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela_, text
+      and English translation by A. Asher, 2 vols., London and Berlin,
+      1840–1841; _The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela_, critical text,
+      English translation, and commentary, edited by M. N. Adler,
+      London, 1907.
+
+      See Borchardt, P.; Zunz, —.
+
+  Benl, Oskar. _Frühere und spätere Hypothesen über die regelmässige
+      Anordnung der Erdgebirge nach bestimmten Himmelsrichtungen_
+      (Dissertation, University of Munich, 1905).
+
+  Berger, Hugo. _Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Erdkunde der
+      Griechen_, 2nd edit., Leipzig, 1903.
+
+      The fundamental work on the geographical science of antiquity.
+
+  Berger, Hugo. _Die Lehre von der Kugelgestalt der Erde im Altertum_,
+      in: Geographische Zeitschrift., vol. xii, Leipzig, 1906, pp.
+      20–37.
+
+  Berger de Xivrey, [J.]. _Traditions tératologiques, ou récits de
+      l’antiquité et du moyen-âge en Occident sur quelques points de la
+      fable, du merveilleux et de l’histoire naturelle_, Paris, 1836.
+
+      Throws light on the marvels of India.
+
+  BERGSSON, NIKULÁS. See NIKULÁS BERGSSON.
+
+  BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX, Saint. Works will be found in: Migne, _Pat.
+      lat._, vols. clxxxii-clxxxv. There are numerous other editions.
+      See also: _The Life and Works of St. Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux,
+      Edited by Dom John Mabillon, Translated and Edited with Additional
+      Notes_ by Samuel J. Eales, 4 vols., London, vols. i and ii, 1889,
+      vols. iii and iv, 1896. This translation is from the fourth
+      edition of Mabillon, Paris, 1839.
+
+  BERNARD SYLVESTER. _De mundi universitate_, edited by C. S. Barach and
+      J. Wrobel, in: Bibliotheca philosophorum mediae aetatis, vol. i,
+      Innsbruck, 1876.
+
+      See Hauréau, _Mémoire_, 1883; Langlois, C. V., _Maître Bernard_,
+      1893; Poole, R. L., _Masters_, 1920.
+
+  Bertolini, G. L. _I quattro angoli del mondo e la forma della terra
+      nel passo di Rabano Mauro_, in: Bollettino della Società
+      Geografica Italiana, vol. xlvii, Rome, 1910, pp. 1433–1441.
+
+  Bertolini, G. L. _L’orologio solare di Aquileia e la sistemazione
+      della rosa dei venti nel medio evo_, in: Bollettino della Reale
+      Società Geografica Italiana, vol. liii, Rome, 1916, pp. 969–985.
+
+  _BIBLE, THE._ Citations are to the Vulgate; translations, except where
+      otherwise stated, from the Douai and Rheims version.
+
+  Biese, A. _Die Entwicklung des Naturgefühls im Mittelalter und
+      Neuzeit_, Leipzig, 1892. English translation with title _The
+      Development of the Feeling for Nature in the Middle Ages and
+      Modern Times_, London, 1905 (not seen).
+
+  Birkenmajer, Alexander. _Eine neue Handschrift des “Liber de naturis
+      inferiorum et superiorum” des Daniel von Merlai_, in: Archiv für
+      die Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und Technik, vol. ix,
+      Leipzig, 1920, pp. 45–51 (not seen).
+
+  BITRŪJĪ, Al- (ALPETRAGIUS). _On the Sphere._ This work was translated
+      into Latin by Michael Scot in 1217 (on manuscripts see Haskins,
+      _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, p. 251, note 3; the same, _Studies_,
+      1924, p. 273, note 9). It was also translated into Latin from the
+      Hebrew version of Moses ben Samuel ben Tibbon (1259) by the
+      Neapolitan Jew Calo Calonymos ben David under the title
+      _Alpetragii Arabi planetarum theorica_ ... etc., Venice, 1528 (not
+      seen; cited by Duhem, _Système_, vol. ii, 1914, p. 146).
+
+  Björnbo, A. A. _Adam af Bremens Nordensopfattelse_, in: Aarböger for
+      nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, Copenhagen, 1909 (not seen).
+
+  Blázquez y Delgado Aguilera, Antonio. _San Isidoro de Sevilla: Mapa
+      mundi_, in: Boletín de la Real Sociedad Geográfica, vol. 50,
+      Madrid, 1908, pp. 207–272, 306–358.
+
+  Boffito, Giuseppe. _Intorno alla “Quaestio de aqua et terra”
+      attribuita a Dante_: Memoria I, _La controversia dell’acqua e
+      della terra prima e dopo di Dante_, in: Memorie della Reale
+      Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, series 2, vol. li, Appr.
+      nell’adunanza del 23 giugno 1901, Turin, 1902, pp. 73–159; Memoria
+      II, _Il trattato dantesco_, in: _op. cit._, series 2, vol. lii,
+      Appr. nell’adunanza del giugno 1902, Turin, 1903, pp. 257–342. See
+      also above, p. 410, note 98.
+
+  Boffito, Giuseppe. _La leggenda degli antipodi_, in: _Miscellanea di
+      studi critici ed. in onore di Arturo Graf_, Bergamo, 1903, pp.
+      583–601.
+
+  Boncompagni, Baldassare. _Delle versione fatte da Platone Tiburtino,
+      traduttore de secolo duodecimo: Notizie_, Rome, 1851.
+
+  Boncompagni, Baldassare. _Della vita e delle opere di Gherardo
+      Cremonese, traduttore del secolo duodecimo, e di Gherardo da
+      Sabbionetta, astronomo del secolo decimoterzo: Notizie raccolte
+      da —_, in: Atti dell’Accademia Pontifica dei Nuovi Lincei, anno
+      IV, sesione VII del 27 giugno, 1851, Rome, 1851. (Also published
+      separately.)
+
+  Borchardt, Paul. _L’itinéraire de Rabbi Benjamin de Tudèle en Chine_,
+      in: T’oung Pao, ou archives concernant l’histoire, les langues, la
+      géographie et l’ethnographie de l’Asie orientale, vol. xxiii,
+      Leiden, 1924, pp. 31–35.
+
+      See above, p. 414, note 156.
+
+  BRANDAN (BRENDAN), Saint. _Peregrinatio sancti Brandani abbatis._
+      Latin text and early German versions edited by Carl Schröder,
+      _Sanct Brandan: Ein lateinischer und drei deutsche Texte_,
+      Erlangen, 1871. Latin, Flemish, and French texts in: A. Jubinal,
+      _La légende latine de Saint Brendaines_, Paris, 1836. Anglo-Norman
+      text in: H. Suchier, _Brandans Seefahrt (anglonormannischer Text
+      der Handschrift Cotton, Vesp. B. X._), in: Romanische Studien
+      herausgegeben von E. Böhmer, vol. i, pt. 5, Strasburg, 1875, pp.
+      553–588.
+
+      See Babcock, W. H.; Goeje, M. J. de.
+
+  Brehaut, Ernest. _An Encyclopedist of the Dark Ages: Isidore of
+      Seville_ (Columbia University Studies in History, Economics, and
+      Public Law, vol. xlviii, no. 1), New York, 1912.
+
+      Part I deals with Isidore’s life, writings, relation to previous
+      culture, his general view of the universe, and his attitude toward
+      education. Part II consists of commentary and translation of
+      selected passages from the _Etymologiae_, including extracts from
+      Book XIV, “On the Earth and Its Parts.”
+
+  Bréhier, Louis. _Les colonies d’orientaux en Occident au commencement
+      du moyen-âge, v^e-viii^e siècle_, in: Byzantinische Zeitschrift,
+      vol. xii, no. i, Munich, 1903, pp. 1–39.
+
+  Bréhier, Louis. _L’Église et l’Orient au moyen âge: Les croisades_,
+      Paris, 1911.
+
+  BRENDAN, Saint. See BRANDAN, Saint.
+
+  Bresslau, H. _Die Chroniken des Frutolf von Bamberg und des Ekkehard
+      von Aura_, in: Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche
+      Geschichtskunde, vol. xxi, Hanover, 1895, pp. 197–234.
+
+  Bridges, J. H. _The Life and Work of Roger Bacon: An Introduction to
+      the Opus Majus_, edited by H. G. James, London, 1914.
+
+  Brown, J. Wood. _An Enquiry into the Life and Legend of Michael Scot_,
+      Edinburgh, 1897.
+
+      Unreliable. See Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, p. 250; the
+      same, _Studies_, 1924, p. 272.
+
+  BRUNETTO LATINO (or LATINI). See LATINO, BRUNETTO.
+
+  Bruun, P. _Die Verwandlungen des Presbiters Johannes_, in: Zeitschrift
+      der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin, vol. xi, 1876, pp.
+      279–314.
+
+  Bubnov, Nicholaus. See GERBERT (SYLVESTER II).
+
+  Bunbury, E. H. _A History of Ancient Geography_, 2 vols., London,
+      1879.
+
+      Scholarly and accurate. Though old, the best work on the subject
+      in English.
+
+  CALLISTHENES, PSEUDO-. See ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE OF, I.
+
+  CAMBRENSIS, GIRALDUS. See GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS.
+
+  CAPELLA, MARTIANUS. _De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii_, edited by F.
+      Eyssenhardt, Leipzig (Teubner), 1866.
+
+      See Mori, _Misuraz. eratos._, 1911.
+
+  Capelle, Wilhelm. _Berges- und Wolkenhöhen bei griechischen Physikern_
+      (Στοιχεῖα: Studien zur Geschichte des antiken Weltbildes und der
+      griechischen Wissenschaft herausgegeben von Franz Boll, vol. v),
+      Leipzig and Berlin, 1916.
+
+  Carmoly, E., transl. and edit. _ITINÉRAIRES DE LA TERRE SAINTE
+      DES XIII^e, XIV^e, XV^e, XVI^e, ET XVII^e SIÈCLES traduits
+      de l’hébreu, et accompagnés de tables, de cartes et
+      d’éclaircissements_, Brussels, 1847.
+
+  Carra de Vaux, [Bernard.] _Les penseurs de l’Islam_, vols. i and ii,
+      Paris, 1921; vol. iii, 1923 (to be complete in 5 vols.).
+
+      The first three chapters of vol. ii give an admirable popular
+      account of the geographers of Islam and their work.
+
+  Cebrian, Konstantin. _Geschichte der Kartographie: Ein Beitrag zur
+      Entwicklung des Kartenbildes und Kartenwesens. I. Altertum. 1. Von
+      den ersten Versuchen der Länderabbildung bis auf Marinos und
+      Ptolemaios (Zur Alexandrinischen Schule)_, (Geographische
+      Bausteine, edited by Hermann Haack, vol. x), Gotha, 1923.
+
+      Useful general history, sometimes misleading in details. The
+      author was killed in the World War, and hence the present part
+      represents the only part published. Contains an appendix by Joseph
+      Fischer, _Ptolemaios als Kartograph_, pp. 113–129, in which the
+      endeavor is made to correct Cebrian’s misapprehensions regarding
+      Ptolemy.
+
+  Chevalier, Ulysse. _Répertoire des sources historiques du moyen âge_:
+      (1) _Bio-bibliographie_, 2 vols., Paris, 1905–1907; (2)
+      _Topo-bibliographie_, Montbéliard, 1894–1899, 1903.
+
+      See above, p. 491.
+
+  _CHRONICLES AND MEMORIALS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND._ See “_ROLLS
+      SERIES_.”
+
+  Clarke, John. See SENECA.
+
+  CLEOMEDES. _De motu circulari corporum caelestium libri duo_, edited
+      by Hermann Ziegler, Leipzig (Teubner), 1891.
+
+  Clerval, A. _Les écoles de Chartres au moyen âge du v^e au xvi^e
+      siècle._ (Mémoires de la Société Archéologique d’Eure-et-Loir, no.
+      11), Paris, 1895.
+
+      Important study of the scholars of the leading intellectual center
+      of France in the early twelfth century.
+
+  Coli, Edoardo. _Il paradiso terrestre dantesco_ (Pubblicazioni del R.
+      Istituto di Studi Superiori Pratici e di Perfezionamento in
+      Firenze, Sezione di filosofia e lettere, vol. ii, no. 28),
+      Florence, 1897.
+
+  Columba, G. M. _La questione soliniana e la letteratura geografica dei
+      Romani_, in: Atti della Reale Accademia di Scienze, vol. xi,
+      Palermo, 1920 (not seen).
+
+  COMESTOR, PETER. _Historia scholastica_, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol.
+      cxcviii, cols. 1045–1722.
+
+      See Masson, G.
+
+  CONRAD OF QUERFURT. Letter describing journey through Italy, in:
+      Arnold of Lübeck, _Chronica Slavorum_, v, 19, in: _Mon. Germ.
+      hist._, Scriptores, vol. xxi, pp. 192–196.
+
+  Coolidge, W. A. B. _The Alps in Nature and History_, New York, 1908.
+
+      Contains compact, scholarly discussions of Alpine history and of
+      the great passes.
+
+  Cordier, Henri. _Documents historiques et géographiques relatifs à
+      l’Indochine_, 4 vols., Paris, 1910–1914.
+
+      Includes texts of Greek and Latin authors relating to the Far East
+      from the fourth century before Christ to the fourteenth of our
+      era. Also Oriental geographical texts.
+
+  Cordier, Henri, on Marco Polo. See POLO, MARCO.
+
+  _CORPUS SCRIPTORUM ECCLESIASTICORUM LATINORUM_, Vienna, 1866ff. 65
+      vols. have appeared (1924).
+
+      Great collection of critical texts of the Church Fathers until the
+      seventh century.
+
+  Cousin, G. _Etudes de géographie ancienne_, Paris and Nancy, 1906.
+
+      Chapter 38 is on the geography of the East in the writings of
+      Henri de Valenciennes and Villehardouin.
+
+  Cumont, Franz. _After Life in Roman Paganism_, New Haven, 1922.
+
+  Cusa, Salvatore. _Sulla denominazione dei venti e dei punti cardinali,
+      e specialmente de Nord, Est, Sud, Ouest_, in: Terzo Congresso
+      Geografico Internazionale tenuto a Venezia dal 15 al 22 settembre
+      1881, vol. ii, Rome, 1884, pp. 375–415.
+
+  Dahlmann, Joseph. _Die Thomas-Legende und die ältesten historischen
+      Beziehungen des Christentums zum fernen Osten im Lichte der
+      indischen Altertumskunde_, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1912.
+
+  DANIEL OF MORLEY. _De philosophia_, or _Liber de naturis inferiorum et
+      superiorum_, edited by K. Sudhoff in: Archiv für die Geschichte
+      der Naturwissenschaften und Technik, vol. viii, pts. 1–3, Leipzig,
+      June, 1917, pp. 1–40.
+
+      See Birkenmajer, A.; Singer, _Daniel of Morley_, 1920.
+
+  DANTE. I. _Tutte le opere_, edited by Edward Moore, Oxford, 1894. A
+      convenient edition of all the works. II. _The Convivio [Convito]
+      of Dante Alighieri_, translated by P. H. Wicksteed, London, 1903.
+      III. _Dante, De vulgari eloquentia_, translated by A. G. F.
+      Howell, London, 1890. IV. _The Divine Comedy._ Among the numerous
+      English translations note especially that of C. E. Norton, 3
+      vols., Boston, 1891–1892. V. _Quaestio de aqua et terra_ [not
+      certainly the work of Dante], edited by C. L. Shadwell, Oxford,
+      1909, with English translation. German translation by Josef
+      Krejcik, _Dantes Quaestio de aqua et terra_, in: Kartographische
+      und Schulgeographische Zeitschrift, vol. ix, Vienna, 1921, pp.
+      107–110, 136–140.
+
+      For further material on Dante’s cosmology and geography see
+      Andriani, G.; Benini, R.; Boffito, _Intorno alla “Quaestio de aqua
+      et terra_,” 1902–1903; Coli, E.; Moore, E.; Mori, _La geogr._,
+      1922; Schmidt, W.; and references in Krejcik, _op. cit._
+
+  Daunou, P. C. F. _Discours sur l’état des lettres au xiii^e siècle_,
+      Paris, 1860. Also in: _Histoire littéraire de la France_, vol.
+      xvi, Paris, 1824, pp. 1–254.
+
+      Chapter 17 is on geography and voyages.
+
+  _DE_, etc. For anonymous works title of which begins with _DE_ see
+      under initial letter of principal word of title.
+
+  Decourdemanche, J. A. _Note sur l’estimation de la longeur du degré
+      terrestre chez les Grecs, les Arabes, et dans l’Inde_, in: Journal
+      asiatique, series 11, vol. 1, Paris, 1913, pp. 427–444.
+
+      Presents a hazardous theory.
+
+  De Goeje, M. J. See Goeje, M. J. de.
+
+  Delaborde, H. F. See WILLIAM THE BRETON.
+
+  Delambre, J. B. J. _Histoire de l’astronomie du moyen âge_, Paris,
+      1819.
+
+      Old but still a standard work on medieval astronomy.
+
+  De La Roncière, Charles. See La Roncière, Charles de.
+
+  Delisle, Léopold. See GODFREY OF VITERBO.
+
+  Denis, Ferdinand. _Le monde enchanté: Cosmographie et histoire
+      naturelle fantastiques du moyen âge_, Paris, 1843.
+
+      Popular, though scholarly, work on medieval marvels.
+
+  _DESCRIPTIONES TERRAE SANCTAE._ See Tobler, Titus.
+
+  Detlefsen, D. _Ursprung, Einrichtung und Bedeutung der Erdkarte
+      Agrippas_ (Quellen und Forschungen zur alten Geschichte und
+      Geographie herausgegeben von W. Sieglin, no. 13), Berlin, 1906.
+
+  Detlefsen, D. _Die Geographie Afrikas bei Plinius und Mela und ihre
+      Quellen_ (Quellen und Forschungen zur alten Geschichte und
+      Geographie herausgegeben von W. Sieglin, no. 14), Berlin, 1909.
+
+      See also PLINY.
+
+  _DEVISION, LA, DE LA TERRE DE OULTREMER ET DES CHOSES QUI I SONT_,
+      edited by C. Hopf in: Chroniques gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, pp.
+      30–34.
+
+  De Wulf, Maurice. See Wulf, Maurice de.
+
+  DICUIL. _De mensura orbis terrae_, edited by A. Letronne, in his
+      _Recherches_, 1814. Also by Gustav Parthey, Berlin, 1870.
+
+  Dietrich, ——. _Die geographischen Anschauungen einiger Chronisten des
+      XI. und XII. Jahrhunderts_, in: Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche
+      Geographie, vol. v, Vienna, 1885, pp. 95–103, 187–207.
+
+  Dinse, Paul. _Die handschriftlichen Ptolemäus-Karten und die
+      Agathodämonfrage_, in: Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde
+      zu Berlin, 1913, pp. 745–770.
+
+  DIONYSIUS PERIGETES. _Orbis descriptio_, in: C. Müller, _Geographi
+      graeci minores_, 1882, vol. ii, pp. 103–176.
+
+  Doberentz, Otto. _Die Erd- und Völkerkunde in der Weltchronik des
+      Rudolf von Hohen-Ems_, in: Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie,
+      vols. xii, Halle, 1880, pp. 257–301, 387–454, xiii, 1881, pp.
+      29–57, 165–223.
+
+      Important material in this monograph on the sources of the _De
+      imagine mundi_.
+
+  DOMINICUS GONDISALVI (GUNDISSALINUS). I. _De divisione philosophiae_,
+      edited by L. Baur, in: Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des
+      Mittelalters herausgegeben von C. Baeumker, vol. iv, pts. 2–3,
+      Münster, 1903. II. Translations of the _Physics_ and _De caelo_ of
+      Aristotle. Unpublished. See Steinschneider, _Europäische
+      Übersetzungen_, in: Sitzungsberichte, vol. cxlix, 1905, pp. 32,
+      42, 43.
+
+  Dozy, R. See IDRĪSĪ, Al-.
+
+  Draper, J. W. _History of the Conflict Between Religion and Science_,
+      New York, 1875. (Also other editions.)
+
+      Endeavors to show the baneful influence of organized religion upon
+      the development of science.
+
+  Dreesbach, Emil. _Der Orient in der altfranzösischen
+      Kreuzzugsliteratur_ (Dissertation, University of Breslau, 1901).
+
+      A compilation of references to the Near East in the French
+      literature of the Crusades, with explanatory comment.
+
+  Duhem, Pierre. _Du temps où la scholastique latine a connu la physique
+      d’Aristote_, in: Revue de philosophie, vol. xv, Paris, 1909, pp.
+      163–178.
+
+  Duhem, Pierre. _Le système du monde: Histoire des doctrines
+      cosmologiques de Platon à Copernic_, 5 vols., Paris, 1913–1917.
+
+      A work of fundamental importance. From the geographical point of
+      view significant for the data it contains on the history of
+      cosmography, of astronomical geography, and of theories of the
+      tides. Contains valuable bibliographical references, though not
+      always complete (see criticism in Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp.
+      82–83).
+
+  Eales, S. J. See BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX.
+
+  _EDDAS, THE._ I. _SAEMUNDAR EDDA_, or _POETIC EDDA_. Text in: R. C.
+      Boer, edit., _Die Edda, mit historisch-kritischem Commentar_,
+      Haarlem, 1922; Eduard Sievers, edit., _Die Eddalieder_
+      (Abhandlungen der sächischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
+      Philologisch, historische Klasse, vol. xxxvii, no. 3), Leipzig,
+      1923. English translation: H. A. Bellows, _The Poetic Edda,
+      Translated from the Icelandic, With an Introduction and Notes_, 2
+      vols., New York, 1923. II. _SNORRIS EDDA_, or _PROSE EDDA_. See
+      SNORRI STURLUSON, II.
+
+      See also Hermannsson, _Bibl. Eddas_, 1920.
+
+  EDRISI. See IDRĪSĪ, Al-.
+
+  EKKEHARD OF AURA. See FRUTOLF OF MICHAELSBERG.
+
+  _ELYSAEUS ACCOUNT._ See PRESTER JOHN, II.
+
+  Endrös, A. _Die Gezeiten, Seiches und Strömungen des Meeres bei
+      Aristoteles_, in: Bayerische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften,
+      Sitzungsberichte, Mathematisch-physikalische Klasse, Munich, 1915,
+      pp. 355–385.
+
+  ERATOSTHENES. _Die geographischen Fragmente des Eratosthenes_, edited
+      with commentary by Hugo Berger, Leipzig (Teubner), 1880.
+
+      See Mori, _Misuraz. eratos._, 1911; Scala, R. von; Thalamas, A.
+
+  ERIGENA (or ERIUGENA), JOHN SCOT. See JOHN SCOT ERIGENA.
+
+  Esposito, M. _On Some Unpublished Poems Attributed to Alexander
+      Neckam_, in: English Historical Review, vol. xxx, London, 1915,
+      pp. 450–471.
+
+  Fant, C. _L’Image du monde, poème inédit du milieu du xiii^e siècle,
+      étudié dans ses diverses rédactions françaises d’après les
+      manuscrits des bibliothèques de Paris et de Stockholm_
+      (Dissertation, University of Upsala, 1886.)
+
+      Gives a summary of the contents of the poem.
+
+  FARGHĀNĪ, Al- (ALFRAGANUS). _On the Elements of Astronomy._ See GERARD
+      OF CREMONA, I; JOHN OF SEVILLE, I.
+
+  FETELLUS (FRETELLUS). _Tractatus de distantiis locorum Terrae
+      Sanctae._ Text in: Comte Melchior de Vogue, _Les églises de la
+      Terre Sainte_, Paris, 1860, pp. 412–433; also in: Migne, _Pat.
+      lat._, vol. clv, cols. 1037–1054. English translation by J. R.
+      Macpherson, _Fetellus (circa 1130 A. D.)_, London, 1892 (in:
+      Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society, _Library_, 1897, vol. v).
+
+  Fischer, Joseph. _Ptolemäus und Agathodämon_, forming supplement (on
+      pp. 71–93) to von Mžik, _Afrika_.
+
+  Fischer, Joseph. _Pappus und die Ptolemäuskarten_, in: Zeitschrift der
+      Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin, 1919, pp. 336–358.
+
+  Fischer, Joseph. _Ptolemaios als Kartograph_, forming supplement (on
+      pp. 113–129) to Cebrian, _Geschichte der Kartographie_, 1923.
+
+  FITZSTEPHEN, WILLIAM. Description of London in Latin forming the
+      preface to his Latin life of Thomas à Becket, in: J. C. Robertson,
+      _Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of
+      Canterbury_ (Rolls Series, no. 67), vol. iii, London, 1877. Also
+      in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxc, cols., 103–110; _A Survey of
+      London by John Stow_, edited by C. T. Kingsford (2 vols., Oxford,
+      1908), vol. ii, pp. 219–223. English translation in: _John Stow, A
+      Survay of London ... 1598_, edited by Henry Morley, London, 1908,
+      pp. 22–29, 117–119.
+
+  Fobes, F. H. _Mediaeval Versions of Aristotle’s Meteorology_, in:
+      Classical Philology, vol. x, Chicago, 1915, pp. 297–314.
+
+  Frahm, Wilhelm. _Das Meer und die Seefahrt in der altfranzösischen
+      Literatur_ (Dissertation, University of Göttingen, 1914).
+
+  Francke, Kuno. _Zur Geschichte der lateinischen Schulpoesie des XII.
+      und XIII. Jahrhunderts_, Munich, 1879.
+
+  FRETELLUS. See FETELLUS.
+
+  Fritsche, Franz. _Untersuchung über die Quellen der Image du monde des
+      Walther von Metz_, Halle, 1880.
+
+  FRODHI, ARI. See ARI FRODHI.
+
+  FRUTOLF OF MICHAELSBERG (or of BAMBERG). _Chronica._ Edited as if the
+      work of Ekkehard of Aura, in: _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol.
+      vi, 1844, pp. 33–231. See Bresslau, H.
+
+  Ganzenmüller, Wilhelm. _Das Naturgefühl im Mittelalter_ (Beiträge zur
+      Kulturgeschichte des Mittelalters und der Renaissance
+      herausgegeben von Walter Götz, vol. xviii), Leipzig and Berlin,
+      1914.
+
+      An attempt to interpret the medieval attitude toward nature “von
+      innen heraus, aus der geistigen Eigenart des Mittelalters....” (p.
+      4). German translations of many descriptions of landscape and
+      scenery are included.
+
+  Ganzenmüller, Wilhelm. _Die empfindsame Naturbetrachtung im
+      Mittelalter_, in: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, vol. xii, Berlin,
+      1916, pp. 195–228.
+
+  GAUTIER DE CHÂTILLON (or DE LILLE). See WALTER OF CHÂTILLON.
+
+  Geidel, Heinrich. _Alfred der Grosse als Geograph_ (Münchener
+      geographische Studien herausgegeben von Siegmund Günther, no. 15),
+      Munich, 1904.
+
+  Geikie, Sir Archibald. _The Founders of Geology_, London, 1905.
+
+  Geikie, Sir Archibald. _The Love of Nature Among the Romans During the
+      Later Decades of the Republic and the First Century of the
+      Empire_, London, 1912.
+
+  GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH. _Historia Britonum_, edited by J. A. Giles,
+      Caxton Society, London, 1844. An English translation entitled
+      _Geoffrey of Monmouth’s British History_ by J. A. Giles, in:
+      _Monkish Historians of Great Britain_, vol. iv, London, 1844 (also
+      in Bohn’s Antiquarian Library, London, 1848).
+
+  GEOFFREY OF ST. VICTOR (GODEFROI DE BRETEUIL). I. _Fons philosophiae_,
+      edited by M. A. Charma in his _Fons philosophiae: Poème inédit du
+      xii^e siècle, publié et annoté par —_, Caen, 1868. II.
+      _Microcosmus._ Unpublished. See above, p. 428, note 135.
+
+  _GEOGRAPHI GRAECI MINORES._ See Müller, C.
+
+  _GEOGRAPHI LATINI MINORES._ See Riese, A.
+
+  GERALD OF BARRY. See GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS.
+
+  GERARD OF CREMONA. I. _Liber de aggregationibus scientiae stellarum et
+      principiis coelestium motum_, a translation of Al-Farghānī’s _On
+      the Elements of Astronomy_. See Woepcke, _Notice_, 1862, pp.
+      117–120. II. Translation of Az-Zarqalī’s _Canons_ on the _Toledo
+      Tables_. See above, pp. 399–400, notes 44–45. III. Translations of
+      Aristotle’s _Meteorology_ (first three books), _Physics_, _De
+      caelo et mundo_, and _De generatione et corruptione_. Unpublished.
+      On manuscripts see Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. ii, p. 87; see
+      also above, pp. 401–402, notes 59, 60, 61, 62. IV. _Theorica
+      planetarum._ MS. in Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no.
+      7421. This work was also printed in the fifteenth and sixteenth
+      centuries. The edition referred to in the Notes of the present
+      work as the “Renner edition” was printed in Venice “per Franciscū
+      Renner de Hailbrun, MCCCCLXXVIII.” In the same volume is to be
+      found the _De sphaera_ of John of Holywood, q. v. For references
+      to other editions see Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, p. 219,
+      note 3.
+
+      See Boncompagni, _Della vita_, 1851.
+
+  GERBERT (SYLVESTER II). _Gerberti postea Silvestri II papae opera
+      mathematica_, edited by Nicholaus Bubnov, Berlin, 1899.
+
+  GERVASE OF CANTERBURY. I. _Chronica de tempore regum Angliae Stephani,
+      Henrici II et Ricardi I_, edited by William Stubbs, in: _The
+      Historical Works of Gervase of Canterbury_ (Rolls Series, no. 71),
+      vol. i, London, 1879. II. _Mappamundi_, edited by Stubbs, _op.
+      cit._, vol. ii, London, 1880, pp. 414–444.
+
+  GERVASE OF TILBURY. _Otia imperialia_, edited by G. G. Leibnitz, in:
+      _Scriptores rerum brunsvicensium_ (3 vols., Hanover, 1707–1711),
+      vol. i, pp. 881–1004, vol. ii, pp. 754–784.
+
+      See Liebrecht, F.
+
+  Gilbert, Otto. _Die meteorologischen Theorien des griechischen
+      Altertums_, Leipzig, 1907.
+
+      Fundamental study of ancient meteorology.
+
+  Giordano Carlo. _Alexandreis, poema di Gautier da Châtillon_, Naples,
+      1917.
+
+  GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS (GERALD OF BARRY). I. _Topographia Hiberniae et_
+      (II) _Expugnatio Hiberniae_, edited by J. F. Dimock, in: _Giraldi
+      Cambrensis opera_ (Rolls Series, no. 21), vol. v, London, 1867.
+      English translation by Thomas Foster, _The Historical Works of
+      Giraldus Cambrensis Containing the Topography of Ireland and the
+      History of the Conquest of Ireland_, revised by Thomas Wright, in
+      Bohn’s Antiquarian Library, London, 1863. III. _Itinerarium
+      Kambriae et_ (IV) _Descriptio Kambriae_, edited by J. F. Dimock,
+      _op. cit._, vol. vi, London, 1868. Sir R. C. Hoare’s English
+      translation of 1806 appeared under the title _The Itinerary
+      Through Wales and the Description of Wales by Giraldus Cambrensis_
+      in Everyman’s Library, London and New York, 1908. V. _Symbolum
+      electorum_, edited by J. S. Brewer, in: _Giraldi Cambrensis opera_
+      (Rolls Series, no. 21), vol. i, London, 1861, pp. 199–395.
+
+      See Lynch, J.
+
+  Gisinger, F. “Geographie,” article in: _Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der
+      classischen Altertumswissenschaft: Neue Bearbeitung, begonnen von
+      Georg Wissowa_, edited by Wilhelm Kroll, supplementary vol. iv,
+      Stuttgart, 1924, cols. 521–685.
+
+  GODFREY OF VITERBO. I. _Pantheon seu universitate libri, qui chronici
+      appellantur, XX, ... ab O. C.-1186._ Edited by B. J. Herold,
+      Basel, 1559, and by J. Pistorius (3rd edition, edited by B. G.
+      Struve, vol. ii, Ratisbon, 1726, pp. 2–392); also edited (in part
+      only) in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcviii, cols. 875–1044, and
+      in: _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. xxii, 1872, pp. 107–307.
+      II. _Denumeratio regnorum imperio subjectorum_, edited by Léopold
+      Delisle in his _Littérature latine et histoire du moyen âge_,
+      Paris, 1890, pp. 41–50.
+
+  Goeje, M. J. de. _La légende de St. Brandan_, in: Actes du Huitième
+      Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes, 1889, Leiden, 1891, pp.
+      43–76. (Also printed separately, Leiden, 1890.)
+
+  Goeje, M. J. de, on Edrisi. See IDRĪSĪ, Al-.
+
+  Gollancz, Hermann. _Dodi ve-Nechdi (Uncle and Nephew), the Work of
+      Berachya Hanakdan_, Oxford, etc., 1920. Pp. 87–161 consist of a
+      translation of the _Quaestiones naturales_ of Adelard of Bath, q.
+      v.
+
+  GONDISALVI, DOMINICUS. See DOMINICUS GONDISALVI.
+
+  GOSSOUIN OF METZ. Possibly author or co-author of the _Image du
+      monde_. See above, p. 105 and p. 405, note 89.
+
+  Grabmann, Martin. _Forschungen über die lateinischen
+      Aristotelesübersetzungen des XIII. Jahrhunderts_, in: Beiträge zur
+      Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters herausgegeben von C.
+      Baeumker, vol. xvii, pts. 5–6, Münster, 1916.
+
+  Graf, Arturo. _La leggenda del paradiso terrestre_, Turin, 1878.
+
+  Graf, Arturo. _Roma nella memoria e nelle immaginazioni del medio
+      evo_, 2 vols., Turin, 1882–1883.
+
+  Graf, Arturo. _Miti, leggende e superstizioni del medio evo_, 2 vols.,
+      Turin, 1892–1893.
+
+      Much material and a wealth of references on legendary geography.
+      Vol. i, pp. 1–193, deals with the legend of the terrestrial
+      paradise.
+
+  GREGORIUS, MAGISTER. See GREGORY, MASTER.
+
+  Gregorovius, Ferdinand. _Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter_, 8
+      vols., 1st edit., Stuttgart, 1859–1872. Translation from fourth
+      German edition by Annie Hamilton, _History of the City of Rome in
+      the Middle Ages_, 8 vols. in 13, London, 1894–1912.
+
+  GREGORY, MASTER. _Magister Gregorius de mirabilibus urbis Romae_,
+      edited with introduction by M. R. James in his _Magister
+      Gregorius_, in: English Historical Review, vol. xxxii, London,
+      1917, pp. 531–554.
+
+  Gribaudi, Pietro. _La geografia di S. Isidoro di Siviglia_ (Memorie
+      della Reale Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, series 2, vol. lv),
+      Turin, 1905.
+
+  Gribaudi, Pietro. _Per la storia della geografia, specialmente nel
+      medio evo_, Turin, 1906. Fasc. I of this contains: _L’autorità de
+      S. Isidoro de Siviglia, come geografo, nel medio evo_.
+
+  Gribble, Francis. _The Early Mountaineers_, London, 1899.
+
+  Gröber, G. _Übersicht über die lateinische Literatur von der Mitte des
+      6. Jahrhunderts bis 1350_, in his _Grundriss der romanischen
+      Philologie_ (2 vols., Strasburg, 1888–1902), vol. ii, pt. i, pp.
+      97–432.
+
+  GROSSETESTE, ROBERT (ROBERT OF LINCOLN). (I) _De sphaera_, (II) _De
+      impressionibus aëris seu de prognosticatione_, (III) _De luce seu
+      de inchoatione formarum_, (IV) _Quod homo sit minor mundus_, (V)
+      _De lineis angulis et figuris seu de fractionibus et reflexionibus
+      radiorum_, (VI) _De natura locorum_, (VII) _De impressionibus
+      elementorum_, (VIII) _De finitate motus et temporis_, all edited
+      by Ludwig Baur in his _Die philosophischen Werke des Robert
+      Grosseteste, Bischofs von Lincoln_ (Beiträge zur Geschichte der
+      Philosophie des Mittelalters herausgegeben von C. Baeumker, vol.
+      ix), Münster, 1912. (IX) _Summa super libros octo Physicorum_
+      (commentary on the _Physics_ of Aristotle), first printed in
+      Venice in 1498, and subsequently frequently printed in the
+      sixteenth century; no modern critical edition. On early editions
+      and manuscripts see Baur, _op. cit._, pp. 19*-20*. (X)
+      _Hexaemeron._ Unpublished. Baur, _op. cit._, p. 24*, note 1, cites
+      MS. Brit. Mus. Bibl. reg. 6 E. V. (XI) _Summa philosophiae._
+      Ascribed probably erroneously to Grosseteste. Edited by Baur, _op.
+      cit._, pp. 275–643.
+
+      See also Baur, L.; Little, A. G.
+
+  GUI DE BAZOCHES. See GUY OF BAZOCHES.
+
+  GUIDO. Encyclopedic compilation in six books containing geographical
+      passages which in part are edited by M. Pinder and G. Parthey,
+      _Ravennatis anonymi Cosmographia et Guidonis Geographica_, Berlin,
+      1860, pp. 449–556.
+
+  GUILELMUS, GUILLAUME, etc. See WILLIAM.
+
+  GUNDISSALINUS, DOMINICUS. See DOMINICUS GONDISALVI.
+
+  Günther, Siegmund. _Studien zur Geschichte der mathematischen und
+      physikalischen Geographie_, 3 vols., Halle, 1877–1879. Parts i and
+      ii consist of _Die Lehre von der Erdrundung und Erdbewegung im
+      Mittelalter_; part iii, of _Ältere und neuere Hypothesen über die
+      chronische Versetzung des Erdschwerpunktes durch Wassermassen_.
+
+      See Marinelli, _Scritti minori_, vol. i, [1908?].
+
+  Günther, Siegmund. _Die kosmographischen Anschauungen des
+      Mittelalters_, in: Deutsche Rundschau für Geographie und
+      Statistik, vol. iv, Vienna, 1882, pp. 249–254, 313–317, 345–352.
+
+  Günther, Siegmund. _Notiz zur Geschichte der Klimatologie_, in:
+      Bibliotheca mathematica, no. 3, Stockholm, 1887.
+
+  Günther, Siegmund. _Wissenschaftliche Bergbesteigungen in älterer
+      Zeit_, in: Jahresberichte der Geographischen Gesellschaft in
+      München für 1894 und 1895, Munich, 1896, pp. 51–67.
+
+  Günther, Siegmund. _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, Leipzig and Vienna,
+      1904.
+
+      A dry and compact summary of the history of geographical science
+      and exploration from antiquity to modern times. Contains many
+      valuable references.
+
+  Günther, Siegmund. _Die antike Apokatastasis auf ihre astronomischen
+      und geophysischen Grundlagen geprüft_, in: Bayerische Akademie der
+      Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, Mathematisch-physikalische
+      Klasse, Munich, 1916, pp. 83–112.
+
+  Günther, Siegmund. _Optische Beweisung für die Erdkrümmung sonst und
+      jetzt_, in: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
+      Sitzungsberichte, Mathematisch-physikalische Klasse, Munich, 1920,
+      pt. 2, pp. 371–385.
+
+  GUNTHER OF PAIRIS. _Ligurinus_, edited by C. G. Dümge, Heidelberg,
+      1812; also in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. ccxii, cols. 327–476.
+      German translation by T. Vulpinus, _Der Ligurinus Gunthers von
+      Pairis im Elsass ... etc._, Strasburg, 1889.
+
+      See Pannenborg, A.; Paris, G., _Dissertation critique_, 1872.
+
+  GUY OF BAZOCHES. Selections from the letters in: W. Wattenbach, _Aus
+      den Briefen des Guido von Bazoches_, in: Neues Archiv der
+      Gesellschaft für Ältere Deutsche Geschichtskunde, vol. xvi,
+      Hanover, 1891, pp. 69–113.
+
+      See above, p. 414, note 152.
+
+  Haag, Heinrich. _Die Geschichte des Nullmeridians_ (Dissertation,
+      University of Giessen, 1913).
+
+      The discussion of the prime meridians used in the Middle Ages
+      appears to be based mainly on the now antiquated work of Lelewel.
+
+      See Schoy, _Längenbestimmung_, 1915.
+
+  Hammer-Jensen, Ingeborg. _Das sogennante IV. Buch der Meteorologie des
+      Aristoteles_, in: Hermes: Zeitschrift für classische Philologie,
+      vol. 50, Berlin, 1915, pp. 113–136.
+
+  Haskins, C. H. _Adelard of Bath_, in: English Historical Review, vol.
+      xxvi, London, 1911, pp. 491–498.
+
+      See Below, Haskins, _Studies_, 1924.
+
+  Haskins, C. H. _The Reception of Arabic Science in England_, in:
+      English Historical Review, vol. xxx, London, 1915, pp. 56–69.
+
+      See below, Haskins, _Studies_, 1924.
+
+  Haskins, C. H. _Michael Scot and Frederick II_, in: Isis:
+      International Review Devoted to the History of Science and
+      Civilization, vol. iv, Brussels, 1921–1922, pp. 250–275.
+
+      See below, Haskins, _Studies_, 1924.
+
+  Haskins, C. H. _Science at the Court of the Emperor Frederick II_, in:
+      American Historical Review, vol. xxvii, New York, 1922, pp.
+      669–694.
+
+      See below, Haskins, _Studies_, 1924.
+
+  Haskins, C. H. _Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science_,
+      Cambridge, Mass., 1924.
+
+      A profound contribution, based largely on research in manuscript
+      sources, to the history of science in the twelfth and thirteenth
+      centuries. Traces the work of translators from the Arabic and
+      Greek and deals with science at the court of the Emperor Frederick
+      II. All the studies by Haskins referred to above appear in this
+      volume in revised form.
+
+  Haskins, C. H., and D. P. Lockwood. _The Sicilian Translators of the
+      Twelfth Century and the First Latin Version of Ptolemy’s
+      Almagest_, in: Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. xxi,
+      Cambridge, Mass., 1910, pp. 75–102. See also: Haskins, C. H.,
+      _Further Notes on the Sicilian Translators of the Twelfth
+      Century_, in _ibid._, vol. xxiii, 1912, pp. 155–166.
+
+      Important for material on early translations of the _Almagest_.
+
+      See above, Haskins, _Studies_, 1924.
+
+  Hauptmann, E. _Die Erdvermessung der Römer [im] Raum des heutigen
+      Kriegsschauplatzes bis zur Rheingrenze ..., Zugleich Lehrbuch der
+      antiken Erdmesskunst_, Bonn, 1915.
+
+  Hauréau, B. _Singularités historiques et littéraires_, Paris, 1861.
+
+  Hauréau, B. _Mémoire sur quelques chanceliers de l’église de
+      Chartres_, Paris, 1883. Also in: Mémoires de l’institut Nationale
+      de France, Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, vol. xxxi,
+      pt. 2, Paris, 1884, pp. 63–122.
+
+  Hauréau, B. _Les oeuvres de Hugues de Saint-Victor: Essai critique_,
+      new edit., Paris, 1886.
+
+  Hauréau, B. _Thierry de Chartres, De sex dierum operibus_, in his
+      _Notices et extraits de quelques manuscrits latins de la
+      Bibliothèque Nationale_, Paris, vol. i, 1890, pp. 48–68
+      (commentary, pp. 48–51; text, pp. 52–68).
+
+  Heath, Sir Thomas. _Aristarchus of Samos_, Oxford, 1913.
+
+  Heidel, W. A. _Anaximander’s Book, the Earliest Known Geographical
+      Treatise_, in: Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and
+      Sciences, vol. lvi, Boston, 1921, pp. 239–288.
+
+  _HEIMSKRINGLA._ See SNORRI STURLUSON, I.
+
+  Hellmann, G., edit., _DENKMÄLER MITTELALTERLICHER METEOROLOGIE_
+      (Neudrucke von Schriften und Karten über Meteorologie und
+      Erdmagnetismus herausgegeben von G. Hellmann, no. 15), Berlin,
+      1904.
+
+      Collection of texts dealing with meteorology from medieval
+      authors.
+
+  HELMOLD. _Chronica Slavorum_, edited by J. M. Lappenberg, in: _Mon.
+      Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. xxi, 1869, pp. 11–99. Also in:
+      _Script. rer. germ. in usum scholarum_, Hanover, 1868. German
+      translation by J. C. M. Laurent, Berlin, 1852; 2nd edit., Leipzig,
+      1888 (not seen).
+
+  HENRY OF HUNTINGDON. _Historiae Anglorum libri VIII_, edited by Thomas
+      Arnold (Rolls Series, no. 72), London, 1879.
+
+  HERMANN THE DALMATIAN (HERMANN THE CARINTHIAN, HERMANN THE SLAV,
+      HERMANNUS SECUNDUS). I. _Liber de essentiis._ Unpublished. See
+      Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 48–49, 56–66. On pp. 62–65 Haskins
+      publishes for the first time the text of two interesting
+      geographical passages. II. Translation of _The Great Book of the
+      Introduction_ of Abū Maʿshar under the title _Liber introductorius
+      in astrologiam_. See ABŪ MAʿSHAR. III. Translation of the
+      _Khorazmian Tables_ of Al-Khwārizmī. No text of this is known. See
+      above p. 95.
+
+  Hermannsson, Halldór. _Bibliography of the Icelandic Sagas and Minor
+      Tales_, in: Islandica, vol. i, Ithaca, N. Y., 1908.
+
+  Hermannsson, Halldór. _The Northmen in America (982-c. 1500): A
+      Contribution to the Bibliography of the Subject_, in: Islandica,
+      vol. ii, Ithaca, N. Y., 1909.
+
+  Hermannsson, Halldór. _Bibliography of the Sagas of the Kings of
+      Norway and Related Sagas and Tales_, in: Islandica, vol. iii,
+      Ithaca, N. Y., 1910.
+
+  Hermannson, Halldór. _Bibliography of the Eddas_, in: Islandica, vol.
+      xiii, Ithaca, N. Y., 1920.
+
+  HERRAD OF LANDSPERG. _Hortus deliciarum_, edited by A. Straub and G.
+      Keller, Strasburg, 1879–1899.
+
+      See Le Noble, A.
+
+  Heyd, W. _Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen âge_, translated
+      from the German into French by F. Raynaud, 2 vols., Leipzig,
+      1885–1886. French translation reprinted, Leipzig, 1923.
+
+      The French translation contains material not to be found in the
+      German original. Still a fundamentally important work on medieval
+      trade with the East.
+
+  HILDEGARD OF BINGEN. (I) _Scivias sive visionum ac revelationum libri
+      tres_, (II) _Liber divinorum operum simplicis hominis_, (III)
+      _Liber vitae meritorum_, (IV) _Subtilitates diversarum naturarum
+      creaturarum_, and (V) _Solutiones quaestionum XXXVIII_, all in:
+      Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcvii. (VI) _Causae et curae_, edited by
+      Paul Kaiser, Leipzig (Teubner), 1903.
+
+      For references to other editions, manuscripts, and secondary
+      works, see Thorndike, _Magic_, 1923, vol. ii, pp. 125–126. See
+      also Singer, _Visions of Saint Hildegard_, 1917.
+
+  _Histoire littéraire de la France_, 35 vols., Paris, 1733ff. 35 vols.
+      had appeared by 1921.
+
+      A great collection of bio-bibliographical notices, printed texts,
+      and critical discussions of the literature of Gaul and France.
+      Publication was begun by the Benedictines of the Congregation of
+      St. Maur in the eighteenth century and continued by the Académie
+      des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres early in the nineteenth.
+
+  _HISTORIA DE PRAELIIS._ See Landgraf, G.
+
+  _HISTORIA NORWEGIAE_, edited by P. A. Munch, in: _Symbolae ad
+      historiam antiquiorem rerum Norvegicarum_, Christiania, 1850. A
+      more critical edition in: Storm, _Mon. hist. Norveg._, 1880, pp.
+      69–124.
+
+  Hoffmann, Immanuel. _Die Anschauungen der Kirchenväter über
+      Meteorologie_ (Dissertation, University of Munich, 1907). (Also
+      as: Münchener geographische Studien herausgegeben von Siegmund
+      Günther, no. 22.)
+
+  Hofmeister, Adolf. _Studien über Otto von Freisingen_, in: Neues
+      Archiv der Gesellschaft für Ältere Deutsche Geschichtskunde, vol.
+      xxxvii, Hanover, 1911–1912, pp. 99–161, 663–768.
+
+  HONORIUS AUGUSTODUNENSIS, HONORIUS INCLUSUS, HONORIUS OF AUTUN. See
+      _IMAGINE MUNDI, DE_.
+
+  HUGH OF ST. VICTOR. I. _Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pentateuchon_,
+      in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxv, cols. 29–114. II. _De arca Noë
+      morali_, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. clxxvi, cols. 617–680. III.
+      _De arca Noë mystica_, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. clxxvi, cols.
+      681–704. IV. _De vanitate mundi_, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol.
+      clxxvi, cols. 703–740; also edited by Karl Müller, _Hugo von St.
+      Victor soliloquium De arrha animae und De vanitate mundi_ (Kleine
+      Texte für Vorlesung und Übungen, no. 123), Bonn, 1913. V. _De
+      sacramentis_, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. clxxvi, cols. 173–618.
+      VI. _De situ terrarum_ (not certainly the work of Hugh of St.
+      Victor), forming bk. III of _Tractatus excerptionum_, in: Migne,
+      _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxvii, cols. 209–216.
+
+      See Hauréau, _Oeuvres_, 1886.
+
+  IBN RUSHD (AVERROËS). Commentaries on the works of Aristotle. See
+      [Bernard] Carra de Vaux, article “Ibn Rushd,” in: _The
+      Encyclopaedia of Islam_, vol. ii, Leiden and London, 1918, pp.
+      410–413.
+
+      See also Renan, E.
+
+  IBN SINĀ (AVICENNA). Commentaries on the works of Aristotle. See
+      ALFRED OF SARESHEL, II; T. J. de Boer, article “Ibn Sina,” in:
+      _The Encyclopaedia of Islam_, vol. ii, Leiden and London, 1918,
+      pp. 419–420; and above, p. 401, note 60.
+
+  IBN YŪNŪS. _Hākimī Tables._ Portions of these tables and the
+      commentaries which accompanied them were published and translated
+      by J. J. A. Caussin de Perceval in: _Notices et extraits des
+      manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale_, vol. vii, Paris, An XII
+      [1803–1804], pp. 16–240; for the description of the measurement of
+      the circumference of the earth, see especially pp. 94, 96,
+      footnote (2).
+
+  IDRĪSĪ, Al- (EDRISI). _Geography_ (or _Roger Book_, or _Rogerian
+      Description_), in: _Géographie d’Édrisi, traduite de l’Arabe en
+      français_, by P. A. Jaubert (Recueil de voyages et de mémoires
+      publié par la Société de Géographie, vols. v and vi), 2 vols.,
+      Paris, 1836–1840. This is the only translation of the whole of
+      Edrisi’s _Geography_. More recent and more critical translations
+      of parts are (1) _Description de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne par
+      Edrîsî_, Arabic text with French translation and notes by R. Dozy
+      and M. J. de Goeje, Leiden, 1866; (2) _L’Italia descritta nel
+      “Libro del Re Ruggero” compilato da Edrisi_, Arabic text with
+      Italian translation and notes by M. Amari and C. Schiaparelli,
+      Rome, 1883 (not seen).
+
+      See also Pardi, G.
+
+  _IMAGE DU MONDE, L’._ Metrical versions unedited. For text of prose
+      version, see O. H. Prior, _L’Image du monde de Maître Gossouin_,
+      Lausanne, 1913. For Caxton’s English translation of 1485, see the
+      same, _Caxton’s Mirrour of the World_, London, 1913. On sources
+      see Fant, C.; Fritsche, F.; Le Clerc, V.
+
+      See also Langlois, C. V., _Connaissance_, 1911, ch. 5.
+
+  _IMAGINE MUNDI, DE._ In: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxii, cols.
+      115–188, where it is attributed to Honorius of Autun. See above,
+      p. 403, note 73; pp. 325–326, and p. 481, note 347.
+
+      See Doberentz, O.
+
+  ISIDORE OF SEVILLE. I. _Etymologiae sive originum libri XX_, edited by
+      W. M. Lindsay, 2 vols., Oxford, 1911. Also in: Migne, _Pat. lat._,
+      vol. lxxxii, cols. 73–728. See Brehaut, E.; Philipp, H. II. _De
+      natura rerum_, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. lxxxiii, cols.
+      963–1018. See also above, p. 387, note 79.
+
+      See Blázquez y Delgado Aguilera, A.; Brehaut, E.; Gribaudi, P.
+
+  _ITER AD PARADISUM._ See _ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE OF_, VI.
+
+  _ITINERA ET DESCRIPTIONES TERRAE SANCTAE._ See Tobler, Titus.
+
+  _ITINERA HIEROSOLYMITANA._ See Tobler, T., and A. Molinier.
+
+  _ITINÉRAIRES À JERUSALEM._ See Michelant, H., and G. Reynaud.
+
+  _ITINÉRAIRES DE LA TERRE SAINTE ... traduits de l’hébreu._
+
+      See Carmoly, E.
+
+  JACQUES DE VITRY. _Historia hierosolymitana_, in: J. Bongars, _Gesta
+      Dei per Francos_, vol. i, Hanover, 1611, pp. 1047–1125. English
+      translation by Aubrey Stewart, _The History of Jerusalem, A. D.
+      1180, by Jacques de Vitry_, London, 1896 (in: Palestine Pilgrims’
+      Text Society, _Library_, 1897, vol. xi).
+
+  James, M. R. See GREGORY, MASTER.
+
+  JEROME. _De situ et nominibus locorum Hebraicorum_ (or _De Palestinae
+      locis_), in Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. xxiii, cols. 859–928.
+
+  _JERUSALEM ITINERARIES._ See Carmoly, E.; Michelant, H., and G.
+      Reynaud; Tobler, T.; Tobler, T., and A. Molinier.
+
+  JOHANNES. See JOHN.
+
+  JOHANNES, PRESBYTER. See PRESTER JOHN.
+
+  JOHANNES HISPANENSIS. See JOHN OF SEVILLE.
+
+  JOHN, PRESTER. See PRESTER JOHN.
+
+  JOHN OF HOLYWOOD (SACROBOSCO). _De sphaera_, or _Sphaera mundi_, in:
+      _Johannes de Sacrobusto anglici viri clarissimi Spera mundi,
+      impressa Venetiis per Franciscū Renner de Hailbrun, MCCCCLXXVIII_.
+      This text of the _De sphaera_ was printed in the same volume with
+      the _Theorica planetarum_ of Gerard of Cremona, q. v. See also
+      Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, p. 239, note 4, and p. 240, note
+      1.
+
+  JOHN OF LUNA. See JOHN OF SEVILLE.
+
+  JOHN OF SALISBURY. _Opera omnia_, edited by J. A. Giles, Oxford, 1848,
+      and reprinted in Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcix, cols. 1–1039. The
+      _Policraticus, sive de nugis curialium et vestigiis
+      philosophorum_, was edited by C. C. J. Webb, 2 vols., Oxford,
+      1909.
+
+  JOHN SCOT ERIGENA. _De divisione naturae_, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._,
+      vol. cxxii, cols. 439–1022.
+
+      See Rand, E. K.
+
+  JOHN OF SEVILLE (JOHANNES HISPANENSIS, JOHN OF LUNA). I. Translation
+      of the _On the Elements of Astronomy_ of Al-Farghānī was published
+      by Johannes Petreius in Nuremberg, 1537, under the title _Brevis
+      ac perutilis compilatio Alfragani, quod ad rudimenta astronomica
+      est opportunum_. For references to manuscripts, see Woepcke,
+      _Notice_, 1862, pp. 115–117. II. Translation of Abū Maʿshar’s _The
+      Great Book of the Introduction_. See Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, p.
+      45.
+
+  JOHN OF WÜRZBURG. _Descriptio terrae sanctae_, in: Tobler,
+      _Descriptiones terrae sanctae_, 1874, pp. 108–192, 415–448. Also
+      in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clv, cols. 1054–1090. English
+      translation by Aubrey Stewart, _Description of the Holy Land by
+      John of Würzburg (A. D. 1160–1170)_, London, 1890 (in Palestine
+      Pilgrims’ Text Society, _Library_, 1897, vol. v).
+
+  Jourdain, Amable. _Recherches critiques sur l’âge et l’origine des
+      traductions latines d’Aristote et sur des commentaires grecs ou
+      arabes employés par les docteurs scholastiques_, 2nd edit., Paris,
+      1843.
+
+  Jourdain, C. B. _Dissertation sur l’état de la philosophie naturelle
+      en Occident et principalement en France pendant la première moitié
+      du XII^e siècle_, Paris, 1838.
+
+  Jourdain, C. B. _De l’influence d’Aristote et de ses interprètes sur
+      la découverte du Nouveau-Monde_, Paris, 1861.
+
+  Jowett, Benjamin. See PLATO.
+
+  Jubinal, A. See BRANDAN, Saint.
+
+  JULIUS VALERIUS. See _ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE OF_, II, III.
+
+  Karl, L. _La Hongrie et les Hongrois dans les chansons de geste_, in:
+      Revue des langues romanes, vol. li, Montpellier, 1908, pp. 5–38.
+
+  Khvostov, M. _Istoriya vostochnoi torgovli Greko-Rimskago Egipta
+      (History of the Eastern Trade of Greco-Roman Egypt)_, Kazan, 1907.
+
+  KHWĀRIZMĪ, Al-. I. _Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ_, edited by C. A. Nallino, with
+      commentary, under title _Al-Ḫuwârizmî e il suo rifacimento della
+      Geografia di Tolomeo_, in: Memorie della Reale Accademia dei
+      Lincei, series 5, Classe di scienze morali, storiche, e
+      filologiche, vol. ii, pt. 1, Rome, 1894 (published 1896). See also
+      von Mžik, _Ptolemaeus_, 1915; the same, _Afrika_, 1916; Nallino,
+      _Al-Khuwarizmi_, 1896; Spitta, W. II. Astronomical tables known as
+      _Khorazmian Tables_, in: H. Suter, _Die astronomischen Tafeln des
+      Muḥammed ibn Mūsā al-Khwārizmī in der Bearbeitung des Maslama ibn
+      Aḥmed al-Madjrīṭī und der latein. Übersetzung des Athelhard von
+      Bath_, etc. (Mémoires de l’Académie Royale des Sciences et des
+      Lettres de Danemark, series 7, Section des lettres, vol. iii, no.
+      1), Copenhagen, 1914. As to the _Little Sindhind_ of Al-Khwārizmī,
+      to which these tables were related, see above, p. 394, note 20.
+
+  _KING’S MIRROR._ See _KONUNGS-SKUGGSJÁ_.
+
+  Klotz, Alfred. _Quaestiones Plinianae geographicae_ (Quellen und
+      Forschungen zur alten Geschichte und Geographie herausgegeben von
+      W. Sieglin, no. 11), Berlin, 1906.
+
+  Koch, Joseph. _Das Meer in der mittelhochdeutschen Epik_
+      (Dissertation, University of Münster, 1910).
+
+  Kohlmann, P. W. _Adam von Bremen: Ein Beitrag zur mittelalterlichen
+      Textkritik und Kosmographie_ (Leipziger historische Abhandlungen,
+      vol. x), Leipzig, 1908.
+
+  _KONUNGS-SKUGGSJÁ._ _Speculum regale, ein altnorwegischer Dialog_,
+      edited by Oscar Brenner, Munich, 1881. English translation by L.
+      M. Larson, American Scandinavian Foundation, New York, 1917.
+
+  Krabbo, Hermann. _Bischof Virgil von Salzburg und seine kosmologischen
+      Ideen_, in: Mitteilungen des Institut für Österreichische
+      Geschichtsforschungen, vol. xxiv, Vienna, 1903, pp. 1–28.
+
+  Krabbo, Hermann. _Nordeuropa in der Vorstellung Adams von Bremen_, in:
+      Hansische Geschichtsblätter, vol. xv, Leipzig, 1909, pp. 37–51.
+
+  Krejcik, J. See DANTE, V.
+
+  Kretschmer, Konrad. _Die physische Erdkunde im christlichen
+      Mittelalter_, in: Geographische Abhandlungen herausgegeben von
+      Albrecht Penck, vol. iv, pt. 1, Vienna and Olmütz, 1889.
+
+      The best general summary of medieval theories of physical
+      geography. See the critical review in Marinelli, _Scritti minori_,
+      vol. i, [1908?], pp. 439–448.
+
+  Krumbacher, K. _Geschichte der byzantinischen Literatur von Justinian
+      bis zum Ende des Oströmischen Reiches (527–1453)_, Munich, 1890,
+      2nd edit. 1897 (forming vol. ix, pt. 1 of Iwan von Müller,
+      _Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft_).
+
+  Kubitschek, Wilhelm. “Karten,” article in: _Paulys Real-Encyclopädie
+      der classischen Altertumswissenschaft: Neue Bearbeitung, begonnen
+      von Georg Wissowa_, edited by Wilhelm Kroll, vol. x, pt. 2 (20th
+      half vol.), Stuttgart, 1919, cols. 2022–2149.
+
+  LACTANTIUS. _Divinae institutiones_, edited by Samuel Brandt, in:
+      _Corpus script. eccl. lat._, vol. xix, pt. 1, 1890.
+
+  La Marche, R. A. Lecoy de. See Lecoy de La Marche, R. A.
+
+  LAMBERT LI TORS. See _ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE OF_, VII.
+
+  LAMBERT OF ST. OMER. _Liber floridus._ There is no modern edition. For
+      a synopsis, see Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxiii, cols. 1003ff. For
+      references to manuscripts see Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii,
+      1895, pp. 43–46, and Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 621–624.
+
+  Landgraf, Gustav. _Die Vita Alexandri Magni des Archipresbyters Leo
+      (Historia de preliis)_, Schweinfurt, 1885 (not seen).
+
+  _LANDNÁMABÓK._ For editions see Hermannsson, _Bibl. Icelandic Sagas_,
+      1908, pp. 70–72. English translations by T. Ellwood, _The Book of
+      the Settlement of Iceland_, Kendal, 1898, and by Vigfusson and
+      York Powell, _Origines Islandicae_, vol. i, 1905, pp. 2–236,
+      266–274. For corrections of renderings given in the latter, see
+      review by E. Magnússon, in: Saga Book of the Viking Club, vol. iv,
+      pt. 2, London, 1905–1906, pp. 415–467.
+
+  Langenmaier, Theodor. _Alte Kenntnis und Kartographie der
+      zentralafrikanischen Seenregion_, in: Mitteilungen der
+      Geographischen Gesellschaft in München, vol. xi, Munich, 1916, pt.
+      1, pp. 1–144. Also published separately as a dissertation,
+      University of Erlangen, 1916.
+
+      An elaborate and detailed study covering the period from Ptolemy
+      to the beginning of the eighteenth century. Extensive bibliography
+      and lists of maps.
+
+  Langlois, C. V. _Maître Bernard_, in: Bibliothèque de l’École des
+      Chartes, vol. liv, Paris, 1893, pp. 225–250.
+
+  Langlois, C. V. _La connaissance de la nature et du monde au moyen âge
+      d’après quelques écrits français à l’usage des laïcs_, Paris,
+      1911.
+
+      Chapters on popular medieval encyclopedias in French. Throws light
+      on medieval geographic ideas as expressed in these works. A useful
+      bibliography is given (pp. 394–400) of eighty-eight titles of
+      secondary works on references to natural phenomena in the Middle
+      Ages.
+
+  Langlois, E. _Tables des noms propres de toute nature compris dans les
+      chansons de geste imprimées_, Paris, 1904.
+
+      Includes geographic names.
+
+  La Roncière, Charles de. _Histoire de la marine française_, 5 vols.,
+      Paris, 1899–1920. Vol. i, 2nd edit., 1909.
+
+  LATINO, BRUNETTO. _Le livre du trésor._ Edited by P. Chabaille, _Li
+      livres dou trésor, publié pour la première fois_, Paris, 1863. See
+      the references in C. V. Langlois, _Connaissance_, 1911, pp.
+      328–337.
+
+  Le C[lerc], V[ictor]. _L’Image du monde et autres enseignements_, in:
+      _Histoire littéraire de la France_, vol. xxiii, 1856, pp. 294–335,
+      836–837.
+
+  Lecoy de La Marche, R. A. _Les connaissances géographiques au moyen
+      âge_, in: Revue du monde catholique, vol. lxxix, July-Sept., 1884.
+
+  Lelewel, Joachim. _Géographie du moyen âge_, 5 vols. and atlas,
+      Brussels, 1852–1857.
+
+      Poorly arranged and written in often incomprehensible French (the
+      author was a Pole). A work of great erudition marred by the
+      hazardous character of the theories put forth. For the most part
+      on Moslem geography.
+
+  Le Noble, Alexandre. _Notice sur le Hortus deliciarum, encyclopédie
+      manuscrite composée au douzième siècle par Herrade de Landsberg,
+      abbesse du monastère de Hohenbourg (Sainte Odile) en Alsace, et
+      conservée à la Bibliothèque de Strasbourg_, in: Bibliothèque de
+      l’École des Chartes, vol. i, Paris, 1839, pp. 239–261.
+
+  Lenormant, François. _Magog: Fragments d’une étude sur l’ethnographie
+      du chapitre X de la Genèse_, in: Le Muséon: Revue des sciences et
+      des lettres, publiée par la Société Internationale des Lettres et
+      des Sciences, vol. i, Louvain, 1882, pp. 9–48.
+
+  LEO ARCHIPRESBYTER. See Landgraf, G.
+
+  Lessert, C. Pallu de. _L’oeuvre géographique d’Agrippa et d’Auguste_,
+      in: Mémoires de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France,
+      vol. lxviii, pp. 215–298, Paris, 1909. (Also published
+      separately.)
+
+  Letronne, A. _Recherches géographiques et critiques sur le livre De
+      mensura orbis terrae, composé en Irlande au commencement du
+      neuvième siècle par Dicuil, suivi du texte restitué_, Paris, 1814.
+
+  Letronne, [A.] _Des opinions cosmographiques des pères de l’église,
+      rapprochées des doctrines philosophiques de la Grèce_, in: Revue
+      des deux mondes, series 3, vol. i, Paris, 1834, pp. 601–633.
+
+  _LIBER DE PROPRIETATIBUS ELEMENTORUM_ (or _LIBER DE ELEMENTIS_). Latin
+      translation of an Arabic work falsely attributed to Aristotle in
+      the Middle Ages. Duhem, _Système_, vol. ii, 1914, p. 226, note 3,
+      refers to a text to be found on fols. 464 vo-469 vo in an edition
+      of the works of Aristotle published in Venice, 1496, “per
+      Gregorium de Gregoriis expensis Benedicti Fontanae.” On
+      manuscripts, see Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, p. 24.
+
+  Liebrecht, Felix. _Des Gervasius von Tilbury Otia imperialia_,
+      Hanover, 1856.
+
+      Selections from the _Otia imperialia_ with commentary to
+      illustrate the development of Germanic mythology.
+
+  Lippmann, E. O. von. _Chemisches und Alchemisches aus Aristoteles_,
+      in: Archiv für die Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der
+      Technik, vol. ii, Leipzig, 1910, pp. 233–300.
+
+  Little, A. G., edit. _Roger Bacon Essays, Contributed by Various
+      Writers on the Commemoration of the Seventh Centenary of His
+      Birth_, Oxford, 1914.
+
+  Lloyd, J. E. _A History of Wales from the Earliest Times to the
+      Edwardian Conquest_, 2 vols., London, 1911.
+
+  LOMBARD, PETER. _Libri quattuor sententiarum_, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._,
+      vol. cxcii, cols. 519–962. Critical text in the edition of the
+      _Opera_ of Saint Bonaventura, Quaracci, 1882–1889, vols. i-iv.
+
+  Lones, T. E. _Aristotle’s Researches in Natural Science_, London,
+      1912. A useful introduction.
+
+  Lowes, J. L. _The Dry Sea and the Carrenare_, in: Modern Philology,
+      vol. iii, Chicago, 1905, pp. 1–46.
+
+      On the origins of Chaucer’s “Dry Sea” in the history of Prester
+      John and elsewhere.
+
+  _LUCIDARIUS_, edited from the Berlin manuscript by Felix Heidlauf, in:
+      Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters herausgegeben von der Königlich
+      Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, vol. xxviii, Berlin,
+      1915.
+
+      See also above, p. 404, note 82.
+
+  Ludwig, Friedrich. _Untersuchungen über die Reise- und
+      Marschgeschwindigkeit im XII. und XIII. Jahrhundert_, Berlin,
+      1897.
+
+      Important investigation of an interesting phase of medieval
+      travel.
+
+  Lutz, H. F. _Geographical Studies Among Babylonians and Egyptians_,
+      in: American Anthropologist, vol. xxvi, N. S., Menasha, Wis.,
+      1924, pp. 160–174.
+
+  Lynch, Dr. John (“Gratianus Lucius”). _Cambrensis eversus, seu potius
+      historica fides in rebus hibernicis Giraldo Cambrensi abrogata,
+      1662_, edited and translated by Matthew Kelly for the Irish Celtic
+      Society, 3 vols., Dublin, 1848–1851.
+
+  MACROBIUS. _In somnium Scipionis commentarius_, edited by [J. M. N.
+      D.] Nisard in _Macrobe (Oeuvres complètes), Varron (De la langue
+      latine), Pomponius Mela (Oeuvres complètes), avec la traduction en
+      français_ (Collection des auteurs latins, avec la traduction en
+      français, publiée sous la direction de M. Nisard), Paris, 1883,
+      pp. 9–116. Also edited by F. Eyssenhardt, Leipzig, 1893.
+
+  MAGISTER GREGORIUS. See GREGORY, MASTER.
+
+  Magnússon, E. See _LANDNÁMABÓK_.
+
+  Mâle, Émile. _L’art religieux du xiii^e siècle en France: Étude sur
+      l’iconographie du moyen âge et sur ses sources d’inspiration_,
+      Paris, 1898, 3rd edit., 1910. English translation by Dora Nussey,
+      _Religious Art in France_, London, 1913.
+
+      Explains, among other matters, the representation of geographic
+      and cosmographic ideas in medieval sculpture, architecture,
+      stained glass, and other forms of artistic expression.
+
+  Mâle, Émile. _L’art religieux du xii^e siècle en France: Étude sur les
+      origines de l’iconographie du moyen âge_, Paris, 1922 (not seen).
+
+  Mandonnet, Pierre. _Les idées cosmographiques d’Albert le Grand et de
+      St. Thomas d’Aquin et la découverte de l’Amérique_, in: Revue
+      thomiste, vol. i, St. Maximin, 1893.
+
+  Mandonnet, Pierre. _Siger de Brabant et l’Averroïsme latin au xiii^e
+      siècle_, Fribourg, 1899; 2nd edit.: vol. i, constituting: Les
+      philosophes belges: Textes et études, vol. vi, Louvain, 1911; vol.
+      ii, pt. 1, chs. 1–2, constituting _op. cit._, vol. vii, Louvain,
+      1908 (_sic_).
+
+  MANEGOLD. _Magistri Manegaldi contra Wolfelmum Coloniensem opusculum_,
+      in: L. Muratori, _Anecdota quae ex Ambrosianae Bibliothecae
+      codicibus nunc primum eruit —_, vol. iv, Padua, 1713, pp. 163–208.
+
+  Manitius, Karl. See PTOLEMY, CLAUDIUS, I.
+
+  Manitius, M. _Beiträge zur Geschichte der römischen Prosaiker im
+      Mittelalter_, in: Philologus: Zeitschrift für das classische
+      Alterthum, vol. xlix, Göttingen, 1890, pp. 380–384.
+
+  Manitius, M. _Philologisches aus alten Bibliothekskatalogen (bis
+      1300)_, in: Rheinisches Museum, Ergänzungs-Heft, Frankfurt-a-M.,
+      1892.
+
+  Manitius, M. _Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters_,
+      vol. i, Munich, 1911 (forming vol. ix, pt. 2, section 1, of Iwan
+      von Müller, _Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft_).
+
+  MARCO POLO. See POLO, MARCO.
+
+  Marinelli, Giovanni. _La geografia e i padri della chiesa_, in:
+      Bollettino della Società Geografica Italiana, vol. xix, Rome,
+      1882, pp. 472–498, 532–573. (Also printed separately, Rome, 1882.)
+      Reprinted with additional footnotes by Carlo Errera in _Scritti
+      minori di Giovanni Marinelli_, vol. i, [1908?], pp. 281–383 (see
+      next title). German translation, with an introduction by Siegmund
+      Günther, by Ludwig Neumann entitled _Die Erdkunde bei den
+      Kirchenväter_, Leipzig, 1884.
+
+  Marinelli, Giovanni. _Scritti minori di Giovanni Marinelli_: vol. i,
+      _Metodo e storia della geografia_, Florence, [1908?]; vol. ii,
+      _Corografia italiana e questioni didattiche_, Florence, [1920?].
+
+      Collection of reprints of important monographs, all of which had
+      appeared previously. Additional editorial notes and
+      bibliographical references are given by the editors in the
+      footnotes. The following are the titles of the most interesting
+      monographs from the point of view of medieval geography, with
+      references to the publications in which they were first published:
+      (vol. i, pp. 63–98) _Note straboniane_, in: Cosmos di Guido Cora,
+      vol. vi, Turin, 1880, pp. 161–180 (also printed separately); (vol.
+      i, pp. 181–279) _Intorno agli studi del Dott. Günther sulla storia
+      della geografia matematica e fisica_, in: Bollettino della Società
+      Geografica Italiana, vol. xvii, Rome, 1880, pp. 309–332, 469–487,
+      534–543, 585–596 (also printed separately; forms an extensive
+      review and analysis of Günther, _Studien_, 1877–1879); (vol. i,
+      pp. 281–383) _La geografia e i padri della chiesa_ (see preceding
+      entry); (vol. i, pp. 385–438) _Gog e Magog: Leggenda geografica_,
+      in: Cosmos di Guido Cora, vol. vii, Turin, 1882–1883, pp. 155–180,
+      199–207; (vol. i, pp. 439–448) _Un nuovo lavoro sulla storia della
+      geografia medioevale_, in: Bollettino della Società Geografica
+      Italiana, vol. xxvii, Rome, 1890, pp. 232–238 (also printed
+      separately; a review of Kretschmer, _Die physische Erdkunde_,
+      1889).
+
+  Marquart, Josef. _Über das Volkstum der Komanen_, in: Koenigliche
+      Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Abhandlungen,
+      Philologisch-historische Klasse, vol. xiii (N. S.), 1912–1914, pp.
+      25–238.
+
+  MARTIANUS CAPELLA. See CAPELLA, MARTIANUS.
+
+  Mas-Latrie, L. de. _Traités de paix et de commerce et documents divers
+      concernant les relations des Chrétiens avec les Arabes de
+      l’Afrique septentrionale au moyen âge_, Paris, 1866.
+
+      The introduction deals with the relations between Europe and North
+      Africa in the Middle Ages and incidentally with the extent of
+      European knowledge of North African geography.
+
+  Masson, Gustave. _Biblical Literature in France During the Middle
+      Ages: Peter Comestor and Guiart Desmoulins_, in: Journal of Sacred
+      Literature, vol. viii (N. S.), London, 1865, pp. 81–106.
+
+  MASTER GREGORY. See GREGORY, MASTER.
+
+  MATTHEW PARIS. I. _Chronica maiora_, edited by H. R. Luard (Rolls
+      Series, no. 57), 7 vols., London, 1872–1883. II. On maps see
+      Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 68–94.
+
+  MAUR, RABAN. See RABAN MAUR.
+
+  MELA, POMPONIUS. See POMPONIUS MELA.
+
+  _METHODIUS, PSEUDO-._ See Sackur, E.
+
+  Meyer, Paul. _Alexandre le Grand dans la littérature française du
+      moyen âge_, 2 vols., Paris, 1886.
+
+      Thorough study of the Romance in French literature. Also, in vol.
+      ii, a general treatment of the Latin versions.
+
+  MICHAEL PSELLOS. See Zervos, C.
+
+  MICHAEL SCOT. I. _Liber introductorius._ Unpublished. On manuscripts
+      see Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, p. 262, note 6; the same,
+      _Studies_, 1924, p. 287, note 95. II. _Liber particularis._
+      Unpublished. On manuscripts see Haskins, _Michael Scot_,
+      1921–1922, p. 266, note 7; the same, _Studies_, 1924, p. 290, note
+      117. III. Translation of Al-Bitrūjī’s _On the Sphere_,
+      unpublished. On manuscripts see Haskins, _Michael Scot_,
+      1921–1922, p. 251, note 3; the same, _Studies_, 1924, p. 273, note
+      9. IV. Translation of Aristotle’s _De caelo_. Unpublished. On
+      manuscripts see Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, p. 256; the
+      same, _Studies_, 1924, p. 278, note 39.
+
+      See Brown, J. W.; Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922; the same,
+      _Studies_, 1924, pp. 272–298.
+
+  Michelant, H. See _ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE OF_, VII.
+
+  Michelant, H., and Gaston Reynaud, edits. _ITINÉRAIRES À JERUSALEM ET
+      LA DESCRIPTION DE LA TERRE SAINTE REDIGÉS EN FRANÇAIS AUX XI^e,
+      XII^e, ET XIII^e SIÈCLES_, Geneva, 1882.
+
+  Migne, J. P., edit. _PATROLOGIAE CURSUS COMPLETUS, SIVE
+      BIBLIOTHECA.... OMNIUM SS. PATRUM, DOCTORUM SCRIPTORUMQUE
+      ECCLESIASTICORUM, QUI AB AEVO APOSTOLICO AD USQUE INNOCENTII III
+      TEMPORA FLORUERUNT...: SERIES LATINA_, 221 vols., Paris,
+      1844–1864. (Referred to in the present work as Migne, _Pat. lat._)
+
+      Great collection of the writings of the Church Fathers and other
+      medieval authors. The texts in many cases are not critical.
+
+  Miller, Konrad. _Die Weltkarte des Castorius, genannt die
+      Peutinger’sche Tafel_, Ravensburg, 1888. Colored facsimile and
+      explanatory text.
+
+      More complete commentary in the same author’s _Itin. Romana_,
+      1916.
+
+  Miller, Konrad. _Mappaemundi, die ältesten Weltkarten_, 6 vols.,
+      Stuttgart, 1895–1898.
+
+      A series of critical discussions of medieval maps of the world
+      with transliterations of the texts. Profusely illustrated with
+      facsimiles.
+
+  Miller, Konrad. _Itineraria Romana: Römische Reisewege an der Hand der
+      Tabula Peutingeriana_, Stuttgart, 1916.
+
+      An elaborate commentary on the Peutinger Table, its sources and
+      influence.
+
+  Miller, Konrad. _Die Erdmessung im Alterthum und ihr Schicksal_,
+      Stuttgart, 1919.
+
+      Summary and synthesis of recent investigations regarding ancient
+      and Moslem estimates of the circumference of the earth. See,
+      however, critical review in Petermanns Mitteilungen, vol. lxviii,
+      Gotha, 1922, p. 27.
+
+  _MIRABILIA URBIS ROMAE_, edited by G. Parthey, Berlin, 1869; also
+      edited by H. Jordan in his: _Topographie der Stadt Rom im
+      Altertum_, vol. ii, Berlin, 1871. English translation by F. M.
+      Nichols, _Mirabilia Urbis Romae: The Marvels of Rome, or a Picture
+      of the Golden City, an English Version of the Mediaeval
+      Guidebook_, London, 1889.
+
+  Molinier, A. See Tobler, T., and A. Molinier.
+
+  Mommsen, Theodor. See SOLINUS.
+
+  _MONUMENTA GERMANIAE HISTORICA_, folio series, Hanover, later Berlin,
+      1826–1874; quarto series, Hanover, later Berlin, 1876ff.
+
+      Great collection of historical sources in many volumes relating to
+      the history of Germany and incidentally of Europe as a whole.
+      Divided into five sections: (1) Scriptores; (2) Leges; (3)
+      Diplomata; (4) Epistolae; (5) Antiquitates.
+
+      Certain texts published in the _Monumenta_ are also edited in
+      _Scriptores rerum germ. in usum scholarum_.
+
+  _MONUMENTA HISTORICA NORVEGIAE._ See Storm, G.
+
+  Moore, Edward. _Studies in Dante: Second Series_, Oxford, 1899.
+      Contains _The Genuineness of the Quaestio de aqua et terra_, pp.
+      303–374.
+
+  Moore, Edward. _Studies in Dante: Third Series_, Oxford, 1903.
+      Contains _The Astronomy of Dante_, pp. 1–108; _The Geography of
+      Dante_, pp. 109–143. The last-named is translated into Italian and
+      reviewed at length by G. Boffito and E. Sanesi, _La geografia di
+      Dante secondo Edoardo Moore_, in: Rivista geografica italiana,
+      vol. xii, Florence, 1905, pp. 92–101, 204–215.
+
+  Mori, Assunto. _La misurazione eratostenica del grado ed altre notizie
+      geografiche della “Geometria” di Marciano Capella_, in: Rivista
+      geografica italiana, vol. xvii, Florence, 1911, pp. 177–191,
+      382–391, 584–603.
+
+  Mori, Assunto. _La geografia nell’opera di Dante_, in: Atti dell’ VIII
+      Congresso Geografico Italiano, vol. i, Florence, 1922, pp.
+      271–299.
+
+      Deals with the traditional geography of Dante’s period and with
+      the poet’s original contributions in the field of geography.
+
+  Moritz, Eduard. _Die geographische Kenntnis von den Nord- und
+      Ostseeküsten bis zum Ende des Mittelalters_, pt. 1, in:
+      Wissenschaftliche Beilage zum Jahresbericht der Sophienschule zu
+      Berlin, Berlin, 1904.
+
+  Müller, Carl (Carolus Müllerus), edit. _GEOGRAPHI GRAECI MINORES_, 2
+      vols., Paris, 1882.
+
+      Important collection of the texts of the lesser Greek geographers,
+      with Latin translations.
+
+  Mžik, Hans von. _Ptolemaeus und die Karten der arabischen Geographen_,
+      in: Mitteilungen der Kaiserlich-koeniglichen Geographischen
+      Gesellschaft in Wien, vol. lviii, Vienna, 1915, p. 152–176.
+
+  Mžik, Hans von. _Afrika nach der arabischen Bearbeitung der Γεωγραφικὴ
+      ὑφήγησις des Claudius Ptolemaeus von Muhammad ibn Mūsā
+      al-Ḫwārizmī_, edited and translated with commentary by ——
+      (Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Denkschriften,
+      Philosophisch-historische Klasse, vol. lix, Abhandlung 4) Vienna,
+      1916.
+
+  Nallino, C. A. _Al-Khuwarizmi et son remaniement de la Géographie de
+      Ptolémée_, in: Bulletin de la Société Khédiviale de Géographie,
+      series 4, no. 8, Cairo, Feb. 1896, pp. 525–543.
+
+      See BATTĀNĪ, Al-; KHWĀRIZMĪ, Al-, I.
+
+  Nansen, Fridtjof. _In Northern Mists: Arctic Exploration in Early
+      Times_, 2 vols., New York, 1911.
+
+      Elaborate history of theories and explorations. References to the
+      sources and many translations.
+
+  NECKAM, ALEXANDER. I. _De naturis rerum libri duo_, edited by Thomas
+      Wright (Rolls Series, no. 34), London, 1863, pp. 1–354. II. _De
+      laudibus divinae sapientiae_, edited by Thomas Wright (Rolls
+      Series, no. 34), London, 1863, pp. 356–503.
+
+      See Esposito, M.
+
+  Neubauer, A. _Where Are the Ten Tribes?_ in: Jewish Quarterly Review,
+      vol. i, London, 1888–1889, pp. 14–28, 95–114, 185–201, 408–423.
+
+  Nichols, F. M. See _MIRABILIA URBIS ROMAE_.
+
+  NIKULÁS BERGSSON OF THVERÁ, Abbot. Geographical description of the
+      world and itinerary to Rome and the Holy Land (probably in part
+      only the work of Abbot Nikulás). Icelandic text with Latin
+      translation from MS. no. 194 in the Arne Magnússon collection at
+      Copenhagen, in: Werlauff, _Symbolae_, 1821, pp. 9–34. Also in: C.
+      C. Rafn and others, edits., _Antiquités russes d’après les
+      monuments historiques des Islandais et des anciens Scandinaves_,
+      published by the Société Royale des Antiquaires du Nord, 2 vols.,
+      Copenhagen, 1850–1852, vol. ii, pp. 394–415.
+
+      See above, p. 405, note 90.
+
+  Norlind, Arnold. _Das Problem des gegenseitigen Verhältnisses von Land
+      und Wasser und seine Behandlung im Mittelalter_ (Lunds
+      Universitets Årsskrift, N. S., pt. 1, vol. xiv, no. 12), Lund and
+      Leipzig, 1918.
+
+      On the evolution of ancient and medieval theories regarding the
+      relative positions of earth and water and the interpenetration of
+      the land by channels of water.
+
+  Oberhummer, Eugen. _Bericht über Lander- und Völkerkunde der antiken
+      Welt_, in: Geographisches Jahrbuch, Gotha, vols. xix, 1896, xxii,
+      1899, xxviii, 1905. (See also vol. xxxiv, 1911.)
+
+      See above, p. 492.
+
+  ODO OF RHEIMS. _Epistola ad Thomam comitem de quodam miraculo S.
+      Thomae Apostoli_, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, Erste
+      Abhandlung, in: Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 845–846 (also
+      numbered 19–20).
+
+  Oehlmann, E. _Die Alpenpässe im Mittelalter_, in: Jahrbuch für
+      schweizerische Geschichte, Zurich, vol. iii, 1878, pp. 165–289,
+      vol. iv, 1879, pp. 163–324.
+
+  Oppert, Gustav. _Der Presbyter Johannes in Sage und Geschichte_, 2nd
+      edit., Berlin, 1870.
+
+  ORDERICUS VITALIS. _Historia ecclesiastica_, edited by Auguste le
+      Prévost and Léopold Delisle (Société de l’Histoire de France,
+      [publ.] no. 6), 5 vols., Paris, 1838–1855. Also in Migne, _Pat.
+      lat._, vol. clxxxviii, cols. 47–984.
+
+  _ORIGINES ISLANDICAE._ See Vigfusson, G., and F. York Powell.
+
+  OROSIUS. _Historiarum adversus paganos libri VII_, edited by C.
+      Zangemeister, Leipzig (Teubner), 1889. Also in: _Corpus script.
+      eccles. lat._, vol. v, 1882. The geographical chapter alone in:
+      Riese, _Geogr. lat. min._, 1878, pp. 56–70.
+
+  OTTO OF FREISING. I. _Chronicon_, edited by Adolf Hofmeister, in:
+      _Scriptores rerum germ. in usum scholarum_, Hanover and Leipzig,
+      1912. This edition supersedes that in: Mon. Germ. hist.,
+      Scriptores, vol. xx, pp. 116–301. II. _Gesta Friderici I
+      imperatoris cum continuatione Rahewini_, edited by G. Waitz, in:
+      _Scriptores rerum germ. in usum scholarum_, Hanover, 1884. This
+      edition supersedes that in: _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol.
+      xx, pp. 347–491.
+
+      See Hofmeister, A.
+
+  Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society. _THE LIBRARY OF THE PALESTINE
+      PILGRIMS’ TEXT SOCIETY_, 13 vols, and index vol., London, 1897.
+      The individual texts, which were combined under this title, had
+      been issued separately between 1885 and 1897.
+
+      English translations of medieval pilgrims’ descriptions of the
+      Holy Land.
+
+  Pannenborg, A. _Über den Ligurinus_, in: Forschungen zur deutschen
+      Geschichte, vol. xi, Munich, 1871, pp. 163–300.
+
+  Pannenborg, A. _Magister Guntherus und seine Schriften_, in:
+      Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, vol. xiii, Munich, 1873, pp.
+      227–331.
+
+  Pannenborg, A. _Der Verfasser des Ligurinus: Studien zu den Schriften
+      des Magister Gunther_, Göttingen, 1884.
+
+  Paraskévopoulos, J. S. _The Etesiens_, in: Monthly Weather Review,
+      vol. 50, Washington, 1922, pp. 417–422.
+
+  Pardi, G. _L’Italia nel XII secolo descritta da un geografo arabo_
+      (Memorie geografiche di Giotto Dainelli pubblicate come
+      supplemento alla “Rivista geografica italiana,” no. 38), Florence,
+      1919.
+
+      A discussion of Edrisi’s geography of Italy.
+
+  Paris, Gaston. _Dissertation critique sur le poème latin du Ligurinus
+      attribué à Gunther_, Paris, 1872.
+
+  Paris, Gaston. _La Sicile dans la littérature française du moyen âge_,
+      in: Romania, vol. v, Paris, 1876, pp. 108–113.
+
+      Aims to suggest possibilities of research rather than to stand as
+      a finished study.
+
+  Paris, Gaston. _La littérature française au moyen âge_, 3rd edit.,
+      Paris, 1905; 5th edit., 1914. English translation by H. Lynch
+      entitled _Medieval French Literature_ in Temple Primer Series,
+      London, 1902.
+
+      Covers the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries. A useful summary
+      and interpretation by a foremost authority.
+
+  PARIS, MATTHEW. See MATTHEW PARIS.
+
+  Parker, H. _The Seven Liberal Arts_, in: English Historical Review,
+      vol. v, London, 1890, pp. 417–461.
+
+  PAUL THE DEACON. _Historia gentis Langobardorum_, in: _Mon. Germ.
+      hist., Scriptores rerum langobardicarum_, Hanover, 1878. Also in:
+      _Scriptores rerum germ. in usum scholarum_, Hanover, 1878.
+
+  Pelliot, Paul. _Chrétiens d’Asie centrale et d’Extrême-Orient_, in:
+      T’oung Pao, ou archives concernant l’histoire, les langues, la
+      géographie et l’ethnographie de l’Asie orientale, vol. xv, Leiden,
+      1914, pp. 623–644.
+
+      Summary of recent researches. Includes data on the origins of the
+      legend of Prester John.
+
+  Peschel, Oscar. _Geschichte der Erdkunde bis auf Alexander von
+      Humboldt und Karl Ritter_, 2nd edit., edited by Sophus Ruge,
+      Munich, 1877.
+
+  Peschel, Oscar. _Abhandlungen zur Erd- und Völkerkunde_, 3 vols.,
+      Leipzig, 1877–1879.
+
+  PETACHIA OF RATISBON. _The Travels of Rabbi Petachia of Ratisbon._
+      English translation by A. Benisch and W. F. Ainsworth, London,
+      1856.
+
+  PETER ABELARD. See ABELARD, PETER.
+
+  PETER ALPHONSI. See ALPHONSI, PETER.
+
+  PETER COMESTOR. See COMESTOR, PETER.
+
+  PETER LOMBARD. See LOMBARD, PETER.
+
+  _PEUTINGER TABLE._ See Miller, _Weltkarte des Castorius_, 1888; the
+      same, _Itin. Romana_, 1916.
+
+  Philipp, Hans. _Die historisch-geographischen Quellen in den
+      Etymologiae des Isidorus von Sivillia_ (Quellen und Forschungen
+      zur alten Geschichte und Geographie herausgegeben von W. Sieglin,
+      nos. 25–26), 2 pts., Berlin, 1912–1913.
+
+  Philipps, W. R. _The Connection of St. Thomas the Apostle with India_,
+      in: The Indian Antiquary, vol. xxxii, Bombay, 1903, pp. 1–15,
+      145–160.
+
+  PLATO. _Dialogues_, English translation by Benjamin Jowett, _The
+      Dialogues of Plato_, 5 vols., London, 1892.
+
+  PLATO OF TIVOLI. Translation of the _Astronomy_ of Al-Battānī.
+      Manuscript in: Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 7266,
+      fols. 47–112vo. Also published under the title _Mahometis
+      Albatenii de scientia stellarum liber, cum aliquot additionibus
+      Joannis Regiomontani, ex Bibliotheca Vaticana transcriptus_,
+      Bologna, 1645.
+
+      See BATTĀNĪ, Al-; Boncompagni, _Delle versione_, 1851.
+
+  PLINY. _Historia naturalis._ Edited by C. Mayhoff, _C. Plinii Secundi
+      Naturalis historiae libri XXXVII_, 6 vols., Leipzig, 1892–1909.
+      The references in the present work are to chapters of this
+      edition. English translation by John Bostock and H. T. Riley, 6
+      vols. (Bohn’s Classical Library), London, 1855–1857. For the
+      geographical books see D. Detlefsen, _Die geographischen Bücher
+      (II, 242-VI Schluss) der Naturalis Historia des C. Plinius
+      Secundus, mit vollständigem kritischen Apparat_ (Quellen und
+      Forschungen zur alten Geschichte und Geographie herausgegeben von
+      W. Sieglin, no. 9), Berlin, 1904.
+
+      See Detlefsen, _Geographie Afrikas_, 1909; Klotz, A.; Rück, K.
+
+  POLO, MARCO. _The Book of Ser Marco Polo the Venetian Concerning the
+      Kingdoms and Marvels of the East_, translated and edited with
+      notes by Sir Henry Yule, 3rd edit. revised by Henri Cordier, 2
+      vols., London, 1903. Supplemented by: Henri Cordier, _Ser Marco
+      Polo: Notes and Addenda to Sir Henry Yule’s Edition, Containing
+      the Results of Recent Research and Discovery_, London and New
+      York, 1920.
+
+  POMPONIUS MELA. _De situ orbis_, edited by [J. M. N. D.] Nisard, in:
+      _Macrobe (Oeuvres complètes), Varron (De la langue latine),
+      Pomponius Mela (Oeuvres complètes), avec la traduction en
+      français_ (Collection des auteurs latins avec la traduction en
+      français, publiée sous la direction de M. Nisard), Paris, 1883.
+      Also edited by G. Parthey, Berlin, 1867.
+
+  Poole, R. L. _Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought and
+      Learning_, 2nd edit., revised, London, 1920.
+
+  Poole, R. L. _The Masters of the Schools at Paris and Chartres in John
+      of Salisbury’s Time_, in: English Historical Review, vol. xxxv,
+      London, 1920, pp. 321–342.
+
+  Potthast, August. _Bibliotheca historica medii aevi: Wegweiser durch
+      die Geschichtswerke des europäischen Mittelalters bis 1500_, 2nd
+      edit., 2 vols., Berlin, 1896.
+
+      See above, pp. 491–492.
+
+  Powell, F. York. See SAXO GRAMMATICUS; Vigfusson, G., and F. York
+      Powell.
+
+  _PRECEPTUM CANONIS PTOLEMEI._ Manuscript in Chartres, Bibliothèque
+      Publique, MS. no. 214.
+
+  PRESBYTER JOHANNES. See PRESTER JOHN.
+
+  PRESTER JOHN. Letters and documents relating to Prester John or
+      supposedly written by him: I. _Letter of Prester John_, in:
+      Friedrich Zarncke, _Der Priester Johannes_, Erste Abhandlung, in:
+      Koeniglich-saechsische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften,
+      Abhandlungen, Philologisch-historische Classe, vol. vii, Leipzig,
+      1879, pp. 909–924 (also numbered 83–98). For medieval German
+      translations, see Zarncke, _ibid._, pp. 947–1028 (also numbered
+      121–202); for other medieval Latin and English versions, see
+      Zarncke, in: Koeniglich-saechisische Gesellschaft der
+      Wissenschaften, Berichte, vol. xxix, Leipzig, 1877, pp. 111–156;
+      vol. XXX, pt. I, 1878, pp. 41–46. II. _Elysaeus Account_, in:
+      Zarncke, _Der Priester Johannes_, Zweite Abhandlung, in:
+      Königlich-sächische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Abhandlungen,
+      Philologisch-historische Classe, vol. viii, Leipzig, 1876 (_sic_),
+      pp. 122–128. III. _Letter from Pope Alexander III to Prester
+      John_, in: Zarncke. _op. cit._, Erste Abhandlung, in:
+      Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 941–944 (also numbered 115–118).
+
+      See Bruun, P.; Oppert, G.
+
+  Prior, O. H. See _IMAGE DU MONDE, L’_.
+
+  PRISCIAN. _Periegesis_, edited by C. Müller, _Geogr. graeci min._,
+      vol. ii, Paris, 1882, pp. 190–199.
+
+  PSELLOS, MICHAEL. See Zervos, C.
+
+  PSEUDO-ABDIAS. See ABDIAS, PSEUDO-.
+
+  _PSEUDO-CALLISTHENES._ See _ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE OF_, I.
+
+  _PSEUDO-METHODIUS._ See Sackur, E.
+
+  PTOLEMY, CLAUDIUS. I. Μαθεματικῆς συντάξεως βιβλία ̅ι̅γ (_Mathematical
+      Composition_ or _Almagest_), edited by J. L. Heiberg, _Claudii
+      Ptolemaei opera quae exstant omnia_, vol. i, pts. 1 and 2,
+      _Syntaxis mathematica_, Leipzig (Teubner), 1898–1903. French
+      translation: _Composition mathématique de Claude Ptolemée traduite
+      pour la première fois du grec en français sur les manuscrits
+      originaux de la Bibliothèque imperiale par M. Halma (avec le texte
+      grec) et suivie des notes de M. Delambre_, 2 vols., Paris,
+      1813–1816. German translation: Karl Manitius, _Des Claudius
+      Ptolemäus Handbuch der Astronomie_, Leipzig (Teubner), 1912. The
+      introduction of the last named gives a brief account of the
+      influence of the _Almagest_ in later times. See also above, p.
+      398, note 32. II. Γεωγραφικὴ ὑφήγησις (_Geography_). Books i-v
+      edited, with Latin translation, by Carolus Müllerus, _Claudii
+      Ptolemaei Geographia_, vol. i, pts. 1 and 2, and atlas, Paris,
+      1883–1901. Complete Greek text edited by C. F. A. Nobbe, _Cl.
+      Ptolemaei Geographia_, 3 vols., Leipzig, 1888–1913. Also numerous
+      fifteenth- and sixteenth-century editions.
+
+      See Dinse, _Ptolemäus-Karten_, 1913; Fischer, J.; Haskins, C. H.,
+      and D. P. Lockwood; Rose, V.; Schütte, G.; Tudeer, L. O. T.
+
+  Pullé, F. L. _La cartografia antica dell’ India_, pt. 2: _Il medio-evo
+      europeo e il primo rinascimento_, in: Studi italiani di filologia
+      indo-iranica, vol. v, Florence and Pisa, 1905. (Pt. 1, in vol. iv
+      of the Studi italiani, etc., is entitled _Disegno della
+      cartografia antica dell’ India_, Florence, 1901, and deals with
+      the period “dai principi fino ai Bizantini e agli Arabi”).
+
+  RABAN MAUR. _De universo_, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxi, cols.
+      9–614. See Bertolini, _I quattro angoli_, 1910.
+
+  Rafn, C. C., edit. _ANTIQUITATES AMERICANAE, SIVE SCRIPTORES
+      SEPTENTRIONALES RERUM ANTE-COLUMBIANARUM IN AMERICA_, Societas
+      Regia Antiquariorum Septentrionalium, Copenhagen, 1837;
+      Supplement, 1841.
+
+      Collection of sources of Norse voyages to America with commentary.
+
+  RAGEWIN. See OTTO OF FREISING, II.
+
+  Rahn, J. R. _Die Glasgemälde in der Rosette der Kathedrale von
+      Lausanne: Ein Bild der Welt aus dem XIII. Jahrhundert_, in:
+      Mittheilungen der Antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Zürich, vol. xx,
+      1878–1879, pp. 31(3)-58(30).
+
+      Deals with medieval geography as displayed on a stained glass
+      window. A facsimile of the window is given.
+
+  Rainaud, Armand. _Le continent austral: Hypothèses et découvertes_,
+      Paris, 1893.
+
+      History of the evolution of theories regarding the antipodes and
+      austral continent and of explorations to the south from early
+      times to the voyages of Cook.
+
+  Rand, E. K. _Johannes Scottus_ (Quellen und Forschungen zur
+      lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters herausgegeben von Ludwig
+      Traube, vol. i, pt. 2), Munich, 1906.
+
+  RAVENNA GEOGRAPHER, Anonymous. _Cosmographia_, edited by M. Pinder and
+      G. Parthey, _Ravennatis anonymi Cosmographia et Guidonis
+      Geographica_, Berlin, 1860, pp. 1–445.
+
+  RAYMOND OF MARSEILLES. _Marseilles Tables._ Unpublished. On
+      manuscripts see Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 96–98, and also
+      above, p. 399, note 41. On a geographical table accompanying the
+      Paris manuscript see J. K. Wright, _Knowledge of Latitudes and
+      Longitudes_, 1923, pp. 87–88.
+
+  Reeves, A. M. _THE FINDING OF WINELAND THE GOOD: THE HISTORY OF THE
+      ICELANDIC DISCOVERY OF AMERICA_, London, 1890.
+
+      Translations of the sources with critical commentary.
+
+  Reinhard, R. _Pässe und Strassen in den schweizer Alpen:
+      Topographisch-historische Studien_, Lucerne, 1903.
+
+  Reinaud, J. T. _Mémoire géographique, historique, et scientifique sur
+      l’Inde antérieurement au milieu du xi^e siècle_, etc., Paris,
+      1849.
+
+  Reinaud, J. T., on Moslem geography. See ABŪ-L-FIDĀ.
+
+  Renan, Ernest. _Averroès et l’Averroïsme_, 1st edit., Paris, 1852; 3rd
+      edit., Paris, 1866; 4th edit., Paris, 1882.
+
+  _RERUM BRITANNICARUM MEDII AEVI SCRIPTORES._ See “_ROLLS SERIES_.”
+
+  Revelli, P. _Una “rosa dei venti” del secolo ix_, in: Bollettino della
+      Società Geografica Italiana, vol. xlvii, Rome, 1910, pp. 269–279.
+
+  Rey, E. _Les colonies franques de Syrie aux xii^e et xiii^e siècles_,
+      Paris, 1883.
+
+      On society, economic conditions, and life.
+
+  Rey, E. _Géographie historique de la Syrie au temps des croisades:
+      Formation des noms de lieux avec index des localités occupées en
+      Syrie par les Francs au xii^e et xiii^e siècles_, Geneva, n. d.
+
+  Reynaud, G. See Michelant, H., and G. Reynaud.
+
+  Riese, Alexander, edit. _GEOGRAPHI LATINI MINORES_, Heilbronn, 1878.
+
+      Important collection of texts of the writings of the lesser Latin
+      geographers.
+
+  Robbins, F. E. _The Hexaemeral Literature: A Study of the Greek and
+      Latin Commentaries on Genesis_ (Doctoral Dissertation, University
+      of Chicago, 1912).
+
+      Includes useful material on classical and medieval theories of
+      cosmogony.
+
+  ROBERT DE CLARI. _La prise de Constantinople_, edited by Charles Hopf,
+      in his _Chroniques gréco-romanes inédites ou peu connues_, Berlin,
+      1873, pp. 1–85.
+
+  ROBERT GROSSETESTE. See GROSSETESTE, ROBERT.
+
+  ROBERT OF RETINES (ROBERT OF KETENE, ROBERT OF CHESTER). I.
+      Translation of the _Astronomy_ of Al-Battānī. No text of this is
+      known. See above p. 398, note 36. II. Adaptation to the meridian
+      of London of tables of Az-Zarqalī and Al-Battānī. Unpublished. See
+      Haskins, _Reception_, 1915, p. 64; the same, _Studies_, 1924, p.
+      122. III. Adaptation of Adelard of Bath’s translation of the
+      _Khorazmian Tables_ to the meridian of London. Unpublished. See
+      Haskins, _Reception_, 1915, pp. 64–65; the same, _Studies_, 1924,
+      p. 123.
+
+  ROGER OF HEREFORD. I. _Theorica planetarum._ Unpublished. II. Tables
+      for the meridian of Hereford based on tables for Toledo and
+      Marseilles. Unpublished.
+
+      On manuscripts see Haskins, _Reception_, 1915, p. 66; the same,
+      Studies, 1924, p. 125.
+
+  ROGER OF HOVEDEN (HOWDEN). _Chronica_, edited by William Stubbs (Rolls
+      Series, no. 51), 4 vols., London, 1868–1871.
+
+  Röhricht, Reinhold. _Bibliotheca geographica Palaestinae_, Berlin,
+      1890.
+
+  “_ROLLS SERIES._” Customary designation of _RERUM BRITANNICARUM MEDII
+      AEVI SCRIPTORES, OR CHRONICLES AND MEMORIALS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND
+      IRELAND DURING THE MIDDLE AGES_, published by authority of Her
+      Majesty’s Treasury, under direction of the Master of the Rolls,
+      London, 1858–1891.
+
+  Roscher, W. H. _Omphalos_, in: Koeniglich-saechsische Gesellschaft der
+      Wissenschaften, Abhandlungen, Philologisch-historische Klasse,
+      vol. xxix, Leipzig, 1913, pp. 1–140.
+
+  Roscher, W. H. _Neue Omphalosstudien_, in: Koeniglich-saechsische
+      Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Abhandlungen,
+      Philologisch-historische Klasse, vol. xxi, Leipzig, 1915, pp.
+      1–90.
+
+  Rose, Valentin. _Ptolemäus und die Schule von Toledo_, in: Hermes:
+      Zeitschrift für classische Philologie, vol. viii, Berlin, 1874,
+      pp. 327–349.
+
+  Rose, Valentin, on Arnold the Saxon. See ARNOLD THE SAXON.
+
+  Rück, Karl. _Auszüge aus der Naturgeschichte des C. Plinius Secundus
+      in einem astronomisch-komputistischen Sammelwerke des achten
+      Jahrhunderts_, Programm des Ludwigsgymnasiums in München, Munich,
+      1888.
+
+  Rück, Karl. _Die Naturalis Historia des Plinius im Mittelalter:
+      Exzerpte aus der Naturalis Historia auf den Bibliotheken zu
+      Lucca, Paris und Leiden_, in: Koeniglich-bayerische
+      Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München, Sitzungsberichte,
+      Philosophisch-philologische und historische Classe, vol. ii,
+      Munich, 1898, pp. 203–318.
+
+  Rück, Karl. _Das Exzerpt der Naturalis Historia des Plinius
+      von Robert von Cricklade_, in: Koeniglich-bayerische
+      Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München, Sitzungsberichte,
+      Philosophisch-philologische und historische Classe, Munich, 1902,
+      pp. 195–285.
+
+  RUDOLF OF HOHEN-EMS. See Doberentz, O.
+
+  Ruge, Sophus, and Walther Ruge. _Die Litteratur zur Geschichte der
+      Erdkunde vom Mittelalter an_, in: Geographisches Jahrbuch, Gotha,
+      vols. xviii, 1895, pp. 1–60; xx, 1897, pp. 217–248; xxiii, 1900,
+      pp. 173–212; xxvi, 1903, pp. 175–218; xxx, 1907, pp. 329–380.
+
+      See above, p. 492.
+
+  RUPERT OF DEUTZ. _De sancta trinitate et operibus eius_, in: Migne,
+      _Pat. lat._, vol. clxvii, cols. 199–1828.
+
+  Sackur, Ernst. _Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen_, Halle, 1898.
+
+      Data on early medieval prophecies of the end of the world,
+      including the _Pseudo-Methodius_.
+
+  SACROBOSCO. See JOHN OF HOLYWOOD.
+
+  SAEWULF. _De situ Hierusalem_, edited by A. d’Avezac (Recueil de
+      voyages et de mémoires publiées par la Société de Géographie, vol.
+      iv, pp. 817–854), Paris, 1839. English translation in Thomas
+      Wright, _Early Travels_, 1848, pp. 31–50. Also translation by
+      Canon Brownlow in Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society, _Library_,
+      vol. iv, London, 1897.
+
+  _SAGAS, THE._ For editions, see Hermannsson, _Bibl. Icelandic Sagas_,
+      1908; the same, _Bibl. Sagas Kings_, 1910.
+
+  Sandys, Sir J. E. _A History of Classical Scholarship_, 3rd edit.,
+      vol. i, _From the Sixth Century B. C. to the End of the Middle
+      Ages_, Cambridge, 1921.
+
+  Santarem, [M. F.] Le Vicomte de. _Essai sur l’histoire de la
+      cosmographie et de la cartographie pendant le moyen âge_, etc., 3
+      vols. and atlas, Paris, 1849–1852.
+
+      An elaborate study. Vol. i contains a general summary of the
+      development of cartography and geographic theories during the
+      early Middle Ages. Though largely out of date in details, this
+      great work is still one of the primary approaches to medieval
+      geography.
+
+  SAXO GRAMMATICUS. _Gesta Danorum_, edited by Alfred Holder, Strasburg,
+      1886. English translation: _The First Nine Books of the Danish
+      History of Saxo Grammaticus_, translated by Oliver Elton, with
+      some considerations on Saxo’s sources, historical methods, and
+      folk lore, by Frederick York Powell, London, 1894.
+
+  Scala, R. von. _Das Fortleben der eratosthenischen Masse_, in:
+      Verhandlungen des achtzehnten deutschen Geographentages zu
+      Innsbruck, Berlin, 1912, pp. 206–217.
+
+  Schaube, Adolf. _Handelsgeschichte der romanischen Völker des
+      Mittelmeergebiets bis zum Ende der Kreuzzüge_, Munich and Berlin,
+      1906.
+
+      Valuable from the geographic point of view for the light it throws
+      on the extent of travel of Mediterranean peoples during the Middle
+      Ages.
+
+  Scheffel, P. H. _Verkehrsgeschichte der Alpen_: vol. i, _Bis zum Ende
+      des Ostgotenreiches Theodorichs des Grossen_; vol. ii, _Das
+      Mittelalter_; Berlin, 1908, 1914.
+
+  Schmidt, W. _Über Dante’s Stellung in der Geschichte der
+      Kosmographie_, Graz, 1876 (not seen).
+
+  Schneid, M. _Die Lehre von der Erdrundung und Erdbewegung im
+      Mittelalter_, in: Historisch-politische Blätter für das
+      katholische Deutschland, vol. lxxx, no. 6, Munich, 1877, pp.
+      433–451.
+
+      Reply from Catholic point of view to a paper of same title in S.
+      Günther’s _Studien_, 1877–1879.
+
+  Schneider, Artur. _Die abendländische Spekulation des zwölften
+      Jahrhunderts in ihrem Verhältnis zur aristotelischen und
+      jüdisch-arabischen Philosophie_, in: Beiträge zur Geschichte der
+      Philosophie des Mittelalters herausgegeben von C. Baeumker, vol.
+      xvii, pt. 4, Münster, 1915.
+
+  Schoy, Carl. _Die geschichtliche Entwicklung der Polhöhenbestimmung
+      bei den älteren Völkern_ (Dissertation, University of Munich,
+      1911).
+
+  Schoy, Carl. _Längenbestimmung und Zentralmeridian bei den älteren
+      Völkern_, Mitteilungen der Kaiserlich-koeniglichen Geographischen
+      Gesellschaft in Wien, vol. lviii, Vienna, 1915, pp. 27–62.
+
+  Schoy, Carl. _Erdmessungen bei den Arabern_, in: Zeitschrift der
+      Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin, 1917, pp. 431–445.
+
+  Schoy, Carl. _Aus der astronomischen Geographie der Araber:
+      Originalstudien aus “Al-Qânûn al-Masʿûdî” des arabischen
+      Astronomen Muḥ. b. Ahmed Abû’l-Rîḥân al-Bîrûnî (973–1048)_, in:
+      Isis: International Review Devoted to the History of Science and
+      Civilization, vol. v, pt. 1, Brussels, 1923, pp. 51–74.
+
+  Schoy, Carl. _The Geography of the Moslems of the Middle Ages_, in:
+      Geographical Review, vol. xiv, New York, 1924, pp. 257–269.
+
+  Schröder, Carl. See BRANDAN, Saint.
+
+  Schulte, A. _Geschichte des mittelalterlichen Handels und Verkehrs
+      zwischen Westdeutschland und Italien mit Ausschluss von Venedig_,
+      2 vols., Leipzig, 1900.
+
+      Includes data on the Alpine passes in the Middle Ages.
+
+  Schütte, Gudmund. _Ptolemy’s Maps of Northern Europe_, Copenhagen,
+      1917.
+
+  SCOT, MICHAEL. See MICHAEL SCOT.
+
+  SCOTUS ERIGENA. See JOHN SCOT ERIGENA.
+
+  _SCRIPTORES RERUM GERMANICARUM IN USUM SCHOLARUM EX MONUMENTIS
+      GERMANIAE HISTORICIS RECUSI_, Hanover, 1840 ff. The volumes of
+      this series are not numbered, only dated.
+
+      Important collection of sources based on _Mon. Germ. hist._ In
+      some cases the texts are revisions and improvements over those of
+      the _Monumenta_.
+
+  _SCRIPTURE._ See _BIBLE_.
+
+  SENECA. _Quaestiones naturales_, edited by Alfred Gercke, _Naturalium
+      quaestionum libri VIII_, Leipzig (Teubner), 1907. English
+      translation: John Clarke, _Physical Science in the Time of Nero,
+      Being a Translation of the Quaestiones Naturales of Seneca_, with
+      notes by Sir Archibald Geikie, London, 1910.
+
+  Shadwell, C. L. See DANTE, V.
+
+  SIGURD THE CRUSADER. _The Saga of Sigurd the Crusader_, in Snorri
+      Sturluson’s _Heimskringla_. See Hermannsson, _Bibl. Sagas Kings_,
+      1910, pp. 19–30. English translation in Thomas Wright, _Early
+      Travels_, 1848, pp. 50–62.
+
+  Simar, T. _La géographie de l’Afrique centrale dans l’antiquité et au
+      moyen âge_, Brussels, 1912. Also published in: Revue Congolaise,
+      vol. iii, Brussels, 1912, pp. 1–23, 81–102, 145–169, 225–252,
+      289–310, 440–441.
+
+      A thorough and well-documented study of the evolution of ancient
+      and medieval knowledge of Central Africa.
+
+  Singer, Charles. _The Scientific Views and Visions of Saint
+      Hildegard_, in: Charles Singer, edit., _Studies in the History and
+      Method of Science_, vol. i, Oxford, 1917, pp. 1–55.
+
+  Singer, Charles. _Daniel of Morley, An English Philosopher of the
+      XIIth Century_, in: Isis: International Review Devoted to the
+      History of Science and Civilization, vol. iii, Brussels, 1920, pp.
+      263–269.
+
+  _SITU ORBIS, DE._ M. Manitius, edit., _Anonymi de situ orbis_,
+      Stuttgart, 1884.
+
+      A compilation dating from the end of the ninth century.
+
+  _SITU TERRARUM, DE._ See HUGH OF ST. VICTOR, VI.
+
+  SNORRI STURLUSON. I. _Heimskringla._ On editions see Hermannsson,
+      _Bibl. Sagas Kings_, 1910, pp. 19–30. English translation by
+      William Morris and Eirikr Magnûsson in: _The Saga Library_, vols.
+      iii-vi, London, 1893–1905. II. _Snorra Edda (Snorri’s Edda)._ On
+      editions see Hermannsson, _Bibl. Eddas_, 1920, pp. 74–79. English
+      translations: R. B. Anderson, _The Younger Edda, Also Called
+      Snorre’s Edda, or the Prose Edda: An English Version of the
+      Foreword; the Fooling of Gylfe; the Afterword; Brage’s Talk; the
+      Afterword to Brage’s Talk; and Important Passages of the Poetical
+      Diction (Skaldskaparmal)_, Chicago, 1880; A. G. Brodeur, _The
+      Prose Edda by Snorri Sturluson_, New York, 1916 (not seen).
+
+  SOLINUS. _C. Iulii Solini collectanea rerum memorabilium_, edited by
+      Theodor Mommsen, Berlin, 1895.
+
+      See Columba, G. M.
+
+  _SPECULUM REGALE._ See _KONUNGS-SKUGGSJÁ_.
+
+  Spitta, Wilhelm. _Die Geographie des Ptolemaeus bei den
+      Arabern_, in: Verhandlungen des fünften internationalen
+      Orientalisten-Congresses, pt. 2, Abhandlungen und Vorträge,
+      vol. i, Berlin, 1882, pp. 19–28.
+
+  Stange, Emil. _Arnoldus Saxo, der älteste Enzyklopädist des XIII.
+      Jahrhunderts_ (Dissertation, University of Halle, 1885).
+
+  Stange, Emil. On _Arnold the Saxon_, in: Programm des königlichen
+      Gymnasiums zu Erfurt, 1905–1907 (not seen).
+
+  Steele, Robert. _Roger Bacon and the State of Science in the
+      Thirteenth Century_, in: Charles Singer, edit., _Studies in the
+      History and Method of Science_, vol. ii, Oxford, 1921, pp.
+      121–150.
+
+  Steele, Robert. See BARTHOLOMEW ANGLICUS.
+
+  Stegmann, Otto. _Die Anschauungen des Mittelalters über die endogenen
+      Erscheinungen der Erde_ (Dissertation, University of Tübingen,
+      1913). Also in: Archiv für die Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften
+      und der Technik, vol. iv, Leipzig, 1913, pp. 243–269.
+
+  Steinschneider, Moritz. _Études sur Zarkali, astronome arabe du xi^e
+      siècle, et ses ouvrages_, in: Bollettino di bibliografia e di
+      storia della scienze matematiche e fisiche pubblicato da B.
+      Boncompagni, Rome, vols. xiv, 1881, pp. 171–182; xvi, 1883, pp.
+      493–527; xvii, 1884, pp. 765–794; xviii, 1885, pp. 343–360; xx,
+      1887, pp. 1–36, 575–604.
+
+  Steinschneider, Moritz. _Die hebräischen Übersetzungen des
+      Mittelalters und die Juden als Dolmetscher: Ein Beitrag zur
+      Literaturgeschichte des Mittelalters_, 2 vols., Berlin, 1893.
+
+  Steinschneider, Moritz. _Die europäischen Übersetzungen aus
+      dem Arabischen bis Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts_, in:
+      Kaiserlich-koenigliche Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien,
+      Sitzungsberichte, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Vienna, vol.
+      cxlix, 1905, pp. 1–84; vol. cli, 1906, pp. 1–108.
+
+      This and the preceding are arranged alphabetically by authors’ or
+      translators’ names and by titles.
+
+  Storm, Gustav, edit. _MONUMENTA HISTORICA NORVEGIAE: LATINSKE
+      KILDESKRIFTER TIL NORGES HISTORIE I MIDDELALDEREN_, Christiania,
+      1880.
+
+      Collection of texts of several medieval histories of Norway,
+      including _Historia Norwegiae_ and Theodricus Monachus, _Historia
+      de antiquitate regum norwagensium_.
+
+  Stubbs, William. See BENEDICT OF PETERBOROUGH; GERVASE OF CANTERBURY;
+      ROGER OF HOVEDEN.
+
+  STURLUSON, SNORRI. See SNORRI STURLUSON.
+
+  Suchier, H. See BRANDAN, Saint.
+
+  SULPICIUS SEVERUS. _Dialogus_, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. xx, cols.
+      183–222.
+
+  Suter, Heinrich. _Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber und ihre
+      Werke_, in: Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der mathematischen
+      Wissenschaften, etc., vol. x and vol. xiv, pp. 155–185, Leipzig,
+      1900, 1902.
+
+  Suter, Heinrich, on the Kharazmian Tables. See KHWĀRIZMĪ, Al-, II.
+
+  SYLVESTER, BERNARD. See BERNARD SYLVESTER.
+
+  SYLVESTER II (Pope). See GERBERT.
+
+  _TABULA PEUTINGERIANA._ See Miller, _Weltkarte des Castorius_, 1888;
+      the same, _Itin. Romana_, 1916.
+
+  Thalamas, A. _Étude bibliographique de la géographie d’Ératosthène_,
+      Versailles, 1921.
+
+  Thalamas, A. _La géographie d’Ératosthène_, Versailles, 1921.
+
+  THEODERIC (Pilgrim). _Libellus de locis sanctis_, edited by T. Tobler,
+      St. Gall and Paris, 1865. English translation by Aubrey Stewart,
+      _Theoderich’s Description of the Holy Places (circa 1172 A. D.)_,
+      London, 1891 (in: Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society, _Library_,
+      vol. v, London, 1897).
+
+  THEODORIC OF CHARTRES. _De sex dierum operibus_, edited by B. Hauréau,
+      in his _Notices et extraits de quelques manuscrits latins de la
+      Bibliothèque Nationale_, vol. i, Paris, 1890, pp. 52–68.
+
+  THEODRICUS MONACHUS. _Historia de antiquitate regum norwagiensium_,
+      edited by G. Storm, in his _Mon. hist. Norveg._, 1880, pp. 1–68.
+
+  THIERRY DE CHARTRES. See THEODORIC OF CHARTRES.
+
+  THOMAS, Saint (The Apostle). See ACTS OF THE APOSTLES, APOCRYPHAL;
+      Dahlmann, J.; Philipps, W. R.
+
+  Thorndike, Lynn. _A History of Magic and Experimental Science During
+      the First Thirteen Centuries of Our Era_, 2 vols., New York, 1923.
+
+      Fundamental work on the subject. Contains many valuable
+      bibliographical indications. The researches whose results are
+      embodied in these volumes were largely made in manuscript sources.
+
+  Thoroddsen, Thorvaldur. _Geschichte der isländischen Geographie._
+      Translated into German by A. Gebhart. Vol. i, _Die isländische
+      Geographie bis zum Schlusse des 16. Jahrhunderts_, Leipzig, 1897.
+
+      The outstanding work on the historical geography of Iceland.
+      Contains section (pp. 53–92) on the oldest descriptions of Iceland
+      and on Iceland on medieval maps.
+
+  Tiander, K. _Poyezdki Skandinavov v Byeloe More (The Voyages
+      of the Scandinavians to the White Sea)_, in: Zapiski
+      Istoriko-Filologicheskago Fakulteta Imperatorskago
+      S. Peterburgskago Universiteta (Journal of the
+      Historical-Philological Faculty of the Imperial University of St.
+      Petersburg), vol. lxxix, 1906.
+
+  Tillinghast, W. H. _The Geographical Knowledge of the Ancients
+      Considered in Relation to the Discovery of America_, in: Justin
+      Winsor, edit., _Narrative and Critical History of America_, vol.
+      i, Boston and New York, 1889, ch. i.
+
+      Particularly valuable for its bibliographical references.
+
+  Tobler, Titus, edit. _DESCRIPTIONES TERRAE SANCTAE EX SAECULO VIII,
+      IX, XII, ET XV_, Leipzig, 1874.
+
+      See also THEODERIC (Pilgrim).
+
+  Tobler, Titus, edit. _ITINERA ET DESCRIPTIONES TERRAE SANCTAE, LINGUA
+      LATINA SAEC. IV-XI EXARATA_, vol. i (constituting Publications de
+      la Société de l’Orient Latin: Série géographique, no. 1), Geneva,
+      1877.
+
+  Tobler, Titus, and A. Molinier, edits. _ITINERA HIEROSOLYMITANA ET
+      DESCRIPTIONES TERRAE SANCTAE BELLIS SACRIS ANTERIORA ET LATINA
+      LINGUA EXARATA_, vol. i, pt. 2 (constituting Publications de la
+      Société de l’Orient latin: Série géographique, no. 2) Geneva,
+      1880; vol. ii, edited by A. Molinier and C. Kohler, (constituting
+      _op. cit._, no. 4), Geneva, 1885.
+
+  _TOLEDO TABLES._ Unpublished. On manuscripts of Latin translations,
+      see Steinschneider, _Études sur Zarkali_, in: Bollettino, vol. xx,
+      1887, pp. 1–36, 575–604.
+
+  Tozer, H. F. _A History of Ancient Geography_, Cambridge, 1897.
+
+      Brief, attractively written introduction.
+
+  Tudeer, L. O. T. _On the Origin of the Maps Attached to Ptolemy’s
+      Geography_, in: Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. xxxvii, pt. 1,
+      London, 1917, pp. 62–76.
+
+  VALERIUS, JULIUS. See _ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE OF_, II, III.
+
+  Van der Linden, Herman. _Virgile de Salzbourg et les théories
+      cosmographiques au VIII^e siècle_, in: Académie royale de
+      Belgique, Bulletin de la Classe des lettres, Brussels, 1914, pp.
+      163–187.
+
+  Vaux, Carra de. See Carra de Vaux, B.
+
+  Vidier, A. _La mappemonde de Théodulfe et la mappemonde de Ripoll
+      (ix^e-xi^e siècle)_, in: Bulletin de géographie historique et
+      descriptive, Paris, 1911, pp. 285–313.
+
+  Vigfusson, Gudbrand, and F. York Powell, edits, and transls. _ORIGINES
+      ISLANDICAE: A COLLECTION OF THE MORE IMPORTANT SAGAS AND OTHER
+      NATIVE WRITINGS RELATING TO THE SETTLEMENT AND EARLY HISTORY OF
+      ICELAND_, 2 vols., Oxford, 1905.
+
+  VINCENT OF BEAUVAIS. I. _Speculum naturale_ and (II) _Speculum
+      historiale_, in: _Bibliotheca mundi Vincentii Burgundii ...
+      episcopi Bellovacensis speculum quadruplex, opere et studio
+      theologorum Benedictinorum collegii Vedastini_, 4 vols., Douai,
+      1624. This is the latest complete edition. For bibliographical
+      notes, see J. C. Brunet, _Manuel du libraire_, vol. v, Paris,
+      1864, cols. 1253–1257. On _Speculum historiale_, see Potthast,
+      _Bibliotheca_, vol. ii, 1896, p. 1095.
+
+  VITALIS, ORDERICUS. See ORDERICUS VITALIS.
+
+  von Mžik; von Scala; etc. See Mžik, von; Scala, von; etc.
+
+  Vulpinus, T. See GUNTHER OF PAIRIS.
+
+  WALTER OF CHÂTILLON (WALTER OF LILLE). _Alexandreis_, edited by F. A.
+      W. Müldener, Leipzig (Teubner), 1863. For commentary and
+      bibliography, see Giordano, _Alexandreis_, 1917.
+
+  Wattenbach, W. See GUY OF BAZOCHES.
+
+  Weinhold, Karl. _Die Polargegenden Europas nach den
+      Vorstellungen des deutschen Mittelalters_, in: Kaiserliche
+      Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Sitzungsberichte,
+      Philosophisch-historische Klasse, vol. lxviii, Vienna, 1871,
+      pp. 783–808.
+
+      Data on the voyages northward described by Adam of Bremen, Saxo
+      Grammaticus, and other Germanic writers.
+
+  Werlauff, E. C. _Symbolae ad geographiam medii aevi ex monumentis
+      islandicis_, Copenhagen, 1821.
+
+      A brief summary of the status of Icelandic geographical knowledge
+      in the Middle Ages together with texts dating from the twelfth
+      century and later.
+
+  Werner, Karl. _Die Kosmologie und Naturlehre des scholastischen
+      Mittelalters mit specieller Beziehung auf Wilhelm von Conches_,
+      in: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien,
+      Sitzungsberichte, Philosophisch-historische Classe, vol. lxxv,
+      Vienna, 1873, pp. 309–403.
+
+  Werner, Karl. _Die Kosmologie und allgemeine Naturlehre des Roger
+      Baco_, in: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien,
+      Sitzungsberichte, Philosophisch-historische Classe, vol. xciv,
+      Vienna, 1879, pp. 489–612.
+
+  Westropp, T. J. _Brasil and the Legendary Islands of the Atlantic_,
+      in: Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, vol. xxx, sect. C, no.
+      8, Dublin, 1912, pp. 223–260.
+
+  White, A. D. _A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in
+      Christendom_, 2 vols., New York, 1895 (reprinted 1920).
+
+      A wealth of material is here brought together in an attempt to
+      demonstrate the almost universally adverse influence that theology
+      (as distinguished from religion) has exerted on the development of
+      scientific thought.
+
+  WILLIAM OF AUVERGNE. _De universo_, in: _Guillelmi Alverni, episcopi
+      parisiensis, opera_, etc. ... _curante Blasio Ferronio_, 2 vols.,
+      Orléans, 1674 (not seen).
+
+  WILLIAM THE BRETON. _Philippidos libri XII_, or _Gesta Philippi regis
+      Franciae_, edited by H. F. Delaborde, in: _Oeuvres de Rigord et de
+      Guillaume le Breton_, vol. ii, Paris, 1885, pp. 1–385. Also in
+      part in: _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. xxvi, pp. 319–389.
+
+  WILLIAM OF CONCHES. I. _De philosophia mundi_ (or _Philosophicarum et
+      astronomicarum institutionum libri, tres_ or Περὶ διδαξέων _sive
+      elementorum philosophiae libri quattuor_), edited in: Migne, _Pat.
+      lat._, vol. clxxii, cols. 39–102, among the works of Honorius of
+      Autun (the references in the present work are to books and
+      chapters of this edition); also in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. xc,
+      cols. 1127–1182, among the works of Bede. See above, p. 398, note
+      28. Book III, chs. 1–11 and 15, dealing with meteorology, are
+      printed in Hellmann, _Denkmäler_ 1904, pp. 62–74. II. _Dragmaticon
+      philosophiae._ This is the title given in the manuscripts. This
+      work, which corresponds closely in content to the _De philosophia
+      mundi_, was published at Strasburg, 1567, under the title
+      _Dialogus de substantis physicis, ante annos ducentos confectus a
+      Vuilhelmo Aneponymo philosopho. Item libri tres incerti authoris
+      eiusdem aetatis. I. De calore vitalis. II. De mari aquis. III. De
+      fluminum origine. Industria Guilelmi Grataroli medici_ ... etc.
+      The portion of _Dragmaticon philosophiae_ dealing with meteorology
+      is published in Hellmann, _Denkmäler_, 1904, pp. 42–45.
+
+      See Werner, _Kosm. Wilhelm von Conches_, 1873.
+
+  WILLIAM FITZSTEPHEN. See FITZSTEPHEN, WILLIAM.
+
+  WILLIAM OF TYRE. _Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum_,
+      or _Belli sacri historia_, in: _Recueil des historiens des
+      croisades_, Historiens Occidentaux, vol. i, Paris, 1844. Also in:
+      Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cci, cols. 209–892. Medieval French
+      translation edited by Paulin Paris, _Guillaume de Tyr et ses
+      continuateurs_, 2 vols., Paris, 1879–1880.
+
+  Wisotzki, Emil. _Zeitströmungen in der Geographie_, Leipzig, 1897.
+
+      Important study of tendencies of geographical thought in the
+      sixteenth to nineteenth centuries, with occasional references to
+      the earlier periods.
+
+  Woepcke, Franz. _Notice sur quelques manuscrits arabes ... relatifs
+      aux mathématiques et récemment acquis par la Bibliothèque
+      Impériale_, in: Journal asiatique, series 5, vol. xix, Paris,
+      1862, pp. 101–127.
+
+  Wolkenhauer, W. _Aus der Geschichte der Kartographie_, in: Deutsche
+      geographische Blätter, vol. xxxiv, Bremen, 1911, pp. 120–129 (on
+      the cartography of the Greeks and Romans), vol. xxxv, 1912, pp.
+      29–47 (on medieval and Moslem cartography).
+
+      A useful summary. Maps are listed and bibliographical data
+      appended.
+
+  Wright, J. K. _Notes on the Knowledge of Latitudes and Longitudes in
+      the Middle Ages_, in: Isis: International Review Devoted to the
+      History of Science and Civilization, vol. v, pt. 1, Brussels,
+      1923, pp. 75–98.
+
+  Wright, Thomas, edit. _Popular Treatises on Science Written During the
+      Middle Ages in Anglo-Saxon, Anglo-Norman, and English_, London,
+      1841.
+
+  Wright, Thomas. _EARLY TRAVELS IN PALESTINE_ (Bohn’s Antiquarian
+      Library), London, 1848.
+
+      Translations of medieval books of travel.
+
+  Wulf, Maurice de. _Histoire de la philosophie médiévale, précédée d’un
+      aperçu sur la philosophie ancienne_, Louvain, 1900 (4th edit.,
+      Louvain, 1912). English translation by P. Coffey entitled _History
+      of Medieval Philosophy_, London and New York, 1909.
+
+  Wüstenfeld, F. _Die Übersetzungen arabischer Werke in das
+      Lateinische seit dem XI. Jahrhundert_, in: Abhandlungen der
+      königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen,
+      Philologisch-historische Klasse, vol. xxii, no. 2, 1877.
+
+      Now superseded by Steinschneider, _Europ. Übersetz._, 1905–1906.
+
+  Xivrey, Berger de. See Berger de Xivrey, J.
+
+  York Powell, F. See SAXO GRAMMATICUS; Vigfusson, G., and F. York
+      Powell.
+
+  Yule, Sir Henry. _Cathay and the Way Thither_, 2nd edit., edited by
+      Henri Cordier, 4 vols., Hakluyt Society [publs.], series 2, vols.
+      xxxiii, xxxvii, xxxviii, xli, London, 1913–1916.
+
+      The best general account of the development of Western knowledge
+      of the Far East in ancient and medieval times. Translations of the
+      sources are given with commentaries. The introduction is an
+      excellent outline of the entire subject.
+
+      See also POLO, MARCO.
+
+  Zarncke, Friedrich. See PRESTER JOHN.
+
+  ZARQALĪ, Az-. _Canons on the Toledo Tables._ Unpublished. On
+      manuscripts, see Steinschneider, _Études sur Zarkali_, in:
+      Bollettino, vol. xx, 1887, pp. 1–36, 575–604.
+
+      See GERARD OF CREMONA, II.
+
+  Zervos, Charles. _Un philosophe néoplatonicien du XI^e siècle, Michel
+      Psellos: Sa vie, son oeuvre, ses luttes philosophiques, son
+      influence_, Paris, 1919.
+
+  Zeuss, Kaspar. _Die Deutschen und die Nachbarstämme_, Munich, 1837.
+      Many quotations from chronicles and medieval historians. Useful in
+      determining changes in the names of tribes.
+
+  Zimmer, Heinrich. _Über die frühesten Berührungen der Iren mit den
+      Nordgermanen_, in: Koeniglich Preussiche Akademie der
+      Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, Berlin, 1891, pp. 279–317.
+
+  Zöckler, _O. Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen Theologie
+      und Naturwissenschaft mit besondrer Rücksicht auf
+      Schöpfungsgeschichte_, 2 vols., Gütersloh, 1877–1879: vol. i, _Von
+      den Anfängen der christlichen Kirche bis auf Newton und Leibniz_;
+      vol. ii, _Von Newton und Leibniz bis zur Gegenwart_.
+
+      A thorough study of the development of natural science in its
+      relation to theology. The author attempts to show that medieval
+      theology was not adverse to the growth of natural science.
+      Analyses given of theories of the Creation.
+
+  Zunz, ——. _Essay on the Geographical Literature of the Jews from the
+      Remotest Times to the Year 1841_, in: _The Itinerary of Rabbi
+      Benjamin of Tudela_, edited by A. Asher, vol. ii, London and
+      Berlin, 1841, pp. 230–317.
+
+
+
+
+                                 INDEX
+
+  _Matter in the Notes (pp. 365–487) that can readily be found from
+  references in the text is omitted in the index._
+
+  _Titles in the Bibliography (pp. 503–543), as such, are also omitted
+  in the index._
+
+
+  Abbreviations, medieval, 493
+
+  Abelard, Peter, 31, 89, 151;
+    on the congregation of the waters, 184, 186;
+    on Nile flood, 206;
+    on the rivers of Paradise, 264;
+    on the water above the firmament, 182, 184
+
+  Abu-l-Ḥasan, 485
+
+  Abū Maʿshar, 82, 83, 86, 193;
+    on the tides, 84
+
+  Abyss, 59
+
+  Abyssinia, 283, 286, 292
+
+  Accuracy, gradations of, in knowledge, 256;
+    in relation to medieval maps, 247, 248
+
+  Acheron, 282
+
+  Acre, 294, 308
+
+  Adam and Eve, 254, 261
+
+  Adam of Bremen, 48, 51, 111, 223;
+    geography, 481;
+    on northern Europe, 327, 329;
+    on northern ocean, 348, 350
+
+  Ad-Dir, 87
+
+  Adelard of Bath, 92, 135, 158, 170, 171, 188, 189, 200, 260;
+    Aristotelian influence upon, 401;
+    on authority, 135;
+    on boundaries, 128;
+    on earthquakes, 227;
+    on the saltness of the sea, 189;
+    on subdivision of land areas, 210;
+    on the support of the earth, 154;
+    on the tides, 192, 439–440;
+    translations, 95;
+    on winds, 172.
+    _See also_ Khorazmian Tables
+
+  Aden, 292, 299
+
+  Aden, Gulf of, 281
+
+  Adrastias, 368
+
+  Aegean Sea, 25, 26, 37
+
+  Aethicus of Istria, 44, 49
+
+  Africa, 19, 39, 41, 55, 71, 258, 298;
+    limits, 74;
+    west of Egypt, 300
+
+  Africa, Central, traditional view, 306
+
+  Africa, North, 257
+
+  Agareni, 287
+
+  Agathodaemon’s map, 242, 453, 456
+
+  Agisymba, 41
+
+  Agobard, 57
+
+  Agriculture and soils, 232
+
+  Agrippa, 36
+
+  Akaba, 294, 295
+
+  Alan of Lille, 128, 136
+
+  Alani, 290
+
+  Albania (Scotia), 336
+
+  Alberic of Besançon, 113
+
+  Albertus Magnus, 22, 101, 106;
+    writings, 406
+
+  Alemannia, name, 325
+
+  Alexander Neckam. _See_ Neckam, Alexander
+
+  Alexander of Bernai, 113
+
+  Alexander the Great, 26, 38;
+    Gog and Magog and, 287;
+    Paradise and, 262;
+    Romance of, 49, 50, 73, 113, 205, 214, 275;
+    his view from a mountain summit, 216;
+    visit to India, 275;
+    visit to the sea floor, 199
+
+  Alexander III, Pope, 286
+
+  Alexandreis, 113
+
+  Alexandria, 38, 299
+
+  Alfraganus. _See_ Farghānī, Al-
+
+  Alfred of Sareshel, 402;
+    on origin of mountains, 213
+
+  Alfred the Great, 49, 75
+
+  Algeria, 302
+
+  Allegory, 89, 90, 135, 136, 153, 236
+
+  Almagest, 78, 98
+
+  Almohads, 301, 302
+
+  Alpetragius, 77.
+    _See also_ Biṭrūjī, Al-
+
+  Alphonsi, Peter (Petrus Anfusi), 95, 96, 121, 162, 168, 169, 185, 380
+
+  Alps, 217, 219;
+    knowledge of, 323;
+    “Pyrenean,” 319, 323;
+    routes across, 324
+
+  Alsace, 332
+
+  Altitudes, 32, 214
+
+  Altmann of Passau, 216
+
+  Amazons, 285, 329
+
+  Ambroise, 296;
+    on the Assassins, 298;
+    on Sicily, 311;
+    on summer heat of Palestine, 176
+
+  Ambrose, 59, 61
+
+  America, Icelandic discovery, 391;
+    Norsemen in, 76
+
+  Amor reorum, Mount, 260
+
+  Amphitrite, 159, 428
+
+  Anaxagoras, 31
+
+  Ancient geography, 9–42;
+    works on, 497
+
+  Andamans, 280
+
+  Anglesey, 344, 345
+
+  Anglia, 336
+
+  Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 74
+
+  Animals, 143
+
+  Anselm of Canterbury, 217
+
+  Antichthones, 160
+
+  Antioch, 239, 295
+
+  Antipodal regions, 157;
+    belief that they were inhabited, 159
+
+  Antipodeans, 158, 257
+
+  Antipodes, 19, 28, 55, 160, 385, 386, 429
+
+  Antiquarian interests, 321
+
+  Antiquity, geographical lore of, 9–42;
+    works on, 496
+
+  Antoikoi, 160
+
+  Apennines, 315, 319, 323
+
+  Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, 379
+
+  Apokatastasis, 367
+
+  Apostles, Apocryphal Acts of, 379;
+    the twelve, 123 (ill.), 278
+
+  Apulia, 319, 320
+
+  Aquinas, Thomas, 91
+
+  Arabia, Benjamin of Tudela on, 291
+
+  Arabic, translations from, 95
+
+  Arabic geography, 77–87
+
+  Arabic literature, 87
+
+  Arabs, 109
+
+  Arachosia, 288
+
+  Ararat, Mount, 270
+
+  Araxes, 282
+
+  Arbela, battle of, 35
+
+  Archeology, 321
+
+  Arculf, 259
+
+  Arethusa, 311
+
+  Argare, 280
+
+  Argentina (Strasburg), 333
+
+  Argyre, 280
+
+  Ari Frodhi, 111, 346, 349
+
+  Arin (Arim), 82, 86, 95, 96, 162
+
+  Aristippus, Henricus, 398, 402
+
+  Aristotelianism, 100;
+    effects, 138;
+    introduced through Arabic works, 98;
+    opponents, 101
+
+  Aristotle, 9, 24, 30;
+    on circumference of the earth, 16;
+    on cosmic cycles, 13;
+    on depth of the seas, 25;
+    on earthquakes and volcanoes, 32;
+    on the elements, 12, 20;
+    on exhalations and vapors, 22;
+    on extent of the oikoumene, 19;
+    on height of mountains, 32;
+    on immobility of the earth, 370;
+    influence, 98;
+    influence among the Moslems, 77;
+    on interior of the earth, 29;
+    on shape of the earth, 368;
+    Western knowledge of, 99, 400, 401
+
+  Ark, 234
+
+  Arklow, 195, 196, 206
+
+  Arles, 334
+
+  Armenia, 270, 288, 289
+
+  Armenia, Little, 296
+
+  Armorica, 336
+
+  Arnold of Chartres, 145
+
+  Arnold of Lübeck, 117, 317
+
+  Arnold the Saxon, 100, 408
+
+  Arthur, King, 311
+
+  Arts, medieval, 127
+
+  Asceticism, 64
+
+  Asia, 19, 39, 70, 71, 258;
+    early relations of eastern and western, 266;
+    European knowledge of, 265;
+    great mountain system, 270;
+    opening of, in the thirteenth century, 266
+
+  Asia, Central, 282
+
+  Asia, Western, 257, 288;
+    as described by the Crusaders, 296
+
+  Asia Minor, 270, 295
+
+  Assassins, 298
+
+  Assyria, 288
+
+  Astrology, 13, 51, 52, 85, 244, 246;
+    geography and, 128
+
+  Astronomical geography, of the known world, 241–246;
+    Moslem contribution, 82;
+    works on, 501
+
+  Astronomical observations, 243
+
+  Astronomy, in map making, 242, 244, 246, 457 (with map)
+
+  Atlantic Ocean, 19, 25;
+    fabulous islands, 350;
+    legends of islands, 75.
+    _See also_ Western Ocean
+
+  Atlantis, 351
+
+  Atlas, Mount, 301;
+    Nile and, 304, 305
+
+  Atmosphere, 21, 166;
+    circulation, 24, 172;
+    composition, 166;
+    upper levels, 167
+
+  Augustine (Saint), 47, 52, 54, 56, 59, 60, 61, 66, 144–145;
+    on Paradise, 262
+
+  Augustine (seventh century), 61
+
+  Aurea Chersonesus, 280
+
+  Aurea gemma, 104
+
+  Auster, 173, 174
+
+  Austral continent, 157, 257
+
+  Australia, 281
+
+  Authority, 135, 358
+
+  Avalanches, 218
+
+  Avars, 315
+
+  Averroës (Ibn Rushd), 77, 85, 100, 420, 437
+
+  Avicenna (Ibn Sīnā), 77, 213, 446
+
+  Azores, 334
+
+  Azov, Sea of, 314
+
+
+  Babylon, 289, 298
+
+  Babylonian astrology and geography, 391
+
+  Bacchus, 275
+
+  Bacon, Roger, 102, 106, 163, 164, 188, 258, 372, 420;
+    on the height of mountains, 447;
+    Opus majus, 269, 409;
+    works, 408
+
+  Bactria, 270
+
+  Baghdad, 86, 117, 118, 176, 282, 297;
+    Benjamin of Tudela on, 289
+
+  Baldach, 289
+
+  Baleares, 310
+
+  Balkan Peninsula, 316
+
+  Baltic, term, 482
+
+  Baltic Sea, 40, 75, 112, 327;
+    regions, 327
+
+  Bang, W., 478
+
+  Barbaric Sea, 281
+
+  Barbaro, Monte, 221
+
+  Bardo, Mount, 319, 323
+
+  Bartholomew Anglicus, 106, 177, 227;
+    on origin of mountains, 213
+
+  Basil, 61
+
+  Batiffol, Pierre, 379
+
+  Battānī, Al-, 78, 87, 96, 97, 162, 245;
+    on the Indian Ocean, 280;
+    on the Mediterranean, 307
+
+  Bavaria, 325
+
+  Beatus maps, 68, 69 (ill.), 122, 123 (ill.), 157, 249, 251, 252
+
+  Beauty, 63, 64;
+    of mountains, 215
+
+  Beazley, C. R., xix, 269, 498
+
+  Bede, the Venerable, 48, 53, 54, 56, 59, 61, 62, 143;
+    on Nile flood, 206
+
+  Bedouins, 297
+
+  Beginning of the world, 140
+
+  Benedict, Saint, 236
+
+  Benedict of Peterborough, 109, 308, 433
+
+  Bengal, Bay of, 281
+
+  Benjamin of Tudela, 117;
+    on Alexandria, 299;
+    on Arabia, 291;
+    on Baghdad, 289;
+    on Central Asia, 282;
+    on China, 272;
+    on climates, 176;
+    on Constantinople, 318;
+    on India, 274;
+    on Islam, 297;
+    on Italy, 478;
+    on the Nile flood, 300;
+    on the Sahara, 474;
+    on Slavic Europe, 314
+
+  Bergsson, Nikulás. _See_ Nikulás Bergsson
+
+  Bernard of Chartres, 91, 93
+
+  Bernard of Clairvaux, on nature, 235, 238;
+    on the sea as the source of waters, 200
+
+  Bernard Sylvester of Tours, 92, 93, 134, 135, 148, 158, 199, 265;
+    on tripartite division of the oikoumene, 258;
+    on interrelations of the parts of the universe, 231;
+    on orographic systems, 215;
+    theory of Creation, 139, 145;
+    on the tides, 190;
+    on zones, 156
+
+  Betten, F. S., 384
+
+  Biarma, 75, 313, 348
+
+  Bible, 3, 43, 134;
+    interpretation, 46, 380;
+    position, 45
+
+  Bibliographical Note, 491
+
+  Bibliographie géographique, 492
+
+  Bibliographies, description, 491
+
+  Bibliography, 503
+
+  Bibliotheca Geographica, 492
+
+  Bingen, 327
+
+  Birds, 204, 217, 230, 281, 326
+
+  Birka, 329
+
+  Biṭrūjī, Al-, 77, 83, 85
+
+  Black Sea, 312, 313.
+    _See also_ Euxine
+
+  Blake, R. P., xx, 389
+
+  Blood vessels, 148, 185
+
+  Blue sky, 436
+
+  Boëthius, 57
+
+  Bohemia, 87
+
+  Boniface, Saint, 57
+
+  Borchardt, Paul, 414, 474
+
+  Boreas, 173, 174
+
+  Borneo, 42
+
+  Borysthenes, 242
+
+  Bothnia, Gulf of, 328
+
+  Boundaries, 128
+
+  Brahmins, 74, 273, 285
+
+  Brandan, Saint, 50, 75, 178, 220, 263;
+    on antipodes, 159;
+    islands of, 230, 351;
+    legend, 115;
+    visits to volcanic isles, 224, 225;
+    wanderings, 197
+
+  Brecknock, Lake, 208, 340
+
+  Bremen, 111, 112
+
+  Brenner Pass, 324
+
+  Bretschneider, E., 464
+
+  Bristol, 195
+
+  Britain, 24, 39;
+    dimensions, 336;
+    maps, 126;
+    maps of Matthew Paris, 342, 343 (ill.)
+
+  Britannic Sea, 335, 336
+
+  British Isles, 335, 337;
+    cities, 335, 336;
+    coast tides, 194;
+    rivers, 336, 344
+
+  Brittany, 336, 341
+
+  Brooks, A. A., xxi
+
+  Brothers of Piety and Sincerity, 83, 394
+
+  Brunetto Latino. _See_ Latino, Brunetto
+
+  Burkhard, 476
+
+  Byzantine literature, 44, 378
+
+  Byzantium, 278
+
+
+  Cadiz, 301
+
+  Cahun, Léon, 464
+
+  Cairo, 289, 297, 298, 300
+
+  Calabria, 319, 322
+
+  Caliphs, 289, 290, 297
+
+  Callisthenes, 49
+
+  Camargue, 333
+
+  Cambria, 336
+
+  Camels, 296
+
+  Canary Islands, 37, 39, 86, 334
+
+  Canigou, Mount, 209, 214, 449
+
+  Cannibalism, 330
+
+  Cape Verde Islands, 334
+
+  Capella, Martianus, 9, 11, 16, 18, 44, 48, 71;
+    on antipodeans, 160;
+    De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii, 54, 127, 366;
+    on sphericity of the earth, 15, 54
+
+  Capelle, Wilhelm, 365
+
+  Cappadocia, 270
+
+  Cappelli, A., 493
+
+  Captivity, Head of the, 290, 291
+
+  Carolingian Renaissance, 44, 54, 65
+
+  Carthage, 300
+
+  Cartography, 35, 247;
+    ancient, 376, 377;
+    development, 254;
+    works on, 501.
+    _See also_ Maps
+
+  Casentino, 217
+
+  Caspian Sea, 37, 38, 282, 288
+
+  Castile, 322
+
+  Castorius, 381
+
+  Casule, Mons (Hekla), 223
+
+  Cathay, 266, 271
+
+  Caucasus Mountains, 270, 281, 282
+
+  Cavagum (Canigou), Mount, 209, 214, 449
+
+  Caverns, 27, 28, 59, 172
+
+  Cecco d’ Ascoli, 57
+
+  Celestial influences, 12, 51
+
+  Cenis, Mont, 324
+
+  Center of the world, 259;
+    position, 260.
+    _See also_ Arin
+
+  Cephalonia, 309
+
+  Ceraunes, Montes, 462
+
+  Ceylon, 38, 39, 280, 281
+
+  Chalcidius, 9, 47
+
+  Chaldea, 289
+
+  Changes, geographical, 83
+
+  Channing, Edward, 372, 460
+
+  Chaos, 140, 141, 147
+
+  Charcot, J. B., 487
+
+  Charinus, Lucius, 379
+
+  Charlemagne, 44, 65
+
+  Chartres, school of, 91, 94, 134
+
+  Chevalier, Ulysse, 491
+
+  China, 39, 40, 41, 87, 266;
+    word first used, 271
+
+  China Sea, 281
+
+  Chrisa, 280
+
+  Christian kingdom in Asia, 269, 275, 278, 283
+
+  Christian names in Asia, 284
+
+  Christianity, 43
+
+  Chronicon novaliciense, 448
+
+  Chryse, 40, 41, 280
+
+  Church Fathers, 44, 46;
+    interpretation of the Bible, 46
+
+  Circumference of the earth, 16
+
+  Cisalpine, term, 324
+
+  Cities, descriptions of, 289, 299, 318, 321, 331, 341;
+    exaggeration of plans on maps, 249
+
+  Civilization, westward flow, 233, 235
+
+  Classical influences, 47
+
+  Clement of Alexandria, 51
+
+  Cleomedes, 15, 16
+
+  Climata, 242;
+    parallels of latitude and (with diagr.), 453–456
+
+  Climates, 23;
+    distribution, 177;
+    divisions of the ancient geographers, 242;
+    East and West, differences, 177;
+    hot and cold, 176;
+    influence on man, 180;
+    topographic influences on, 177
+
+  Climatology, 23, 166, 175
+
+  Climax, Mount, 303
+
+  Clotted sea, 442
+
+  Cloud breezes, 172
+
+  Clouds, 168
+
+  Cold, 23, 57, 176
+
+  Comestor, Peter, 91, 138, 151, 170, 184, 185, 213, 214;
+    on the atmosphere, 168;
+    on the Creation, 140, 143, 144;
+    on river Pison, 273
+
+  Cones of celestial light, 163, 191
+
+  Congregation of the waters, 184, 188
+
+  Conrad of Querfurt, 116, 221, 311, 321
+
+  Constantinople, 43, 110, 295, 317;
+    city and people, 318;
+    Italian colonies in, 318
+
+  Continental hypothesis, 19
+
+  Continents, 71;
+    fourth continent, 157
+
+  Conway, River, 206
+
+  Coördinates, geographical, 243;
+    map constructed from points of Paris MS. of Marseilles Tables, 245
+
+  Corbianus, 239
+
+  Corfu, 309, 310
+
+  Cornwall, 335, 336, 341, 344
+
+  Corsica, 310
+
+  Corus, 434
+
+  Cosmas Indicopleustes, 152, 378, 380
+
+  Cosmic cycles, 13, 83
+
+  Cosmogony, 12, 133;
+    works on, 499
+
+  Cosmography, 127, 133
+
+  Cosmology, 51, 133;
+    character, 134;
+    works on, 499
+
+  Countrysides, 235, 237;
+    practical interest in, 238
+
+  Crates of Mallos, 18;
+    theory of the arrangement of the world, 158
+
+  Cratesian theory, 19, 158
+
+  Creation, 2, 45, 52, 133, 135;
+    Bernard Sylvester’s account, 145;
+    commencement versus, 382;
+    function of light, 143;
+    Icelandic account, 146;
+    problems, 139;
+    processes, 141;
+    Theodoric of Chartres’ theory, 141;
+    Theodoric’s work on, 92;
+    William of Conches’ theory, 142.
+    _See also_ Works of the Six Days
+
+  Crebonensus, 196
+
+  Crete, 310
+
+  Crimea, 313
+
+  Crusaders’ routes, 307, 317
+
+  Crusades, historians and histories, 109;
+    geographical knowledge enlarged by, 292;
+    regional knowledge and, 293;
+    time of, 1
+
+  Ctesias, 37, 467
+
+  Cumont, Franz, 29
+
+  Cyclades, 310
+
+  Cycles, cosmic, 13, 83
+
+  Cyclopes, 224, 329, 348
+
+  Cynocephali, 274, 276 (ill.), 304, 468
+
+  Cyprus, 310
+
+  Cyrenaica, 300
+
+  Cyrus, 38
+
+
+  Damascus, 239
+
+  Damietta, 299
+
+  Daniel of Morley, 97, 151, 418
+
+  Dante, 106;
+    on excentric spheres of land and water, 437;
+    linguistic geography in, 484
+
+  Danube, 24, 325, 327
+
+  Dara, 305, 306
+
+  Dead, world of the, 27, 28
+
+  Dead Sea, 208, 288, 292;
+    legends, 472
+
+  Dee, 206, 336, 346
+
+  Degree, measurement, 55, 85
+
+  Deluge, 170, 184, 261
+
+  Denmark, 112, 327, 329
+
+  Deserts, 228
+
+  Devils, 224
+
+  Devision, La, de la terre de oultremer et des choses qui i sont, 110
+
+  Dew, 184
+
+  Dicaearchus, 33
+
+  Dictionaries, 493
+
+  Dicuil, 48, 61, 62, 75
+
+  Dieterici, Friedrich, 394
+
+  Dionysius Periegetes, 49
+
+  Dir, Ad-, 87
+
+  Doegr, 486
+
+  Dominicus Gondisalvi (Gondissalinus), 99, 128
+
+  Dreesbach, E., 296
+
+  Dublin, 195
+
+  Du Cange, C. D., 493
+
+  Duhem, Pierre, 99, 401, 418, 499
+
+  Dwarfs, 329
+
+
+  Eadmer, 448
+
+  Earth, 2, 21;
+    center, 16;
+    as center of the universe (with diagr.), 422, 426;
+    circumference, 16;
+    established above the waters, 186;
+    flatness, 53;
+    immobility, 15, 153, 370;
+    interior, 27, 28, 29, 443;
+    mountain in the north, 152;
+    navel, 260, 461;
+    oval shape, 153;
+    shape, 152, 368;
+    shape and size, 53;
+    shape, movements, and size, 150;
+    situation, 150;
+    size, 54, 155;
+    sphericity, 15, 54, 383, 384, 425;
+    upon the waters, 60
+
+  Earthquakes, 21, 23, 137, 227;
+    causes, 31
+
+  East, place on maps, 251.
+    _See also_ Orient
+
+  Ecbatana, 284
+
+  Eclipses, 34, 246
+
+  Eddas, 110;
+    account of Creation, 146
+
+  Eden, Garden of, 71, 170, 251;
+    Augustine on its location, 262;
+    meaning, 261
+
+  Edessa, 278, 283, 294
+
+  Edrisi, 80
+
+  Egypt, 30, 206, 239, 270;
+    as part of Asia, 298;
+    descriptions, 298, 299
+
+  Ehstland, 328
+
+  Einhard, 328
+
+  Elbe, 327
+
+  Elements, the four, 20, 28, 29;
+    magical control, 203;
+    transformation, 29
+
+  Elysian Fields, 28
+
+  Encyclopedias, 47, 102;
+    thirteenth-century productions, 106, 408
+
+  End of the ages, 234
+
+  Endres, J. A., 403, 481
+
+  England, 119, 336, 344;
+    earthquakes, 228
+
+  Englishmen at Prester John’s court, 286
+
+  Environment, influences on man, 232;
+    influences on plant and animal life, 231
+
+  Eolian (Lipari) Islands, 32, 222
+
+  Eolus, 221
+
+  Equatorial region, Grosseteste on, 163;
+    habitability, 162
+
+  Equatorial zone, 157
+
+  Equilibrium of forces, 155
+
+  Eratosthenes, 10, 38, 155;
+    on the circumference of the earth, 16, 17;
+    on currents, 26;
+    on extent of the oikoumene, 39, 377;
+    measurements of the earth, 55;
+    on mountain heights, 33;
+    on zones, 18
+
+  Eric the Red, 349
+
+  Eridanus, 319
+
+  Erigena. _See_ John Scot Erigena
+
+  Erosion, 446
+
+  Esdras, Second Book of, 188
+
+  Esthetic feeling for nature, 237
+
+  Esthonia, 328
+
+  Eternity of the universe, 145
+
+  Etesian winds, 24, 30, 31, 373
+
+  Ethiopia, 24, 31, 283;
+    application of the name, 303;
+    India and, 303
+
+  Ethiopians, 24, 41
+
+  Etna, Mount, 32, 220, 221, 311;
+    Michael Scot on, 222
+
+  Etymology, example of free, 445
+
+  Euphrates, 72, 265, 288
+
+  Euripus, 26
+
+  Europe, 71, 74, 258;
+    northeastern regions, 312;
+    regional knowledge of, 257;
+    relative position of certain points as shown in medieval
+       astronomical tables, 457 (with map);
+    Slavic, 314
+
+  Eurus, 173, 174
+
+  Eustace of Kent, 114
+
+  Euxine, 25, 26, 37, 312
+
+  Evaporation, 27
+
+  Ewyas, valley of, 340
+
+  Exeter, 336
+
+  Exploration, Moslem, 87;
+    northern Europe, 75
+
+
+  Fabianus, 25
+
+  Fabulous tales, 37, 38
+
+  Fallon, G. R., xxi
+
+  Falones, 315
+
+  Fārābī, Al-, 416
+
+  Farghānī, Al-, 78, 85, 151, 152, 243, 287
+
+  Faroe Islands, 346, 352
+
+  Felix, Marcus Minutius, 24
+
+  Fetellus (Fretellus), 116
+
+  Fimbultyr, 147
+
+  Finns, 329
+
+  Fires, 32;
+    at the center of the universe, 369
+
+  Firmament, 58;
+    waters above and below, 58, 182
+
+  Fitzstephen, William, on London, 341
+
+  Flatey Book, 349
+
+  Flatness of the earth, 53, 152
+
+  Flood, Great, 59.
+    _See also_ Deluge
+
+  Floods, 170
+
+  Fog, 432
+
+  Fons humoris, 185
+
+  Forests, Ireland, 338;
+    representation on maps, 253
+
+  Fortunate Islands, 86
+
+  Fossils on mountains, 432
+
+  Fountain of Youth, 204, 285
+
+  Four elements, 20, 28, 29.
+    _See also_ Elements
+
+  Four land masses, 18
+
+  France, 331;
+    Hungary and, 316;
+    southern, 333
+
+  Francis, Saint, of Assisi, 217
+
+  Frazer, J. G., 203, 387
+
+  Frederick II, Emperor, 99, 100, 138, 200, 222, 345
+
+  Frisia Minor, 327
+
+  Frodhi, Ari. _See_ Ari Frodhi
+
+
+  Gades (Cadiz), 301
+
+  Gallandia, 346
+
+  Ganges, 273, 280
+
+  Ganzenmüller, W., 65
+
+  Garamantes, 41, 42
+
+  Garden. _See_ Eden
+
+  Gasquet, A., 379
+
+  Gaul, 331
+
+  Genesis, Book of, 45, 53
+
+  Genoa, 479;
+    trade with Africa, 301
+
+  Geoffrey of Monmouth, 50
+
+  Geoffrey of St. Victor, 127, 159
+
+  Geographical bibliographies, 492
+
+  Geographical changes, 83
+
+  Geographical lore, character of, summary, 358–361;
+    origins, 3;
+    outstanding elements of, summary, 353–358;
+    works on, 496
+
+  Geographical lore of the time of the Crusades, term, 1
+
+  Geographisches Jahrbuch, 492
+
+  Geography, 127;
+    astrology and, 128;
+    history of, works on, 497;
+    history of, in particular periods, works on, 497;
+    history of particular aspects, works on, 499;
+    place in medieval knowledge, 127.
+    _See also_ Ancient Geography; Astronomical geography; Babylonian
+       astrology and geography; Mathematical geography; Medieval
+       geography; Physical geography; Regional geography
+
+  Geometry, 127
+
+  Geomorphology, 62, 210, 213
+
+  Gerald of Barry. _See_ Giraldus Cambrensis
+
+  Gerard of Cremona, 79, 96, 97, 99, 246
+
+  Gerard of Sabbionetta, 400
+
+  Gerbert, 47, 48, 55, 65
+
+  Gerizim, Mount, 460, 461
+
+  Germany, description, 325
+
+  Gervase of Canterbury, 119
+
+  Gervase of Tilbury, 50, 104, 138, 151, 157, 170, 176, 189, 196, 213,
+     214, 215, 241, 270, 280, 298, 322;
+    on bottom of the sea, 198;
+    on Britain, 336;
+    on center of the earth, 259, 260;
+    on climatic influence on man, 180;
+    on the Dead Sea, 208;
+    on Ethiopia, 303;
+    on Etna, 311;
+    on France (southern), 333;
+    on India, 272;
+    on the Mediterranean, 307;
+    on mouths of Hell, 209, 225;
+    on mysterious cave, 161;
+    on the Nile, 305;
+    his Otia imperialia on regional geography, 256;
+    on qualities of land areas, 211, 230;
+    on rivers of Paradise, 211;
+    on sea above the atmosphere, 183;
+    on the Seres, 271;
+    on shape of the earth, 152;
+    on Sinai, 214;
+    on springs and wells, 185, 203;
+    on the terrestrial Paradise, 261, 262;
+    on volcanic features of Naples, 221;
+    on volcanoes, 226;
+    on winds, 171, 172, 175
+
+  Gesta Hammenburgensis, 112
+
+  Gesta regis Henrici Secundi, 228
+
+  Gesta regis Ricardi, 109, 433;
+    instructions for navigation in Mediterranean 308.
+    _See also_ Benedict of Peterborough
+
+  Geysers, 203, 204
+
+  Gihon, 72, 290, 304
+
+  Gilson, J. P., 461
+
+  Ginungagap, 147, 486
+
+  Giraldus Cambrensis (Gerald of Barry), 50, 119, 137, 159, 214, 241;
+    on climate of Ireland, 178, 180;
+    comparison of East and West, 174, 177, 211;
+    on course of rivers, 205, 206;
+    eye for local topography, 240;
+    on Iceland, Thule, Orkneys, Shetlands, 345;
+    on Ireland and Wales, 215, 216, 232, 233, 337;
+    on islands, 211, 229, 230;
+    on lakes, 207;
+    on marine phenomena, 196;
+    on precipitation, 170;
+    tidal studies, 194;
+    on volcanoes of Iceland, 222;
+    on wells and springs, 203
+
+  Glaciers, 219
+
+  Globe, 15
+
+  God, 53, 134, 135, 136
+
+  Godard, Léon, 474
+
+  Godefroy, F. E., 493
+
+  Godfrey of Viterbo, 119;
+    on Alsace, 332;
+    on Gog and Magog, 288, 471;
+    on the golden ball of empire, 159;
+    on Lombardy, 320;
+    on Paradise, 263;
+    on Sicily, 311.
+
+  Gog and Magog, 46, 50, 282;
+    Bible accounts, 72;
+    stories about, 287
+
+  Gold, 265, 275, 280, 281, 285, 316
+
+  Golden ball of empire, 159
+
+  Gollanda, 485, 487
+
+  Gondisalvi, Dominicus. _See_ Dominicus Gondisalvi
+
+  Gossouin of Metz, 105, 405
+
+  Grabmann, M., 401
+
+  Great Summer, 14
+
+  Great Winter, 14, 27
+
+  Great Years, 13, 52, 82;
+    duration, 14, 367;
+    theory, 14
+
+  Greece, 317, 318
+
+  Greek Fathers, 54
+
+  Greek geographers, 3, 4
+
+  Greek language, 44, 95;
+    translations from, 95, 398
+
+  Greek regional knowledge, 37
+
+  Green Sea, 281
+
+  Greenland, 76, 111, 257;
+    description, 347;
+    Norse settlements and voyages on the coast of, 486
+
+  Greenland Annals, 111
+
+  Gregory, Master, 321
+
+  Gregory of Nyssa, 30, 58, 60
+
+  Griffons, 272, 274, 280, 281
+
+  Grosseteste, Robert, 101, 147, 159, 262;
+    on the congregation of the waters, 187;
+    on the habitable parts of the earth, 163–165;
+    on mountains in polar regions, 179;
+    on oceans, 159;
+    on temperature of the air, 167;
+    theory of Creation, 144;
+    on the tides, 190
+
+  Ground water, 199
+
+  Grousset, René, 464
+
+  Guido’s encyclopedia, 49, 103, 104, 124, 125
+
+  Gundophorus, 275, 278, 286
+
+  Günther, Siegmund, 497
+
+  Gunther of Pairis, 108, 233;
+    on climatic influence of mountains, 178;
+    on Germany, 326;
+    on Italy, 180, 320;
+    on mountains, 217;
+    on northern Europe, 330
+
+  Gurganim, 290
+
+  Guy of Bazoches, 116, 311;
+    on Etna, 221;
+    on the Mediterranean, 310;
+    on nature, 237;
+    on Paris, 331
+
+  Gymnosophists, 274
+
+
+  Habitable regions, 17
+
+  Hades, 28
+
+  Ḥamd-Allāh Mustaufī, 446
+
+  Hardy, T. D., 382
+
+  Haskins, C. H., xx, 495
+
+  Hearth of the universe, 369
+
+  Heat, 23, 57
+
+  Heavens, blueness, 436
+
+  Hebrides, 344, 351
+
+  Hecataeus, 37
+
+  Hedin, Sven, 464
+
+  Heimskringla, 111, 448, 486
+
+  Hekla, 223, 225
+
+  Hell, 29, 62, 153, 209, 227;
+    cold hell, 225;
+    volcanoes as gates of, 225
+
+  Helluland, 76
+
+  Helmold, 328
+
+  Henry of Mayence, 124;
+    outline map, 245 (ill.), 251, 252
+
+  Heraclius, 287
+
+  Hercules, 275
+
+  Hercules, Pillars of, 26, 301
+
+  Hercynian Forest, 326
+
+  Hereford map, sections showing marvels of India, 276 (ill.), 277
+     (ill.)
+
+  Hermann of Reichenau, 55
+
+  Hermann the Dalmatian, 82, 83, 92, 95, 97, 168, 262
+
+  Hermits, 64
+
+  Herodotus, 30, 37
+
+  Herrad of Landsperg, 104
+
+  Herrmann, Albert, 464
+
+  Hesiod, 18
+
+  Hesperides, 350
+
+  Hibernia, 335
+
+  Hildegard of Bingen, 90, 148, 171, 396;
+    macrocosm, microcosm, and winds, 148, 149 (ill.);
+    microcosm, 436;
+    position of the earth, 151;
+    on the rivers of her country, 326;
+    on the shape of the earth, 152;
+    on soil and agriculture, 232;
+    theories on the structure of the earth, 423;
+    on the tides, 439;
+    on the waters above the firmament, 183;
+    on the waters of the lands, 201, 202;
+    on winds, 171
+
+  Himalayas, 273
+
+  Hindu religion, 82
+
+  Hindustan, 272
+
+  Hipparchus, 10, 15, 35, 38
+
+  Hippo, 300
+
+  Hirth, Friedrich, 464
+
+  Historia Norwegiae, 112, 223;
+    on Iceland, 346;
+    on polar seas, 348;
+    on use of skis, 329;
+    on volcanic upheaval off Iceland, 137
+
+  Historians of the Crusades, 109
+
+  Historical bibliographies, 491
+
+  Historical narratives, 107
+
+  History of geography, xix;
+    works on, 497
+
+  Hoffman, Rudolf, 379
+
+  Holy Ghost, 141
+
+  Holy Land, 51, 70, 176, 257;
+    guidebooks, 115;
+    histories, 109;
+    travel to, 293, 294
+
+  Homer, 18, 37
+
+  Honorius Inclusus, 103, 403
+
+  Honorius of Autun, 103, 403
+
+  Hornelen, 448
+
+  Horses, Arabian, 296
+
+  Hospitallers, 316
+
+  Hugh of Amiens, 418
+
+  Hugh of St. Victor, 90, 143, 144, 153, 184, 234
+
+  Hulna, 279
+
+  Human sacrifice, 329, 482
+
+  Humboldt, Alexander von, 497
+
+  Hungarians, 315
+
+  Hungary, 267, 268, 313;
+    description, 314;
+    France and, 316
+
+  Huns, 315
+
+  Hyde, W. W., 501
+
+  Hydrography on maps, 253
+
+  Hyères, Îles de, 333
+
+  Hyle, 140
+
+  Hyperboreans, 71, 179, 312
+
+  Hyrcania, 270, 281, 188
+
+
+  Ibn Ḥauqal, 77
+
+  Ibn Rushd (Averroës), 77, 85, 100, 420, 437
+
+  Ibn Sīnā (Avicenna), 77, 213, 446
+
+  Ibn Yūnūs, 395
+
+  Icebergs, 198
+
+  Iceland, 76, 111, 176, 345;
+    glaciers, 219;
+    in Icelandic literature, 346;
+    springs and wells, 203, 204;
+    volcanoes, 222
+
+  Icelandic Annals, 111, 349
+
+  Icelandic discovery of America, 391
+
+  Iconium, 296
+
+  Idrīsī, Al-. _See_ Edrisi
+
+  Image du monde, L’, 105, 151, 159, 189, 227, 241, 256;
+    on Mongibel, 220
+
+  Imagine mundi, De, 103, 151, 155, 157, 159, 171, 185, 188, 189, 227,
+     241, 307;
+    on Africa, 300;
+    on Asiatic mountains, 270;
+    on British Isles, 325;
+    on division of the earth, 259;
+    on Egypt, 298;
+    on fabulous isles of the Atlantic, 350;
+    on Germany, 325;
+    on Gog and Magog, 287;
+    on regional geography, 256;
+    on rivers of Paradise, 264;
+    on Saba in Ethiopia, 303;
+    on size of the earth, 155;
+    on size of mountains, 214;
+    on springs, 202;
+    on subdivisions of land areas, 211;
+    on tides, 441
+
+  Immobility of the earth, 15, 153
+
+  India, 24, 37, 42, 176, 263, 270;
+    broad meaning, 272;
+    Christians in, 114;
+    facts known about, 273;
+    legends of saints in, 74;
+    marvels, 274, 276 (ill.), 277 (ill.);
+    subdivisions, 272
+
+  Indian Ocean, 19, 37, 40, 279;
+    Al-Battānī on, 280;
+    islands, 280
+
+  Intellectual life, medieval, works on, 495
+
+  Interpretation of the Bible, 46;
+    symbolic, 206
+
+  Iran, 281
+
+  Ireland, 50, 119, 176, 178, 180, 335;
+    coast tides, 194;
+    Giraldus Cambrensis on, 337;
+    healthfulness, 212;
+    lakes, 207, 208;
+    properties of the soil, 212, 445;
+    rivers, 205, 336, 339;
+    topography, 240
+
+  Ireland the Great, 76
+
+  Irish, 338, 339
+
+  Isidore of Seville, 11, 48, 54, 56, 59, 60, 62, 241, 259, 305
+
+  Islandia, 346
+
+  Islands, fabulous, 350;
+    Indian Ocean, 280;
+    Mediterranean, 309;
+    miraculous, 230, 231;
+    origins, 229;
+    representation on maps, 335;
+    St. Brandan’s visits to, 230;
+    volcanic, 224;
+    of Western Ocean, 334
+
+  Islands of the Blessed, 28
+
+  Íslendingabók, 111, 346
+
+  Istakhrī, Al-, 77
+
+  Ister, 24
+
+  Italian traders, 293, 294, 295, 296, 299
+
+  Italians in Constantinople, 318
+
+  Italy, 180;
+    city states, 320;
+    description, 319, 478;
+    dialectic regions, 484;
+    northern, 319;
+    regional divisions, 479
+
+  Iter ad Paradisum, 113, 262
+
+  Ithaca, 309
+
+  Itineraries, 33
+
+
+  Jacques de Vitry, 105
+
+  Java, 42
+
+  Jenghiz Khan, 266, 284
+
+  Jerome, 58, 64, 73, 125
+
+  Jerusalem, 68, 110, 249;
+    as center of the oikoumene, 259;
+    Kingdom of, 294;
+    pilgrimages to, 117;
+    plans, 126, 250 (ill.)
+
+  Jews, 282;
+    in Arabia, 291;
+    in Baghdad, 290;
+    in Constantinople, 319;
+    travelers, 117
+
+  Joerg, W. L. G., xvi
+
+  John of Bremble, on mountains, 218
+
+  John of Holywood (Sacrobosco), 96, 97, 98, 241;
+    on the earth as the center of the universe, 151, 422 (diagr.);
+    on immobility of the earth, 154;
+    on shape of the earth, 152;
+    on size of the earth, 155, 426
+
+  John of India, Patriarch, 114, 272, 278
+
+  John of Pian de Carpine, 269
+
+  John of Salisbury, 136
+
+  John of Seville (Johannes Hispanensis, John of Luna), 96;
+    on climates, 243
+
+  John of Würzburg, 115
+
+  John Scot Erigena, 47, 48, 55
+
+  Jordanus of Severac, 373
+
+  Jornandes, 49
+
+  Josephus, 58
+
+  Jourdain, C. B., 496, 497
+
+  Judas, 225
+
+  Julius Valerius, 50
+
+  Jumna, 328
+
+  Jupiter Ammon, Temple of, 302
+
+
+  Kålund, K., 405
+
+  Karentet, 309
+
+  Karst, 27
+
+  Kelly, Matthew, 484
+
+  Keraits, 284
+
+  Kheibar, 291
+
+  Khorazmian Tables, 82, 95.
+    _See also_ Adelard of Bath
+
+  Khulam, 274
+
+  Khwārizmī, Al-, 78, 82, 86, 96, 244, 392, 394, 456
+
+  Kiev, 314, 477
+
+  King’s Mirror, 105, 347;
+    on volcanoes in Iceland, 223, 225
+
+  Kitāb ṣūrat-al-arḍ, 78
+
+  Knowledge, classification, 127, 129;
+    modern compared with medieval, 256
+
+  Known world. _See_ Oikoumene
+
+  Komans, 313, 314, 315
+
+  Konungs-Skuggsjá. _See_ King’s Mirror
+
+  Koran, 53, 73
+
+  Krachkovskii, ——, 389
+
+  Kretschmer, Konrad, xix, 500
+
+  Kufar-al-Turak, 282, 284
+
+  Kurland, 328
+
+
+  Lactantius Firmianus, 47, 54, 56
+
+  Lakes, 207;
+    in Ireland, 338
+
+  Lambert li Tors, 113
+
+  Lambert of St. Omer, 103, 155;
+    map, 124, 125, 158;
+    on sphericity of universe, 150;
+    on winds, 174;
+    on tides, 192
+
+  Lamprecht, 113
+
+  Land surface, representation on maps, 253
+
+  Landnámabók, 76, 111, 346, 486
+
+  Landogna, F., 479
+
+  Lands, 31, 62, 210;
+    classification of areas, 210;
+    deathless, 211;
+    distribution of waters and, 187;
+    effect on waters which spring from the land, 202;
+    qualitative and quantitative subdivisions, 210, 211;
+    theory of four masses, 18;
+    veins, cavities, and tunnels in, 27
+
+  Landscape, 63, 210
+
+  Langka, 86
+
+  Languages, 348;
+    kinship, 484
+
+  Laodicea, 295
+
+  Lapps, 329
+
+  La Roncière, C., xx, 81
+
+  Latin, medieval, 493
+
+  Latin writers, 11
+
+  Latino, Brunetto, 106, 186, 187
+
+  Latitude, 34, 85, 242, 244;
+    methods of finding, 244;
+    parallels of latitude and climata (with diagr.), 453–456;
+    phenomena resulting from differences in, 241
+
+  La Verna, 217
+
+  Legends, 49, 113
+
+  Leif Ericsson, 349
+
+  Lemannus, 325
+
+  Lentulus, 312
+
+  Leo Archipresbyter, 381, 412
+
+  Le Strange, Guy, 446
+
+  Letters of travel, 116
+
+  Levant, 177;
+    Occidental population in, 294;
+    trade, 293;
+    traders, 378
+
+  Level of the sea, 188
+
+  Liber de proprietatibus elementorum, 82, 83
+
+  Liber floridus, 103
+
+  Libya, 258, 292, 300
+
+  Light, function in the Creation, 143
+
+  Ligurinus, 108
+
+  Linguistic geography, 340, 484
+
+  Lipari Islands. _See_ Eolian Islands
+
+  Literal interpretation of the Bible, 46, 380
+
+  Liver Sea, 442
+
+  Llanthoni Abbey, 216
+
+  Location, 34, 85
+
+  Loegria, 336
+
+  Lombard, Peter, 91, 137, 140, 142, 143;
+    on Paradise, 261, 462
+
+  Lombards, 180, 232, 312, 320
+
+  Lombardy, 320, 332
+
+  London, 335, 336;
+    Fitzstephen’s account, 341
+
+  Longitude, 34, 85, 244;
+    methods of finding, 246;
+    prime meridian, 86
+
+  Lost Island, 351
+
+  Lost tribes, 282, 285, 288
+
+  Lot’s wife, 472
+
+  Lucidaire, 404
+
+  Lucidarius, 104
+
+  Lucius, Gratianus, 483
+
+  Lucydary, 404
+
+  Lynch, John, 483
+
+
+  Macarius, Saint, 263
+
+  McCartney, E. S., 367, 432
+
+  McGiffert, A. C., 383, 499
+
+  Macrobius, 9, 11, 16, 18, 44, 47, 66, 258;
+    on antipodeans, 160;
+    popularity, 366;
+    on southern limit of the oikoumene, 378;
+    on tides, 27
+
+  Macrocosm, 147;
+    microcosm and, 148, 149 (ill.)
+    _See also_ Microcosm
+
+  Madeira, 334
+
+  Maelstrom, 61
+
+  Maghreb, 301
+
+  Magi, 284
+
+  Magna Graecia, 319
+
+  Magonia, 58
+
+  Magyars, 316
+
+  Main (river), 326, 327
+
+  Malay Peninsula, 41, 280
+
+  Malaya, 280, 281
+
+  Man, Isle of, 335, 345
+
+  Manegold, 47
+
+  Manegold’s Contra Wolfelmum opusculum, 161
+
+  Mantichora, 277 (ill.), 468
+
+  Mantua, 311
+
+  Manuscripts, 493
+
+  Maps, 121;
+    Beatus, 68, 69 (ill.), 122, 123 (ill.);
+    character and value, 247;
+    conventions, 251;
+    details, 247–254;
+    distortion, 249;
+    early, 65;
+    early, classification, 389;
+    European points in medieval astronomical tables as compared with
+       actual position, 457 (with map);
+    exaggeration, 249;
+    inaccuracy, 247;
+    of Lambert, Guido, Henry of Mayence, etc., 124;
+    Macrobian, 66;
+    regional, 125;
+    Roman, 34, 36;
+    Sallust, 67 (ill.), 68, 121;
+    Scriptural effect on, 45;
+    symbols and legends, 252;
+    T-O maps, 66, 121;
+    technique, 251;
+    zone maps, 121, 122 (ill.).
+    _See also_ Cartography
+
+  Marbod of Rennes, on love of nature, 238
+
+  Marco Polo. _See_ Polo, Marco
+
+  Marine life, 309
+
+  Marinelli, G., 471
+
+  Marinus of Tyre, 10
+
+  Markland, 76, 350
+
+  Marquart, J., 478
+
+  Marr, N. I., 389
+
+  Marseilles, 308, 309, 333
+
+  Marseilles Tables, 96, 162, 244;
+    authorship, 456;
+    on determination of longitude, 246;
+    on habitability of equatorial region, 162;
+    map constructed from positions given in Paris MS. of, 245
+
+  Marvels, of Ethiopia, 303;
+    of India, 274, 276 (ill.), 277 (ill.)
+
+  Maslama-al-Majrīṭi, 95
+
+  Masson, Paul, 442
+
+  Masʿūdī, Al-, 50, 77
+
+  Materia, 141, 142, 144
+
+  Mathematical geography, 33, 65
+
+  Matter, preëxistence, 139;
+    orthodox view, 139;
+    rational view, 141
+
+  Matthew, Saint, 272
+
+  Matthew Paris, 125;
+    maps of Britain, 126, 342, 343 (ill.);
+    on the Tatars, 267
+
+  Maur, Raban, 48, 385
+
+  Mauretania, 300, 306
+
+  Mayence, 326
+
+  Mazdeus, 278
+
+  Mcerloba, M. J. K., 389
+
+  Mecca, 85, 297
+
+  Media, 288
+
+  Medieval geography, works on, 497
+
+  Medieval intellectual life, works on, 495
+
+  Medina, 295
+
+  Mediterranean Sea, 25, 37, 257;
+    commerce between northern and southern shores, 301;
+    during the Crusades, 307;
+    islands, 309;
+    length, 86, 307;
+    map of region constructed from position given in Paris MS. of
+       Marseilles Tables, also outline map of Henry of Mayence, 245;
+    name, 307;
+    names of parts, 475;
+    navigation, instructions, 308;
+    speed of journeys in, 476
+
+  Megasthenes, 24, 38
+
+  Meiryonidd (Merioneth), 215
+
+  Mela, Pomponius, 40
+
+  Meridian, prime, 86
+
+  Merioneth, 340
+
+  Meroë, 298, 305, 377
+
+  Merriman, R. B., 474
+
+  Meru, Mount, 86
+
+  Mesopotamia, 270, 288, 289, 294
+
+  Messina, 312
+
+  Meteorology, 21, 57, 166
+
+  Michael Scot, 99, 100, 138, 151, 183, 225;
+    on the Eolian Isles and Etna, 222;
+    on hot springs, 202
+
+  Michel, F., 487
+
+  Microcosm, 147, 148, 185;
+    macrocosm and, 148, 149 (ill.)
+
+  Middle Ages, 2;
+    geographical lore, works on, 496;
+    science, 43, 44;
+    writings, 88
+
+  Midgard, 147
+
+  Migne, J. P., 494
+
+  Milan, 320
+
+  Milford Haven, 195
+
+  Miller, Konrad, 121
+
+  Minutius Felix, Marcus, 24
+
+  Mirabilia urbis Romae, 321
+
+  Mirage, 311
+
+  Missions to the Mongols, 268, 269
+
+  Mistral, 173, 175, 180, 333
+
+  Mohammedans, 297
+
+  Mona, 214
+
+  Mongibel (Etna), 220, 311
+
+  Mongol conquests, 266
+
+  Mongol princes, 284
+
+  Mongols in Russia, 313
+
+  Monsoons, 24, 40
+
+  Monsters, 263, 274, 276 (ill.), 277 (ill.), 309, 329, 348;
+    in Ethiopia, 303;
+    lands of, 257
+
+  Mont St. Michel, 441
+
+  Moon and tides, 61, 84, 190
+
+  Morava-Maritsa valley, 317
+
+  Morgain, 311
+
+  Moritz, Bernhard, 472
+
+  Morocco, 302
+
+  Moselle, 326, 327
+
+  Moslems, 43;
+    contribution of, 77;
+    exploration and travel, 87
+
+  Mosquitoes, 296
+
+  Moule, A. C., 439, 442
+
+  Mountaineering, 220, 448, 501
+
+  Mountains, 30, 212;
+    Asia, great system, 270;
+    atmosphere of, 168, 178;
+    beauty, appreciation of, 215;
+    height, 32, 447;
+    influence on climate, 178;
+    medieval feeling about, 217;
+    miraculous qualities, 214;
+    mountain in the north of the earth, 152;
+    observation of phenomena, 215;
+    origin, 213;
+    in polar regions, 179;
+    religious attitude toward, 216;
+    representation on maps, 253;
+    saline, in the sea, 189;
+    size and height, 214
+
+  Mozambique Channel, 281
+
+  Munster, Ireland, miraculous spring, 203
+
+  Mysticism, 90, 237
+
+
+  Naples, 221, 322
+
+  Narbonnese, 333
+
+  Natural defenses, 233
+
+  Natural laws, 136
+
+  Nature, early Christian attitude toward, 64;
+    esthetic appreciation of, 63, 237;
+    feeling for, works on, 500;
+    medieval attitude toward, 64, 389;
+    practical interest in, 238;
+    spiritual feeling for, 235
+
+  Naval expedition in the Red Sea in twelfth century, 295
+
+  Navel of the earth, 260, 461
+
+  Navigation, 81, 246, 248;
+    speed of travel, 308, 476
+
+  Neagh, Lough, 208
+
+  Nearchus, 26, 38
+
+  Neckam, Alexander, 93, 138, 228, 232, 264;
+    on Britain, 336;
+    on springs, 204;
+    on the tides, 193;
+    on volcanoes, 226;
+    on the waters, 186, 188, 189
+
+  Neoplatonism, 47
+
+  Nestorian Christianity in Asia, 269, 275, 284
+
+  New Compendium, 116
+
+  Nicaea, 296
+
+  Nicholas, Abbot, 405
+
+  Niger, 41, 304, 305
+
+  Nikulás Bergsson of Thverá, 115, 405
+
+  Nile, 24, 41, 71, 298, 300;
+    flood, 30, 60, 206, 300;
+    sources, 304
+
+  Nilometer, 300
+
+  Nineveh, 289
+
+  Noah, 170
+
+  Normans in Sicily, 79, 81
+
+  Norsemen and America, 76
+
+  Northmen, 51, 70, 75
+
+  Norway, 112, 328, 329
+
+  Notes, 365
+
+  Nous, 146, 156
+
+  Nuchul, 305, 306
+
+
+  Oblong circle, 153
+
+  Observation, 84;
+    geography of, 255;
+    of mountains, 215
+
+  Occident, climate, 177;
+    Orient compared with, by Giraldus Cambrensis, 211
+
+  Ocean, 24;
+    bottom, 198;
+    circulation, 25;
+    encircling the earth, 18;
+    relative areas of land and sea, 187;
+    saltness, 189;
+    as source of the waters of the land, 200;
+    uniform level, explanation, 188.
+    _See also_ Sea
+
+  Ocean currents, 173, 192
+
+  Oceanus Britannicus, 335
+
+  Oder, 327
+
+  Odin, 147
+
+  Odjein, 86
+
+  Odo, 279
+
+  Oikoumene, 18, 187;
+    astronomical geography of, 241;
+    center, 259;
+    extent, 19;
+    limit, 39, 41, 377;
+    three parts—Asia, Libya, and Europe, 258;
+    as a whole, 257
+
+  Old Compendium, 116
+
+  Old Man of the Mountain, 298
+
+  Olympus, Mount, 168, 204, 214
+
+  Ophir, 275
+
+  Ordericus Vitalis, 272, 278, 350
+
+  Orient, 238;
+    climate, 177;
+    ideas transmitted to the West, 82;
+    Occident compared with, by Giraldus Cambrensis, 211
+
+  Origen, 52
+
+  Original sources, collections, 493
+
+  Orkneys, 335, 344, 345
+
+  Orosius, 44, 48, 66, 103, 258, 259, 483;
+    on the Nile, 304, 305
+
+  Orthodox works, 137
+
+  Oscorus, 282
+
+  Osma Beatus map, 123 (with ill.)
+
+  Ostrogard, 477
+
+  Otia imperialia, 104, 256
+
+  Otto of Freising, 107, 262, 325;
+    on the Alps and Apennines, 323;
+    on Babylon and Cairo, 289;
+    on France, 331;
+    on Germany, 326;
+    on Gog and Magog, 287–288;
+    on Hungary, 315;
+    on the influence of climate on man, 180;
+    on the influence of environment on man, 232;
+    on Italy, 180, 319;
+    on a certain John of the Far East, 283;
+    on mountains, 217;
+    on the mutability of things, 234;
+    practical interest in nature, 239
+
+  Oxus, 282, 290
+
+
+  Paetow, L. J., 492
+
+  Paleography, 493
+
+  Palestine, 270;
+    exaggeration on maps, 249.
+    _See also_ Holy Land
+
+  Palingenesis, 13, 51
+
+  Pannonia, 314, 323
+
+  Pappas, Nicholas, 198
+
+  Paradise, 42, 45, 63, 71, 261, 352;
+    journeys to, 263;
+    location, 261;
+    rivers of, 28, 72, 185, 205, 264;
+    types of legends of, 463
+
+  Paraskévopoulos, J. S., 373
+
+  Paris, description, 331
+
+  Paris, Matthew. _See_ Matthew Paris
+
+  Parmenides, 17
+
+  Parthia, 270, 288
+
+  Partholan, 338
+
+  Pasquali, Giorgio, 374
+
+  Patrick, Saint, 212
+
+  Patristic literature, 44, 46.
+    _See also_ Church Fathers
+
+  Patroclus, 38
+
+  Paul the Deacon, 61
+
+  Pausanius, 271
+
+  Peeters, Paul, 389
+
+  Pelion, 33
+
+  Pelliot, Paul, 465
+
+  Pentapolis, 300
+
+  Perdita, 351
+
+  Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, 40, 271
+
+  Persia, 37, 267, 272, 288
+
+  Persian Gulf, 279, 281
+
+  Peschel, Oscar, 497
+
+  Petachia of Ratisbon, 117, 118, 289;
+    on Slavic Europe, 314
+
+  Petchenegs, 313, 314, 315
+
+  Peter Abelard. _See_ Abelard, Peter
+
+  Peter Alphonsi. _See_ Alphonsi, Peter
+
+  Peter Comestor. _See_ Comestor, Peter
+
+  Peter Lombard. _See_ Lombard, Peter
+
+  Peter of St. Cloud, 113
+
+  Petrarch’s ascent of Mont Ventoux, 212
+
+  Peutinger Table, 35
+
+  Philip, Master, 286
+
+  Phillips, W. R., 379
+
+  Philolaus, 369
+
+  Philosophy, 89, 91, 127
+
+  Physical geography, 19, 57, 89;
+    works on, 500
+
+  Pian de Carpine. _See_ John of Pian de Carpine
+
+  Pilgrim narratives, 71, 115
+
+  Pilgrims, 51, 212
+
+  Pillar of salt, 472
+
+  Pillars of Hercules, 26, 301
+
+  Piracy, 310, 330
+
+  Pisa, 479
+
+  Pison, 72, 273, 279
+
+  Planisphere, 377
+
+  Plano Carpini. _See_ John of Pian de Carpine
+
+  Plato, 9;
+    on cosmic cycles, 13;
+    on earthquakes and volcanoes, 32;
+    on interior of the earth, 29, 32;
+    on sphericity of the earth, 15
+
+  Plato of Tivoli, 96, 162.
+    _See also_ Battānī, Al-
+
+  Platonism, 51, 135
+
+  Pliny the Elder, 11, 15, 16, 20, 23, 24, 25–27, 31, 35, 40, 41, 220,
+     377;
+    popularity, 365
+
+  Po, 319
+
+  Poisons, 212, 310, 338
+
+  Poland, 233, 267, 313, 314, 315
+
+  Polar caps, 156, 157
+
+  Polar regions, Grosseteste on, 165;
+    influence of mountains on climate, 179
+
+  Polar seas, 348
+
+  Polo, Marco, 269, 270, 272, 284
+
+  Polo, Nicolo and Maffeo, 269
+
+  Polybius, 10
+
+  Pomeranians, 328
+
+  Pontianum (pontias), 175
+
+  Popularization of knowledge, 105
+
+  Porus, 287
+
+  Posidonius, 10, 16, 26, 33, 373
+
+  Pozzuoli, 209, 211, 221, 225
+
+  Precession of the equinoxes, 83, 164
+
+  Precipitation, 169
+
+  Prester John, 74, 265, 269;
+    alliance desired by Western powers, 286;
+    court, 286;
+    on the desert, 229;
+    on the Fountain of Youth, 204;
+    kingdom, 283;
+    kingdom as described in his Letter, 285;
+    legend, origins, 283;
+    Letter, 114, 271, 272;
+    palace, 278, 286
+
+  Priscian, 49
+
+  Procopius, 73
+
+  Prodigies, 228
+
+  Proprietatibus elementorum, Liber de, 83
+
+  Proserpina, 311
+
+  Provençaux, 334
+
+  Provence, 333
+
+  Prussians, 328
+
+  Psellos, Michael, 378
+
+  Pseudo-Abdias, 379
+
+  Pseudo-Callisthenes, 49, 73, 113
+
+  Pseudo-Methodius, 50, 73
+
+  Ptolemy, Claudius, 10, 15, 16, 35, 36, 77;
+    Africa on his map, 41;
+    “Almagest,” influence of, 78;
+    “Geography,” 10, 19, 34;
+    “Geography,” influence of, 48, 78;
+    parallels and climates, 242, 453–456 (with diagr.)
+
+  Pumice, 222
+
+  Purgatory, Mount of, 463
+
+  Putrid Sea, 314
+
+  Pygmies, 274, 317
+
+  Pyramids of light rays, 163, 164, 191
+
+  Pyrenean Alps, 319, 323
+
+  Pythagoreans, 9, 15
+
+  Pytheas of Marseilles, 26, 39
+
+
+  Quadrivium, 127
+
+  Quilon, 274
+
+
+  Raban Maur, 48, 385
+
+  Raeburn, H., 448
+
+  Ragewin (Rahewin), 108, 233, 325;
+    on northern Europe, 330;
+    on Poland, 313
+
+  Rainfall, 169
+
+  Rainmaking, 203
+
+  Ratisbon, 325
+
+  Ravenelle, 317
+
+  Ravenna, 251
+
+  Ravenna geographer, 49, 124
+
+  Raymond of Marseilles. _See_ Marseilles Tables
+
+  Rays of light, 163, 164, 191
+
+  Red Sea, 279, 281, 289;
+    naval expedition in twelfth century, 295
+
+  Redemptorists, 302
+
+  Regional geography, 36, 255;
+    ancient limits on the south and east, 41;
+    expansion of Greek, 37;
+    Hellenistic, 39;
+    medieval, 70, 255–352;
+    regions grouped as known, little-known, or unknown, 257;
+    works on, 501
+
+  Regional maps, 125
+
+  Reinhardt, Karl, 365
+
+  Remy of Auxerre, 48
+
+  Renaissance, 293
+
+  Renan, E., 487
+
+  Reykyanes, Cape, 223
+
+  Rhaetia, 325
+
+  Rhine, 326, 327, 331, 332
+
+  Rhipaean Mountains, 242, 312, 329
+
+  Rhodes, 310
+
+  Rhone, 333
+
+  Richard Coeur-de-Lion, 109, 110, 308, 322
+
+  Richard of St. Victor, 190
+
+  Rivers, 27;
+    connection between seas and, 185;
+    Hildegard on, 326;
+    origin, 29;
+    peculiarities, 206;
+    representation on maps, 253;
+    source, 205;
+    underworld, 28
+
+  Rivers of Paradise, 28, 72, 185, 205, 264
+
+  Robert de Clari, 110, 313
+
+  Robert Grosseteste. _See_ Grosseteste, Robert
+
+  Robert of Retines, 92, 97
+
+  Robinson, G. W., xxi
+
+  Rochemelon, 448
+
+  Rockall, 487
+
+  Rockhill, W. W., 464
+
+  Roger of Hereford, 97
+
+  Roger of Hoveden, 109;
+    on coasts of Iberian Peninsula, 322;
+    on the Mediterranean, 308
+
+  Roger II, 79, 80, 198
+
+  Roland and Oliver, 311
+
+  Rolls Series, 494
+
+  Roman de toute chevalerie, 412
+
+  Romance of Alexander. _See_ Alexander the Great
+
+  Rome, 479;
+    anonymous guide, 121;
+    climate, 180;
+    decay, 321;
+    Mirabilia urbis Romae, 321;
+    wonders in, 321
+
+  Roncaglia, 324
+
+  Rubruck. _See_ William of Rubruck
+
+  Rudolf of Hohen-Ems, 274
+
+  Rupert of Deutz, on origin of mountains, 213
+
+  Russia, 87, 118, 176, 257, 267;
+    northern, 312;
+    southern, 313
+
+
+  Saba, 291, 303
+
+  Sacrobosco. _See_ John of Holywood
+
+  Saewulf, 115, 260
+
+  Sagas, 51, 110, 346
+
+  St. Bernard Pass, 218, 324
+
+  St. Rhémy, 218
+
+  St. Sever Beatus map, 68, 69 (ill.)
+
+  Saints’ Land of Promise, 231, 262, 351, 352
+
+  Salamander, 285
+
+  Salimbene, Fra, 448
+
+  Saline mountains in the sea, 25, 189
+
+  Sallust maps, 67 (ill.), 68, 121
+
+  Salt, 25;
+    African, 302
+
+  Saltness of the ocean, 189
+
+  Samarkand, 282, 290
+
+  Samland, 328
+
+  Sanaa, 291
+
+  Sandaruk, 275
+
+  Sandy Sea, 229, 285
+
+  Sanjar, 282
+
+  Santa Quaranta, 309
+
+  Saracens, 287, 294, 297, 312
+
+  Sarandib, 281
+
+  Sardinia, 308, 310, 319
+
+  Sargasso Sea, 442
+
+  Saxo Grammaticus, 112, 203;
+    on farther Biarmaland, 348;
+    on northern Europe, 327, 328, 329;
+    on the geysers of Iceland, 204;
+    on the glaciers of Iceland, 219;
+    on the volcanoes of Iceland, 223
+
+  Saxony, 327
+
+  Scandia, 328
+
+  Scandinavia, 39, 106, 257, 327, 328;
+    historical works, 110;
+    Latin histories, 111
+
+  Scenery, 63;
+    appreciation, 215, 235;
+    Guy of Bazoches and, 237
+
+  Schechter, S., 471
+
+  Schmidlin, I., 452
+
+  Schneid, M., 383
+
+  Schneider, A., 401, 418
+
+  Science, 43;
+    bibliographies of the history of, 492;
+    character, 134;
+    medieval, 128;
+    stagnation in early Middle Ages, 44
+
+  Scilly Isles, 335
+
+  Scot. _See_ John Scot Erigena
+
+  Scot, Michael. _See_ Michael Scot
+
+  Scotia, 335, 336
+
+  Scotland, 335, 336, 344
+
+  Scriptures, 43.
+    _See also_ Bible
+
+  Scylla and Charybdis, 311
+
+  Scythia, 37, 49, 270, 281
+
+  Scythian Sea, 330
+
+  Sea, 25;
+    above the atmosphere, 183;
+    connection between seas and rivers, 185;
+    depth, 25;
+    influence on climate, 178;
+    physical geography of, 61;
+    recessions, 196;
+    saltness, 25;
+    speed of medieval travel by sea, 308, 476;
+    sphericity, 369.
+    _See also_ Ocean
+
+  Secondary works, 495
+
+  Seh, 327
+
+  Seine, 186, 193, 331
+
+  Seneca, 11, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 26, 30, 174;
+    popularity, 366
+
+  Sententiae of Peter Lombard, 91
+
+  Septimer Pass, 324
+
+  Seres, 39;
+    land of the, 270, 271
+
+  Serica, 40
+
+  Serpents, 310, 335, 345
+
+  Servi, 317
+
+  Seth, son of Adam, 263
+
+  Seven liberal arts, 127
+
+  Seven wonders of the world, 321
+
+  Severian of Gabala, 54, 234
+
+  Shannon, 205, 339
+
+  Sheba, 290, 291
+
+  Sheba, Queen of, 291, 303
+
+  Shetlands, 345
+
+  Siberia, 290
+
+  Sic et non, 91
+
+  Sicades, 333
+
+  Sicilo-Moslem geography, 81
+
+  Sicily, 226, 303, 310, 319, 322;
+    description, 311;
+    geography in, 79;
+    volcanic regions, 221
+
+  Sigurd the Crusader, 111
+
+  Silk, 271
+
+  Silkworms, 271, 285
+
+  Simar, T., 306
+
+  Simoom, 175
+
+  Sinae, 271
+
+  Sinai, Mount, 214, 291
+
+  Singer, Charles, xxi, 423
+
+  Sinus Codanus, 40
+
+  Situ terrarum, De, 259, 262, 405
+
+  Six Days, nature of, 144.
+    _See also_ Works of the Six Days
+
+  Ski-runner, 482
+
+  Skiapodes, 157, 254, 274, 275, 276 (ill.)
+
+  Skis, 329, 482
+
+  Skraelings, 349
+
+  Skridfinns, 329
+
+  Sky, blueness, 436
+
+  Slavonia, 328
+
+  Smalserhorn, 448
+
+  Smith, J. R., 375
+
+  Snorri Sturluson, 111, 448.
+    _See also_ Heimskringla
+
+  Snow, 167, 214
+
+  Snowdon, Mount, 208, 215, 340, 344;
+    floating island in a lake on, 230
+
+  Soil and agriculture, 232
+
+  Solinus, 11, 44, 241, 337;
+    interpolation in, 176
+
+  Sources, collections of original, 493;
+    secondary, 495
+
+  Southern hemisphere, 164
+
+  Spain, 322;
+    Christian and Saracenic, 322
+
+  Speculum mundi, 405
+
+  Sphericity of the earth, 15, 54, 152, 158, 383, 384, 425
+
+  Sphericity of the universe, 150
+
+  Spirit of God, 141
+
+  Spitsbergen, 349
+
+  Springs, 199, 374–375;
+    hot, 202, 221;
+    miraculous, 203;
+    in Munster, Ireland, 203
+
+  Stade, 16, 33
+
+  Staffordshire, 205
+
+  Stagnation, scientific, 44
+
+  Stars, 51, 52
+
+  Stoechades, 333
+
+  Storms. _See_ Winds
+
+  Strabo, 10, 40
+
+  Strasburg, 333
+
+  Striguus, 316
+
+  Stromboli, 222
+
+  Stubbs, William, 469
+
+  Sturluson, Snorri. _See_ Snorri Sturluson
+
+  Submarine eruption, 223
+
+  Subterranean channels, 27, 264
+
+  Sucades, 333
+
+  Sugar, 296
+
+  Sullivan, R. J., 446
+
+  Sulphur, 202, 222, 226
+
+  Sulpicius Severus, 214
+
+  Sumatra, 280
+
+  Summa philosophiae, 408
+
+  Sur (Tyre), 296
+
+  Svalbard, 349, 486
+
+  Svantevith, 328
+
+  Swabia, 325
+
+  Sweat of the earth, 199
+
+  Sweden, 328, 329
+
+  Syene, 298
+
+  Sylvester, Bernard. _See_ Bernard Sylvester
+
+  Sylvester II, 47
+
+  Symbolic interpretation, 206
+
+  Symbols on maps, 252
+
+  Syria, 292, 294, 296;
+    European occupation, 294
+
+  Syrtes, 301
+
+  Systems, 129
+
+
+  Tabula Peutingeriana, 35
+
+  Tanai, 291
+
+  Tanaïs (Don), 71, 312
+
+  Tangier (Tingi), 301
+
+  Taormina, 311
+
+  Taprobane, 38, 280, 310
+
+  Tartarus, 28
+
+  Tatars, 267
+
+  Taylor, H. O., 416, 495
+
+  Teima, 291
+
+  Temperature, 23, 57
+
+  Templars, 316
+
+  Temujin, 266
+
+  Tenedos, 310
+
+  Terrestrial degree, measurement, 85
+
+  Terrestrial geography, works on, 499
+
+  Terrestrial Paradise, 63, 261.
+    _See also_ Eden; Paradise
+
+  Tertullian, 46
+
+  Thames, 344
+
+  Thanet, 335, 342
+
+  Thebes, Egypt, 298
+
+  Theoderic (pilgrim), 115
+
+  Theodoric (Thierry) of Chartres, 91, 92, 93, 134, 135, 182;
+    on immobility of the earth, 154;
+    on precipitation, 169;
+    theory of Creation, 139, 141, 144
+
+  Theodosia, 312
+
+  Theodricus monachus, 346, 412
+
+  Theology, 89
+
+  Thessalonica, 317
+
+  Thina, 40
+
+  Thinae, 271
+
+  Thomas, Saint, 272;
+    Church of, in India, 279;
+    in India, 74;
+    preaching in India, 275
+
+  Thomas Aquinas, 91
+
+  Thomas of Cantimpré, 408
+
+  Thompson, E. M., 493
+
+  Thule, 39, 75, 176, 211, 241, 335, 345
+
+  Tibet, 282, 290
+
+  Tibiariae, 281
+
+  Tides, 21, 25, 26, 61, 173;
+    Adelard of Bath on, 192, 439–440;
+    astrological and physical theories, 190;
+    British and Irish coasts, 194;
+    Chinese knowledge, 439;
+    Giraldus Cambrensis’ studies, 194;
+    moon and, 190;
+    Moslem theories, 84;
+    terrestrial causation, 192
+
+  Tigris, 72, 265, 284, 288, 289, 290, 294
+
+  Tilmas, 291
+
+  T-O maps, 66, 121, 259;
+    types, 67 (ills.)
+
+  Togarmim, 290
+
+  Toledo, 322
+
+  Toledo Tables, 79, 96, 242, 244, 392, 394, 400
+
+  Topography, influence on climate, 177;
+    local, 240;
+    as a natural defense, 233;
+    works on, 118
+
+  Tortona, 323
+
+  Tractatus excerptionum, 405.
+    _See also_ Situ terrarum, De
+
+  Tradition, 270;
+    geography of, 255
+
+  Transalpine, term, 324
+
+  Translations from the Arabic, 95
+
+  Translations from the Greek, 95, 398
+
+  Transmutation, 29, 30, 60
+
+  Transposition of land and sea, 83
+
+  Travelers, 116, 292;
+    Jewish, 117, 289
+
+  Travels, 269;
+    books of, 50;
+    letters of, 116
+
+  Trees of the sun and moon, 275
+
+  Triangulation, 33
+
+  Triffar, 309
+
+  Tripartite division, 258
+
+  Tripolis, 300
+
+  Trivium, 127
+
+  Troglodytes, 304
+
+  Tudela, 117
+
+  Tunis, 301, 302
+
+  Turegum (Zurich), 325
+
+  Turkestan, 267, 282
+
+  Twelfth-century renaissance, 1
+
+  Typhoons, 272
+
+
+  Ukraine, 313, 314
+
+  Ultima Tile, 346
+
+  Underground waters, 27, 28
+
+  Underworld rivers, 28
+
+  Universe, 12;
+    Bible opposed to theory of an eternal, 51;
+    eternity, 145;
+    history, 51;
+    sphericity, 150
+
+  Upsala, 329
+
+  Urals, 312
+
+
+  Vapor, 166, 168, 169, 172, 185, 191, 202
+
+  Venetian traders, 295
+
+  Ventoux, Mont, 212
+
+  Vesuvius, Mount, 220, 221, 322
+
+  Viedebantt, Oscar, 371
+
+  Vignaud, Henry, 459
+
+  Vikings, 110
+
+  Vincent of Beauvais, 106, 405–406
+
+  Virgil, 221
+
+  Virgil, bishop of Salzburg, 57, 386
+
+  Virginum, Mons, 221
+
+  Vitruvius, 16
+
+  Vivaldi, Fulberto, 448
+
+  Vivien de St. Martin, Louis, 497
+
+  Volcanic islands, 224
+
+  Volcanoes, 21, 62, 137;
+    causes, 31;
+    as gates of Hell, 225;
+    Iceland, 222;
+    regions of, in Italy and Sicily, 220;
+    visits to, 220
+
+  Voyages, 70
+
+  Vulcanism, causes, 225
+
+  Vulcano, 222
+
+
+  Wales, 120, 179, 195, 344;
+    description, 340;
+    Giraldus Cambrensis on, 337, 340;
+    lakes, 207;
+    landscape, 216;
+    local topography, 240;
+    marine encroachments, 196–197;
+    mountains, 215;
+    natural defensibility, 233;
+    rivers, 206, 340
+
+  Walter of Châtillon (of Lille), 108, 113;
+    on a mountain view, 216
+
+  Walter of Metz, 105, 405
+
+  Warner, G. F., 461
+
+  Waters, 20, 21, 24;
+    above the firmament, 58, 182;
+    congregation of, 59, 184, 188;
+    distribution of land and, 187;
+    distribution on the earth, 437;
+    earth upon the waters, 60, 186;
+    effect of land on waters which spring from it, 202;
+    of the lands, 199;
+    purpose of waters above the firmament, 184;
+    qualities of waters of the lands, 201, 202
+
+  Wells, 199;
+    miraculous, 203
+
+  Welsh, 340
+
+  Welsh language, 340
+
+  Wensinck, A. I., 460
+
+  Werner, Karl, 499
+
+  West. _See_ Occident
+
+  Western Ocean, 25, 257;
+    islands, 334.
+    _See also_ Atlantic Ocean
+
+  Westward flow of civilization, 233, 235
+
+  Whirlpools, 194, 348, 349, 388
+
+  White-men’s-land, 76
+
+  Wicklow, 195, 206
+
+  William of Auvergne, 101, 138, 145, 183
+
+  William of Conches, 93, 135, 136, 151, 157, 158, 160, 185, 189, 214,
+     227;
+    on the atmosphere, 166;
+    on atmospheric circulation, 172;
+    on climates, 177;
+    on climatic influence of mountains, 178;
+    on clouds, 168;
+    on elements, 418;
+    on eternity of universe, 145;
+    on floods, 170;
+    on ground water, 199;
+    on precipitation, 169;
+    rationalism, 136;
+    on shape of the earth, 152;
+    on springs and wells, 202;
+    theory of Creation, 141, 142;
+    on tides, 192;
+    on the waters, 182;
+    on winds, 171, 172, 173, 174
+
+  William of Malmsbury, 469
+
+  William of Rubruck, 269
+
+  William of Tyre, 109;
+    on Alexandria, 299;
+    on the Assassins, 298;
+    on the desert, 228;
+    on Egypt, 299, 300;
+    on the simoom, 175;
+    on Western Asia, 296, 297
+
+  William the Breton, 108, 417;
+    on French landscapes, 483;
+    on the tides, 193, 441
+
+  Winchester, 336
+
+  Wind blowers, 252
+
+  Wind-blown horns, 221
+
+  Winds, 22, 32, 171;
+    cause, 172;
+    local, 175;
+    names, 173;
+    qualities, 174;
+    supernatural production, 171, 433
+
+  Wineland, 76;
+    position, 349
+
+  Wolfelm of Cologne, 161
+
+  Woman, 143
+
+  Wonders of the world, 321
+
+  Wood, G. A., 469
+
+  Works of the Six Days, 53, 134, 135, 137;
+    medieval discussions of, 138
+
+  World, medieval conception, 71
+
+  World center, 259.
+    _See also_ Arin; Jerusalem
+
+  World Soul, 16, 141, 231, 419
+
+  Worms region, 326
+
+  Writings, Middle Age, 88
+
+
+  Xenophon, 38
+
+
+  Ydonus, 273
+
+  Yemen, 290, 291
+
+  Ymer, 147
+
+  Youth, Fountain of, 204, 285
+
+
+  Zachary, Pope, 57
+
+  Zanzibar, 87
+
+  Zarqalī, Az-, 79, 86, 96, 245
+
+  Zemarchus, 50
+
+  Zephyr, 173, 174
+
+  Zin, 272
+
+  Zion, Mount, 260, 463
+
+  Zone maps, 121, 122 (ill.)
+
+  Zones, 17, 23, 55, 156, 157
+
+  Zurich, 325
+
+
+
+
+                                 ERRATA
+
+
+   p.  71, line 13: _for_ Tanais _read_ Tanaïs.
+
+   p. 112, line 8: for _Hamm-burgensis_ read _Hammenburgensis_.
+
+   p. 242, line 7: _for_ Borysthenes Dnieper _read_ Borysthenes
+             (Dnieper).
+
+   p. 273, line 16 from bottom: _for_ “Pison” _read_ “Phison.”
+
+   p. 509, line 16: for _Michael Scot, 1921–1922_, read _Michael Scot_,
+             1921–1922.
+
+   p. 516, line 21: _for_ Giordano _read_ Giordano Carlo.
+
+  The titles of Hugh of St. Victor’s _De arca Noë mystica_ and _De arca
+  Noe morali_ are thus spelled in Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxvi (not
+  _De archa_, etc., as throughout the present volume).
+
+------------------------------------------------------------------------
+
+
+
+
+                           TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
+
+
+  ● Fixed typos; non-standard spelling and dialect retained.
+  ● Corrected Errata.
+  ● Renumbered footnotes.
+  ● Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78333 ***
diff --git a/78333-h/78333-h.htm b/78333-h/78333-h.htm
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5041997
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/78333-h.htm
@@ -0,0 +1,33844 @@
+<!DOCTYPE html>
+<html lang="en">
+  <head>
+    <meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1">
+    <meta charset="UTF-8">
+    <title>Geographical Lore of the Time of the Crusades | Project Gutenberg</title>
+    <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover">
+    <style>
+       body { margin-left: 8%; margin-right: 10%; }
+       h1 { text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: xx-large; }
+       h2 { text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: x-large; }
+       h3 { text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: large; }
+       h4 { text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: 1.0em; }
+       h5 { text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: small; }
+       h6 { text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: small; }
+       .pageno { right: 1%; font-size: x-small; background-color: inherit; color: silver; 
+               text-indent: 0em; text-align: right; position: absolute; 
+               border: thin solid silver; padding: .1em .2em; font-style: normal; 
+               font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; }
+       p { text-indent: 0; margin-top: 0.5em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; text-align: justify; }
+       sup { vertical-align: top; font-size: 0.6em; }
+       .fss { font-size: 75%; }
+       .sc { font-variant: small-caps; }
+       .large { font-size: large; }
+       .xlarge { font-size: x-large; }
+       .small { font-size: small; }
+       .lg-container-b { text-align: center; }
+       .x-ebookmaker .lg-container-b { clear: both; }
+       .linegroup { display: inline-block; text-align: justify; }
+       .x-ebookmaker .linegroup { display: block; margin-left: 1.5em; }
+       .linegroup .group { margin: 1em auto; }
+       .linegroup .line { text-indent: -3em; padding-left: 3em; }
+       div.linegroup > :first-child { margin-top: 0; }
+       .linegroup .in12 { padding-left: 9.0em; }
+       .linegroup .in16 { padding-left: 11.0em; }
+       .linegroup .in2 { padding-left: 4.0em; }
+       .linegroup .in20 { padding-left: 13.0em; }
+       .linegroup .in24 { padding-left: 15.0em; }
+       .linegroup .in32 { padding-left: 19.0em; }
+       .linegroup .in4 { padding-left: 5.0em; }
+       .linegroup .in44 { padding-left: 25.0em; }
+       .linegroup .in6 { padding-left: 6.0em; }
+       .linegroup .in8 { padding-left: 7.0em; }
+       .index li {text-indent: -1em; padding-left: 1em; }
+       .index ul {list-style-type: none;  padding-left: 0; }
+       ul.index  {list-style-type: none;  padding-left: 0; }
+       .dl_1 dd { text-align: justify; padding-top: .5em; padding-left: .5em;
+               margin-left: 5.2em; text-indent: -1em; }
+       .dl_1 dt { float: left; clear: left; text-align: right; width: 4.0em;
+               padding-top: .5em; padding-right: .5em; }
+       .ul_1 li {padding-left: 1em; text-indent: -1em; }
+       .x-ebookmaker  .dl_1 dt { float: left; clear: left; text-align: right;
+               width: 4.0em; padding-top: .5em; padding-right: .5em; } 
+       dl.dl_1 {margin-left: 2.78%;  margin-top: .5em; margin-bottom: .5em; }
+       ul.ul_1 {padding-left: 0; margin-left: 5.56%; margin-top: .5em;
+               margin-bottom: .5em; list-style-type: disc; }
+       div.footnote > :first-child { margin-top: 1em; }
+       div.footnote p { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: 0.25em; margin-bottom: 0.25em; }
+       div.pbb { page-break-before: always; }
+       hr.pb { border: none; border-bottom: thin solid; margin-bottom: 1em; }
+       .x-ebookmaker hr.pb { display: none; }
+       .chapter { clear: both; page-break-before: always; }
+       .figcenter { clear: both; max-width: 100%; margin: 2em auto; text-align: center; }
+       div.figcenter p { text-align: center; text-indent: 0; }
+       .figcenter img { max-width: 100%; height: auto; }
+       .id001 { width:10%; }
+       .id002 { width:50%; }
+       .id003 { width:80%; }
+       .x-ebookmaker  .id001 { margin-left:45%; width:10%; }
+       .x-ebookmaker  .id002 { margin-left:25%; width:50%; }
+       .x-ebookmaker  .id003 { margin-left:10%; width:80%; }
+       .ic002 { width:100%; } 
+       div.ic002 p { text-align:justify; } 
+       .ig001 { width:100%; } 
+       .table0 { margin: auto; margin-top: 2em; }
+       .bbt { border-bottom: thin solid; }
+       .nf-center { text-align: center; }
+       .nf-center-c0 { text-align: justify; margin: 0.5em 0; }
+       .c000 { margin-top: 0.5em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; }
+       .c001 { margin-top: 4em; }
+       .c002 { margin-top: 1em; }
+       .c003 { page-break-before: always; margin-top: 4em; }
+       .c004 { margin-top: 2em; }
+       .c005 { page-break-before:auto; margin-top: 4em; }
+       .c006 { vertical-align: top; text-align: right; padding-right: 1em; }
+       .c007 { vertical-align: top; text-align: justify; text-indent: -1em;
+               padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em; }
+       .c008 { vertical-align: bottom; text-align: right; }
+       .c009 { text-align: center; }
+       .c010 { margin-top: 2em; text-indent: 1em; margin-bottom: 0.25em; }
+       .c011 { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: 0.25em; margin-bottom: 0.25em; }
+       .c012 { page-break-before: always; margin-top: 2em; }
+       .c013 { margin-top: 1em; text-indent: 1em; margin-bottom: 0.25em; }
+       .c014 { page-break-before: auto; margin-top: 2em; }
+       .c015 { text-decoration: none; }
+       .c016 { border: none; border-bottom: thin solid; margin-top: 0.8em;
+               margin-bottom: 0.8em; margin-left: 35%; margin-right: 35%; width: 30%; }
+       .c017 { margin-top: 1em; font-size: .9em; }
+       .c018 { text-indent: 0; margin-top: 0.25em; margin-bottom: 0.25em; }
+       .c019 { font-size: .9em; }
+       .c020 { margin-left: 8.33%; text-indent: -5.56%; margin-top: 0.25em;
+               margin-bottom: 0.25em; }
+       .c021 { margin-left: 8.33%; text-indent: 1em; margin-top: 0.25em;
+               margin-bottom: 0.25em; }
+       .c022 { margin-left: 2.78%; margin-top: 2em; text-indent: 1em;
+               margin-bottom: 0.25em; }
+       .c023 { margin-left: 2.78%; text-indent: 1em; margin-top: 0.25em;
+               margin-bottom: 0.25em; }
+       .c024 { margin-left: 2.78%; margin-top: 2em; }
+       .c025 { margin-top: .5em; }
+       .c026 { margin-left: 2.78%; margin-top: 4em; }
+       div.tnotes { padding-left:1em;padding-right:1em;background-color:#E3E4FA;
+              border:thin solid silver; margin:2em 10% 0 10%; font-family: Georgia, serif;
+               clear: both; }
+       .covernote { visibility: hidden; display: none; }
+       div.tnotes p { text-align: justify; }
+       .x-ebookmaker .covernote { visibility: visible; display: block; }
+       .figcenter {font-size: .9em; page-break-inside: avoid; max-width: 100%; }
+       h1 {line-height: 150%; }
+       .footnote {font-size: .9em; }
+       div.footnote p {text-indent: 2em; margin-bottom: .5em; }
+       .chapter  { clear: both; page-break-before: always; }
+       body {font-family: Garamond, Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; }
+       table {font-size: .9em; padding: 1.5em .5em 1em; page-break-inside: avoid;
+               clear: both; }
+       div.titlepage {text-align: center; page-break-before: always;
+               page-break-after: always; }
+       div.titlepage p {text-align: center; text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold;
+               line-height: 1.5; margin-top: 3em; }
+       .ph1 { text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; font-size: xx-large;
+               margin: .67em auto; page-break-before: always; }
+       .ph2 { text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; font-size: x-large; margin: .75em auto;
+               page-break-before: always; }
+       .x-ebookmaker p.dropcap:first-letter { float: left; }
+    </style>
+  </head>
+  <body>   
+<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78333 ***</div>
+
+<div class='tnotes covernote'>
+
+<p class='c000'><strong>Transcriber’s Note:</strong></p>
+
+<p class='c000'>New original cover art included with this eBook is granted to the public domain.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class='chapter ph1'>
+
+<div class='nf-center-c0'>
+<div class='nf-center c001'>
+    <div>GEOGRAPHICAL LORE OF THE</div>
+    <div>TIME OF THE CRUSADES</div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class='titlepage'>
+
+<div class='nf-center-c0'>
+<div class='nf-center c001'>
+    <div>AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY</div>
+    <div class='c002'>RESEARCH SERIES NO. 15</div>
+    <div class='c002'><span class='sc'>W. L. G. Joerg</span>, <i>Editor</i></div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div>
+  <h1 class='c003'>THE GEOGRAPHICAL LORE OF THE TIME OF THE CRUSADES<br> <span class='large'>A Study in the History of Medieval Science and Tradition in Western Europe</span></h1>
+</div>
+
+<div class='nf-center-c0'>
+<div class='nf-center c004'>
+    <div><span class='small'>BY</span></div>
+    <div class='c002'><span class='xlarge'>JOHN KIRTLAND WRIGHT, Ph.D.</span></div>
+    <div>Librarian, American Geographical Society</div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id001'>
+<img src='images/i_title.jpg' alt='AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF NEW YORK · 1854 ·' class='ig001'>
+</div>
+
+<div class='nf-center-c0'>
+  <div class='nf-center'>
+    <div>AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY</div>
+    <div>BROADWAY AT 156TH STREET</div>
+    <div>NEW YORK</div>
+    <div class='c002'>1925</div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class='nf-center-c0'>
+<div class='nf-center c004'>
+    <div><span class='small'>COPYRIGHT, 1925</span></div>
+    <div><span class='small'>BY</span></div>
+    <div><span class='small'>THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY</span></div>
+    <div><span class='small'>OF NEW YORK</span></div>
+    <div class='c004'><span class='small'>RUMFORD PRESS</span></div>
+    <div><span class='small'>CONCORD, N. H.</span></div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class='nf-center-c0'>
+<div class='nf-center c004'>
+    <div>TO</div>
+    <div>K. M. W.</div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_v'>v</span>
+  <h2 class='c005'>CONTENTS</h2>
+</div>
+
+<table class='table0'>
+  <tr>
+    <th class='c006' colspan='2'>CHAPTER</th>
+    <th class='c007'>&#160;</th>
+    <th class='c007'>&#160;</th>
+    <th class='c007'>&#160;</th>
+    <th class='c008'>PAGE</th>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Preface</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_xix'>xix</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Introduction</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_1'>1</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The Time of the Crusades</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_1'>1</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Scope of the Term “Geographical Lore”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_1'>1</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Origins of the Geographical Lore of the Time of the Crusades</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_3'>3</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Organization of the Present Work</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_4'>4</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c008'>&#160;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr><td class='c009' colspan='6'><span class='fss'>PART I</span></td></tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><i>Origins, Sources, and Place in the Classification of Knowledge of the Geographical Lore of the Time of the Crusades</i></td>
+    <td class='c008'>&#160;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>I</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>The Contribution of the Ancient World</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_9'>9</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Sources</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_9'>9</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Pythagoreans, Plato, and Aristotle</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_9'>9</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Roman Influence on Geography</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_10'>10</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Ptolemy</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_10'>10</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Latin Writers: Pliny, Solinus, Capella, Macrobius</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_11'>11</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The History of the Universe</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_12'>12</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Ancient Cosmogony</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_12'>12</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Celestial Influences</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_12'>12</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Cosmic Cycles: The Great Years</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_13'>13</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Geographic Application of the Theory of the Great Years</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_14'>14</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Duration of the Great Years</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_14'>14</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Shape, Movements, and Size of the Earth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_15'>15</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Sphericity of the Earth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_15'>15</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Immobility of the Earth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_15'>15</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Circumference of the Earth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_16'>16</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The Distribution of Habitable Regions; Zones; the Distribution of Land and Water</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_17'>17</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Zones</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_17'>17</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Crates’ Theory of Four Land Masses</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_18'>18</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Extent of the “Oikoumene”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_19'>19</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Physical Geography</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_19'>19</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Aristotle, Seneca, and Pliny</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_19'>19</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Four Elements</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_20'>20</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Meteorology</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_21'>21</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Winds</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_22'>22</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Climatology</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_23'>23</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Water Element</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_24'>24</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Sea: Its Salinity, Depth, Currents, and Tides</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_25'>25</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_vi'>vi</span>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Subterranean Channels</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_27'>27</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Rivers of the Underworld</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_28'>28</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Origin of Rivers</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_29'>29</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Nile Flood</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_30'>30</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Lands</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_31'>31</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Earthquakes and Volcanoes</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_31'>31</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Height of Mountains</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_32'>32</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Mathematical Geography and Cartography</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_33'>33</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Mathematical Geography Largely Based on Itineraries</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_33'>33</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Astronomical Determination of Latitude</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_34'>34</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Astronomical Determination of Longitude</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_34'>34</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Cartography</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_35'>35</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The Expansion of Regional Knowledge</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_36'>36</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Expansion of Greek Regional Knowledge</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_37'>37</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Geography at Alexandria</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_38'>38</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Hellenistic Regional Knowledge</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_39'>39</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Regional Knowledge of Mela and Pliny</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_40'>40</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The “Periplus of the Erythraean Sea”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_40'>40</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Limits of Ancient Regional Knowledge on the South and East</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_41'>41</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>II</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>The Contribution of Western Christendom Before 1100 A.&#160;D.</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_43'>43</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Introduction</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_43'>43</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Scriptural Influence on Early Medieval Geography</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_43'>43</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Ignorance of the Best Work of Antiquity</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_43'>43</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Scientific Stagnation During the Early Middle Ages</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_44'>44</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Sources</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_45'>45</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Bible</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_45'>45</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Writings of the Church Fathers</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_46'>46</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Interpretation of the Bible</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_46'>46</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Classical Influences</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_47'>47</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Encyclopedic Compilations</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_47'>47</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Miscellaneous Geographical Writings</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_48'>48</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Legends</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_49'>49</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Books of Travel and Description</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_50'>50</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The History of the Universe</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_51'>51</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Christianity Opposed to Belief in an Eternal Universe</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_51'>51</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Creation</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_52'>52</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Shape and Size of the Earth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_53'>53</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Early Christian Belief in a Flat Earth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_53'>53</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Early Christian Belief in a Spherical Earth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_54'>54</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Size of the Earth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_54'>54</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_vii'>vii</span>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Zones and the Antipodes</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_55'>55</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Zones</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_55'>55</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Antipodes</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_55'>55</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Physical Geography</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_57'>57</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Meteorology</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_57'>57</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Waters Above the Firmament</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_58'>58</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Congregation of the Waters</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_59'>59</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Nile Flood</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_60'>60</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Earth Upon the Waters</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_61'>61</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Sea</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_61'>61</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Lands</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_62'>62</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The Medieval Attitude Towards Landscape and Scenery Before 1100 A.&#160;D.</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_63'>63</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Esthetic Appreciation of Nature in Antiquity</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_63'>63</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Early Christian Attitude Towards Nature</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_64'>64</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Revival of Esthetic Feeling in the Middle Ages</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_64'>64</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Mathematical Geography and Cartography</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_65'>65</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Mathematical Geography</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_65'>65</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Maps</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_65'>65</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Macrobian Maps</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_66'>66</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>T-O Maps</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_66'>66</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Sallust Maps</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_68'>68</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Beatus Maps</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_68'>68</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Regional Geography</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_70'>70</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Limited Geographical Horizon in the Early Middle Ages</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_70'>70</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Medieval Conception of the Known World</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_71'>71</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Paradise</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_71'>71</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Rivers of Paradise</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_72'>72</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Asia</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_72'>72</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Gog and Magog</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_72'>72</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Romance of Alexander the Great</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_73'>73</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>St. Thomas in India</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_74'>74</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Africa</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_74'>74</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Europe</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_74'>74</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Explorations to the North</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_75'>75</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Atlantic</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_75'>75</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>America Reached by the Norsemen</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_76'>76</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>III</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>The Contribution of the Moslems</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_77'>77</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Sources</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_77'>77</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Influence of Aristotle</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_77'>77</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Influence of Ptolemy’s “Almagest”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_78'>78</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Influence of Ptolemy’s “Geography”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_78'>78</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Az-Zarqalī and the “Toledo Tables”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_79'>79</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_viii'>viii</span>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Geography in Sicily</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_79'>79</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Edrisi</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_80'>80</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Influence of Sicilo-Moslem Geography</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_81'>81</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Oriental Ideas Transmitted to the West</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_82'>82</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Astronomical Geography; Theories of the Tides</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_82'>82</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Great Years</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_82'>82</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Cosmic Cycles and Geographical Changes</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_83'>83</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Theories of the Tides</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_84'>84</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Measurement of a Terrestrial Degree</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_85'>85</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Geographical Positions</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_85'>85</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Arin</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_86'>86</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Arabic Exploration and Travel</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_87'>87</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>IV</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>The Sources for the Period 1100–1250 A.&#160;D.</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_88'>88</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Introduction</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_88'>88</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Theological and Philosophical Works</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_89'>89</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Theological Works</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_89'>89</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Peter Abelard</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_89'>89</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Hugh of St. Victor</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_90'>90</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Hildegard of Bingen</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_90'>90</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Peter Lombard and Peter Comestor</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_91'>91</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The School of Chartres: Its Intellectual Independence</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_91'>91</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Bernard and Theodoric of Chartres</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_91'>91</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Adelard of Bath; Hermann the Dalmatian; Robert of Retines</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_92'>92</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Bernard Sylvester</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_93'>93</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>William of Conches</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_93'>93</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Alexander Neckam</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_93'>93</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Translations from the Arabic; Works Written under Arabic Influence; Aristotelianism and Its Opponents</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_95'>95</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Adelard of Bath; Peter Alphonsi</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_95'>95</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>John of Seville; Plato of Tivoli</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_96'>96</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>“Marseilles Tables” and “Toledo Tables”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_96'>96</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Robert of Retines; Hermann the Dalmatian; Daniel of Morley</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_97'>97</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Gerard of Cremona; John of Holywood (Sacrobosco)</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_97'>97</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Aristotelianism Introduced Through Arabic Works</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_98'>98</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Gerard of Cremona</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_99'>99</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Michael Scot</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_99'>99</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Aristotelianism in the Thirteenth Century</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_100'>100</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Opponents of Aristotelianism</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_101'>101</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>William of Auvergne</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_101'>101</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Robert Grosseteste</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_101'>101</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_ix'>ix</span>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Encyclopedic Works</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_102'>102</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>“De Imagine Mundi”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_103'>103</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Lambert’s “Liber Floridus”; Guido’s Encyclopedia</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_103'>103</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>“Lucidarius”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_104'>104</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Gervase of Tilbury</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_104'>104</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Jacques de Vitry</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_105'>105</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>“L’Image du Monde”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_105'>105</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>“Konungs-Skuggsjá”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_105'>105</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Great Encyclopedias of the Thirteenth Century</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_106'>106</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Dante</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_106'>106</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Histories, Chronicles, Sagas, Epic Poems</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_107'>107</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Otto of Freising</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_107'>107</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Gunther of Pairis</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_108'>108</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Walter of Châtillon; William the Breton</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_108'>108</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Historians and Histories of the Crusades</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_109'>109</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Scandinavian Historical Works</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_110'>110</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Latin Histories of the North</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_111'>111</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Legends</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_113'>113</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Romance of Alexander</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_113'>113</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Prester John</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_114'>114</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>St. Brandan</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_115'>115</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Pilgrim Narratives; Miscellaneous Records of Travel</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_115'>115</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Christian Pilgrim Narratives</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_115'>115</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Letters of Travel</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_116'>116</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Jewish Travelers</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_117'>117</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Benjamin of Tudela</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_117'>117</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Petachia of Ratisbon</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_118'>118</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Topographical Works</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_118'>118</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Godfrey of Viterbo</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_119'>119</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Gervase of Canterbury</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_119'>119</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Giraldus Cambrensis</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_119'>119</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Maps</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_121'>121</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Zone Maps</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_121'>121</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>T-O and Sallust Maps</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_121'>121</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Beatus Maps</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_122'>122</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Maps of Lambert, Guido, Henry of Mayence, and Others</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_124'>124</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Regional Maps</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_125'>125</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Matthew Paris’ Maps of Britain</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_126'>126</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>V</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>The Place of Geography in the Medieval Classification of Knowledge</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_127'>127</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Geography Included Under Geometry</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_127'>127</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Geography Included Under Astrology</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_128'>128</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Geography and the Aristotelian Division of Learning</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_129'>129</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_x'>x</span>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c008'>&#160;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr><td class='c009' colspan='6'><span class='fss'>PART II</span></td></tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><i>The Substance and Character of the Geographical Lore of the Time of the Crusades</i></td>
+    <td class='c008'>&#160;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>VI</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Cosmogony, Cosmology, and Cosmography</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_133'>133</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>General Character of the Cosmology and Natural Science of the Period</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_134'>134</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Chartres Group: Bernard Sylvester and Theodoric</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_134'>134</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Adelard of Bath and William of Conches</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_135'>135</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Concept of Natural Laws</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_136'>136</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Orthodox Tendency</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_137'>137</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Effects of Influx of Arabic Science</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_138'>138</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The Creation</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_138'>138</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Problems</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_139'>139</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Preëxistence of Matter</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_139'>139</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>The Orthodox View</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_139'>139</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>A Rational View</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_141'>141</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Processes of the Creation</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_141'>141</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Theodoric of Chartres’ Theory</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_141'>141</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>William of Conches’ Theory</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_142'>142</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Function of Light in the Creation</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_143'>143</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Nature of the Six Days</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_144'>144</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Eternity of the Universe</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_145'>145</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Bernard Sylvester’s Account of the Creation</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_145'>145</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Icelandic Account</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_146'>146</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Macrocosm and Microcosm</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_147'>147</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Shape, Movements, and Size of the Earth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_150'>150</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Sphericity of the Universe</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_150'>150</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Shape of the Earth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_152'>152</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Immobility of the Earth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_153'>153</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Size of the Earth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_155'>155</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Zones, the Antipodes, and “Climata”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_156'>156</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Zones</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_156'>156</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Uninhabitability of Polar Caps and Equatorial Zone</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_157'>157</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Austral Continent and Antipodal Regions</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_157'>157</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Cratesian Theory</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_158'>158</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Persistence of Belief That Antipodal Regions Were Inhabited</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_159'>159</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Manegold’s Arguments Against This Doctrine</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_161'>161</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Habitability of the Equatorial Region</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_162'>162</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Grosseteste on the Habitable Parts of the Earth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_163'>163</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>The Equatorial Zone</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_163'>163</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>The Southern Hemisphere</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_164'>164</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>The Polar Regions</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_165'>165</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xi'>xi</span>VII</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>The Atmosphere</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_166'>166</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Meteorology</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_166'>166</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Composition of the Atmosphere</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_166'>166</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Temperature</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_167'>167</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Upper Levels of the Atmosphere</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_167'>167</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Clouds</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_168'>168</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Precipitation</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_169'>169</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Floods; The Deluge</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_170'>170</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Winds</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_171'>171</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Atmospheric Circulation</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_172'>172</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Names of the Winds</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_173'>173</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Qualities of the Winds</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_174'>174</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Local Winds</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_175'>175</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Climatology</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_175'>175</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Hot and Cold Climates</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_176'>176</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Distribution of Climates</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_177'>177</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Climatic Differences Between East and West</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_177'>177</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Topographic Influences Upon Climate</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_177'>177</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>The Sea</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_177'>177</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Mountains</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_178'>178</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Influence of Climate on Man</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_180'>180</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Climate of Rome</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_180'>180</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>VIII</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>The Waters</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_182'>182</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The Waters Above the Firmament</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_182'>182</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Rationalistic Beliefs</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_182'>182</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Literal Beliefs</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_183'>183</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Purpose of the Waters</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_184'>184</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The Congregation of Waters</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_184'>184</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Connection Between Seas and Rivers</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_185'>185</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Earth Established on the Waters</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_186'>186</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The Oceans and Seas</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_187'>187</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Relative Areas of Land and Sea</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_187'>187</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Explanation of Uniform Level of Sea Surface</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_188'>188</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Salinity of the Sea</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_189'>189</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Tides</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_190'>190</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Lunar Causation</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_190'>190</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Terrestrial Causation</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_192'>192</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Giraldus Cambrensis’ Tidal Studies</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_194'>194</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Other Marine Phenomena Noted by Giraldus</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_196'>196</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>St. Brandan and the Spirit of the Sea</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_197'>197</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Bottom of the Sea</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_198'>198</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The Waters of the Lands</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_199'>199</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Ground Water</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_199'>199</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Sea As the Source of the Waters of the Land</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_200'>200</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xii'>xii</span>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Effect of Land on Waters Which Spring From It</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_202'>202</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Miraculous Wells and Springs; Geysers</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_203'>203</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Fountain of Youth</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_204'>204</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Rivers</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_205'>205</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Nile Flood</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_206'>206</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Lakes</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_207'>207</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>IX</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>The Lands</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_210'>210</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Classification of Land Areas</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_210'>210</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Quantitative and Qualitative Subdivisions</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_210'>210</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Giraldus Cambrensis’ Comparison of East and West</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_211'>211</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Mountains</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_212'>212</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Origin of Mountains</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_213'>213</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Their Size and Height</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_214'>214</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Miraculous Mountains</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_214'>214</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Accurate Observation of Orographic Phenomena</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_215'>215</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Appreciation of the Beauty of Mountains</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_215'>215</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Religious Attitude Towards Mountains</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_216'>216</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Normal Medieval Feeling About Mountains</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_217'>217</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Glaciers</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_219'>219</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Volcanoes and Earthquakes</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_220'>220</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Visits to Volcanoes</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_220'>220</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Volcanic Region of Southern Italy and Sicily</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_220'>220</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Michael Scot on the Eolian Isles and Etna</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_222'>222</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Volcanoes of Iceland</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_222'>222</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>St. Brandan’s Visits to Volcanic Isles</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_224'>224</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Volcanoes As Gates of Hell</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_225'>225</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Causes of Vulcanism</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_225'>225</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Earthquakes</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_227'>227</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Deserts</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_228'>228</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Islands</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_229'>229</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Origins</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_229'>229</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Miraculous Islands</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_229'>229</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Islands of St. Brandan</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_230'>230</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Influences of Geographical Environment</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_231'>231</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>On Plant and Animal Life</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_231'>231</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>On Man</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_232'>232</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Topography As a Natural Defense</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_233'>233</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Theory of the Westward Flow of Civilization</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_233'>233</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Feeling for Landscape and Scenery</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_235'>235</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Spiritual Feeling for Nature</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_235'>235</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Esthetic Love of Nature</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_237'>237</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Practical Interest in Countrysides</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_238'>238</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Giraldus Cambrensis’ Eye for Local Topography</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_240'>240</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xiii'>xiii</span>X</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>The Astronomical Geography of the Known World</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_241'>241</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Phenomena Resulting From Differences in Latitude</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_241'>241</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>“Climata”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_242'>242</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Geographical Coördinates</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_243'>243</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Methods of Finding Latitude and Longitude</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_244'>244</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>XI</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Cartography</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_247'>247</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Inaccuracy</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_247'>247</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Accuracy Not Deemed Necessary</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_248'>248</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Exaggeration</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_249'>249</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Distortion</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_249'>249</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Technique</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_250'>250</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Conventions</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_251'>251</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Symbols and Legends</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_252'>252</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Summary</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_254'>254</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>XII</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Regional Geography</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_255'>255</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>General Character of Regional Knowledge of the Period</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_255'>255</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Geography of Tradition and Geography of Observation</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_255'>255</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Gradations of Accuracy of Knowledge</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_256'>256</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The “Oikoumene” As a Whole</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_257'>257</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The “Oikoumene” Divided into Three Parts</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_258'>258</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The Center of the “Oikoumene”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_259'>259</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Jerusalem As the Center</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_259'>259</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Exact Position of the Earth’s Center</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_260'>260</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The Terrestrial Paradise</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_261'>261</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Paradise in the East</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_261'>261</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Journeys to Paradise</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_263'>263</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Rivers of Paradise</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_264'>264</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Asia</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_265'>265</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Opening of Asia in the Thirteenth Century</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_266'>266</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Mongol Conquests</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_266'>266</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Thirteenth-Century Journeys</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_269'>269</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Great Mountain System of Asia</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_270'>270</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Land of the “Seres”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_271'>271</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>China</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_271'>271</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>India</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_272'>272</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Subdivisions</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_272'>272</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Facts Known About India</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_273'>273</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Marvels of India</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_274'>274</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Legend of St. Thomas in India</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_275'>275</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Visit of Patriarch John of India to Rome</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_278'>278</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Indian Ocean</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_279'>279</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Islands of the Indian Ocean</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_280'>280</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Al-Battānī on the Indian Ocean</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_280'>280</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Scythia and Central Asia</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_281'>281</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xiv'>xiv</span>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Benjamin of Tudela on Central Asia</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_282'>282</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Prester John</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_283'>283</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Origins of the Legend</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_283'>283</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Prester John’s Kingdom As Described in His “Letter”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_285'>285</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Alliance With Prester John Desired</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_286'>286</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Gog and Magog</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_287'>287</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Western Asia</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_288'>288</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Mesopotamia</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_289'>289</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Benjamin of Tudela on Baghdad</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_289'>289</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Benjamin of Tudela on Arabia</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_291'>291</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Syria and Palestine</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_292'>292</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Geographical Knowledge Enlarged by the Crusades</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_292'>292</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Occidental Population of the Levant</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_294'>294</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>European Occupation of Syria</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_294'>294</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Asia Minor</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_295'>295</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Western Asia As Described by the Crusaders</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_296'>296</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Africa</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_298'>298</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Egypt As Part of Asia</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_298'>298</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Descriptions of Egypt</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_299'>299</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Africa West of Egypt</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_300'>300</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Ethiopia</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_302'>302</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Sources of the Nile</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_304'>304</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Traditional View of Central Africa</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_306'>306</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The Mediterranean Sea</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_307'>307</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Name “Mediterranean”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_307'>307</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Mediterranean During the Crusades</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_307'>307</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Instructions for Navigation in the Mediterranean</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_308'>308</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Islands of the Mediterranean</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_309'>309</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Sicily</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_311'>311</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Europe</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_312'>312</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Northeastern Europe</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_312'>312</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Russia</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_312'>312</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Poland</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_313'>313</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Slavic Europe As Described by Benjamin of Tudela and Petachia of Ratisbon</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_314'>314</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Hungary</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_314'>314</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Balkan Peninsula</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_316'>316</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Constantinople</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_318'>318</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Italy</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_319'>319</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Rome</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_321'>321</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Antiquities</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_321'>321</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Spain</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_322'>322</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xv'>xv</span>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>The Alps</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_323'>323</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Use of Terms “Transalpine” and “Cisalpine”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_324'>324</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>“Alemannia”</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_325'>325</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Germany</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_325'>325</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Baltic Regions</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_327'>327</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Scandinavia</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_329'>329</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>France</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_331'>331</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Paris</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_331'>331</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Alsace</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_332'>332</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Southern France</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_333'>333</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>Islands of the Atlantic Ocean</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_334'>334</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>British Isles</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_335'>335</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Cities of Britain</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_336'>336</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Giraldus Cambrensis on Ireland and Wales</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_337'>337</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Ireland</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_337'>337</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Wales</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_340'>340</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>William Fitzstephen on London</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_341'>341</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Matthew Paris’ Maps of Britain</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_342'>342</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Orkneys and Shetlands</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_345'>345</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Iceland and Thule</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_345'>345</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Iceland in Icelandic Literature</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_346'>346</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Greenland</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_347'>347</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Polar Seas</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_348'>348</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Wineland the Good</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_349'>349</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Fabulous Isles</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_350'>350</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>St. Brandan’s Isles</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_351'>351</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>XIII</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Conclusion</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_353'>353</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='3'>The Outstanding Elements of the Geographical Lore of the Time of the Crusades</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_353'>353</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+ <td class='bbt c006'>&#160;</td>
+ <td class='bbt c007'>&#160;</td>
+ <td class='bbt c007' colspan='3'>Character of the Geographical Lore of the Time of the Crusades</td>
+ <td class='bbt c008'><a href='#Page_358'>358</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Notes to Chapter I</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_365'>365</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Notes to Chapter II</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_378'>378</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Notes to Chapter III</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_392'>392</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Notes to Chapter IV</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_396'>396</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Notes to Chapter V</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_416'>416</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Notes to Chapter VI</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_417'>417</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Notes to Chapter VII</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_430'>430</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Notes to Chapter VIII</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_435'>435</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Notes to Chapter IX</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_445'>445</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xvi'>xvi</span>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Notes to Chapter X</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_453'>453</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Notes to Chapter XI</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_458'>458</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Notes to Chapter XII</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_459'>459</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c008'>&#160;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Bibliographical Note</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_491'>491</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Bibliography</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_503'>503</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c008'>&#160;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>&#160;</td>
+    <td class='c007' colspan='4'><span class='sc'>Index</span></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_547'>547</a></td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_xvii'>xvii</span>
+  <h2 class='c005'>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2>
+</div>
+
+<table class='table0'>
+  <tr>
+    <th class='c006'>FIG.</th>
+    <th class='c007'>&#160;</th>
+    <th class='c008'>PAGE</th>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>1</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Types of T-O and Sallust maps</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_67'>67</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>2</td>
+    <td class='c007'>St. Sever Beatus map</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_69'>69</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>3</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Zone map in Lambert of St. Omer’s <i>Liber floridus</i></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_122'>122</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>4</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Osma Beatus map</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_123'>123</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>5</td>
+    <td class='c007'>The macrocosm, the microcosm, and the winds from Hildegard of Bingen’s <i>Liber divinorum operum</i></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_148'>148</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>6</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Sketch map of the Mediterranean region and the Near East plotted from the geographical positions in the <i>Marseilles Tables</i>, with inset of Henry of Mayence’s map</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_245'>245</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>7</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Plan of Jerusalem from the anonymous <i>Gesta Francorum Ierusalem expugnantium</i></td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_250'>250</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>8</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Two sections from the Hereford map to illustrate the marvels of India</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_276'>276</a>–277</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>9</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Matthew Paris’ map of Britain</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_343'>343</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>10</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Diagram to illustrate John of Holywood’s reasoning that the earth is in the center of the universe</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_422'>422</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>11</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Comparative diagram of certain parallels of latitude and of the <i>climata</i> according to various ancient and medieval geographers</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_454'>454</a>–455</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class='c006'>12</td>
+    <td class='c007'>Map showing the relative positions of certain points in Europe as indicated in astronomical tables of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries</td>
+    <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_457'>457</a></td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_xix'>xix</span>
+  <h2 class='c005'>PREFACE</h2>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c010'>When viewed historically, geographical concepts are seen to
+have come from an immense variety of sources. They have
+sprung partly from activities that cause men to travel over the
+surface of the earth: war, commerce, pilgrimage, diplomacy,
+pleasure. They have also sprung from the accumulated learning
+and lore of preceding ages and to no small extent from unfettered
+flights of the imagination. The history of geography, therefore,
+leads its students into many fields, affording them a key by means
+of which they may gain a sounder understanding of the extensive
+ranges of human activity and of the evolution of important
+phases of intellectual life.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>This book is an attempt to illustrate and trace the origins of the
+most characteristic geographical ideas current in Western Europe
+at the height of the Middle Ages. Historians of geography have
+tended to neglect this period partly because of the dramatic appeal
+of the great Age of Discovery which was immediately to follow.
+It should be remembered, however, that, small as the
+known world was during the Middle Ages and naïve as may have
+been men’s conceptions of it, medieval learning was none the less
+the central element in the scholarly background of the Age of
+Discovery. The Renaissance brought no sudden and complete
+emancipation from old modes of thought. While medieval science
+persisted and some of its errors may have restricted subsequent
+progress, on the whole the positive achievements of the
+fifteenth and sixteenth centuries would have been impossible had
+it not been for the enlightenment transferred from the centuries
+that went before.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>C. R. Beazley in the second volume of his great work, <i>The
+Dawn of Modern Geography</i> (1901), adequately treats of the travels
+and explorations of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, but
+to the more theoretical aspects of geographical knowledge in this
+age he gives but meager space. Karl Kretschmer in a monograph,
+<i>Die physische Erdkunde im christlichen Mittelalter</i> (1889),
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_xx'>xx</span>deals systematically with the physical geography of the entire
+Middle Ages but necessarily slights or wholly neglects many of
+the more interesting writings of the century and a half to which
+the present book is devoted. Other, lesser studies of the geographical
+conceptions of this period have to do exclusively with
+points of detail. The present writer ventures to hope, therefore,
+that there is place for a book in which the geographical lore of the
+time of the Crusades is discussed with greater fullness and at the
+same time with an orientation differing in many particulars from
+that of any work hitherto devoted to the subject.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Except as regards a few minor points (especially in Chapter X)
+he makes no claim to having based his work upon hitherto unpublished
+manuscript sources. The main part of the study, however
+(that dealing with the time of the Crusades, Chapters IV-XIII),
+is founded essentially upon printed editions of the primary
+sources for the history of civilization in the period. The first
+three chapters, on the other hand, relating as they do to the background
+of medieval geography and covering an enormous field,
+of necessity have to a large degree been written with the aid of the
+secondary works of modern scholars.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The volume is an enlargement of a thesis submitted in 1922 in
+partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of
+Philosophy in history at Harvard University. Some of the research
+was pursued in Europe in 1919–1920, during which academic
+year the writer held the Woodbury Lowery Fellowship
+from Harvard. Subsequently the American Geographical Society
+has generously permitted him, while acting as Librarian of
+the Society, to devote much time to the revision of the manuscript.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The writer owes a special debt of gratitude to Professor
+C. H. Haskins, largely as a result of whose advice the particular
+period dealt with was selected. Helpful suggestions and the
+occasional receipt from Professor Haskins of a photograph or
+transcript of a manuscript bearing upon an apposite topic have
+been a constant stimulus. Useful suggestions have also been
+made by Professor R. P. Blake of Harvard and by Monsieur
+Charles de La Roncière of the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_xxi'>xxi</span>Dr. Charles Singer of the University of London courteously permitted
+the use of Plate VIII from his <i>Scientific Views and Visions
+of St. Hildegard</i> (1917) as a basis for Figure 5 of the present volume.
+The writer is indebted to Mr. W. L. G. Joerg, the editor,
+from whose editorial skill, experience, and tireless care the book
+has greatly profited. He also wishes to thank Mr. George W.
+Robinson, Secretary of the Harvard Graduate School of Arts and
+Sciences, Miss Genevieve R. Fallon, formerly of Radcliffe College,
+and Mr. Arthur A. Brooks and members of the library staff
+of the American Geographical Society for their painstaking aid
+with manuscript and proof.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><i>New York, October 7, 1924.</i></p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span>
+  <h2 class='c005'>INTRODUCTION</h2>
+</div>
+<h3 class='c012'><span class='sc'>The Time of the Crusades</span></h3>
+
+<p class='c013'>The time of the Crusades, like all great constructive epochs in
+the history of civilization, was an age of contrasts. A succession
+of crises marked the progress of conflict between the ideals of
+Papacy and of Empire. The feudalism of an earlier day was
+giving place in Western Europe to centralized monarchy, in
+Italy to the growth of city states. Though faith swayed the
+masses of men to the undertaking of immense coöperative
+enterprises—cathedral building and crusades—the time, none
+the less, was one of questioning and doubt: faith sometimes gave
+place to heresy hunting. Keener intellects were not afraid to
+probe deep at the very foundations of established theological
+doctrine. A profound and widespread enthusiasm for scholarship
+expressed itself in many forms. The writings of older
+authorities were ransacked for the wisdom which they contained,
+and from them erudite and forbidding tomes were compiled.
+But wandering students and poets were abroad who hated the
+musty learning of the monastic cell and frankly rejoiced in the
+beauty of the world around them. For some time historians
+have been in the habit of speaking of a “twelfth-century
+renaissance.” This expression is not wholly apt if used in a
+narrow sense to imply merely a rebirth of interest in the Greek
+and Latin classics. If taken to mean a re-stirring of the vital
+forces of civilization, the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were
+an age of renaissance indeed.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The purpose of this book is to illustrate a limited aspect of
+the intellectual activity of the time of the Crusades, but an
+aspect that is sufficiently broad to reveal to us something of the
+contrasting forces of this age.</p>
+
+<h3 class='c012'><span class='sc'>Scope of the Term “Geographical Lore”</span></h3>
+
+<p class='c013'>By “geographical lore” we mean what was known, believed,
+and felt about the origins, present condition, and distribution
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_2'>2</span>of the geographical elements of the earth. This covers a wider
+field than most definitions of geography. It comprises theories
+of the creation of the earth, of its size, shape, and movements,
+and of its relations to the heavenly bodies; of the zones of its
+atmosphere and the varied physiographic features of air, water,
+and land; finally, it comprises theories of the regions of the
+earth’s surface. Because many of these theories were false they
+are no less deserving of attention. The errors of an age are as
+characteristic as the accurate knowledge which it possesses—and
+often more so. Moreover, in addition to formulated beliefs,
+whether true or false, our definition of geographical lore covers
+man’s spiritual and esthetic attitude toward the various geographical
+facts, as revealed—often unconsciously—in descriptions
+of regions or of landscapes.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The historian of geology or the theologian may complain that
+we trespass on their domains in discussing theories of the Creation
+in a book devoted to the history of geography. Yet this is
+justifiable if we hold with most modern geographers that some
+explanation of the immediate causes of existing terrestrial
+conditions is an essential part of geography. These causes, it
+was the opinion of medieval thinkers, were to be sought for in
+the processes of the Creation. No man had the vaguest conception
+of the countless eons that have elapsed during which
+air, sea, and land have been in evolution. The good Christian
+thought that the world was made by God in the course of the
+six days of Genesis and that it then assumed practically the
+identical geographical appearance it has preserved ever since.
+In the Middle Ages geology, geography, and theology were
+inextricably interwoven.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Then again, the geographical lore of the Middle Ages involves
+a wider range of subjects in space, as well as in time, than is now
+included in geography. If medieval man had no knowledge of
+the age of the earth, he also had but the feeblest understanding
+of the immensity of the universe. To him, earth, stellar bodies,
+and celestial spheres were all part of a unified system of which
+the earth formed the core and most important member. Cosmology,
+astronomy, astrology, theology all dealt with this unified,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span>geocentric, cosmic system; the interrelations between them
+were immediate and intimate. We cannot avoid some discussion
+of the matters in which these allied sciences bore directly
+on geography.</p>
+
+<h3 class='c012'><span class='sc'>Origins of the Geographical Lore of the Time of the Crusades</span></h3>
+
+<p class='c013'>Whence came the geographical lore of the time of the Crusades?</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Some of it came from books of earlier ages, some of it from
+contemporary observation. A sharp distinction may be made
+between the geography of the scholar and churchman, drawn
+largely from antiquity, and the geography of the merchant,
+soldier, and pilgrim, who learned of the world by travel and
+exploration. It was exceptional when the philosopher or theologian
+incorporated in his book the reports of recent travels.
+Indeed, we are almost startled to come across a bit of “up-to-date”
+geography in the philosophical or theological treatises.
+Even the histories and chronicles of contemporary events,
+though perforce containing more new geography than works of
+deeper learning, tended to appeal to ancient authorities in
+explaining the course of rivers or the relation of provinces or
+mountain chains to each other.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Any consideration of the state of medieval geography inevitably
+presupposes some acquaintance with the earlier accumulation
+of geographical lore from which it borrowed.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>This was derived for the most part from two fountainheads of
+original observation and thought: (1) the writings of Greek
+historians and philosophers and (2) the Bible. Greek geography
+was the main source whence Latin writers of the Roman Empire
+and Moslems of the eighth, ninth, and tenth centuries of our era
+found their inspiration and facts. The Bible, as interpreted in
+the exegetical works of the Church Fathers, stimulated thought
+on geographical problems. The scholar of our period had at
+his disposal many Latin writings, both classical and patristic,
+and a somewhat more limited number of Arabic books and
+translations from the Arabic.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span>
+  <h3 class='c012'><span class='sc'>Organization of the Present Work</span></h3>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>The aim of the first three chapters of our study is to give an
+estimate in broad outline of the contributions of classical,
+patristic, and Oriental geography to the medieval West. The
+purpose is to show the kind of geographical ideas which a reader
+of the twelfth or thirteenth century might have gathered from
+older works in the libraries and to reveal something of the
+evolution of these ideas. No attempt is made to discuss works
+not well known in the Occident. The writings of famous
+Greek geographers like Herodotus, Pausanias, Strabo, Eratosthenes,
+Hipparchus, and Ptolemy receive only scant attention,
+and their contents are noted only in so far as they became
+familiar to Western Christendom through Latin media. Similarly
+the Greek Fathers of the Church and most of the more
+important Moslem geographers are overlooked because they
+exerted almost no influence on Western thought. Nor within
+the period itself that forms the subject of our investigation is
+much space given to writers like the Moslem Edrisi or the Greek
+Michael Psellos, whose researches did not contribute materially
+to the formation of Western science.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>After a fourth chapter, on the literary and cartographic
+sources which date from the time of the Crusades and upon
+which our estimate of the geographical lore of this age is based,
+and a fifth, on the place of geography in the medieval scheme of
+learning, there follows the main part of this book. The attempt
+is here made to illustrate from representative sources geographical
+lore of all kinds, whether original or borrowed, to emphasize
+evidences of originality where they are apparent, and to trace
+a few significant borrowed theories to their origins. Though
+the period under consideration lasted a century and a half,
+there was not much change during this time in the quantity of
+geographical information available or in the quality of geographical
+thinking. Hence it will be more convenient and enlightening
+to adopt a topical and regional arrangement for the main
+portion of our treatment than to try to arrange the material
+chronologically.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span>By no means all the geographical knowledge and thought of
+the Crusading age could be stated and discussed in a volume of
+even many times the size of this. It is the writer’s hope that
+the materials selected are sufficiently diverse to give a rounded
+and just, though it be necessarily far from complete, understanding
+of the geographical lore of a significant period in the
+history of science and of civilization.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>
+  <h2 class='c005'>PART I<br> ORIGINS, SOURCES, AND PLACE IN THE CLASSIFICATION OF KNOWLEDGE OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL LORE OF THE TIME OF THE CRUSADES</h2>
+</div>
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>CHAPTER I<br> THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE ANCIENT WORLD</h3>
+</div>
+<h4 class='c014'><i>SOURCES</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Pythagoreans, Plato, and Aristotle</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The earliest writers who dealt with geographical matters in a
+more or less scientific spirit were the Greeks of Ionia and the
+Pythagorean philosophers of Magna Graecia. Though their
+theories exerted no direct influence on the formation of
+medieval geography, they should not be entirely overlooked.
+Ionic geography gave many ideas to the later Greeks; Pythagorean
+thought brought to bear a strong influence on the Platonic
+cosmology, which reached the Middle Ages through the Latin
+translation of Plato’s <i>Timaeus</i> made by Chalcidius early in the
+fifth century after Christ, and through the Platonists Martianus
+Capella and Macrobius. Until the middle of the twelfth
+century Plato, of all philosophers, held the strongest grip on
+medieval thought; after that time the influence of Aristotle became
+more potent in the framing of the scholastic conception of
+the universe. We must regard Plato and, even more, Aristotle
+as the indirect sources of most of the cosmological, physiographic,
+and meteorological knowledge which, elaborated by later writers
+of antiquity and by the Moslems, reached the Middle Ages at
+second hand. Among the many writings of Aristotle those which
+contain the most material of interest to the geographer are the
+<i>De caelo</i> (Περὶ οὐρανοῦ) and the <i>Meteorology</i>. The former, in
+four books, treats of the properties of the heavenly bodies, of
+the elements, and of the earth. Translations of the <i>De caelo</i> in
+the Middle Ages often went under the title <i>De caelo et mundo</i>.<a id='r1'></a><a href='#f1' class='c015'><sup>[1]</sup></a><a id='r2'></a><a href='#f2' class='c015'><sup>[2]</sup></a>
+The <i>Meteorology</i>, besides a detailed discussion of the phenomena
+of the atmosphere, includes many speculations on physical
+geography. Theories of cosmology also found expression in the
+<i>Physics</i> and <i>De generatione et corruptione</i>.</p>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1'>1</a>. The notes will be found at the back of the book grouped by chapters
+and consecutively numbered within each chapter.</p>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>The scientific genius of the Alexandrian Greeks of the Hellenistic
+period showed itself in the work of men like Eratosthenes
+and Hipparchus. By them the mathematical and astronomical
+aspects of geography were developed with accuracy; but unfortunately,
+owing to the almost universal ignorance of Greek
+in the West, the products of their genius had little part in the
+molding of medieval theories.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Roman Influence on Geography</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The Roman conquests tended to discredit scientific investigations
+and to bring into favor works of a descriptive nature
+which would appeal to the military chief, the provincial governor,
+or man of the world—to the practical rather than speculative
+type of mind. Polybius regarded geography as an important
+auxiliary science to politics and history. The geographical
+portions of his history treat of the countries of the known world,
+their peoples and customs; he is not concerned with the size and
+shape of the earth nor with the determination of latitudes and
+longitudes. Strabo, writing at the time of Augustus, represents
+the culmination of the Polybian method; but his great and
+comprehensive work, though of first importance in the history of
+ancient geography, was not read at the time of the Crusades.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Ptolemy</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The Greek, or more purely scientific, attitude, however, did not
+completely succumb. Posidonius<a id='r3'></a><a href='#f3' class='c015'><sup>[3]</sup></a> in the first century before
+Christ reverted to the method of Eratosthenes; and with Marinus
+of Tyre and Claudius Ptolemy, in the reigns of Trajan and
+Hadrian, there came a revival of mathematical geography which
+almost, if not quite, equaled the high level reached by the
+Alexandrians<a id='r4'></a><a href='#f4' class='c015'><sup>[4]</sup></a>. Ptolemy was the author of two works, both of
+which were destined profoundly to modify the development of
+science in later ages. These were the <i>Mathematical Composition</i>
+(or <i>Almagest</i>, as the Arabs called it), a treatise on astronomy,
+knowledge of which reached the medieval West through Moslem
+channels; and the <i>Geography</i>, a work which remained virtually
+unknown in Europe until the fifteenth century.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Latin Writers: Pliny, Solinus, Capella, Macrobius</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Though the most fertile investigations were made by Greeks,
+Latin writers naturally influenced more directly medieval thought
+in the West. Of those who dealt with geographic matters in the
+strictly classical period Pliny the Elder (23–79 A.&#160;D.) and Seneca
+(3 B.&#160;C.-65 A.&#160;D.) were the most influential. The <i>Historia
+naturalis</i> of Pliny, an ill-digested compilation of information of all
+sorts, contained books on geography that were destined to furnish
+the larger part of the lettered man’s geographical ideas during
+many centuries.<a id='r5'></a><a href='#f5' class='c015'><sup>[5]</sup></a> Pliny’s work was not merely extensively read
+but was used and plagiarized by other writers of possibly greater
+popularity. The most significant of these was Solinus,<a id='r6'></a><a href='#f6' class='c015'><sup>[6]</sup></a> a compiler
+of fables in the third century after Christ, whose <i>Collectanea
+rerum memorabilium</i> consists almost entirely of borrowings from
+Pliny or from a book from which Pliny drew.<a id='r7'></a><a href='#f7' class='c015'><sup>[7]</sup></a> The geographical
+information in Isidore’s <i>Etymologiae</i> is largely made up of
+quotations and paraphrases from Solinus. Seneca’s <i>Quaestiones
+naturales</i><a id='r8'></a><a href='#f8' class='c015'><sup>[8]</sup></a> was also widely read and formed the source of
+the bulk of the meteorological lore of the Middle Ages.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Two Latin writers of the late Empire also contributed
+materially to the evolution of geographical knowledge, Martianus
+Capella (fourth or fifth century) and Macrobius (fifth
+century). Capella’s encyclopedic <i>De nuptiis Philologiae et
+Mercurii</i> is an elaborate commentary on and exposition of the
+seven arts; the book dealing with geometry gives the author an
+opportunity of presenting a résumé of geography, more particularly
+in its mathematical aspects.<a id='r9'></a><a href='#f9' class='c015'><sup>[9]</sup></a> That Martianus Capella’s
+treatise enjoyed an immense popularity in the medieval period
+is indicated by the quantity of manuscripts extant and by the
+frequency with which we find it listed in the medieval library
+catalogues<a id='r10'></a><a href='#f10' class='c015'><sup>[10]</sup></a> that have been preserved. The general sketch of the
+distribution of land and water on the surface of the globe
+contained in Macrobius’ commentary on the <i>Somnium Scipionis</i><a id='r11'></a><a href='#f11' class='c015'><sup>[11]</sup></a>
+of Cicero was often quoted at later periods and formed
+the basis for some of the extremely crude maps of the world used
+in the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the remainder of the present chapter a very general
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>review will be given of the more important geographic ideas
+borrowed by the Western world in these centuries from
+Aristotle, Pliny, Solinus, Seneca, Martianus Capella, Macrobius,
+and some others, and an attempt will be made to indicate the
+relationship between the growth of these ideas and the broader
+evolution of ancient geography as a whole.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>THE HISTORY OF THE UNIVERSE</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Ancient Cosmogony</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Though it is not now regarded as lying strictly within the field
+of geography, the history of the evolution of theories about the
+origin of the earth is so closely allied to the history of geography
+that the two cannot well be dissociated. A marked antagonism
+inevitably arose between the usual Greek view, which regarded
+matter as eternal, and the Christian view, which was based on
+the first chapter of Genesis and conceived of the universe as
+created at a definite point in time or concurrently with time.
+The men of the Middle Ages tended to adhere strictly to the
+Christian opinion, for to have done otherwise would have been
+heretical. Nevertheless, the ancient theory was well known to
+Christians and exerted in its various forms no small influence on
+the development of certain phases of Christian thought.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Celestial Influences</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>It was a deeply rooted belief of many classical thinkers that
+the events and conditions on this world and on all the regions
+below the sphere of the moon’s orbit are regulated by the heavenly
+bodies. Aristotle and his followers taught that the
+heavenly bodies themselves are made of an imperishable and
+incorruptible, almost divine, fifth element, ether, which distinguishes
+them from the four corruptible elements (fire, air, water,
+and earth) that constitute the immediate world of our senses.<a id='r12'></a><a href='#f12' class='c015'><sup>[12]</sup></a>
+By virtue of this semi-divine quality, it was argued, the sun,
+planets, and stars exert an all-powerful control over the earth
+around which they revolve—an absolutely determining control
+over all events both great and small.<a id='r13'></a><a href='#f13' class='c015'><sup>[13]</sup></a> From this fatalistic belief
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>sprang the science of astrology, a science which throughout
+antiquity was held in equal esteem with astronomy.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The study of the movements of the celestial bodies revealed
+the fact that at some time in the distant future, sun, planets, and
+stars will bear exactly the same relative position one to another
+that they do at the present moment. Consequently, it was
+inferred that the influence exerted by them on the sublunar
+regions will at that time be exactly the same as it now is, and
+all the phenomena now apparent on the earth’s surface will be
+exactly repeated. They will be repeated not only once but an
+infinite number of times at periodic intervals in the future;
+similarly they have been repeated throughout infinite cycles in
+the past.<a id='r14'></a><a href='#f14' class='c015'><sup>[14]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Cosmic Cycles: The Great Years</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>This idea of cosmic cycles, or Great Years, appears to have
+originated in the Orient, possibly with the Chaldeans.<a id='r15'></a><a href='#f15' class='c015'><sup>[15]</sup></a> It was
+firmly established among the Ionian Greeks<a id='r16'></a><a href='#f16' class='c015'><sup>[16]</sup></a> and Pythagoreans,<a id='r17'></a><a href='#f17' class='c015'><sup>[17]</sup></a>
+from whom Plato adopted it. Many and various opinions
+prevailed about the violence and character of the changes
+produced by the celestial cycles. The Chaldeans had thought
+that whenever all the planets come into conjunction on one
+straight line in the sign of the zodiac Cancer, the entire universe
+is destroyed by fire but destroyed only to be born again; similarly
+the world is destroyed by water when the same phenomenon
+occurs in Capricorn.<a id='r18'></a><a href='#f18' class='c015'><sup>[18]</sup></a> The theory of a complete and universal
+birth and rebirth (<i>palingenesis</i>) was held by some of the
+Greek philosophers.<a id='r19'></a><a href='#f19' class='c015'><sup>[19]</sup></a> Plato and Aristotle, however, seem to
+have restricted the destructive effects of the celestial influence
+to the sublunar sphere and maintained that the realms above
+the moon were eternal.<a id='r20'></a><a href='#f20' class='c015'><sup>[20]</sup></a> On the whole, belief in periodically
+recurrent destructions of the earth by water was more widespread
+and was given greater definition than belief in corresponding
+destructions by fire.<a id='r21'></a><a href='#f21' class='c015'><sup>[21]</sup></a> The main reason for this is
+probably to be looked for in the dissemination among nearly all
+peoples of legends of a great flood, but it also in no small measure
+may be attributed to rudimentary geological observations (notably
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>of the presence of shells on high ground) which showed that
+portions of the earth’s surface had at one time lain beneath the
+waters.<a id='r22'></a><a href='#f22' class='c015'><sup>[22]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Geographic Application of the Theory of the Great Years</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The theory of the Great Years was invoked to explain changes
+in geographic and climatic conditions on the earth’s surface.<a id='r23'></a><a href='#f23' class='c015'><sup>[23]</sup></a>
+When the various planets and stars bear a certain relation to one
+another, a period of dryness and heat, or a Great Summer, is
+experienced; conversely, when other stellar relationships prevail,
+there is a period of cold and wetness, or a Great Winter. Even
+land and sea gradually change places under stellar control.
+Certain parts of the land, Aristotle observed, had once been
+covered by the sea, and what is now sea had once been land:
+like plants and animals, land and sea grow to maturity and old
+age. If the causes adduced for these changes were not so utterly
+different from those that are now accepted, we might almost be
+tempted to think that Aristotle had some conception of climatic
+cycles and cycles of erosion.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>After Plato and Aristotle, as before them, the doctrine of the
+Great Years, though by no means universal, was very popular
+in antiquity.<a id='r24'></a><a href='#f24' class='c015'><sup>[24]</sup></a> The Stoics adopted it in its more extreme form
+involving successive burnings and liquefactions of the universe.<a id='r25'></a><a href='#f25' class='c015'><sup>[25]</sup></a>
+It entered into Neoplatonism and was ultimately taken
+over by the Jews. It seems to have penetrated to India, where
+the Greek elaboration of the theory gave precision to ideas that
+were probably already in existence there. The Indian belief
+in the recurrent reincarnations of Brahma was brought into
+connection with Hellenic calculations of the duration of the
+Great Years.<a id='r26'></a><a href='#f26' class='c015'><sup>[26]</sup></a> From the Hindus and from the Greeks the
+conception was transferred to the Arabs and by them to the
+knowledge of the Latin West.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Duration of the Great Years</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Numerous endeavors were made in antiquity to calculate the
+length of a Great Year.<a id='r27'></a><a href='#f27' class='c015'><sup>[27]</sup></a> The figure that was adopted by the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>Arabs and passed on to the Christian world originated in
+Hipparchus’ discovery of the precession of the equinoxes, or
+apparent gradual revolution of the fixed stars around the pole
+of the ecliptic.<a id='r28'></a><a href='#f28' class='c015'><sup>[28]</sup></a> Ptolemy calculated that the period of this
+revolution was 36,000 years,<a id='r29'></a><a href='#f29' class='c015'><sup>[29]</sup></a> a figure which became known to
+the Hindus and Arabs and ultimately to medieval Christendom.<a id='r30'></a><a href='#f30' class='c015'><sup>[30]</sup></a>
+The actual figure is approximately 25,800 years.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>SHAPE, MOVEMENTS, AND SIZE OF THE EARTH</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Sphericity of the Earth</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Nearly all scholars of antiquity after the fifth century before
+Christ thought that the earth was a globe.<a id='r31'></a><a href='#f31' class='c015'><sup>[31]</sup></a> The earlier opinion
+of a disk-shaped earth resting upon the waters, which appears to
+have been held by Anaximander (although some students have
+thought that he, too, believed in a spherical earth <a id='r32'></a><a href='#f32' class='c015'><sup>[32]</sup></a>), was discarded
+by the Pythagoreans and Plato, and after their time no
+serious thinkers questioned the theory of sphericity. The
+Pythagoreans based their opinion on speculative and philosophical
+grounds rather than on physical and experimental proofs;
+they thought that since the sphere is the most perfect mathematical
+form, the earth must therefore be a sphere. The whole
+tendency of Aristotle’s thought, less speculative and less hypothetical
+than Plato’s,<a id='r33'></a><a href='#f33' class='c015'><sup>[33]</sup></a> led him to look for proofs of sphericity,<a id='r34'></a><a href='#f34' class='c015'><sup>[34]</sup></a>
+and these he enunciated with great emphasis. Cleomedes,<a id='r35'></a><a href='#f35' class='c015'><sup>[35]</sup></a>
+Pliny,<a id='r36'></a><a href='#f36' class='c015'><sup>[36]</sup></a> Ptolemy,<a id='r37'></a><a href='#f37' class='c015'><sup>[37]</sup></a> Martianus Capella,<a id='r38'></a><a href='#f38' class='c015'><sup>[38]</sup></a> and other ancient
+writers likewise adduced more or less convincing proofs, which
+were well known and often cited in the medieval period.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Immobility of the Earth</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Though the learned men of the ancient world were almost universally
+agreed that the earth is a globe, they were not unanimous
+in the belief that it stands immovable in the center of the universe;
+yet the various theories which diverged from this orthodox
+view had no place in the development of medieval cosmology until
+long after our period.<a id='r39'></a><a href='#f39' class='c015'><sup>[39]</sup></a> Certain among the Pythagoreans
+maintained that there is a fire in the heart of the earth.<a id='r40'></a><a href='#f40' class='c015'><sup>[40]</sup></a> Plato
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>said that the center of the earth, which stands immobile<a id='r41'></a><a href='#f41' class='c015'><sup>[41]</sup></a> in the
+center of the universe, is the seat, not of a fire, but of the World
+Soul.<a id='r42'></a><a href='#f42' class='c015'><sup>[42]</sup></a> Through its own internal movement the World Soul
+causes the movement of the universe as a whole. Belief in the
+World Soul of Plato was extraordinarily tenacious, and it emerges
+in the writings of more than one Neoplatonist of the Middle Ages.
+Aristotle, however, though he likewise held fast to the doctrine
+of the immobility of the earth in the center of the universe, differed
+both from the Pythagoreans and from Plato in refusing to
+believe that the center of the universe could be the seat of an incorruptible
+being of the same substance as the celestial bodies,
+be it fire or World Soul. Aristotle,<a id='r43'></a><a href='#f43' class='c015'><sup>[43]</sup></a> Pliny,<a id='r44'></a><a href='#f44' class='c015'><sup>[44]</sup></a> and Ptolemy<a id='r45'></a><a href='#f45' class='c015'><sup>[45]</sup></a> also
+brought forward proofs of varying validity in favor of the immobility
+of the earth.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Circumference of the Earth</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Several figures were given by ancient authors for the circumference
+of the earth. Aristotle stated it to be 400,000 stades;<a id='r46'></a><a href='#f46' class='c015'><sup>[46]</sup></a>
+Eratosthenes determined it to be 252,000 stades according to the
+testimony of many writers, including Pliny,<a id='r47'></a><a href='#f47' class='c015'><sup>[47]</sup></a> Vitruvius,<a id='r48'></a><a href='#f48' class='c015'><sup>[48]</sup></a> Martianus
+Capella,<a id='r49'></a><a href='#f49' class='c015'><sup>[49]</sup></a> and Macrobius,<a id='r50'></a><a href='#f50' class='c015'><sup>[50]</sup></a> although Cleomedes, who gives
+the most circumstantial account of Eratosthenes’ measurement,
+had said that the latter’s figure was 250,000.<a id='r51'></a><a href='#f51' class='c015'><sup>[51]</sup></a> It is probable
+that Eratosthenes himself arbitrarily added 2000 stades to his
+result in order to obtain a figure more easily divisible.<a id='r52'></a><a href='#f52' class='c015'><sup>[52]</sup></a> Cleomedes
+quotes Posidonius as giving 240,000 stades,<a id='r53'></a><a href='#f53' class='c015'><sup>[53]</sup></a> and Strabo
+says that the latter gave 180,000 stades.<a id='r54'></a><a href='#f54' class='c015'><sup>[54]</sup></a> The last number was
+that adopted by Marinus of Tyre and by Ptolemy.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Though we have several distinct figures cited by ancient writers,
+these assuredly do not indicate that as many distinct processes
+of measurement were carried out. The circumference
+given by Aristotle was a mere estimate; Eratosthenes’ result was
+the only one based on accurate measurements and calculations;<a id='r55'></a><a href='#f55' class='c015'><sup>[55]</sup></a>
+the two figures given by Posidonius may well have been derived
+from Eratosthenes, the larger arising from a mistaken interpretation
+or intentional alteration of the latter’s figure, and the smaller
+from the use of a longer stade.<a id='r56'></a><a href='#f56' class='c015'><sup>[56]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>At all events, so far as we know, only one method was employed
+by the Greeks for determining the size of the earth. This consisted
+of finding on the same day of the year the meridian altitudes
+of the sun at two places supposed to be on the same meridian of
+longitude, the distance between which was known through itineraries.
+The angle between the two meridian altitudes was then
+assumed to bear the same relation to the circumference of the
+heavens as the distance between the two points of observation
+bore to the circumference of the earth. Cleomedes<a id='r57'></a><a href='#f57' class='c015'><sup>[57]</sup></a> and Martianus
+Capella<a id='r58'></a><a href='#f58' class='c015'><sup>[58]</sup></a> described how Eratosthenes carried out such
+observations in Egypt.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The figure determined by Eratosthenes is surprisingly accurate.
+Whether the stade used by him was 157.50<a id='r59'></a><a href='#f59' class='c015'><sup>[59]</sup></a> or 168<a id='r60'></a><a href='#f60' class='c015'><sup>[60]</sup></a> meters,
+as different modern scholars contend, the circumference
+according to his estimate would be 39,375 or 42,336 kilometers.
+In either case the error is seen to be very slight, the true circumference
+of the earth being about 40,000 kilometers.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>THE DISTRIBUTION OF HABITABLE REGIONS; ZONES; THE DISTRIBUTION OF LAND AND WATER</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>We see, then, that the writers of antiquity whose opinions were
+destined to mold the thought of the medieval period believed that
+the earth is a sphere, immovably fixed in the center of the universe.
+We must now examine their theories regarding the distribution
+of phenomena on the surface of the globe and the interaction
+of these phenomena. Of prime importance were their
+views concerning the distribution of habitable areas of land,
+but these were so closely bound up with the theory of climatic
+zones that it is absolutely necessary to understand what this theory
+was before going further, even though the subject of zones
+might more properly be included in the study of the atmosphere.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Zones</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Parmenides may have been the first to conceive of zones
+upon the earth’s surface corresponding to the zones into which
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>the astronomers had divided the heavens. Eratosthenes is said
+to have been the first to place the theory of terrestrial zones upon
+a firmly scientific footing, “by determining exactly upon the
+sphere the position of the fixed circles which mark the limits
+of each zone” (Thalamas).<a id='r61'></a><a href='#f61' class='c015'><sup>[61]</sup></a> Ancient geographers set the number
+of terrestrial zones at five, though they differed as to the
+character of the climates within them. The general opinion—one
+which was shared by Aristotle—was that the polar caps and
+the equatorial regions were incapable of sustaining life, the first
+on account of cold, the second on account of heat. Despite the
+fact that the notion of the existence of a fiery belt between the
+tropics was challenged by Polybius and Posidonius, who had
+heard reports from expeditions in these regions, this notion
+persisted in the writings of Martianus Capella, Macrobius, and
+many others and exerted an extremely restrictive effect on the
+subsequent development of geographical knowledge and enterprise.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The majority of the ancient writers whose works were read in
+Christendom before 1300 also thought that the <i>oikoumene</i>, or portion
+of the earth inhabited by men of our kind, is completely
+surrounded by an ocean. This is a belief common to many early
+peoples.<a id='r62'></a><a href='#f62' class='c015'><sup>[62]</sup></a> In the Greek world we can trace it back to the Homeric
+and Hesiodic Ocean Stream and to the conceptions of
+early Ionian philosophers, who had gone so far as to maintain
+that the earth had been created out of water,<a id='r63'></a><a href='#f63' class='c015'><sup>[63]</sup></a> or at least that
+it was originally submerged beneath the ocean and had been
+brought forth through the evaporation of the water by sun and
+stars.<a id='r64'></a><a href='#f64' class='c015'><sup>[64]</sup></a> The theory of an encircling ocean was certainly held by
+Aristotle, Pliny,<a id='r65'></a><a href='#f65' class='c015'><sup>[65]</sup></a> Seneca, Macrobius, and Martianus Capella.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Crates’ Theory of Four Land Masses</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The two last-named writers set forth an elaboration of an
+opinion first held by the Pythagoreans and worked out in detail
+by Crates of Mallos in the second century before Christ, which
+gained great ascendancy over the minds of map makers and
+writers of the Middle Ages. They explained that the <i>oikoumene</i>
+is one of four similar inhabited bodies of land on the surface of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>the globe. These bodies of land are separated from one another
+by two oceans which encircle the earth, one running east and
+west in the fiery equatorial regions, and one running north and
+south at right angles to the equatorial ocean. This idea, which
+we shall call the “Cratesian” theory after its foremost expositor,
+did not pass unchallenged either in antiquity or in the Christian
+period. Involving as it did the doctrine of the antipodes—people
+dwelling in quarters absolutely inaccessible to men of our race,
+eternally cut off from our <i>oikoumene</i> by the fires of the equator
+and the terrors of the meridional ocean—the Cratesian theory
+provoked the indignation of the Fathers of the Church as containing
+the seeds of heresy.<a id='r66'></a><a href='#f66' class='c015'><sup>[66]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Extent of the “Oikoumene”</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Aristotle, although he had derived from the Pythagoreans the
+theory of an uninhabitable torrid belt,<a id='r67'></a><a href='#f67' class='c015'><sup>[67]</sup></a> believed in a greater
+southward extension of our <i>oikoumene</i> than would be possible in
+accordance with the Cratesian theory. He harbored no idea
+of the existence of another <i>oikoumene</i> in the same latitude as ours.
+He says very clearly in the <i>De caelo</i><a id='r68'></a><a href='#f68' class='c015'><sup>[68]</sup></a> that there is no great
+distance between India and Spain and hinted at the same
+opinion in the <i>Meteorology</i>.<a id='r69'></a><a href='#f69' class='c015'><sup>[69]</sup></a> Seneca<a id='r70'></a><a href='#f70' class='c015'><sup>[70]</sup></a> held similar views.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The opposite theory—which has been called the continental
+as opposed to the oceanic hypothesis<a id='r71'></a><a href='#f71' class='c015'><sup>[71]</sup></a>—that Africa and Asia
+extended unknown distances south and east and that the Atlantic
+and Indian Oceans, like the Caspian Sea, were enclosed basins—also
+had its adherents, among them Herodotus, Hipparchus, and,
+most significant of all, Ptolemy. But Ptolemy’s <i>Geography</i>,
+though its content was reflected in Arabic notions of the earth’s
+surface, had almost no readers in the Christian West until the
+fifteenth century, and the works of Herodotus and Hipparchus
+were unknown.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Aristotle, Seneca, and Pliny</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Among the writers of antiquity who dealt with physical
+geography only three can be said to have influenced twelfth- and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>early thirteenth-century thought to any marked degree. These
+were, first and foremost, Aristotle, the substance of whose
+<i>De caelo</i> and <i>Meteorology</i> had reached the West before the year
+1187 through the borrowings and plagiarisms of later scholars
+and after that time could be read in translations from the Greek
+and Arabic. In the second place, Seneca’s <i>Quaestiones naturales</i>
+was popular before the direct influence of the <i>De caelo</i> and
+<i>Meteorology</i> began to be felt. In the third place, as we have
+seen, the Elder Pliny’s <i>Historia naturalis</i> was not only widely
+read in the original, but also much that it contained was familiar
+through the intermediary channels of Solinus, Isidore, Martianus
+Capella, and others. Aristotle, however, was the fundamental
+authority, for a large portion of the material in the books of the
+two Latin authors came from his treatises.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Four Elements</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Most ancient authorities believed that the universe is composed
+of four elements, fire, air, water, and earth, arranged in concentric
+spheres. Theoretically, according to this view, the sphere
+of water should entirely enclose the earth. Practical observation
+shows that it covers the lower levels of the earth’s surface
+only. How to reconcile the theoretical conception with observed
+facts was a problem which, as we shall see, greatly puzzled
+geographers and physicists during the later Middle Ages.<a id='r72'></a><a href='#f72' class='c015'><sup>[72]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>According to Aristotle the four elements, under the control
+of the heavenly bodies and through their interaction upon each
+other, produce all the physical phenomena of the atmosphere,
+sea, and earth.<a id='r73'></a><a href='#f73' class='c015'><sup>[73]</sup></a> Working from this axiom, he, and all the ancient
+writers who dealt with the subject, attempted to explain
+winds, tides, earthquakes, and other occurrences of nature; but
+there was little agreement among them as to the manner in
+which these interactions were manifested. Though there were
+many theories, the actual matters under discussion were not
+very numerous. Only the most striking and unusual happenings—such
+as tides, earthquakes, and floods—attracted attention,
+and we find almost no trace of a minute and careful
+observation or even of a superficial understanding of those imperceptibly
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>slow natural forces which modern geology recognizes
+as having fashioned mountains, rivers, and seas.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A logical division of the subject matter of physical geography
+is into three studies: that of the atmosphere, that of the waters,
+and that of the earth. In each of these there is room for a great
+deal of hairsplitting about what belongs to geography and what
+to geology, geophysics, or meteorology. Physical geography
+merges into the other natural sciences as human geography
+merges into history, politics, economics, or ethnology. Even
+at the present day, when the often futile attempt is being made
+to delimit the domains of the various sciences ever more definitely,
+it is impossible to distinguish where one begins and another
+ends, and it would be foolish to set up hard and fast definitions
+in dealing with the lore of the ancient and medieval worlds, when
+natural science was as yet inchoate.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Meteorology</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The ancients were more interested in meteorology<a id='r74'></a><a href='#f74' class='c015'><sup>[74]</sup></a> than they
+were in oceanography and physiography (if such terms can be
+used for their naïve attempts at explaining the features of ocean
+and land), perhaps because the phenomena of the air make a
+deeper impression on men than the phenomena of the sea and
+earth—tides, earthquakes, and volcanoes excepted. Thunder
+and lightning, comets, rainbows, balls of fire were looked upon
+as portents, and complex theories were created to explain them
+and what they were supposed to foretell. But all this type of
+meteorological lore, however interesting in itself, is, strictly
+speaking, not geography. On the other hand, there are certain
+distinctly geographical aspects of the study of the atmosphere
+as pursued by the Greeks and Romans that deserve our attention.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The men of antiquity conceived of the interaction of atmosphere
+and earth in two ways: effects produced by the land upon
+the atmosphere, and effects produced by the winds upon the
+land. In connection with the first, Seneca makes a remark
+which, when taken from its context, would not be out of place
+in a modern manual of meteorology. He conceived the lower
+portion of the atmosphere to be extremely variable and inconstant
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>as a result of the proximity of the earth. “The earth is a
+more important cause than all others&#160;... for the air’s changefulness
+and inconstancy. The varying positions of the land,
+facing here this way and there another way, are of great moment
+in determining the temperature of the air.”<a id='r75'></a><a href='#f75' class='c015'><sup>[75]</sup></a> Nothing is truer
+than this, but the reasons that Seneca gives for the influence of
+the atmosphere upon the land are not satisfactory, being based
+to a large extent on the supposition that winds are produced by
+vapors. Indeed, by the theory of vapors and exhalations many
+ancient and medieval thinkers attempted to explain nearly all
+the phenomena of the atmosphere and heavens as well. Aristotle
+had pointed out that a dry and smokelike exhalation is caused
+by the sun to rise from the earth’s surface through the air and
+even to penetrate the zone of fire.<a id='r76'></a><a href='#f76' class='c015'><sup>[76]</sup></a> While near the earth this
+exhalation takes the form of wind; when ignited at higher levels
+it becomes comets and shooting stars. Besides this, Aristotle
+maintained that a damp and watery vapor is also drawn into the
+atmosphere by the sun’s heat and when cooled turns into cloud
+or falls in the form of rain and snow.<a id='r77'></a><a href='#f77' class='c015'><sup>[77]</sup></a> These ideas of Aristotle
+became known to the Western world of the Middle Ages with
+translations of the <i>De caelo</i> and <i>Meteorology</i> and found their
+expression in the thirteenth-century writings of Albertus Magnus.<a id='r78'></a><a href='#f78' class='c015'><sup>[78]</sup></a>
+Seneca, on the other hand, explained that the winds
+were air in motion and that they might be produced by many
+and various causes.<a id='r79'></a><a href='#f79' class='c015'><sup>[79]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Winds</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>All three of the writers whom we are specially considering,<a id='r80'></a><a href='#f80' class='c015'><sup>[80]</sup></a>
+Aristotle, Seneca, and Pliny, had observed that there is a variety
+of local winds—valley, river, sea, and marsh breezes—taking
+their origin from the exhalations and vapors arising from these
+natural features. But even though their explanations of the
+causes for these winds are now regarded as archaic, the observations
+they made of their occurrence were not inaccurate.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>As to the effects of the winds on the earth, we encounter a
+theory that sounds most extraordinary in the light of modern
+science but which corresponds logically to the Aristotelian
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>hypothesis of the elements and to the general ideas current in
+classical times regarding the structure of the earth. This theory,
+that the winds are the cause of earthquakes, can better be understood
+after we have examined the ancient opinions about the
+physical geography of the water and of the earth.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Another persistent belief, held alike by poets, physicists, and
+geographers, originated in the Homeric mythology of the calm
+heights of Olympus, dwelling place of the gods. This was to the
+effect that the winds are limited to the lower part of the atmosphere,<a id='r81'></a><a href='#f81' class='c015'><sup>[81]</sup></a>
+a zone some ten or fifteen stades in thickness.<a id='r82'></a><a href='#f82' class='c015'><sup>[82]</sup></a> The
+highest mountains were thought to reach above into a realm of
+perpetual tranquillity where clouds and dew and frost were unknown
+and where the ashes of sacrifice would remain undisturbed
+for a year’s time.<a id='r83'></a><a href='#f83' class='c015'><sup>[83]</sup></a> This idea was transferred to the Middle Ages
+through the writings of Pomponius Mela, Solinus, and others.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Climatology</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>As to the climates, it has already been shown that many writers
+of antiquity divided the earth’s surface into zones: fiery, temperate,
+and frozen. Aristotle, Seneca, and Pliny do not seem to have
+had that more exact understanding of the distribution of climates
+which recognizes that two countries in the same latitude may,
+nevertheless, have different climatic conditions and products.<a id='r84'></a><a href='#f84' class='c015'><sup>[84]</sup></a>
+To them, all places on the same parallel were virtually the same
+from the climatic point of view. In this connection it must be
+pointed out that the parallel strips, or <i>climata</i>, into which
+Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, Ptolemy, Pliny, and Martianus
+Capella divided the <i>oikoumene</i> were not climatic divisions in our
+modern sense—implying the prevalence of well-defined conditions
+of temperature and weather—but, rather, artificial astronomical
+divisions the boundaries of which were determined by arbitrary
+means.<a id='r85'></a><a href='#f85' class='c015'><sup>[85]</sup></a> Nevertheless, true climatic differences were well
+understood; Seneca describes vividly in more than one place in
+the <i>Quaestiones naturales</i> the intense heat and dryness of southern
+regions<a id='r86'></a><a href='#f86' class='c015'><sup>[86]</sup></a> and the cold of the far North; Seneca and Pliny had
+acquired more detailed knowledge than Aristotle of the northern
+ice and snows.<a id='r87'></a><a href='#f87' class='c015'><sup>[87]</sup></a> Pliny made some interesting, if unsound,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>observations connecting the dark complexions of the Ethiopians
+with the scorching effects of the sun and foreshadowed a modern
+theory by asserting that the inhabitants of northern Europe are
+blonde (and savage) because of the coldness and inclemency of
+the climate in which they dwell.<a id='r88'></a><a href='#f88' class='c015'><sup>[88]</sup></a> A brief but striking passage
+from the <i>Octavius</i> of Marcus Minutius Felix explains as follows
+the warming effect of the western ocean upon the climate of
+Britain: “God is mindful of our welfare not only universally but
+locally. Britain is deficient in sunshine, but this deficiency is
+made good by the warmth of the sea that flows around it.”<a id='r89'></a><a href='#f89' class='c015'><sup>[89]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The Greeks and Romans certainly had no satisfactory understanding
+of the general circulation of the atmosphere. Only with
+the maritime voyages since the fifteenth century have we come to
+know the distribution of belts of prevailing winds and calms.
+Aristotle said that the etesian, or north, winds blow from the
+cold countries full of water and snow under the Great Bear; and
+that the south wind originates at, but not south of, the Tropic of
+Cancer;<a id='r90'></a><a href='#f90' class='c015'><sup>[90]</sup></a> this is the nearest he came to giving a theory of atmospheric
+circulation. Megasthenes had heard of the monsoons of
+the Indian Ocean; Pliny described the use made of them by
+sailors in going out to India,<a id='r91'></a><a href='#f91' class='c015'><sup>[91]</sup></a> but he made no attempt to explain
+the general areas of westerlies or trades. On the other hand,
+Aristotle,<a id='r92'></a><a href='#f92' class='c015'><sup>[92]</sup></a> Seneca,<a id='r93'></a><a href='#f93' class='c015'><sup>[93]</sup></a> and Pliny<a id='r94'></a><a href='#f94' class='c015'><sup>[94]</sup></a> all recognized and discussed at
+considerable length the influences of wind on weather; for example,
+the fact that the etesians, though they bring clear skies
+to Italy, deluge Ethiopia and India with rain—a conception which
+contains a shadow of truth.<a id='r95'></a><a href='#f95' class='c015'><sup>[95]</sup></a> Auster, the south wind, was
+supposed to bring rain to Italy.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Water Element</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Since water was one of the four—or, according to Aristotle, five—elements
+that were supposed to make up the universe, the
+ancient authorities looked upon the ocean as necessarily as old as
+the earth itself. Seneca thought that the Nile and the Ister
+(Danube) are of equal age with the primordial ocean, because of
+remarkable characteristics which differentiate them from all other
+streams.<a id='r96'></a><a href='#f96' class='c015'><sup>[96]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Sea: Its Salinity, Depth, Currents, and Tides</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>We must note what features of the sea interested the Greeks
+and Romans. These were primarily its saltness, its depth, its
+currents, and its tides.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The problem of why the sea is salt gave rise to a good deal of
+theorizing. That the evaporation of the lighter fresh water
+leaves behind the heavy salt water was well understood, but in the
+further solution of the problem opinions diverged widely. Aristotle
+thought that the salt was the result of combustion;<a id='r97'></a><a href='#f97' class='c015'><sup>[97]</sup></a> that
+it was an ashlike substance first carried into the air by the
+exhalations from the earth and then deposited in the sea by rainfall—particularly
+by the autumn rains that accompany the south
+winds blowing from hot, dry districts where the process of combustion
+is most active. Pliny believed that the salt came partly
+from dry vapors intermingled with the sea waters and partly
+from the nature of the earth, which tends to impregnate the sea
+with salt.<a id='r98'></a><a href='#f98' class='c015'><sup>[98]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Aristotle said<a id='r99'></a><a href='#f99' class='c015'><sup>[99]</sup></a> that the Pontus (Black Sea) was deeper than
+the Maeotis (Sea of Azov), the Aegean deeper than the Pontus—except
+in one place—the Sicilian Sea deeper than the Aegean,
+and the Sardinian and Tyrrhenian the deepest of all seas. Pliny
+quotes<a id='r100'></a><a href='#f100' class='c015'><sup>[100]</sup></a> a certain Fabianus to the effect that the greatest known
+depth of the sea is fifteen stades, or about 1200 fathoms—not an
+excessive figure, for parts of the Mediterranean are in fact even
+deeper. Pliny,<a id='r101'></a><a href='#f101' class='c015'><sup>[101]</sup></a> following Aristotle,<a id='r102'></a><a href='#f102' class='c015'><sup>[102]</sup></a> believed that the “Deeps
+of the Euxine,” opposite the shores of the people of the Coraxi,
+were unfathomable.<a id='r103'></a><a href='#f103' class='c015'><sup>[103]</sup></a> Aristotle had a very false idea that the
+Atlantic is made up of shallows and mud banks and that it is
+calm, an idea shared by the Mohammedans and one that may
+have contributed to the horror of the Western Ocean which
+lingered in the minds of Mediterranean peoples throughout
+antiquity and until the close of the Middle Ages.<a id='r104'></a><a href='#f104' class='c015'><sup>[104]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The ancient geographers certainly had no clearer understanding
+of the general circulation of the ocean than of the atmosphere, and
+for the very same reason: they had not traveled sufficiently.
+Aristotle thought that there is a flow of water southward from the
+higher northern part of the earth,<a id='r105'></a><a href='#f105' class='c015'><sup>[105]</sup></a> and Macrobius explained a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>series of currents in the oceanic belts which he imagined surrounded
+the earth.<a id='r106'></a><a href='#f106' class='c015'><sup>[106]</sup></a> Certain currents of the Mediterranean
+attracted attention: the constant flow from the Euxine into the
+Aegean and the fluctuating currents of the Strait of Messina and
+the Euripus (between Euboea and the mainland). A tradition
+arose at later times that the death of Aristotle was caused by his
+disgust at being unable to explain to his satisfaction the currents
+of the Euripus.<a id='r107'></a><a href='#f107' class='c015'><sup>[107]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Only with the travels of Pytheas of Marseilles along the North
+Atlantic coasts, the expedition of Alexander, and Nearchus’
+voyage and exploration of the mouths of the Indus and coasts of
+Beluchistan and Mekran did the Greeks gain any adequate
+knowledge of tidal phenomena; for the tides of the Mediterranean,
+except in a few places, are so low as to be almost negligible.<a id='r108'></a><a href='#f108' class='c015'><sup>[108]</sup></a>
+Eratosthenes thought that the currents through narrows
+in the Mediterranean are caused by variations in the relative
+levels of the sea at either end of the channels and that these
+variations are a response of the sea to fluctuations of the tides in
+the ocean beyond the Pillars of Hercules.<a id='r109'></a><a href='#f109' class='c015'><sup>[109]</sup></a> As early as the
+third century before the Christian era the Greeks had understood
+the relation of the moon’s phases to the ebb and flood, but certainly
+not much earlier, for Aristotle appears to have been ignorant
+of it.<a id='r110'></a><a href='#f110' class='c015'><sup>[110]</sup></a> Posidonius was the first to give a full account of the
+manner in which the moon and sun regulate the tides.<a id='r111'></a><a href='#f111' class='c015'><sup>[111]</sup></a> He had
+accurate knowledge of the diurnal, the monthly, and perhaps the
+annual tidal periods,<a id='r112'></a><a href='#f112' class='c015'><sup>[112]</sup></a> a knowledge which formed a bulwark of
+the structure of his astrology. Pliny also believed that the tides
+were caused by lunar influence and described the three periods
+with even greater accuracy than Posidonius.<a id='r113'></a><a href='#f113' class='c015'><sup>[113]</sup></a> He recognized
+that the tides must correspond to a lunisolar cycle of one hundred
+lunations, or eight years, an astronomical cycle that had long been
+familiar to the Greeks.<a id='r114'></a><a href='#f114' class='c015'><sup>[114]</sup></a> He included in his account an astute
+observation that the tides, like everything else on the earth’s
+surface depending on celestial controls, tend to drag behind the
+time when these controls are exerted.<a id='r115'></a><a href='#f115' class='c015'><sup>[115]</sup></a> Seneca does not try to
+explain the tides; he mentions them only incidentally in connection
+with a graphic description of the terrible deluge that will
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>overwhelm the earth at the end of the Great Winter. Though
+in some respects like the spring tides at the equinoxes, when the
+sun and moon are in conjunction, this flood will be bound by no
+law of nature and will have no curb to its fury.<a id='r116'></a><a href='#f116' class='c015'><sup>[116]</sup></a> Macrobius’
+explanation of the tides,<a id='r117'></a><a href='#f117' class='c015'><sup>[117]</sup></a> which was copied by many later
+writers, though ingenious, was not founded on actual knowledge
+or observation. He said that the ebb and flood are caused by the
+impact of the opposing currents of the two ocean belts which
+encircle the earth, and, with Eratosthenes, he thought that the
+tide of the Mediterranean is a repercussion of the ocean tides.
+Indeed, after the time of Pliny there was no addition to the
+scientific understanding of tidal phenomena until the eighth
+century.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Subterranean Channels</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Evaporation was given by Aristotle as a reason why the sea
+does not overflow its bed on account of the constant inflow from
+the rivers.<a id='r118'></a><a href='#f118' class='c015'><sup>[118]</sup></a> Another explanation of this puzzling circumstance
+was found by Pliny<a id='r119'></a><a href='#f119' class='c015'><sup>[119]</sup></a> in a curious theory that prevailed throughout
+antiquity and the Middle Ages to the effect that the land is
+seamed with veins, cavities, and tunnels.<a id='r120'></a><a href='#f120' class='c015'><sup>[120]</sup></a> Into some of these
+the air enters; others are the passages for rivers which sink into
+the ground; through still others the water of the sea finds its way
+to wells, springs, and fountains, where, made fresh by its passage
+through the earth, it bursts forth to form rivers which return it
+to the sea. A continuous circulation of the waters of the earth
+is thus maintained through passages corresponding to the veins,
+arteries, and canals of the human body.<a id='r121'></a><a href='#f121' class='c015'><sup>[121]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The origin of the latter theory is undoubtedly to be sought for
+partly in the nature of the ground in Greece and the Aegean
+region and partly in the age-old belief that the interior of the
+earth is the abode of the dead.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The soluble character of the limestone rocks throughout parts
+of the Balkan Peninsula has led to the production of what is now
+known as <i>karst</i> topography, so called from the Karst, a plateau
+between Trieste and Fiume, where it has attained its most typical
+development. In such regions many streams disappear into
+hollows of the ground; caverns and underground galleries are
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>extremely common; and the traveler occasionally comes across a
+full-grown river bursting out of the depths of the earth. The old
+and persistent story that the river Alpheus of the Peloponnesus
+passes beneath the Ionian Sea only to gush forth in the well of
+Arethusa in Syracuse was destined to have a medieval counterpart
+in the explanation of the subterranean courses of the rivers
+of Paradise.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Rivers of the Underworld</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Among the most famous and sinister of the subterranean
+streams of antiquity were the dark waters of Cocytus, Acheron,
+Pyriphlegethon, and Styx.<a id='r122'></a><a href='#f122' class='c015'><sup>[122]</sup></a> These were the streams of the
+nether world, the world of the dead. Belief in the subterranean
+position of the after-world, the Hades of the Greeks, the Inferi of
+the Italian folk, was widespread and lasting among early Mediterranean
+peoples. Hellenic mythology placed not only Tartarus,
+the abyss of torment, but also the Elysian Fields in the depths.
+Plato taught that within the bowels of the earth are immense
+caverns, some filled with fire, some with water, others the abode
+of the shades. To be sure, rationalistic arguments against such
+doctrines were raised by the incredulous. Aristotle had believed
+that of all four elements the earth is the most dense and solid and
+that its position is at the center of the universe. Although the
+earth might be seamed with small water channels, it would be a
+reversal of the physical laws of the universe to suppose that
+within it there could exist caverns large enough to “hold Tartarus,
+the Elysian Fields, and the infinite multitude of the dead”
+(Cumont).<a id='r123'></a><a href='#f123' class='c015'><sup>[123]</sup></a> Hence some would identify the Elysian Fields
+with the Islands of the Blessed, placing them in the antipodes,
+and would relegate Tartarus to the lowest hollow of the celestial
+sphere.<a id='r124'></a><a href='#f124' class='c015'><sup>[124]</sup></a> But even this explanation could not be reconciled
+with the more mature cosmography of the Alexandrian age. The
+Epicureans resorted to out-and-out disbelief in a future life and
+future dwelling place of the spirit.<a id='r125'></a><a href='#f125' class='c015'><sup>[125]</sup></a> Others looked for the
+shades in the atmosphere below the moon’s orbit or else treated
+the whole problem in a lofty vein of allegory. Rationalistic
+questioning of the subterranean position of the next world,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>however, did not shake faith in this doctrine as it persisted among
+the ignorant, and the doctrine was given new life, if in somewhat
+different forms, by the Neoplatonic movement and the influx of
+Oriental cults during the waning years of the Western Empire.<a id='r126'></a><a href='#f126' class='c015'><sup>[126]</sup></a>
+The Neoplatonists reverted to Plato’s theory that the interior of
+the earth may well include hollows large enough to contain the
+future abode of men’s souls. The religion of Mithras tended to
+spread throughout the Occident the dualistic cosmology of an
+eternal conflict between the powers of light and goodness on high
+and the powers of darkness and evil below. In the words of
+Franz Cumont, whose truly fascinating study of this subject we
+are here following: Oriental dualism cut “the abode of the souls
+into two halves, of which it placed one in the luminous sky and
+the other in subterranean darkness. This was also the conception
+which, after some hesitation, became generally accepted
+by the Church and which for long centuries was to remain the
+common faith of Christendom.”<a id='r127'></a><a href='#f127' class='c015'><sup>[127]</sup></a> In the period with which it
+is our special problem to deal, then, we shall find that Hell is
+almost invariably placed in the heart of the earth.<a id='r128'></a><a href='#f128' class='c015'><sup>[128]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Origin of Rivers</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>To return from this digression to the vexed question of the
+origin of super-terrestrial rivers, we find that the circulation of
+water from the sea either by underground passages or by rain was
+not regarded by the majority of ancient thinkers as sufficient to
+account for the huge volumes of water that rivers constantly pour
+into the sea. Plato had thought that there were enormous
+reservoirs in the interior of the earth which served to keep the
+rivers supplied,<a id='r129'></a><a href='#f129' class='c015'><sup>[129]</sup></a> but Aristotle rejected this hypothesis.<a id='r130'></a><a href='#f130' class='c015'><sup>[130]</sup></a> A
+reservoir as large as the entire earth, he said, would be necessary
+for the purpose. His explanation was worked out of the theory
+that one element actually may be transformed into another.
+In a relatively unscientific age what is more natural than to believe,
+when one sees soluble substances passing into solution in
+water, that they actually become water? Or when one sees the
+condensation of invisible vapor into clouds and of clouds into
+rain, that the air is actually turning to water? Aristotle, followed
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>by Seneca,<a id='r131'></a><a href='#f131' class='c015'><sup>[131]</sup></a> argued that the air which penetrates into the
+internal cavities and recesses of the earth is chilled and liquefied
+by the cold encountered there, just as air seems to be condensed
+by cold in the outer atmosphere. Aristotle cited as a proof of this
+the supposed fact that most great rivers have their sources in
+mountains.<a id='r132'></a><a href='#f132' class='c015'><sup>[132]</sup></a> Mountains were to be looked upon as enormous
+elevated sponges exuding water on all sides. Aristotle concluded
+likewise that the northern part of the earth must be high and
+mountainous,<a id='r133'></a><a href='#f133' class='c015'><sup>[133]</sup></a> because many great rivers originate there.
+But, if the air is transmutable into water, why, then, was it not
+perfectly logical to suppose that the earth could also undergo a
+similar change? This as a theory to explain the origin of some
+of the water of rivers was clearly expressed by Seneca and,
+among the early Church Fathers, by Gregory of Nyssa.<a id='r134'></a><a href='#f134' class='c015'><sup>[134]</sup></a> The
+faulty character of Seneca’s scientific thought is seen in his failure
+to account satisfactorily for the logical demands of his theory,
+i. e. for the replacement of the land lost by its liquefaction.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Nile Flood</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>One of the natural phenomena most puzzling to the Greeks and
+Romans was the inundation of the Nile.<a id='r135'></a><a href='#f135' class='c015'><sup>[135]</sup></a> Herodotus in his
+famous book on Egypt had given a lengthy account of the Nile
+and what it meant to Egypt. He had called Egypt the “gift of
+the Nile,” for he understood the alluvial character of the country.
+His theory as to the cause of the flood—he held that the normal
+height of the river was its flood height but that the etesian winds,
+by driving the sun southward out of its course in winter, caused
+the sun to dry up the headwaters of the stream—was less successful
+than his description of the features of the flood itself.
+Seneca also gives a long and extremely picturesque description of
+the inundation<a id='r136'></a><a href='#f136' class='c015'><sup>[136]</sup></a> and sets forth various older explanations of its
+origin, all of which he tries to refute without presenting an opinion
+of his own. He tells how, starting in the upper reaches of the
+river, the flood travels downstream and arrives in Egypt about
+midsummer; how it adds to the fertility of the country by its
+deposits of silt; and how—here Seneca repeats the crisp phrase of
+Herodotus—Egypt is the creation of its stream. Among the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>various theories which he comments upon and refutes it is rather
+significant to find one which had been propounded by Anaxagoras
+and which is now recognized, in part at least, as the right explanation:
+that the high water is caused by the melting of the
+snows on the Ethiopian mountains. Seneca said that there were
+twenty proofs available to refute this hypothesis.<a id='r137'></a><a href='#f137' class='c015'><sup>[137]</sup></a> Another
+view which Seneca rejected was that the flood was caused by the
+etesian winds backing up the water, a theory fated to reappear in
+many medieval books, among them the <i>Expositio in hexaemeron</i>
+of Peter Abelard.<a id='r138'></a><a href='#f138' class='c015'><sup>[138]</sup></a> Pliny discussed the Nile and its peculiarities.<a id='r139'></a><a href='#f139' class='c015'><sup>[139]</sup></a>
+Like Herodotus, he believed that it rises in the western
+part of Africa and reaches the Sudan and Upper Egypt only after
+a series of long subterranean journeys. He described the flood,
+giving statistics of the various heights of the water on the
+nilometer and explaining which heights meant plenty and which
+meant famine. He shows a lack of critical sense in his remarks
+on the causes of the high water; for he held that two theories
+are equally worthy of credence, the theory of the etesian wind,
+which we have just examined, and the true explanation that the
+floods are due to summer rains in Ethiopia.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Lands</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>To turn now from water to land. We have already discussed
+Aristotle’s idea of the gradual transposition of continents and
+oceans under the control of the celestial bodies. Pliny describes
+a large number of local changes of land and sea:<a id='r140'></a><a href='#f140' class='c015'><sup>[140]</sup></a> the building of
+new land by alluvial deposits, the sudden appearance of land and
+islands out of the depths of the waters, the separation of islands
+from the mainland, the tying of islands to the shore, the total
+disappearance of entire countries beneath the sea—Plato’s
+Atlantis is given as an example<a id='r141'></a><a href='#f141' class='c015'><sup>[141]</sup></a>—the collapse of mountains;
+but in all this, though he tells where such prodigies took place, he
+rarely tries to explain how and why they happened.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Earthquakes and Volcanoes</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The explanation of the causes of earthquakes and volcanoes,
+however, was attempted by Plato, Aristotle, Pliny, Seneca, and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>many other writers of antiquity with no small measure of ingenuity.
+We have seen that ancient philosophers almost universally
+were of the opinion that the earth is honeycombed with
+cavities and subterranean passages. Plato said that some of
+these cavities were filled with water and air but that others
+contained mighty swamps and streams of fire, including the immense
+fiery river Pyriphlegethon. The volcanoes of the earth’s
+surface were outpourings from these internal streams, and their
+minglings with the atmosphere and strivings to burst forth were
+the cause of earthquakes.<a id='r142'></a><a href='#f142' class='c015'><sup>[142]</sup></a> Aristotle, on the other hand, denied
+the possibility of subterranean fires. According to his scheme of
+physics the place for fire in the universe was above the sphere of
+air. He maintained that the dry and smokelike exhalation which
+causes the winds of the atmosphere not only penetrates into the
+cavities of the earth from the outside but is generated within the
+earth’s interior<a id='r143'></a><a href='#f143' class='c015'><sup>[143]</sup></a> and that when this exhalation tries to escape
+and is opposed by any obstacle—for example, by the sea—there
+is a tremendous upheaval and the land is shaken. Seneca<a id='r144'></a><a href='#f144' class='c015'><sup>[144]</sup></a> and
+Pliny<a id='r145'></a><a href='#f145' class='c015'><sup>[145]</sup></a> ascribed the cause of earthquakes to the winds. Pliny
+believed that after a great storm, in which wind is driven down
+and compressed in the interior of the earth, it frequently strives
+to come forth and in so doing shakes the earth’s surface far and
+wide. Occasionally, if the pressure is too tremendous to be
+withstood by the crust of the earth, the winds burst through,
+accompanied by a violent tempest and a rain of sparks and
+cinders. Aristotle describes such a volcanic eruption in the
+Eolian (Lipari) Isles.<a id='r146'></a><a href='#f146' class='c015'><sup>[146]</sup></a> While this was the explanation of violent
+eruptions, the quiescent volcanic activity of mountains like
+Etna was usually attributed to a different cause. Pliny<a id='r147'></a><a href='#f147' class='c015'><sup>[147]</sup></a>
+speaks of Etna, Chimaera in Lycia, and various other volcanoes
+as burning, and it would seem that he connected them with such
+phenomena as burning naphtha wells and pits of bitumen and
+sulphur.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Height of Mountains</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>A word must be said about classical estimates of the height of
+mountains.<a id='r148'></a><a href='#f148' class='c015'><sup>[148]</sup></a> Aristotle suggested that these altitudes might be
+determined by observing the duration of sunlight on the peaks.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>He would have us believe that the Caucasus range is illumined
+by the sun for a third of the night after sunset and for a corresponding
+time before sunrise. If this were true, these mountains
+would be from 60 to 180 miles high!<a id='r149'></a><a href='#f149' class='c015'><sup>[149]</sup></a> Less fantastic were
+the estimates of Dicaearchus and Eratosthenes. The former,
+Pliny tells us, measured Pelion and found it to be 1250 paces
+(10 stades) in height.<a id='r150'></a><a href='#f150' class='c015'><sup>[150]</sup></a> If we are right in our understanding
+of the length of the pace here employed, this represents 5167
+feet<a id='r151'></a><a href='#f151' class='c015'><sup>[151]</sup></a>—certainly not far short of the actual altitude (5308 feet).
+We do not know the method used by Dicaearchus in this survey,
+but his calculation was probably determined from simple triangulation
+with the aid of a diopter, an instrument for measuring
+angles.<a id='r152'></a><a href='#f152' class='c015'><sup>[152]</sup></a> Triangulation as a means of finding the height of trees
+and buildings was well understood. Eratosthenes probably did
+not carry out a triangulation of his own but adopted the results
+obtained by Dicaearchus, asserting that the highest mountains
+in the world do not exceed 10 stades in elevation. He demonstrated
+by an ingenious and graphic mathematical proof that the
+volume of mountains is so utterly insignificant in comparison
+with the volume of the earth as a whole that the earth can be
+regarded as essentially a sphere,<a id='r153'></a><a href='#f153' class='c015'><sup>[153]</sup></a> a conception which became
+well established in the astronomical thought of antiquity and one
+which reappeared in the Middle Ages.<a id='r154'></a><a href='#f154' class='c015'><sup>[154]</sup></a> When the Greeks
+learned something of the Alps, they were able to correct Eratosthenes’
+underestimate of the maximum height of mountains.
+Posidonius argued that 15 instead of 10 stades should be taken
+as the correct figure and that the maximum depth of the sea was
+no greater than 15 stades.<a id='r155'></a><a href='#f155' class='c015'><sup>[155]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Mathematical geography deals in part with the accurate
+determination of the location of places and with the accurate
+representation of the earth’s surface on maps.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Mathematical Geography Largely Based on Itineraries</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The method almost universally employed by ancient geographers
+for determining locations was the compilation of itineraries;
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>the position of a place was found, not by accurate surveys,
+but by reference to other places at so many stades or so many
+days’ journey in such and such a direction. Whatever maps the
+Romans may have had (for example the great representation of
+the Empire set up by Agrippa in the Porticus Octaviae in Rome)
+were probably compiled entirely from route traverses. The
+greater part of the information which even the most accurate
+and scientific of the Greek geographers, Eratosthenes, Marinus
+of Tyre, and Ptolemy, possessed, was drawn from such itineraries
+and from estimates of sea voyages. The figures for the latitude
+and the longitude of the large number of places given in Ptolemy’s
+<i>Geography</i> are for the most part not the result of astronomical
+observations, and the tables cannot be regarded as analogous to
+modern tables of latitudes and longitudes but must be considered
+rather as guides for the construction of maps.<a id='r156'></a><a href='#f156' class='c015'><sup>[156]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Other methods besides these simple reckonings of locations
+were well known, none the less.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Astronomical Determination of Latitude</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The determination of latitude has always been a comparatively
+easy astronomical problem. No complicated instruments are
+needed to measure either the vertical elevation of the sun on the
+meridian or of the north celestial pole, and from both of these the
+latitude of the observer can be calculated with extreme accuracy.
+The instrument commonly used by the Greeks for measuring the
+angle of the sun<a id='r157'></a><a href='#f157' class='c015'><sup>[157]</sup></a> consisted of an hemispherical bowl (<i>scaphe</i>)
+with a vertical rod (<i>gnomon</i>) for a radius. The shadow of the
+rod on the concave interior of the bowl gives the elevation of the
+sun (with an error of 16′<a id='r158'></a><a href='#f158' class='c015'><sup>[158]</sup></a>) and thereby the latitude. Eratosthenes,
+Hipparchus, and Ptolemy were all familiar with the latitudes
+of several places that had thus been determined.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Astronomical Determination of Longitude</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>To find longitude by astronomical means is a more difficult
+matter for people who have neither chronometers nor telegraphs.
+Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, Pliny, and Ptolemy all understood
+that it may be found by observing the time of eclipses in different
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>localities.<a id='r159'></a><a href='#f159' class='c015'><sup>[159]</sup></a> Hipparchus believed that an extensive series of
+observations should be carried out in order to ascertain, by
+mathematical and astronomical means alone, latitudes and
+longitudes of a large number of places.<a id='r160'></a><a href='#f160' class='c015'><sup>[160]</sup></a> To facilitate such a
+survey he prepared tables of lunar eclipses and tables to aid in the
+determination of latitudes, but the practical difficulties of the
+undertaking were too great and the work was never completed.
+In fact, throughout antiquity the total number of places whose
+position had thus been accurately determined probably does not
+exceed half a dozen, if it is as many.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Pliny gives<a id='r161'></a><a href='#f161' class='c015'><sup>[161]</sup></a> an account of two different occasions when observations
+were made of the same eclipse at two different places.
+He says that at the time of the battle of Arbela the moon was
+eclipsed at the second hour of the night, when at the same hour
+it was rising in Sicily. He also speaks of an eclipse of the sun
+that was seen in Campania between the seventh and eighth hours
+and in Armenia between the eleventh and twelfth, indicating a
+difference in longitude of four hours, or 60°. The actual distance
+is no more than half of this. Ptolemy also cites<a id='r162'></a><a href='#f162' class='c015'><sup>[162]</sup></a> the eclipse of
+331 B.&#160;C. as giving the distance between Carthage and Arbela.
+We shall see later that much greater accuracy was attained by the
+Arabs in their calculations of longitude and that some of their
+figures were passed on to the Western world in astronomical
+tables during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Cartography</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Little need be said of the cartography of antiquity,<a id='r163'></a><a href='#f163' class='c015'><sup>[163]</sup></a> for although
+medieval maps undoubtedly owe much to classical
+predecessors, none of the classical maps which were destined
+directly to influence the cartography of the Middle Ages have
+come down to us. Indeed we have good copies of only two.
+These are the maps of Ptolemy and the so-called Tabula Peutingeriana,<a id='r164'></a><a href='#f164' class='c015'><sup>[164]</sup></a>
+or Peutinger Table. Ptolemy’s maps exerted no
+influence whatever on the cartography of the age of the Crusades.<a id='r165'></a><a href='#f165' class='c015'><sup>[165]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The Tabula Peutingeriana is preserved in a manuscript of the
+twelfth century or earlier and probably was originally copied
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>from a large chart showing the main routes and provinces of the
+Roman Empire. It is an extremely long and narrow affair in
+which the geography is woefully distorted. Though in itself
+hardly representative of the best in the Roman cartographer’s
+art, the original may have been compiled from a contemporary
+Roman map of the world and adapted through its long and narrow
+form to the especial purpose of illustrating itineraries. We
+know that maps of the world were officially drawn in imperial
+Rome and posted up for the benefit of the public: the one constructed
+by the order of Agrippa and Augustus in the Porticus
+Octaviae was the most famous;<a id='r166'></a><a href='#f166' class='c015'><sup>[166]</sup></a> and others are mentioned in
+literary sources.<a id='r167'></a><a href='#f167' class='c015'><sup>[167]</sup></a> Certain medieval maps of the world are
+possibly related to some of these Roman charts,<a id='r168'></a><a href='#f168' class='c015'><sup>[168]</sup></a> but unfortunately
+in the absence of the Roman maps themselves the exact
+relationships cannot satisfactorily be worked out.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Although the ancient astronomers knew a variety of projections
+for representing the heavens—stereographic, orthographic, and
+others<a id='r169'></a><a href='#f169' class='c015'><sup>[169]</sup></a>—these were not applied to maps of the earth until long
+after our period. Ptolemy describes several projections, among
+them the conic, which he may have used; but there is no question
+of any mathematical projections in the twelfth and thirteenth
+centuries, and none of the cartographers of that period took
+account of the fact that they were endeavoring to show a globe
+on a flat surface.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>THE EXPANSION OF REGIONAL KNOWLEDGE</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>We have seen what the geographers of antiquity thought about
+the general distribution of land and water and about the physical
+processes of the earth’s surface. We now must study a subject
+which is less concerned with what they thought than with what
+they actually knew—however vague and inexact this knowledge
+was. Though the heritage of knowledge which antiquity left
+to the Middle Ages of the countries and regions of the <i>oikoumene</i>
+was vast, much had been lost and much garbled in the process of
+transmission. Hence it would be beside the point to discuss the
+details of topographic information contained in the works of
+Strabo, Pliny, and Ptolemy; our aim is merely to indicate in a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>broad way the limits of the regional knowledge of the ancient
+world. This can best be done by sketching the various stages in
+which the horizon of geography was expanded until it reached
+the Shetlands and Scandinavia in the north, China in the east,
+and, perhaps, the Central African mountains in the south.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Expansion of Greek Regional Knowledge</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Homer’s geographical horizon was limited by the Mediterranean—one
+might almost say Aegean—shores; Italy, Sicily, and
+everything to the west was a realm of fable, and his acquaintance
+with the Black Sea coasts was little better. The colonizing
+movement of the eighth to the sixth centuries before Christ
+brought Greek settlers to these coasts; and through them there
+was gained some acquaintance with the country behind them,
+which found expression in the writings of Hecataeus at the close
+of the sixth century. With this writer ancient geography begins
+to assume its familiar classical form. He shows some slight
+knowledge of Central Asia beyond the Caspian Sea and is even
+aware of the existence of India—or at least of the northwestern
+portions of that peninsula. The great struggle with Persia
+brought the Greeks into much closer relations with Asia, and
+a corresponding increase in geographical knowledge ensued.
+This was summed up by Herodotus. Much of his geography is
+fabulous and legendary, but much of it is of surprising detail and
+accuracy. The voyage of Scylax of Caryanda from the Indus
+to the Persian Gulf had brought the Indian Ocean within Greek
+ken. Herodotus also describes the rivers of Scythia and of
+Central Asia and displays detailed familiarity with Egypt and
+northeastern Africa; he knew less of the West, although at about
+this same time the voyages of the Carthaginian Hanno in the
+Atlantic Ocean extended the horizon at least as far as the Canaries,
+which were destined to remain on the limits of the known
+world in that direction for many centuries to come. Shortly
+after Herodotus, Ctesias, who had lived seventeen years at the
+Persian court, wrote his <i>Persica</i> and <i>Indica</i>, in which we find
+collected together many of the fabulous and marvelous tales of
+Oriental animals and monsters which were later to figure so
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>strikingly in the <i>Historia naturalis</i> of Pliny, in the medieval
+encyclopedias, and in the <i>Physiologus</i>, a collection of animal
+lore widely read in the Middle Ages. Further detail regarding
+the local features of Mesopotamia and Armenia was learned from
+the expedition of Cyrus and preserved for the future in Xenophon’s
+<i>Anabasis</i>. But the events which did most to expand the
+regional knowledge of the ancients were those connected with
+Alexander’s conquests and with the reigns of his successors.
+Alexander’s march in itself opened to Greek eyes wide territories
+that had been unknown before; it brought Greek armies and,
+after them, Greek merchants into the innermost heart of Asia;
+it established direct connections with India; rumors reached the
+companions of Alexander of an enormous island of Taprobane in
+the Southern Ocean, an island which we now recognize to be Ceylon.
+With the voyage of Nearchus came a better understanding
+of the Indian seas; and subsequently under Seleucus I (Nicator),
+Megasthenes, who was sent as ambassador to the court of an
+Indian potentate on the Ganges, gave a detailed description of
+the tribes and products of Hindustan, more extensive notes on
+Taprobane, and—unfortunately—a repetition of the fabulous
+legends of Ctesias. Patroclus, in command of the easternmost
+provinces of the kingdom of Antiochus I, provided some valuable
+statistical and geographical facts about the peoples of the
+Caspian region, although he was quoted as an authority for the
+belief that the Caspian communicates with the outer ocean and
+that it is an easy matter to sail thence to India.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Geography at Alexandria</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In addition to the reports of travelers and eyewitnesses, the
+establishment of Greek control over Egypt and the greater part
+of southwestern Asia led to a scientific awakening that centered
+in Alexandria. One of the greatest triumphs of Hellenistic
+science was the geographical and astronomical school that flourished
+at Alexandria under the Ptolemies. Eratosthenes and
+Hipparchus were undoubtedly the most famous representatives
+of this school, and in them we see the culmination of Greek
+scientific geography; for their work, all things considered, surpassed
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>that of Claudius Ptolemy, and the work of no other man
+approached it. Though Eratosthenes’ researches were significant
+mainly in the field of mathematical geography, he made use of
+much of the regional knowledge which was available in the
+library at Alexandria and which he could gain from enterprising
+Greek traders, administrators, and soldiers who had actually
+visited the countries with which he deals in his treatises.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>One striking result of this broadening of regional knowledge
+was the lesson it taught in regard to the countries south of the
+Tropic of Cancer. The progress of exploration in Upper Egypt
+and in India showed that these countries were not only habitable
+but thickly settled. Adherents of what we have called the
+Cratesian theory were obliged to acknowledge that the tropic
+could not be taken as the beginning of the burning zone. Eratosthenes
+pushed the limit of the <i>oikoumene</i> as far south as latitude
+11½° N.<a id='r170'></a><a href='#f170' class='c015'><sup>[170]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Hellenistic Regional Knowledge</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>While Greek military enterprise had been opening up the Orient
+and exploratory enterprise penetrating the tropics, an important
+advance was made in the direction of the northwestern seas and
+the British Isles. The voyage of Pytheas of Marseilles, about
+330 B.&#160;C., had brought within the scope of ancient knowledge
+Britain, Scandinavia, Thule, and the frozen ocean beyond.
+Thus, in the Hellenistic period the frontiers of knowledge included
+the Orkneys, Shetlands, Faroes—or whatever of the northern isles
+was meant by Thule—the Canaries, tropical Africa, and Ceylon.
+No further notable extension of these borders seems to have been
+made until the first century after Christ, except that vague
+rumors of a people called “Seres” and of the use of silk had crept
+into the Roman world in Virgil’s time. This may have indicated
+acquaintance with China, although Horace took the Seres to be a
+tribe of Central Asia.<a id='r171'></a><a href='#f171' class='c015'><sup>[171]</sup></a> The Scythian invasions which overwhelmed
+the Greek kingdom of Bactria and the conquest by the
+newly risen power of Parthia of the provinces of the Seleucids
+east of the Euphrates tended to cut all communication with
+the interior and farther parts of the Asiatic continent; but the
+Mithridatic wars, as described by Theophanes, familiarized the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>public with the local geography of Armenia, Pontus, and the
+Caucasus. Similarly Caesar’s campaigns in Gaul, Germany,
+and Britain opened Western Europe to the Roman world.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Regional Knowledge of Mela and Pliny</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The most complete and accurate summing up of the regional
+geography of the ancients was the <i>Geography</i> of Strabo, written
+in Greek probably shortly before 17 A.&#160;D. But, as we have seen,
+this work was unknown to our period of the Middle Ages, when
+men had to rely on Latin writers like Pomponius Mela and
+Pliny, whose writings were of distinctly inferior quality and
+included a great deal of fabulous and worthless material. Devoid
+of that critical judgment which characterized Eratosthenes and
+Strabo, Mela and Pliny were content to bring together huge
+quantities of miscellaneous information, much of which was
+derived from antiquated Greek sources. Mela, for example,
+closely follows Herodotus’ description of the marvels of Asia, and
+Pliny retails many of the fanciful legends of Ctesias and Megasthenes.
+Pliny’s contributions to geography were somewhat more
+satisfactory than those of Mela; for he added some details about
+Asia that had not been mentioned before, especially in his description
+of Serica and of India and in his account of the monsoons.
+On the other hand Mela was the first writer to mention the Baltic
+Sea, or “Sinus Codanus,” which he described as a great gulf full
+of islands.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The “Periplus of the Erythraean Sea”</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Nearly contemporaneously with Pliny there came an advance
+in the knowledge of the Indian Ocean in the anonymous Greek
+<i>Periplus of the Erythraean Sea</i>, a manual for sailors and merchants.
+This is of interest because it gave indications of the
+existence of coasts and islands beyond India, the islands of
+Chryse, the land of the Seres, and, at the end of the earth
+to the east, a region of “Thin”—the first mention of the
+word “China” in the West unless we take into account the
+“Sinim” of Isaiah xlix, 12, which may or may not have referred
+to the great nation of the Far East.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>At about the same time, as we have already seen, the upper
+reaches of the Nile, possibly as far as the great marshes of the
+White Nile in about latitude 9° N., were explored by the expedition
+described by Seneca and Pliny which Nero sent out to solve
+the age-long mystery’ of the sources of the river of Egypt.<a id='r172'></a><a href='#f172' class='c015'><sup>[172]</sup></a>
+Pliny accordingly placed the southern border of the <i>oikoumene</i>
+some 7½° south of the position to which Eratosthenes had assigned
+it, or at about latitude 4° N.<a id='r173'></a><a href='#f173' class='c015'><sup>[173]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Limits of Ancient Regional Knowledge on the South and East</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Before the days of Marinus of Tyre and Ptolemy the limits of
+geographical knowledge were again much extended both southward
+and eastward. The Ptolemaic map depicts a wealth of
+detail in the interior of Africa, although we are unable to say with
+assurance what most of this detail represents in reality.<a id='r174'></a><a href='#f174' class='c015'><sup>[174]</sup></a>
+Ptolemy certainly had some knowledge of the great lakes and
+mountains of east-central Africa. The snow-covered mountains
+which he placed at the sources of the Nile may be associated with
+reports derived from the east coast of Africa, of Kenya, Kilimanjaro,
+or possibly the Ruwenzori range.<a id='r175'></a><a href='#f175' class='c015'><sup>[175]</sup></a> Farther to the west he
+describes a river, the Nigir, flowing from a region south of the
+country of the Garamantes (probably modern Fezzan) to the
+westward into a lake near the Atlantic. It seems altogether
+likely that by this river he meant the Niger. Ptolemy mentions
+two expeditions that had been made at an unknown period to the
+south from the land of the Garamantes, one under Septimius
+Flaccus, who arrived at the country of the Ethiopians after three
+months’ journey, and the other under Julius Maternus and the
+king of the Garamantes, a four months’ journey to a country
+called Agisymba, abounding in rhinoceroses. Ptolemy’s regional
+knowledge certainly extended as far south as the equator, and he
+was well aware of the fact that the equatorial zone is inhabited.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the east, also, the Ptolemaic map reveals an advance in
+knowledge over its predecessors. Chryse appears as a peninsula,
+and other islands and coasts are shown that certainly indicate
+familiarity with the Malay Peninsula and China, possibly also
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>with Borneo and Java. We shall find, however, that these
+valuable extensions of knowledge eastward and southward were
+universally lost sight of in the West in the Middle Ages and that
+cosmographers were united in placing India or Paradise as the
+farthest end of the world in the one direction and either the
+shores of the Ethiopian Ocean immediately beyond the Garamantes
+or the edge of the uninhabitable zone at the tropic or not
+far beyond it, as the extreme limit in the other.<a id='r176'></a><a href='#f176' class='c015'><sup>[176]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>CHAPTER II<br> THE CONTRIBUTION OF WESTERN CHRISTENDOM BEFORE 1100 A.&#160;D.</h3>
+</div>
+<h4 class='c014'><i>INTRODUCTION</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The geographical lore of antiquity was carried over to the
+Western Europe of the Crusading age by the Christians of the first
+eleven centuries of our era and by the Moslems. In this chapter
+we shall study the manner in which it was transmitted, transformed,
+and augmented by Christian agencies.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Scriptural Influence on Early Medieval Geography</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Our primary problem is to examine the effects of Christianity
+on geographical knowledge and belief, effects which sprang in
+large measure from men’s varying attitudes toward the Bible.
+Some believed that Scripture contains the absolute and only
+truth, but others were willing to grant a partial authority to
+pagan teachings. The evolution of science was profoundly
+modified by the conflicts between these divergent tendencies of
+thought and by the efforts made to reconcile one with the other.
+The general result spelled disaster to clear thinking in geography.
+Moreover, many of the facts which the scholars of antiquity had
+gathered together were wholly lost sight of in the confusion that
+accompanied the disintegration of Roman civilization. The
+horizon of the known world was narrowed from the wide bounds
+it had reached in the time of Ptolemy.<a id='r177'></a><a href='#f177' class='c015'><sup>[177]</sup></a> New information acquired
+by exploration and travel was ignored; and a host of
+legends, fancies, and false theories took the place of the reasonably
+accurate body of information which the Greeks and Romans
+had possessed.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Ignorance of the Best Work of Antiquity</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>During these long years Constantinople was the only great
+metropolis of Christendom, the only center where the arts and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>sciences of civilization were cultivated without interruption.
+We might expect, therefore, that the Byzantine influence upon
+Western geography would be as marked as it was upon Western
+art and architecture. But this was not the case. However
+much the scholars of Constantinople may have been interested
+in the historians of antiquity, they neglected the geographers;
+and the scientific geography of the Greek Empire was at best a
+work of lifeless compilation and commentary. Furthermore,
+knowledge of Greek was at no time widespread in the West until
+the Renaissance, and the great majority of Western scholars were
+profoundly ignorant of Byzantine literature.<a id='r178'></a><a href='#f178' class='c015'><sup>[178]</sup></a> For their geography
+the men of the Occident turned rather to the Bible and to the
+mediocre and worse than mediocre works of an age of intellectual
+degeneracy. Solinus, Martianus Capella, Macrobius, Aethicus
+of Istria, and Orosius became authorities from which later writers
+derived their facts.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Scientific Stagnation During the Early Middle Ages</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The earlier Fathers of the Church, whatever may have been
+their merits as theologians and dialecticians, were not distinguished
+by an ability to understand the truths of natural science
+or to combat error in that field. With the establishment of the
+barbarian kingdoms between the sixth and eighth centuries came
+an epoch of mental stagnation in nearly all realms of science and
+scholarship. Learning in general and geography in particular
+suffered almost universal eclipse. Yet dark and ignorant as the
+times may have been, the torch of civilization was kept burning,
+if feebly, by a few Irish and English monks<a id='r179'></a><a href='#f179' class='c015'><sup>[179]</sup></a> and by contacts with
+the Levant that were maintained through Greek, Asiatic, and
+Egyptian traders in the principal cities of Europe.<a id='r180'></a><a href='#f180' class='c015'><sup>[180]</sup></a> If not much
+authentic geographical information was contributed to Western
+society by these agents of enlightenment, they served to disseminate
+certain geographical legends and traditions destined to seize
+a strong hold on the Western imagination.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the days of Charlemagne came the new awakening sometimes
+known as the “Carolingian Renaissance;” and, although
+tenth-century Europe relapsed temporarily into a torpor, a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>current of theological interest and, with it, interest in the natural
+sciences had by then once more set in—a current which was to
+reach full flood at the time of the Crusades.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>SOURCES</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>What works widely read during these centuries served as
+sources of geographical information for the scholar of the era of
+the Crusades?</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Bible</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>First and foremost we must place the Bible. Certainly in the
+pagan world no one book had ever held the paramount position
+in the minds of thoughtful men that Scripture held during the
+Middle Ages. As we saw in the Introduction, the two great
+fountainheads of medieval geography were the works of Greek
+philosophers and historians and the Bible. The geographic
+material in Scripture is neither very extensive nor very explicit
+in comparison with the contributions of such writers as Strabo
+and Ptolemy to the geographic education of mankind, and yet so
+tremendous was its authority that it tended at one time completely
+to supersede classical teachings. Slight and confusing as
+may have been its geographical references, the man of the Middle
+Ages attached to all of them paramount importance. Simply
+compare a map of the world reconstructed from Ptolemy’s data<a id='r181'></a><a href='#f181' class='c015'><sup>[181]</sup></a>
+with one of the crude Beatus sketches reflecting Biblical beliefs,<a id='r182'></a><a href='#f182' class='c015'><sup>[182]</sup></a>
+and some of the changes which the reading of Scripture had
+wrought become strikingly apparent.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Genesis was the most important book of the Bible from the
+geographical point of view. Here we find, in the history of the
+Creation, texts which were the starting point of many speculations
+about the origin of the world and the elucidation of which
+was attempted in many a long commentary on the Works of the
+Six Days.<a id='r183'></a><a href='#f183' class='c015'><sup>[183]</sup></a> Furthermore, in Genesis we find the description of
+Paradise and its four rivers, which figured largely on most
+medieval maps, and the account of the division of the earth
+among the descendants of Noah, which lay at the bottom of the
+crude ethnography of the Middle Ages. By some writers the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>description of the tabernacle of the Lord and its furnishings<a id='r184'></a><a href='#f184' class='c015'><sup>[184]</sup></a>
+was regarded as an allegorical account of the heavens and earth.
+Gog and Magog, described in Genesis, Ezekiel, and Revelation,
+were prominent among the supposed medieval tribes of Asia.<a id='r185'></a><a href='#f185' class='c015'><sup>[185]</sup></a>
+And in the apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, which, though
+technically not a part of Scripture, were often given the authority
+of Scriptural truth, we find accounts of the preaching of the Gospel
+in far lands, India, Ethiopia, Babylonia.<a id='r186'></a><a href='#f186' class='c015'><sup>[186]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Writings of the Church Fathers</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>These and many other incidental references gave rise to those
+relatively restricted portions of the vast mass of patristic literature
+which deal with geography, but which nevertheless inevitably
+marked out the channels that certain elements of
+geographic thought and tradition were destined to follow until
+the beginnings of the Renaissance. How these passages were
+interpreted was, then, of great importance.<a id='r187'></a><a href='#f187' class='c015'><sup>[187]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Interpretation of the Bible</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>According to the Church Fathers there were four methods of
+interpretation; but for our purposes we need consider only two
+of these, the literal and the allegorical.<a id='r188'></a><a href='#f188' class='c015'><sup>[188]</sup></a> Both led to pitfalls:
+the literal interpretation tended to narrow the thought and make
+it correspond to the exact words of a text; the allegorical, unjustifiably
+to expand the meaning of simple statements.<a id='r189'></a><a href='#f189' class='c015'><sup>[189]</sup></a> To
+these dangers were added the difficulties and contradictions due
+to the manifold authorship of Scripture and to the misunderstanding
+of passages woefully faulty from the textual point of
+view.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Yet the writers of the early Christian age were in most cases
+unaware of these pitfalls and did not even know when they had
+fallen into them. Faith in the truth of the Holy Word was
+usually sufficient to render men supremely oblivious to conflicting
+and inconsistent assertions that would otherwise have been revolting
+to reason. Tertullian said: “When we believe, we desire
+nothing besides belief. For we believe this in the beginning:
+that there is nought which we need to believe beyond it.”<a id='r190'></a><a href='#f190' class='c015'><sup>[190]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Classical Influences</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>This faith in the truth of the written Word persisted throughout
+the Middle Ages and down to our own day. During the
+earliest Christian centuries the Bible was sometimes regarded as
+the only source of truth, and the teachings of pagan writers were
+often looked upon with abhorrence. Lactantius Firmianus
+(early fourth century), with an inconsistency characteristic of
+many of the Church Fathers, made use in his <i>Institutiones
+divinae</i> of the classical authors themselves to prove the supposed
+fallacies and evils of pagan science.<a id='r191'></a><a href='#f191' class='c015'><sup>[191]</sup></a> About the fourth century
+men began to try to amplify and expound the fundamental Biblical
+truths by appeal to the legacy of classical learning. To effect
+a reconciliation and combination of Christian teachings with the
+classics—especially the works of Plato and his followers—became
+one of the main preoccupations of theologians. Platonic and
+Neoplatonic influences made themselves felt in the thought of
+churchmen and scholars, and among the most popular works
+of the entire period was Chalcidius’ translation of the <i>Timaeus</i>
+of Plato. Neoplatonism was interwoven into the theological
+system of Augustine.<a id='r192'></a><a href='#f192' class='c015'><sup>[192]</sup></a> In the ninth century it appears in the
+writings of the great Irish scholar, John Scot Erigena.<a id='r193'></a><a href='#f193' class='c015'><sup>[193]</sup></a> In the
+tenth and eleventh centuries the Platonic commentary by
+Macrobius on Cicero’s <i>Somnium Scipionis</i> enjoyed an immense
+vogue;<a id='r194'></a><a href='#f194' class='c015'><sup>[194]</sup></a> it was read by the mathematician and astronomer Pope
+Sylvester II (Gerbert) at the end of the tenth century and on the
+threshold of our period aroused the protests of the more old-fashioned
+churchmen like Manegold, who objected to the seeds
+of heresy which it contained.<a id='r195'></a><a href='#f195' class='c015'><sup>[195]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Encyclopedic Compilations</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>For more strictly geographical, rather than “cosmogonic”
+or cosmological material, we must turn to the encyclopedias
+rather than to the thoughtful and speculative theological books
+of such men as Augustine. Like the mighty volumes of Aristotle
+or the <i>Natural History</i> of Pliny these encyclopedias were attempts
+to encompass and to put in convenient form the entire range of
+human knowledge. The most significant was the <i>Etymologiae
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>sive originum libri XX</i> of Isidore of Seville (died 636 A.&#160;D.).
+This large compilation of miscellaneous information served as a
+model of style and composition as well as a mine out of which
+later writers dug their “facts.” For the geographical portions
+of the <i>Etymologiae</i>, Isidore used the Bible and classical authorities
+alike; he derived much from Orosius and Solinus; and, though it
+is doubtful whether he was acquainted with Pliny at first hand,<a id='r196'></a><a href='#f196' class='c015'><sup>[196]</sup></a>
+he incorporated in his book not a little Plinian material taken
+from Solinus. Isidore’s method was followed, and much of his
+work copied, by the Irish and English monastic encyclopedists of
+the eighth and ninth centuries. We find a great deal from Isidore
+in the Venerable Bede’s (died 735 A.&#160;D.) <i>De natura rerum</i>,
+in Raban Maur’s (776–856 A.&#160;D.) <i>De universo</i>, in Dicuil’s <i>De
+mensura orbis terrae</i> (825 A.&#160;D.),as well as in the <i>De imagine mundi</i>
+of our period. John Scot Erigena, the great Platonist of the
+eighth century, stands out among his contemporaries as one of
+the most original and critical scholars of the Middle Ages. The
+range of his interests was very broad, and it seems probable that
+he understood Greek. In his <i>De divisione naturae</i>, beside the
+Latin sources which Isidore, Bede, and other encyclopedists had
+copied, he made use of the <i>De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii</i> of
+Martianus Capella and also of various Greek works, including
+the <i>Geography</i> of Ptolemy.<a id='r197'></a><a href='#f197' class='c015'><sup>[197]</sup></a> Martianus Capella was held in
+high favor during this epoch, and his works were commented
+upon by such men as Remy (Remigius) of Auxerre, the master
+of Gerbert, and by Adam of Bremen.<a id='r198'></a><a href='#f198' class='c015'><sup>[198]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Miscellaneous Geographical Writings</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Closely akin to the geography of the encyclopedias, and not
+infrequently borrowed from by the encyclopedists, are a number
+of miscellaneous writings, which, though intrinsically of slight
+value, nevertheless profoundly affected the development of
+geographical ideas. The most important of these was the brief
+description of the countries of the world forming the second
+chapter of the first book of Orosius’ <i>Historiae adversus paganos</i>
+(fifth century). Enjoying great popularity, as is testified by the
+existence of over two hundred manuscripts, this was much plagiarized
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>by later scholars: parts of it became incorporated into
+Isidore’s <i>Etymologiae</i>; it was translated into Anglo-Saxon by
+King Alfred the Great;<a id='r199'></a><a href='#f199' class='c015'><sup>[199]</sup></a> and during our period it was extensively
+quoted and copied by nearly all who attempted to write on
+geographical subjects. Another of this miscellaneous group is a
+seventh-century cosmography in barbarous Latin, a pretended
+translation of a fictitious work originally written in Greek by
+Aethicus of Istria.<a id='r200'></a><a href='#f200' class='c015'><sup>[200]</sup></a> We find set forth here for the first time many
+of those marvels of Scythia and the northern regions employed
+by later writers to add interest to their pages. Priscian’s sixth-century
+translation of the geographical poem<a id='r201'></a><a href='#f201' class='c015'><sup>[201]</sup></a> of Dionysius
+Periegetes was also extensively quoted. In the middle of the
+seventh century an anonymous cleric of Ravenna wrote a
+description of the world in five books. Though entirely the
+result of compilation, this cosmography is in many respects the
+most elaborate and interesting geographical book dating from
+the early medieval West. The sources quoted and utilized are
+extremely varied, including the Bible, “Jordanis” (Jornandes),
+Ptolemy, Orosius, Isidore, and possibly the Tabula Peutingeriana,
+in addition to a number of Greek, Roman, and Gothic writings
+otherwise unknown.<a id='r202'></a><a href='#f202' class='c015'><sup>[202]</sup></a> The main importance of the work of the
+Ravenna geographer in relation to the geography of the Crusading
+age lies in the fact that a large portion of it was included
+in a compilation made by a certain Guido in 1119.<a id='r203'></a><a href='#f203' class='c015'><sup>[203]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Legends</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries many legends were
+current in the West, some of which contained geographical elements.
+Though we shall have occasion to discuss this subject in
+greater detail later on, the fact should be brought out here that
+the origin of most of these legends may be traced far back into the
+centuries before the beginning of the Crusading age.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Perhaps the most significant was the cycle of stories of the exploits
+and adventures of Alexander the Great which originated in
+a Greek history purporting to be the work of Callisthenes, a companion
+of the Macedonian conqueror, and is hence known as the
+<i>Pseudo-Callisthenes</i>. Written in Alexandria about the beginning
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>of the third century after Christ, this work subsequently became
+widely dispersed through the East, where translations were made
+into Syriac, Arabic, Ethiopic, and other Oriental tongues. Put
+into Latin by Julius Valerius about the middle of the fourth century,
+again translated in the tenth century,<a id='r204'></a><a href='#f204' class='c015'><sup>[204]</sup></a> given further Latin
+vernacular renderings with many additions at later dates, the Romance
+of Alexander had come, by the time of the Crusades, to
+form the nucleus of a mass of stories and fables whose scenes were
+laid in distant Asiatic countries. With it had been associated
+those mysterious tales and prophecies of Gog and Magog whose
+origins were ultimately connected with the Biblical revelations of
+the end of the world.<a id='r205'></a><a href='#f205' class='c015'><sup>[205]</sup></a> Alexander the Great and Gog and Magog
+appear in the <i>Pseudo-Methodius</i>, a book of prophecy which foretold
+the dread events of the Last Day. Rendered into Latin at
+an early period from a Greco-Syrian original, the <i>Pseudo-Methodius</i>
+made a deep impression on the medieval mind,
+especially at the time of the Mongol invasions in the early
+thirteenth century.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Writers of our period like Gervase of Tilbury and Giraldus Cambrensis
+also drew on the legends found in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s
+mythological history of Britain, many of which had entered into
+the composition of the Romance of King Arthur. Some of the
+latter were of slight geographical interest.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Finally, the mythology and folklore of Ireland, with infusions
+from classical and even Arabic literature, gave rise to the story of
+the wanderings of St. Brandan<a id='r206'></a><a href='#f206' class='c015'><sup>[206]</sup></a> among mysterious islands in the
+Western Ocean, an account of which we have in a manuscript
+dating back perhaps to as early a period as the ninth century.<a id='r207'></a><a href='#f207' class='c015'><sup>[207]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Books of Travel and Description</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The most important books describing actual travels and explorations
+written between the conversion of Constantine and the
+Crusades were for the most part in languages unknown to the men
+of the West—Greek and Arabic. Zemarchus’ account of the
+tribes and trade of Central Asia<a id='r208'></a><a href='#f208' class='c015'><sup>[208]</sup></a> and the <i>Meadows of Gold</i> of
+Al-Masʿūdī, wherein were described things personally seen by
+the travelers between Spain and Burma and south as far as Madagascar,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>were treasures of geographical lore unknown to Occidental
+readers of this age.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In Adam of Bremen’s <i>Gesta Hammenburgensis ecclesiae pontificum</i>,
+written in the latter half of the eleventh century, we find a
+description of the countries of the North. This was based on
+knowledge acquired from the voyagings of the Northmen between
+the eighth and eleventh centuries and, together with the Sagas,
+will be discussed in a later chapter.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>From the varied narratives of Christian pilgrims the Western
+student might have gleaned some arid details about routes
+eastward and about the topography of the Holy Land.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>THE HISTORY OF THE UNIVERSE</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>We saw in the first chapter that Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, and
+most of the other Greek philosophers had believed that the universe
+is eternal, though subject to ever-recurring destructions
+by fire or water, followed by “rebirths” (<i>palingeneses</i>).<a id='r209'></a><a href='#f209' class='c015'><sup>[209]</sup></a> Aristotle
+had attributed to the stars control over all occurrences in
+the sphere below the moon; not only over physical and material
+happenings, but over the mind and will. He had believed that
+this was by virtue of the fact that the celestial bodies are formed
+of a divine substance different from the four corruptible elements
+which constitute the sublunar world. On this theory of the stars
+had been built the “science” of astrology.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Christianity Opposed to Belief in an Eternal Universe</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>What could be more antagonistic to such ideas than the teachings
+of the Bible? The antagonism, however, was not felt by all
+the Fathers of the Church. The fascination of Platonism led
+many to seek for analogies between Greek and Biblical cosmology.
+Clement of Alexandria, for instance, thought that the
+destruction of the world by fire prophesied in Deuteronomy
+(xxxii, 22) was one of those general burnings which would occur
+when the stars find themselves in conjunction in Cancer.<a id='r210'></a><a href='#f210' class='c015'><sup>[210]</sup></a>
+Indeed, it was a common belief, and one shared by Augustine,
+that the Greeks themselves had actually derived the best of their
+theological concepts from the Bible.<a id='r211'></a><a href='#f211' class='c015'><sup>[211]</sup></a> But the glaring contradictions
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>between Scriptural and classical cosmology could not be
+overlooked even by the Augustinians, and classical theories of the
+periodicity of the universe in general were vigorously combated.
+Christian monotheism could never be reconciled with a fatalistic
+doctrine that attributed to the stars in their control over the
+destinies of the world a quality that approached the divine; and
+through Christian teachings the astrology built on this doctrine
+was discredited and the stars stripped of their divinity.<a id='r212'></a><a href='#f212' class='c015'><sup>[212]</sup></a> This
+alone was enough to strike a deathblow at the idea of the unvarying
+periodicity of the universe under celestial controls; but other
+arguments equally potent were leveled against it. Augustine
+refused to believe that Christ had been incarnated an infinite
+number of times in the past or was destined to suffer the Passion
+an infinite number of times in the future.<a id='r213'></a><a href='#f213' class='c015'><sup>[213]</sup></a> Origen declared that
+another Adam, another Moses, another Judas were unthinkable
+and asked how the belief in the stellar control of man’s actions
+and volition could be reconciled with the Christian doctrine of
+the freedom of the will.<a id='r214'></a><a href='#f214' class='c015'><sup>[214]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Perhaps the most fatal argument lay in the express contradiction,
+by the Old Testament account of the Creation, of the Hellenic
+idea of an eternally recurrent universe.<a id='r215'></a><a href='#f215' class='c015'><sup>[215]</sup></a> Neoplatonist
+and Peripatetic alike had denied that there ever had been a first
+day or a first Great Year.<a id='r216'></a><a href='#f216' class='c015'><sup>[216]</sup></a> Yet the words of Scripture are very
+definite and very explicit: “In the beginning God created
+heaven and earth.” Neither Christian nor Jew could question
+the meaning of these words nor think otherwise than that all
+things were created at a certain fixed and calculable point in
+time or else, following Augustine, that the universe and time
+were created simultaneously.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In spite of these fatal objections, neither the Great Year
+theory nor astrology perished completely in the Middle Ages.
+Lingering on underground, they gave an heretical and pagan
+tinge to the thought of many a philosopher and theologian during
+our twelfth and thirteenth centuries and thereafter.<a id='r217'></a><a href='#f217' class='c015'><sup>[217]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Creation</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Even the Scriptural history of the Creation did not wholly
+satisfy the inquiring curiosity of theologians or philosophers.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>One of the primary problems dealt with by scholars was the
+problem of the first chapters of Genesis. This inquiry led into
+the domain of metaphysics and theology: through it men hoped
+to arrive at an understanding of the nature of God and of his
+relation to the universe, to time, and to man. It also led to
+innumerable speculations about the actual manner in which the
+will of God operated in fashioning the world and to discussions
+of this question from very diverse points of view—literal, allegorical,
+transcendental. Indeed, there were even a few writers,
+notably the Venerable Bede, who went so far as to try to reconcile
+a physical conception of the processes of creation with the account
+given in the Bible<a id='r218'></a><a href='#f218' class='c015'><sup>[218]</sup></a> and who thus prepared the way for more
+rationalistic studies of the Works of the Six Days in the centuries
+which were to follow.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>SHAPE AND SIZE OF THE EARTH</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Early Christian Belief in a Flat Earth</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Prevalent among most peoples in an early stage of their
+intellectual development is the natural and obvious theory
+that the earth is a flat disk covered by a dome-shaped heaven.
+This view was held by the Assyrians, Chaldeans, Egyptians,<a id='r219'></a><a href='#f219' class='c015'><sup>[219]</sup></a>
+and, as we saw in the first chapter, by the early Greeks; it was
+long believed by the Jews<a id='r220'></a><a href='#f220' class='c015'><sup>[220]</sup></a> and is found in the Koran;<a id='r221'></a><a href='#f221' class='c015'><sup>[221]</sup></a> it was
+undoubtedly reflected in the words of Scripture, although what is
+said there on the subject is by no means definite and occurs in connections
+wholly incidental to other subjects. We read in Isaiah
+(xl, 22):<a id='r222'></a><a href='#f222' class='c015'><sup>[222]</sup></a> “It is he that sitteth upon the circle of the earth, and the
+inhabitants thereof are as grasshoppers; that stretcheth out the
+heavens as a curtain and spreadeth them out as a tent to dwell in.”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>This can hardly be called an exhaustive dissertation on the
+shape of the universe, yet on it and on other scraps even less detailed
+were erected the medieval arguments in favor of the flatness
+of the earth, a firm belief in which was probably held by the
+majority of the earlier Church Fathers, especially those of the
+East.<a id='r223'></a><a href='#f223' class='c015'><sup>[223]</sup></a> Not only were the ancient proofs of sphericity overlooked;
+but such ideas were regarded as heretical, and elaborate
+new systems were raised on the weak foundations of littleunderstood
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>Scriptural texts. The most remarkable theories of
+the universe, however, were devised by the Greek fathers
+Patricius, Cosmas Indicopleustes, and Severian of Gabala.<a id='r224'></a><a href='#f224' class='c015'><sup>[224]</sup></a>
+They remained unknown to the men of the Western world and
+consequently do not concern us. The Latin father Lactantius
+contented himself with endeavoring to prove by pseudo-scientific
+means that the earth is not a sphere; a spherical heaven, he argued,
+does not necessitate a spherical earth; and the idea of the
+possibility of antipodes was to him thoroughly absurd.<a id='r225'></a><a href='#f225' class='c015'><sup>[225]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Early Christian Belief in a Spherical Earth</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>On the other hand, the theory that the earth is a globe never,
+perhaps, suffered complete eclipse.<a id='r226'></a><a href='#f226' class='c015'><sup>[226]</sup></a> Augustine was non-committal
+in this regard, evidently troubled and puzzled by contradictory
+statements in the Bible and in the writings of classical
+astronomers.<a id='r227'></a><a href='#f227' class='c015'><sup>[227]</sup></a> Isidore quotes writers of antiquity who favored
+a spherical earth, though if we interpret correctly texts in the <i>De
+natura rerum</i><a id='r228'></a><a href='#f228' class='c015'><sup>[228]</sup></a> and <i>Etymologiae</i><a id='r229'></a><a href='#f229' class='c015'><sup>[229]</sup></a> we are impelled to think that
+he himself conceived of a flat earth surrounded by a spherical
+heaven. The Venerable Bede, on the contrary, did not mince
+matters; he stoutly maintained that the earth is a sphere and cited
+as proof the fact that stars visible in one latitude are invisible in
+another.<a id='r230'></a><a href='#f230' class='c015'><sup>[230]</sup></a> After the so-called Carolingian Renaissance the world
+of thinkers seems gradually to have outgrown the primitive
+notion of a flat earth. To the <i>De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii</i>
+of the Neoplatonist Martianus Capella may be ascribed much of
+the credit for keeping alive the doctrine of sphericity during
+these centuries. This immensely popular work, with its condensed
+argument in favor of a globe-shaped earth, doubtless contributed
+to the formation of the opinions of men like John Scot
+Erigena, Gerbert, Hermann of Reichenau, and Adam of Bremen,
+adherents to the only theory compatible with any observation
+better than the most superficial and any reasoning better than
+the most trivial.<a id='r231'></a><a href='#f231' class='c015'><sup>[231]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Size of the Earth</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>With the reëstablishment of the belief in a spherical earth we
+find men again making conjectures about its size, though there
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>is no evidence that attempts were made in Christendom (as in
+the Moslem world) actually to measure the circumference. In
+the ninth century John Scot Erigena gave, from Martianus
+Capella, a full explanation of the famous Eratosthenic measurements.<a id='r232'></a><a href='#f232' class='c015'><sup>[232]</sup></a>
+An unknown author of the ninth or tenth century
+of a work on geometry often attributed to Gerbert also explained,
+from Capella, Eratosthenes’ method of measuring a
+degree;<a id='r233'></a><a href='#f233' class='c015'><sup>[233]</sup></a> and the eleventh-century mathematician Hermann of
+Reichenau<a id='r234'></a><a href='#f234' class='c015'><sup>[234]</sup></a> had learned (possibly from Macrobius) how the
+length of a degree could be ascertained from observations of the
+pole star. His result, 700 stades, was the same as that of
+Eratosthenes, a fact which alone indicates that he did not himself
+undertake any measurement. Thus we see that as a result
+of the Platonic movement between the ninth and eleventh centuries
+knowledge of one of the most magnificent achievements of
+classical geographical investigation had been revived.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>ZONES AND THE ANTIPODES</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Zones</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Most Greek thinkers had agreed in dividing the earth’s
+surface into five zones, though they differed as to whether or not
+the equatorial zone was habitable. By Ptolemy’s time the
+discovery of countries in the heart of the tropical regions and
+possibly beyond had exploded the old idea of an equatorial ocean
+and fiery belt around the middle of the globe. Unfortunately
+the broader regional knowledge which had been at Ptolemy’s
+disposal was lost in the Middle Ages, and older views reappeared.
+The maps of the period show us the encircling ocean in which
+Homer had believed, and nearly all writers of the patristic age
+thought that Africa has a very limited extension toward the
+south.<a id='r235'></a><a href='#f235' class='c015'><sup>[235]</sup></a> Beyond Africa, they said, lies an equatorial ocean and
+an equatorial zone uninhabitable on account of heat.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Antipodes</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Whether or not there were other regions of the world on the
+other side of this equatorial zone or beyond the waters of the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>western ocean, and whether or not such regions were inhabited,
+were questions which piqued the curiosity of the Church Fathers.
+The possibility of antipodal regions—perhaps continents—must,
+in the logic of things, have been admitted by those who were
+ready to believe that the earth is a sphere; and even those who
+were not believers in the sphericity of the earth were prone
+to discuss the possibility of a fourth, or austral, continent,
+usually called by analogy the region of the antipodes, lying immediately
+south of the equatorial zone.<a id='r236'></a><a href='#f236' class='c015'><sup>[236]</sup></a> Bede adopted Crates’
+theory of two oceans encircling the earth, east and west, and north
+and south, dividing its surface into four temperate habitable
+areas; and after the interest in Macrobius had become widespread
+in the ninth century this theory undoubtedly must have been
+generally familiar if not generally accepted.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Whether or not the antipodes were actually inhabited was
+another matter. Lactantius, who thought that the world is
+flat, was a determined opponent of the possibility of inhabited
+antipodes for physical reasons. His arguments were obvious
+but seem puerile to us: “Is there any one so stupid,” he asked,
+“as to believe that there are men whose feet are higher than
+their heads?”<a id='r237'></a><a href='#f237' class='c015'><sup>[237]</sup></a> It puzzled him to explain how trees could grow
+upside down or rain fall upward. More serious were the religious
+objections to the possibility of inhabited regions in other parts
+of the earth, for this was as antagonistic to the words of the Bible
+as the Great Year theory and antagonistic in much the same way.
+The theory of the antipodes, as generally presented in association
+with the theory of a fiery equatorial zone, presupposed the existence
+of other races of men absolutely cut off from our race.
+How, then, inquired Augustine,<a id='r238'></a><a href='#f238' class='c015'><sup>[238]</sup></a> could such races be descended
+from Adam, who, the Bible tells us, was the forefather of all
+men? How could Christ have died for antipodeans? How
+could the Gospel have been preached in “the four corners of the
+earth” if half the earth is cut off from our quarter by tropical
+fires? How could the text of Romans x, 18, be true which says:
+“Yes, verily, their sound went forth over all the earth, and their
+words unto the ends of the whole world”? Isidore<a id='r239'></a><a href='#f239' class='c015'><sup>[239]</sup></a> and Bede<a id='r240'></a><a href='#f240' class='c015'><sup>[240]</sup></a>
+categorically denied the possibility of inhabitants of antipodal
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>regions. Their authority, together with the strength of their
+arguments and the arguments of Augustine, were sufficient to
+arouse suspicions of the man who ventured to believe in this
+doctrine. Such a man must certainly be a heretic. A tenth-century
+interpreter of Boëthius wrote: “God forbid that anybody
+think we accept the stories of antipodes, which are in every way
+contradictory to Christian faith.”<a id='r241'></a><a href='#f241' class='c015'><sup>[241]</sup></a> In the middle of the eighth
+century the question reached a head in a controversy between
+St. Boniface and a certain Virgil, bishop of Salzburg.<a id='r242'></a><a href='#f242' class='c015'><sup>[242]</sup></a> The
+latter, who doubtless thought that there were antipodal regions
+if not antipodeans, was accused by Pope Zachary, to whom St.
+Boniface had complained, of holding “perverse and iniquitous
+doctrines regarding another world.” Unfortunately we do not
+possess Virgil’s own account of the incident and are unable to
+tell exactly what these doctrines were.<a id='r243'></a><a href='#f243' class='c015'><sup>[243]</sup></a> At all events, belief in
+antipodes contained the seeds of bitter religious quarrels and was
+one of the charges brought against Cecco d’Ascoli, who, after
+our period, was burnt to death for holding this and other damning
+convictions.<a id='r244'></a><a href='#f244' class='c015'><sup>[244]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>In the field of physical geography slight was the contribution
+of the early medieval writers.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Meteorology</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Classical ideas about the atmosphere were repeated and garbled,<a id='r245'></a><a href='#f245' class='c015'><sup>[245]</sup></a>
+little progress was made in the development of earlier
+theories, and little new was added but superstition. Isidore,
+followed closely by Bede and Raban Maur, was the primary
+authority in matters of meteorology.<a id='r246'></a><a href='#f246' class='c015'><sup>[246]</sup></a> The ancient view persisted,
+that the polar regions were uninhabitable on account of
+cold and the equatorial zone on account of heat. The sort of
+popular meteorology that prevailed is illustrated in an early
+ninth-century treatise written by Agobard, archbishop of Lyons,
+and entitled <i>Against the Absurd Opinion of the Vulgar Touching
+Hail and Thunder</i>.<a id='r247'></a><a href='#f247' class='c015'><sup>[247]</sup></a> This was an attack on charlatans who
+claimed that they could control the weather, produce storms and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>hail at will, and who asserted that there is a region, called
+Magonia, “whence ships come in the clouds” (Poole’s translation).<a id='r248'></a><a href='#f248' class='c015'><sup>[248]</sup></a>
+Natural enough as it is for the uneducated in any age
+to believe such things,<a id='r249'></a><a href='#f249' class='c015'><sup>[249]</sup></a> the significant fact here is that Agobard
+did not attempt to invoke scientific arguments to confute the
+claims of the impostors. Poole says: “He disdained to allege
+scientific reasons to overthrow what was in its nature unreasonable.
+He could only fall back on&#160;... broad religious principles.
+He argued that God’s relation to nature is immediate
+and least of all conditioned by the artifices of men.”<a id='r250'></a><a href='#f250' class='c015'><sup>[250]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Waters Above the Firmament</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>One distinctly new idea, however, was introduced by the Bible
+into the circle of what we may, with a slight stretch of the
+imagination, consider the medieval physical geography of the
+water element. This new conception tended to revolutionize
+theories based on classical physics and to cause much confusion
+and doubt in the minds of the Fathers of the Church. The
+orthodox classical physicists had held that the elements normally
+form four concentric spheres surrounding the center of the universe,
+in order, from the heaviest to the lightest, earth, water, air,
+fire. Genesis (i, 6–7) states that “God said: Let there be a
+firmament made amidst the waters; and let it divide the waters
+from the waters. And God made a firmament, and divided the
+waters that were under the firmament from those that were above
+the firmament.” Though belief in waters above the firmament
+is found in the cosmologies of the ancient Egyptians and Persians
+and is there closely associated with belief in a disk-shaped earth
+covered by a dome-shaped heaven, water in such a position was
+very far removed from its proper place in the scheme of nature
+of Aristotle and his followers. The Church Fathers, nevertheless,
+were unwilling to doubt the actual existence of these waters,
+and in general they accepted the text literally.<a id='r251'></a><a href='#f251' class='c015'><sup>[251]</sup></a> Gregory of
+Nyssa even went to the extent of imagining mountains on the
+back side of the firmament and that the waters were contained
+in the hollows and valleys between them.<a id='r252'></a><a href='#f252' class='c015'><sup>[252]</sup></a> Others thought the
+waters were in the form of clouds or fine drops. Jerome, Josephus,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>Ambrose, and Bede all held that the waters were crystal.<a id='r253'></a><a href='#f253' class='c015'><sup>[253]</sup></a>
+Augustine was non-committal, though he gathered together the
+statements of many who had expressed concrete views on the
+subject.<a id='r254'></a><a href='#f254' class='c015'><sup>[254]</sup></a> Ambrose argued from analogy that if the earth can
+hang in the center of the universe without support so also can the
+waters hang unsupported above the firmament.<a id='r255'></a><a href='#f255' class='c015'><sup>[255]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The purpose which the waters were to serve was also a thorny
+problem. Ambrose said they were intended to cool the axis of
+the universe, overheated by its perpetual rotation;<a id='r256'></a><a href='#f256' class='c015'><sup>[256]</sup></a> others
+thought that they were meant to screen the earth from the fiery
+heat generated by stars and sun;<a id='r257'></a><a href='#f257' class='c015'><sup>[257]</sup></a> others that they were stored up
+as a reservoir to supply hydraulic resources at the time of the
+Great Flood.<a id='r258'></a><a href='#f258' class='c015'><sup>[258]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Congregation of the Waters</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>According to the description of the Creation in the book of
+Genesis “God also said: Let the waters that are under the heaven
+be gathered together into one place; and let the dry land appear.
+And it was so done.” The difficulty in explaining this text was
+to account for what became of these waters. Great as are the
+seas, they were not considered large enough to absorb all the
+primordial waters, and consequently arguments were elaborated
+in favor of the existence of vast reservoirs within the earth.
+Bede, for example, was of the opinion that the waters under the
+firmament at first took the form of clouds and that when they
+became condensed and fell as rain the water was sequestered in
+caverns of the earth’s interior.<a id='r259'></a><a href='#f259' class='c015'><sup>[259]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Of even greater significance was the assertion that God had
+gathered the waters below the firmament into “one” place.
+This could mean nothing else than that all the waters of the earth,
+whether in subterranean reservoirs, oceans, lakes, rivers, or in
+the atmosphere, must be connected and must constitute a unit.
+Probably with this idea in mind Isidore wrote: “The abyss is the
+deep water which cannot be penetrated, whether caverns of unknown
+waters from which springs and rivers flow, or the waters
+which pass secretly beneath, whence it is called abyss. <i>For all
+waters or torrents return by secret channels to the abyss which is
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>their source</i>” (Brehaut’s translation).<a id='r260'></a><a href='#f260' class='c015'><sup>[260]</sup></a> Certainly most medieval
+theorizing about the origin of springs and rivers<a id='r261'></a><a href='#f261' class='c015'><sup>[261]</sup></a> was dependent
+on the doctrine of a “congregation of waters.” In further
+elaboration of this doctrine it was often said that the water of the
+sea found its way by underground channels to the Garden of
+Eden and returned again to the sea, flowing first through a
+subterranean passage and thence through the four rivers of
+Paradise. Augustine maintained that the words of Genesis
+(ii, 6), “But a spring rose out of the earth, watering all the surface
+of the earth,” mean that all the waters of the earth come from a
+single source.<a id='r262'></a><a href='#f262' class='c015'><sup>[262]</sup></a> Rainfall as a source of springs and well water,
+however, was also recognized,<a id='r263'></a><a href='#f263' class='c015'><sup>[263]</sup></a> and Gregory of Nyssa accepted
+and elaborated the classical theory of the transmutation of earth
+into water.<a id='r264'></a><a href='#f264' class='c015'><sup>[264]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Nile Flood</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The strange phenomenon of the flood of the Nile brought forth
+no new theories during the Middle Ages, and Isidore, whose
+words were most often copied, reverted to the explanation of
+Thales that the flood was caused by the building of sand bars at
+the mouth of the river during the summer when the etesian winds
+blow.<a id='r265'></a><a href='#f265' class='c015'><sup>[265]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Earth Upon the Waters</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Another Biblical phrase that provoked discussion of the
+problems of hydrography was in the one hundred and thirty-fifth
+Psalm (Vulgate): “Praise ye the Lord of lords,&#160;... Who
+established the earth above the waters” (<i>qui firmavit terram super
+aquas</i>). Many writers took this literally and thought of the
+earth as actually floating upon water, held up by the arbitrary
+force of God’s will. A few, despite the explicit words of Scripture,
+were inclined to doubt; they either explained the phrase by
+urging that the word “above” (<i>super</i>) should be taken to mean
+“beside” or argued that all that was meant here was that the
+land rises to a higher level than the sea.<a id='r266'></a><a href='#f266' class='c015'><sup>[266]</sup></a> The difficulty was also
+avoided, as was frequently the case with puzzling Scriptural
+passages, by saying that the passage was allegorical and should
+not be taken literally.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Sea</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>There is not much to record about the development of knowledge
+or theory concerning the physical geography of the sea.
+The ancients themselves had known little enough about the sea
+to pass on to an age when maritime ventures were almost unknown—to
+learned men at least—and certainly we cannot find
+a great deal of marine lore in the Bible. Occasional glimmerings
+of intelligence, however, break the darkness of the times in this
+respect. Dicuil, for instance, in his <i>De mensura orbis terrae</i>,
+questions Fabianus’ statement that the sea is at most fifteen
+stades deep. “Has Fabianus measured its depth?” he asks;
+“if not, how can we believe what he says?”<a id='r267'></a><a href='#f267' class='c015'><sup>[267]</sup></a> Bede understood
+the difference in density between fresh and salt water; and in
+accord with Isidore and others he explained why the seas do not
+overflow their banks by pointing out that water is constantly
+being removed into the air and into the land.<a id='r268'></a><a href='#f268' class='c015'><sup>[268]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Though the Church Fathers stood out valiantly against those
+teachings of astrology which tended to exaggerate the powers of
+the heavenly bodies, they were none the less ready to admit that
+the moon may exert a physical attraction on the ocean and in
+that way may produce the tides. Basil even explained that there
+is a corresponding lunar control over the atmosphere.<a id='r269'></a><a href='#f269' class='c015'><sup>[269]</sup></a> Augustine
+and Ambrose believed that the moon causes tides;<a id='r270'></a><a href='#f270' class='c015'><sup>[270]</sup></a> and a
+certain Augustine, writing in the seventh century, described the
+spring and neap tides and tried to show how they follow not only
+the moon’s phases but also the equinoxes and solstices. He
+made a serious mistake by placing spring tides at the time of the
+solstices.<a id='r271'></a><a href='#f271' class='c015'><sup>[271]</sup></a> Bede corrected this in his <i>De natura rerum</i>, apparently
+from personal observation—a rare thing at this time—and noted
+a number of tidal peculiarities which had not been commented
+on before.<a id='r272'></a><a href='#f272' class='c015'><sup>[272]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Not all writers attributed the action of the tides to the moon.
+Most significant among the opponents of the lunar theory was
+Paul the Deacon (720–780 A.&#160;D.). In his <i>Historia gentis Langobardorum</i>
+he described<a id='r273'></a><a href='#f273' class='c015'><sup>[273]</sup></a> the maelstrom on the coast of Norway.
+He asserted that this gigantic whirlpool and another one, which
+he placed off the coast of Ireland, made the tides by sucking in
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>and spewing out vast quantities of water twice a day. With
+the fashion of reading Macrobius a theory became popular that
+the flood and ebb result from the impact of opposing ocean
+currents; and in the twelfth century, as we shall see later,<a id='r274'></a><a href='#f274' class='c015'><sup>[274]</sup></a>
+William of Conches and Giraldus Cambrensis made curious
+combinations of the theories of Paul the Deacon with those of
+Macrobius.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Lands</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>There was no science of geomorphology in the Middle Ages.
+The medieval mind interested itself for the most part only in
+those natural phenomena that force themselves upon the attention
+or seem out of the ordinary. Commonplace and static
+elements of the earth’s surface such as hills, valleys, and plains
+were taken more or less for granted by those who sought to
+explain the secrets of Nature. In the geographical writings of
+the period, on the other hand, not a little space was devoted to
+volcanoes and earthquakes. Their violent and spectacular
+qualities have made these the object of interest throughout all
+time. And yet in the early Middle Ages there seems to have
+been no originality in observing them or in speculating about
+their causes. Men were content uncritically to accept what
+classical writers had said.<a id='r275'></a><a href='#f275' class='c015'><sup>[275]</sup></a> Isidore, for example, following
+Aristotle and Pliny, wrote that volcanoes were burning mountains
+rather than vents for deep-seated terrestrial fires and that the
+whole of Sicily was filled with seams of sulphur and bitumen,
+readily kindled by the winds into flame. The eruption of Etna,
+more especially, was caused by winds driven down into the
+interior of the earth by the waves of the Strait of Messina.<a id='r276'></a><a href='#f276' class='c015'><sup>[276]</sup></a>
+This theory of vulcanism was reiterated by Bede, Dicuil, and the
+multitude who copied from Isidore’s work. Other writers
+explained volcanoes as the outlets of profound subterranean
+fires,<a id='r277'></a><a href='#f277' class='c015'><sup>[277]</sup></a> a view fostered by Plato and one that gained authority in
+the minds of many of the Church Fathers as well as of laymen
+through the widespread belief, derived from classical mythology<a id='r278'></a><a href='#f278' class='c015'><sup>[278]</sup></a>
+as well as from the Bible, that the heart of the earth is the seat
+of Hell.<a id='r279'></a><a href='#f279' class='c015'><sup>[279]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span>
+  <h4 class='c014'><i>THE MEDIEVAL ATTITUDE TOWARDS LANDSCAPE AND SCENERY BEFORE 1100 A.&#160;D.</i></h4>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Man has been accustomed to look upon the geographical
+elements of the earth’s surface from widely different points of
+view. So far we have been concerned with the record of his
+scientific or pseudo-scientific investigations of these elements.
+Let us now turn for a moment to his emotional attitude toward
+them. The impression made upon the heart and imagination
+by the aspects of countryside, mountain, and sea has constantly
+changed with changing religious and philosophical beliefs and with
+shifting social régimes. We may estimate the character of these
+changes in a multitude of descriptions of landscape and scenery
+scattered throughout the whole realm of literature.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Esthetic Appreciation of Nature in Antiquity</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>It is probably safe to assert that there prevailed in antiquity a
+genuinely esthetic appreciation of nature. If the Greeks seldom
+made conscious efforts to paint word pictures of the form and
+colors of their land, their poetry and drama none the less show
+in many a turn of phrase that they were alive to its beauty.
+The Romans rejoiced in the tranquil serenity of mild and cultivated
+landscapes as an escape from the welter of city life.<a id='r280'></a><a href='#f280' class='c015'><sup>[280]</sup></a>
+Perhaps the Roman attitude toward nature was tinged with
+pessimism, with regret that beauty is transient, that man’s
+span of life is short, and that all too soon we must cease to find
+solace in the loveliness of the world.<a id='r281'></a><a href='#f281' class='c015'><sup>[281]</sup></a> With the crystallization
+of Latin literary forms there appeared a stereotyped conception
+of the ideal landscape in which the essential elements were always
+the same: a rich meadow shaded by laurels, myrtles, and elms
+and watered by a murmuring stream, clear and cool; a placid
+spot where eternal spring prevails and where rain and storm,
+frost and heat are alike unknown.<a id='r282'></a><a href='#f282' class='c015'><sup>[282]</sup></a> This formula was used by
+the Latin poets in describing the blessed Isles of the Hesperides
+and the Elysian Fields; ultimately it was employed by the
+Christians in picturing the terrestrial Paradise.<a id='r283'></a><a href='#f283' class='c015'><sup>[283]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Early Christian Attitude Towards Nature</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>A new and different spirit pervaded the early Christian’s
+attitude towards nature. His thoughts were turned to the world
+to come and to the glory of the Kingdom of God.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The more austere and ascetic of the Church Fathers believed
+that, as it is sinful to take pleasure in things of this world, so
+also sin must lurk in the breast of him who derives personal and
+esthetic satisfaction from scenes of natural beauty. This is one
+of the reasons why hermits retired to deserts and rugged mountains,
+where they might no longer be tempted either by things of
+the flesh or by the charm of green and level meadows or of rolling,
+cultivated hillsides. Among some of the hermits there arose
+an actual love for the grandeur of the very wildernesses to which
+they betook themselves. Jerome regarded the desert as a place
+of beauty: in deep valleys, rough mountains, and steep rocks
+he saw not only negative excellence, in so far as these were free
+from the pollutions of “civilization,” but also a congenial background
+for his work and thought.<a id='r284'></a><a href='#f284' class='c015'><sup>[284]</sup></a> The eremitic movement was
+primarily characteristic of the Eastern branch of Christendom,
+but it extended to the West, where its influence was powerful
+during the early centuries of our era.<a id='r285'></a><a href='#f285' class='c015'><sup>[285]</sup></a> Nevertheless an ascetic
+disdain for the haunts of man and glorification of the wilderness
+was, at best, alien to Western modes of thought. The normal
+habit of the Occidental Christian was, rather, to take joy in the
+immensity of earth and heaven and in the marvelous detail of
+the created world because these stand as manifestations of the
+unity and glory of the Deity, symbols of the omnipotence of God.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Revival of Esthetic Feeling in the Middle Ages</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>On the other hand, pleasure in a landscape by reason of the
+merely personal satisfaction it affords the beholder was exceptional
+before the time of the Renaissance. But, though exceptional,
+an esthetic as distinguished from a religious or transcendental
+love of nature was by no means wholly lacking. Certainly
+from the eleventh century onward we find many poems and letters
+that testify to the existence of a truly pagan enjoyment of
+scenery. Whether this can be said of the earlier periods is more
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>doubtful. Ganzenmüller, whose important study of the feeling
+for nature in the Middle Ages we are following in this connection,
+maintains that the term “Carolingian Renaissance” is more or
+less of a misnomer because under Charlemagne the classical
+spirit was lacking, even though classical forms of expression were
+revived; that the classical influence on descriptions of landscape
+was but rarely felt; and that we find at that time nothing of the
+subjective and pessimistic attitude of the Roman poets. In short
+Ganzenmüller concludes that the feeling for nature was altogether
+Christian.<a id='r286'></a><a href='#f286' class='c015'><sup>[286]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>However this may be, there is no question that throughout a
+century or more before the age of the Crusades individuals not
+only among the laity but even in the monasteries were openly
+writing poems of earthly love and openly lauding the beauty of
+natural scenery in more or less the vein of the Romans.<a id='r287'></a><a href='#f287' class='c015'><sup>[287]</sup></a> This
+was but one aspect of the worldly tendency in Church and society
+which brought about the Cluniac and later movements of reform.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Mathematical Geography</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>We may pass over the mathematical geography of the Christian
+period before 1100; no discoveries were made, nor were there any
+attempts to apply the results of older discoveries. Gerbert,
+indeed, in his <i>Liber de astrolabio</i>, gives a few details of the division
+of the earth’s surface into seven climates, details which he had
+probably derived entirely from Latin authors like Pliny and
+Martianus Capella.<a id='r288'></a><a href='#f288' class='c015'><sup>[288]</sup></a> Though Gerbert owed much to Arabic
+writers, he did not draw from them the semi-geographical portions
+of his writings. Certainly in the strict application of mathematical
+geography to the determination of positions—latitudes and
+longitudes—nothing was done in the West. Ptolemy was
+forgotten, and the labors of the Arabs in this field were as yet
+unknown.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Maps</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Though very few maps dating from these centuries are actually
+in existence, maps were then made in no inconsiderable numbers.<a id='r289'></a><a href='#f289' class='c015'><sup>[289]</sup></a>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>Three circumstances convince us of the truth of this
+statement. In the first place, we find frequent references to lost
+maps in contemporary literature. Then again, many of the
+cosmographies and encyclopedic works, such as those of Orosius,
+Isidore, and the Ravenna geographer, show undeniable indications
+that they were either compiled from maps or else were
+accompanied by maps as illustrations. And, finally, most of the
+examples of twelfth- and early thirteenth-century cartography
+can only have been derived from older models, some of which
+in the final analysis may well have been inspired by the cartography
+of the period of the Roman Empire.<a id='r290'></a><a href='#f290' class='c015'><sup>[290]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>With a few exceptions<a id='r291'></a><a href='#f291' class='c015'><sup>[291]</sup></a> the existing specimens of the cartography
+of Western Europe dating from before 1100 may be
+classified as regards form in four more or less well-defined groups,
+representatives of each of which are also found from the Crusading
+age and even later. The character of the maps was
+largely determined by the purposes intended to be served.<a id='r292'></a><a href='#f292' class='c015'><sup>[292]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Macrobian Maps</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The first group consists of outline diagrams illustrating
+Macrobius’ division of the earth’s surface into zones and is to be
+found in manuscripts from as early as the ninth century. This
+group cannot properly be said to include true maps.<a id='r293'></a><a href='#f293' class='c015'><sup>[293]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>T-O Maps</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The second group is made up of simple representations of the
+three continents, often called T-O maps (Figs. 1a-1b). On these
+the known world is shown as a circle within which a T is drawn
+dividing it into three parts. East is at the top. The upper
+compartment, that above the crossbar of the T, represents Asia;
+the two lower compartments, Europe and Africa. The surface
+is usually unadorned with vignettes or conventional symbols of
+any sort, and the legends are reduced to a minimum. It seems
+likely that Augustine had before him such a diagram when he
+wrote a passage in <i>De civitate dei</i> which describes to perfection
+the division of the known world as the T-O maps show it, and
+it may well be that the map which Orosius must have used when
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>he wrote the geographical chapter of his history was a modified
+example of the same type. An extremely large number of T-O
+maps are to be found in codices dating from the eighth century
+onward, illustrating the writings of Isidore, Bede, Raban Maur,
+and others.<a id='r294'></a><a href='#f294' class='c015'><sup>[294]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/i_067_hr.jpg'><img src='images/i_067.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p><span class='sc'>Fig. 1</span>—Types of T-O and Sallust maps. (Figs. 1a and 1b from Santarem, <i>Essai</i>, 1849–1852, atlas, vol. i, pl. 5, figs. 5 and 1; Fig. 1c from Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, fig. 43.)</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>
+  <h6 class='c014'><i>Sallust Maps</i></h6>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Closely akin to the T-O maps, but somewhat more elaborate,
+are the sketches of the third group (Fig. 1c). These accompany
+manuscripts of Sallust’s works and may have been drawn to illustrate
+a passage in Sallust’s <i>De bello Jugurthino</i> describing briefly
+the countries of the known world. The T-O form is carefully
+followed, but legends and pictures add a touch of life. The
+oldest example (tenth century) is strictly classical and fails to
+show Jerusalem, a stock feature in most medieval maps. Later
+specimens reveal the influence of the Christian tradition, and
+upon them Jerusalem figures as an immense church or castle.<a id='r295'></a><a href='#f295' class='c015'><sup>[295]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Beatus Maps</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The fourth group is by far the most interesting. In the latter
+part of the eighth century a priest, Beatus, of the Benedictine
+abbey of Valcavado in northern Spain wrote a commentary on
+the Apocalypse, destined to become very popular in later times.
+To demonstrate graphically the division of the world among the
+twelve apostles, which is spoken of in a passage included in this
+commentary, either Beatus or one of his contemporaries drew a
+map. Though the original of this is not now extant, no less than
+ten subsequent maps for which it served as a model are preserved
+in manuscripts of the tenth century and later. The researches
+of Miller<a id='r296'></a><a href='#f296' class='c015'><sup>[296]</sup></a> have shown that three of these ten were probably
+derived from a fairly full and faithful copy of the original, but
+that the others represent merely a generalized outline. The best
+example, the so-called St. Sever map, dating from about 1050
+and now in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, displays an
+immense wealth of detail, legends, vignettes, and pictures of all
+sorts (Fig. 2).</p>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id003'>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>
+<a href='images/i_069_hr.jpg'><img src='images/i_069.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p><span class='sc'>Fig. 2</span>—St. Sever Beatus map. In the original, east is, as here, at the top. The geographical features (e. g. the Mediterranean, the Nile and its delta) may be recognized more readily, however, by viewing the map with north at the top. (From Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. i, 1895, colored reproduction in pocket.)</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>
+  <h4 class='c014'><i>REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY</i></h4>
+</div>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Limited Geographical Horizon in the Early Middle Ages</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In the first chapter, under the heading “The Expansion of
+Regional Knowledge,” was discussed the expansion of actual
+knowledge of the earth’s surface, and a careful distinction was
+made between that section dealing with actual knowledge and the
+preceding sections of the chapter which had been concerned with
+theories. We cannot make this distinction in speaking of the
+regional geographical ideas of the early Christian centuries,
+for fact and fancy were irrevocably blended. In the Greek and
+Roman age knowledge of the earth’s surface was widened by
+exploration, trade, wars, and conquests; but in the early Middle
+Ages the limits of the accurately known world contracted, and
+the ocean, Asia, Africa, even Western Europe itself, became
+domains of legend and fable.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>This does not mean that exploration, trade, and conquest did
+not progress. Commerce in silk flourished in the sixth century
+between Byzantium and the nations of Central Asia, and much
+knowledge of those distant countries was thereby acquired in the
+Greek world.<a id='r297'></a><a href='#f297' class='c015'><sup>[297]</sup></a> Between the eighth and the beginning of the
+twelfth centuries the Northmen had penetrated in their open
+ships to the innermost recesses of the White Sea<a id='r298'></a><a href='#f298' class='c015'><sup>[298]</sup></a> and westward
+as far as Iceland, Greenland, and the shores of America.
+Throughout the Middle Ages there was an intermittent flow of
+pilgrims to and from the Holy Land. At a very early date the
+Italian cities began to lay the foundations of their great Levantine
+trade. Why, then, was geographic knowledge not enriched by
+all this activity? There were many reasons. The spirit of the
+age turned the scholar’s mind almost exclusively to religious and
+theological matters. He felt no particular interest in voyages
+unless they had some religious significance. He cared nothing
+about the exploits of piratical Norse rovers in subarctic seas or
+about things that Byzantine traders and diplomats might have
+seen in the heart of Asia. Even if he could have read the
+languages in which the stories of these discoveries were written,
+he probably would not have troubled to investigate them. The
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>pilgrim, forcing his way through hardships and privations to the
+Holy Land, was certainly stirred by no interest in the geography
+of the lands and seas through which he passed beyond that of
+finding the best and quickest practicable route. Once arrived
+in Palestine, he may have felt some slight enthusiasm about
+studying out the topography of the sacred places. On the whole,
+however, pilgrim narratives added as little to Western geographical
+knowledge of the East as American soldiers’ letters during
+the World War added to our geographical knowledge of France.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Medieval Conception of the Known World</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The usual medieval conception of the known world was of
+a circular or oval area, divided into three continents. Asia
+occupied the eastern portion and was cut off from Europe by
+the Tanaïs (Don) and from Africa by the Nile. The Mediterranean,
+piercing the center of the western section, separated
+Europe from Africa. The relative size of the continents was
+variously represented; Asia was usually thought to be much
+larger than either Europe or Africa. The two latter were
+believed to be of about the same size.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Paradise</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>One of the principal Biblical contributions to medieval geography
+was Paradise with its four rivers.<a id='r299'></a><a href='#f299' class='c015'><sup>[299]</sup></a> In the maps of the
+period, the garden is drawn at the easternmost limits of the
+world in accordance with the words of Genesis (ii, 8), “And the
+Lord God planted a garden eastward in Eden.”<a id='r300'></a><a href='#f300' class='c015'><sup>[300]</sup></a> Martianus
+Capella, however, by following a Greek tradition which placed
+the Hyperboreans in a favored and delightful country of the far
+north, caused certain of the Church Fathers to look northward
+for Paradise.<a id='r301'></a><a href='#f301' class='c015'><sup>[301]</sup></a> Modeling their account of Paradise on the
+Biblical description and on the ideal landscape of the Roman
+poets,<a id='r302'></a><a href='#f302' class='c015'><sup>[302]</sup></a> the men of the Middle Ages conceived of the garden as a
+deliciously cool and shady meadow, made beautiful with flowers
+of many sorts, watered by murmuring streams, and redolent with
+sweet odors.<a id='r303'></a><a href='#f303' class='c015'><sup>[303]</sup></a> Many theories were elaborated concerning the
+surroundings of the forbidden garden.<a id='r304'></a><a href='#f304' class='c015'><sup>[304]</sup></a> In order that men be
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>kept out, an impassable barrier must have encircled it. Some
+believed that this was an immense wall; others, a ring of flames;
+others, mountains and deserts. Some placed Paradise on an
+island in the ocean; Cosmas removed it beyond the ocean to the
+shores of unknown lands in the east; Augustine, Origen, and
+Philo regarded it as allegorical and not real at all.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Rivers of Paradise</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>“And a river went out of Eden to water the garden; and from
+thence it was parted, and became into four heads” (Gen. ii, 10).<a id='r305'></a><a href='#f305' class='c015'><sup>[305]</sup></a>
+These four heads were the sources of the four rivers of Paradise:
+the Pison, later thought to be either the Indus, the Ganges,<a id='r306'></a><a href='#f306' class='c015'><sup>[306]</sup></a>
+or, sometimes, the Danube; the Gihon, or Nile; the Hiddekel, or
+Tigris; and, finally, the Euphrates. It was a little difficult for
+some persons at first sight to understand how all these rivers,
+whose upper reaches were known in reality to be very far apart,
+could actually spring from one source.<a id='r307'></a><a href='#f307' class='c015'><sup>[307]</sup></a> Many cosmographers
+were even tempted to place Paradise in Armenia, near the known
+sources of the Euphrates and Tigris. In general an appeal to the
+simple theory of the existence of subterranean watercourses
+sufficed to solve the problem and to explain the otherwise absurd
+belief that the Nile had its headwaters in the far east beyond the
+Red Sea.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Asia</span></h5>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Gog and Magog</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Asia was frequently made the scene of Paradise and of the
+creation of man. Here, too, medieval tradition placed Gog and
+Magog,<a id='r308'></a><a href='#f308' class='c015'><sup>[308]</sup></a> whose advent at the Last Day should bring destruction
+to the world. There are three different Biblical accounts of Gog
+and Magog. On the basis of Genesis (x, 2), which makes Magog
+a son of Japhet, a Jewish tradition conceived of this shadowy and
+fearful personage as the progenitor of the Scythian tribes. In
+the book of Ezekiel (xxxviii, xxxix) we read the prophecy of the
+ravages and destructions of “Gog, the land of Magog, the chief
+prince of Meshech and Tubal,” who should issue with his terrible
+hordes from the north and bring death and devastation to the
+lands of Israel. Finally, in Revelation (xx, 7) we are warned
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>that “when the thousand years shall be finished, Satan shall be
+loosed out of his prison, and shall go forth and seduce the nations
+which are over the four quarters of the earth, Gog and Magog,
+and shall gather them together to battle, whose number is as the
+sand of the sea.” Here “Gog and Magog” are not the names
+either of men or of a country, but rather of savage tribes. Most
+medieval writers, following the Jewish tradition, thought of these
+tribes as Scythian barbarians of the north—so Josephus, Jerome,
+and Isidore, though Eusebius believed that they were Kelts,
+and Jerome referred to a certain history which identified them
+with the Goths; one chronicle even made the Aquitanians their
+descendants.<a id='r309'></a><a href='#f309' class='c015'><sup>[309]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The apocalyptic story of Gog and Magog spread widely in the
+Orient as well as through the Christian world. In the East,
+curiously enough, it was made a part of the Romance of Alexander.
+We read in the Koran<a id='r310'></a><a href='#f310' class='c015'><sup>[310]</sup></a> that the “two-horned Alexander”
+built a great wall of bronze and pitch and brimstone, behind
+which he enclosed the wild peoples of Yajūj and Mājūj (Gog and
+Magog) until they should break forth on the day of the Last
+Judgment. This story was probably told for the first time in
+connection with Alexander the Great by Procopius in his <i>De
+bello Persico</i>.<a id='r311'></a><a href='#f311' class='c015'><sup>[311]</sup></a> It formed one of the most important parts of
+the immensely popular work, the <i>Pseudo-Methodius</i>, which foretold
+with considerable detail the events of the Last Day.<a id='r312'></a><a href='#f312' class='c015'><sup>[312]</sup></a>
+It entered into later versions of the Romance of Alexander itself,
+although it formed no part of the versions of the <i>Pseudo-Callisthenes</i>
+or of the translation of Julius Valerius.<a id='r313'></a><a href='#f313' class='c015'><sup>[313]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Romance of Alexander the Great</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The Romance of Alexander, one of the most widely known of
+the various cycles of medieval legend, deserves some comment
+here because the scene of most of Alexander’s exploits was laid in
+Asia. The Romance contains some fantastic geographical details
+concerning the East in general and India in particular. The
+classical stories of the monsters and marvels of these mysterious
+lands are here preserved in attractive form. We meet with
+Amazons and mermaids, griffons, and men who live on the smell
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>of spices. We have a text of correspondence between Alexander
+and the Brahmin king, Dindimus, in which the latter explains
+to the Macedonian conqueror his religion and the simple habits
+of the Brahmins.<a id='r314'></a><a href='#f314' class='c015'><sup>[314]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>St. Thomas in India</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>India was also supposed in the Middle Ages to have been
+visited by St. Thomas, the Apostle,<a id='r315'></a><a href='#f315' class='c015'><sup>[315]</sup></a> who was said to have
+built therein a great castle for King Gundophorus. Though
+little geography is to be gleaned from the apocryphal legends of
+St. Thomas and St. Bartholomew in India and of St. Matthew
+in Ethiopia, they served to carry the reader’s mind to distant
+corners of the earth and are of passing interest to us because
+certain elements of the story of St. Thomas became part of the
+fabric of the great twelfth-century legend of Prester John. If
+we are to believe the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,<a id='r316'></a><a href='#f316' class='c015'><sup>[316]</sup></a> an Englishman
+visited India in the ninth century, for we are told that King
+Alfred sent a certain Sighelm to the shrines of Saints Thomas and
+Bartholomew in A.&#160;D. 883.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Africa</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Africa was utterly neglected. Unlike Asia, it did not become
+the habitat of legend and fable. Supposedly of small extent and
+made up mostly of desert, it failed to arouse much interest until
+long after our period. The universal testimony of cosmographer
+and cartographer during the entire age under consideration
+was to the effect that the African continent stops well to the
+north of the equator at the borders of the sea.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Europe</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Europe was of course less a land of romance than Asia, but
+geographical ideas concerning it were crude enough, as a glance
+at any contemporary map or at the brief and dry catalogue of
+facts given in the encyclopedic works will show. Isidore,
+Orosius, and Bede added little to what classical writers had
+already said. Local mythology tended to creep into the geographical
+conceptions of the best-known countries and to blur
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>what had been in classical times fairly distinct and clean-cut
+conceptions.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Explorations to the North</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In one quarter, however, to the north, the horizon of geographical
+knowledge was immensely widened. The inner shores of the
+Baltic, of which the Romans and early Christians had known
+next to nothing, became from the eighth century familiar ground
+to the Northmen. Furthermore, the widespread rovings of
+these adventurous seamen carried them not only westward and
+southward to harry Britain, France, and Spain and to penetrate
+into the Mediterranean but also northward along the long stretch
+of Norwegian coast. Alfred the Great appended to his translation
+of Orosius an account of the journey in 890 of Othere of
+Halogaland around the North Cape and into the White Sea even
+as far as the shores of Biarma Land (near modern Archangel;
+the word “Biarma” is said to be related to the Russian “Perm”).
+In later years Norse expeditions visited the remote coasts of
+Finnmark and Biarma, seeking trade and carrying war and
+destruction.<a id='r317'></a><a href='#f317' class='c015'><sup>[317]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Atlantic</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The maritime wanderings of the early Irish and their successors,
+the Northmen, gave rise to a circle of legends regarding
+fabulous islands in the Atlantic and fabulous voyages among
+them. The poetic imagination of both Kelt and Viking contributed
+marvelously to the growth of these tales. Great and
+often misguided ingenuity has been shown in modern times in
+attempts to find the seeds of truth from which these stories may
+or may not have sprung.<a id='r318'></a><a href='#f318' class='c015'><sup>[318]</sup></a> The most famous legend and the
+one destined to exert the strongest influence on the imagination
+of the future told of St. Brandan’s journeyings among enchanted
+isles and fantastic seas to the west and northwest of Ireland.
+Actual discovery in these quarters is recorded in the pages of the
+ninth-century Dicuil, who narrates the finding of Thule by Irish
+priests some thirty years before his time (825 A.&#160;D.) and describes
+the cold of those regions and the long twilights at the time of
+the summer solstice, when one day merges into the next.<a id='r319'></a><a href='#f319' class='c015'><sup>[319]</sup></a>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>The Northmen reached Iceland in 860 and settled there a few
+years later; Greenland was discovered by them in 877, though
+it was not colonized until the close of the following century.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>America Reached by the Norsemen</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Icelandic rovers also reached America in the latter years of the
+tenth century.<a id='r320'></a><a href='#f320' class='c015'><sup>[320]</sup></a> The <i>Landnámabók</i>, compiled from an original
+version written about 1200, tells how, about the year 983, Ari
+Marsson “was driven out of his course at sea to White-men’s-land
+(<i>Hvitramanna-land</i>), which is called by some persons Ireland the
+Great (<i>Irland-it-mikla</i>); it lies westward in the sea near Wineland
+the Good; it is said to be a sail of six <i>doegr</i> west of Ireland”
+(Reeves’s translation).<a id='r321'></a><a href='#f321' class='c015'><sup>[321]</sup></a> Though we may not be certain whether
+this brief passage is rightly to be interpreted as referring to
+America, it is undeniable that soon after Ari Marsson’s discovery
+the northeastern shores of our continent were visited by Biarni,
+the son of Heriulf, and by Leif, the son of Eric the Red, and that
+the latter were followed by Thorfinn Karlsefni and others.<a id='r322'></a><a href='#f322' class='c015'><sup>[322]</sup></a>
+Sailing southwestward, these adventurers came to the shores of a
+barren country of flat stones which they called Helluland; thence
+they coasted southward past the forested Markland and past
+long beaches and sand reefs, until they reached Wineland,
+with grapevines, a mild climate, and savage inhabitants (or
+Skraellings). From some of the latter, captured by Karlsefni in
+Markland, the Icelanders learned that “kings governed the
+Skraellings” and that “there was a land on the other side over
+against their country which was inhabited by people who wore
+white garments and yelled loudly and carried poles before them
+to which rags were attached” (Reeves’s translation). This land
+they identified with White-men’s-land, or Ireland the Great.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>CHAPTER III<br> THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE MOSLEMS</h3>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c010'>There is no necessity here of giving a general review of the very
+broad field of Arabic geography. The works of the foremost
+Mohammedan geographers, Al-Masʿūdī, Ibn Ḥauqal, Al-Iṣṭakhrī,
+were unknown in Europe during the Middle Ages, and formal
+Arabic geography certainly contributed next to nothing to the
+knowledge of the earth possessed by the Occidentals of the
+Crusading age.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>SOURCES</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Other branches of Arabic science, however, profoundly
+influenced the development of European thought at this time.
+As transmitters of classical learning to the West, the Saracens
+reintroduced fragments of the geographical lore of the Greeks.
+The two classical authors in whom they had taken the deepest
+interest were Aristotle and Ptolemy. Their most important
+contribution to Western geographical knowledge was to make
+known to the West geographical speculations in the works of
+these men and in the various treatises which the Moslem writers
+themselves had composed under Peripatetic and Ptolemaic
+influences.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Influence of Aristotle</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Aristotle held a position of preëminent authority among the
+Moslems in all matters scientific. Arabic scholars had received
+his writings both through Syriac translations and direct from
+Greek texts. Vast commentaries on his works were made by
+Avicenna (Ibn Sīnā, 980–1037 A.&#160;D.) in the Eastern Caliphate
+and by Averroës (Ibn Rushd, 1126–1198 A.&#160;D.) in Spain. Aristotelian
+astronomy, as distinguished from Ptolemaic, was reproduced
+with modifications in the work <i>On the Sphere</i> of Al-Biṭrūjī
+of Cordova, known to the Christians as Alpetragius.<a id='r323'></a><a href='#f323' class='c015'><sup>[323]</sup></a>
+By the end of the twelfth century, owing to the rising interest in
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>Aristotelianism in Europe (the “flood of Aristotelianism,” as
+Duhem calls it), translations had been done from the Arabic into
+Latin of a large number of Aristotelian works on astronomy,
+physics, meteorology, and many other subjects.<a id='r324'></a><a href='#f324' class='c015'><sup>[324]</sup></a> It was in
+these works that most of Aristotle’s thought and observation in
+geography had found expression. Aristotelian physical geography,
+transmitted through these channels, was destined to
+dominate the geographical speculations of many Christian writers
+of the thirteenth century.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Influence of Ptolemy’s “Almagest”</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The Moslems of the Eastern Caliphate also had become familiar
+with Ptolemy’s <i>Almagest</i> and <i>Geography</i> through Syriac
+translations and through versions of the original Greek text.<a id='r325'></a><a href='#f325' class='c015'><sup>[325]</sup></a>
+A manuscript of the <i>Kitāb al-Majisṭī</i>, or <i>Almagest</i>, was translated
+into Arabic in the days of Hārūn ar-Rashīd by that caliph’s
+vizier, Yaḥyā, and other translations appeared during the middle
+part of the ninth century. Study of the <i>Almagest</i> stimulated
+Arabic scholars and incited them to write such original treatises
+of their own as Al-Farghānī’s (Alfraganus’) On the <i>Elements of
+Astronomy</i>, Al-Battānī’s <i>On the Movements of the Stars</i>, or <i>Astronomy</i>,<a id='r326'></a><a href='#f326' class='c015'><sup>[326]</sup></a>
+and Ibn Yūnūs’ <i>Ḥakīmī Tables</i>.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Influence of Ptolemy’s “Geography”</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Furthermore, Ptolemy’s <i>Geography</i> was certainly known to the
+Moslems in Syriac translations and probably also in copies of
+the original Greek text.<a id='r327'></a><a href='#f327' class='c015'><sup>[327]</sup></a> With the <i>Geography</i> as a model a
+number of Arabic treatises, usually entitled <i>Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ</i>,
+or <i>Book of the Description of the Earth</i>, were composed at an early
+period of Islam and served as bases on which later geographical
+writers built more complex systems. One of the most significant
+was the <i>Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ</i> of Al-Khwārizmī, composed about the
+time of Al-Maʾmūn (813–833 A.&#160;D.), the full text of which was
+discovered forty-four years ago by Spitta.<a id='r328'></a><a href='#f328' class='c015'><sup>[328]</sup></a> From another book
+of the same sort and title Al-Battānī derived the geographical
+details included in his <i>Astronomy</i>.<a id='r329'></a><a href='#f329' class='c015'><sup>[329]</sup></a> The latter was translated
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>into Latin during the twelfth century; and Al-Khwārizmī’s work
+was known in Europe at second hand.<a id='r330'></a><a href='#f330' class='c015'><sup>[330]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Az-Zarqalī and the “Toledo Tables”</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Ptolemy was studied in the western as well as in the eastern
+centers of Islam. Toledo, notwithstanding its conquest by the
+kings of Castile in 1085, long remained a scientific center, where
+the Arabic spirit of investigation lingered on among Jew, Christian,
+and Moor. It was largely through Spanish channels that
+the Latin West found its Oriental inspiration in astronomy and
+astrology.<a id='r331'></a><a href='#f331' class='c015'><sup>[331]</sup></a> About 1080 Az-Zarqalī, of Toledo,<a id='r332'></a><a href='#f332' class='c015'><sup>[332]</sup></a> who had devised
+a new type of astrolabe, wrote various works on astronomical
+subjects, including a commentary on a series of astronomical
+tables that had been constructed by a group of Jewish and Moslem
+scholars before his time.<a id='r333'></a><a href='#f333' class='c015'><sup>[333]</sup></a> These so-called <i>Toledo Tables</i>,
+with Az-Zarqalī’s <i>Canons</i> explaining them, contained some incidental
+geographical information derived in part from Ptolemy’s
+<i>Geography</i> and from Al-Khwārizmī.<a id='r334'></a><a href='#f334' class='c015'><sup>[334]</sup></a> They were rendered into
+Latin in the twelfth century by the famous Gerard of Cremona,
+who probably found in Spain most of the manuscripts from which
+he made his many Latin translations.<a id='r335'></a><a href='#f335' class='c015'><sup>[335]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Geography in Sicily</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Ptolemy’s <i>Geography</i> was also studied in Sicily under the
+Moslem emirs and their successors, the Norman kings. From
+the eleventh century date several Arabic descriptions of Sicily
+now known only in fragments but bearing eloquent witness to a
+true enthusiasm for geography prevalent among the Moslem
+aristocracy of the island.<a id='r336'></a><a href='#f336' class='c015'><sup>[336]</sup></a> The Normans, who became masters
+of Sicily between 1060 and 1071, preserved much that was best
+of Arabic traditions and culture, and Moslem scholars played a
+brilliant part in the intellectual life of the court. Roger II
+himself was a devotee of geography, occupying much of his spare
+time in collecting Arabic geographical treatises and in questioning
+travelers about distant parts of the earth. “He gave himself up
+to this work tirelessly for fifteen years, never ceasing to examine
+personally into all geographical questions, to search for their
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>solution and to verify facts, in order that he might obtain in
+complete form all the information that he desired” (from Jaubert’s
+translation of Edrisi).<a id='r337'></a><a href='#f337' class='c015'><sup>[337]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Edrisi</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>At Roger’s instigation and with his aid Al-Idrīsī, or Edrisi
+(as the name is more usually written), who had come to the
+Sicilian court from Spain, undertook a great series of geographical
+labors. Little is known of the life of Edrisi besides a few details
+to be gleaned from later biographers<a id='r338'></a><a href='#f338' class='c015'><sup>[338]</sup></a> and what he himself tells
+us in the preface to his <i>Geography</i>, as it is usually known, or, to
+cite its Arabic title, <i>The Recreation for Him Who Wishes to Travel
+Through the Countries</i>, which was completed in 1154 or later.<a id='r339'></a><a href='#f339' class='c015'><sup>[339]</sup></a>
+We know that he constructed for Roger a celestial sphere and a
+disk-shaped map of the world, both of silver. Furthermore,
+we are told that Roger provided him with special facilities for the
+construction of maps and for the compilation of his great treatise.
+It appears that the king and Edrisi together selected “certain
+intelligent men, who were despatched on travels and were accompanied
+by draftsmen. Just as soon as these men returned
+Edrisi inserted in his treatise the information which was thus
+communicated to him.” On the basis of observations made in the
+field, data derived from Ptolemy and earlier Arabic geographers
+were correlated and brought up to date. The book and the
+maps which were drawn to elucidate the book are for this reason
+unquestionably among the most interesting monuments of Arabic
+geography; furthermore, the book is the most voluminous and
+detailed geographical work written in twelfth-century Europe.
+After a very brief description of the earth as a globe, the hemispheres,
+climates, seas, and gulfs, Edrisi launches into a long
+and minute account of the regions of the earth’s surface. He
+takes up the seven climates in order, dividing each climate into
+ten sections, an arrangement that is artificial to excess. None
+the less, Edrisi’s works are of exceptional quality when considered
+in comparison with other geographical writings of their period,
+partly by reason of their richness of detail but mainly because of
+the scientific method used, the coöperative employment of many
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>observers, and the critical correlation of their observations—a
+procedure which was indeed unlike that adopted by Latin
+scholars of the time.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Influence of Sicilo-Moslem Geography</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The question of the full extent to which the fruits of this Sicilian
+geographical school became known in the Latin Europe of the
+late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries is a matter that awaits
+further investigation.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Certainly the influence of Edrisi’s <i>Geography</i> could not have
+been great in the world of letters or else traces of it would more
+easily be detected in Western literature. Unlike a multitude of
+Arabic writings of far less intrinsic value, the <i>Rogerian Description</i>
+(as the <i>Geography</i> of Edrisi is often called) found no Gerard of
+Cremona to put it into Latin, and the authoritative geographical
+knowledge of the Western world was destined to develop unenriched
+by the treasures which Roger and Edrisi together had
+amassed.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>On the other hand, there is no question but that the Sicilo-Norman
+enthusiasm for geography exerted an indirect influence
+on the evolution of geographical knowledge, an influence that
+was to make itself felt more especially after the close of our
+period. This enthusiasm for geography was the product of a
+mingling of Arabic scientific and scholarly traditions with Norman
+maritime enterprise in an island which occupied a central
+position in relation to the world of its day. It was an enthusiasm
+that arose partly from pure love of knowledge but also in very
+large degree from the practical necessities of a sea-faring people,
+and it was early applied to the solution of the problems of navigation.
+In the words of De La Roncière, “The use of coast
+charts was destined to become general in Sicily; a rational method
+of navigation to be substituted for the routine of pilotage, and
+thus the way was prepared for the progressive conquest of the
+world.”<a id='r340'></a><a href='#f340' class='c015'><sup>[340]</sup></a> As De La Roncière goes on to point out, the Genoese
+learned the arts of navigation from the Sicilians in the early
+thirteenth century and transmitted them subsequently to the
+Spaniards, Portuguese, French, and English; and a new science
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>of the sea was developed upon the foundations originally laid by
+Sicilian Moslems and Normans.<a id='r341'></a><a href='#f341' class='c015'><sup>[341]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Oriental Ideas Transmitted to the West</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Besides the classical heritage, the Moslems also transmitted
+some peculiarly Oriental ideas to the West. Al-Khwārizmī was
+the author of a treatise with astronomical tables, the translation
+of which by Adelard of Bath usually goes under the name of
+<i>Khorazmian Tables</i>.<a id='r342'></a><a href='#f342' class='c015'><sup>[342]</sup></a> The original work was a redaction of a
+book drawn ultimately from Hindu sources and known as the
+<i>Little Sindhind</i>.<a id='r343'></a><a href='#f343' class='c015'><sup>[343]</sup></a> Thus it was from Hindu sources, as is shown
+by this work, that the Mohammedans got their idea of the world
+center of Arin. Hindu religion, furthermore, contributed something
+toward the molding of Greek and Moslem doctrines of the
+periodicity of the universe and of the Great Year—doctrines
+which became widely known in the West through Hermann the
+Dalmatian’s Latin translation of the Persian Abū Maʿshar’s
+book, <i>The Great Book of the Introduction</i>, entitled in the Latin,
+<i>Liber introductorius in astrologiam</i>.<a id='r344'></a><a href='#f344' class='c015'><sup>[344]</sup></a> Hindu influences were also
+felt in an anonymous but widely read Arabic treatise falsely
+attributed to Aristotle in the Middle Ages and called <i>Liber de
+proprietatibus elementorum</i>.<a id='r345'></a><a href='#f345' class='c015'><sup>[345]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>ASTRONOMICAL GEOGRAPHY; THEORIES OF THE TIDES</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Turning now from the sources to the material substance of the
+contribution of the Moslems, we find that, except in so far as
+it brought a knowledge of Aristotle to Europe, it added little
+to Western notions either of physical or of regional geography.
+Though the Moslems entirely failed to share with the Western
+World their wide practical acquaintance with lands and seas, the
+Arabic writers did nevertheless introduce some new ideas in the
+fields of astronomical—or, better, astrological—geography and
+in the closely allied study of tidal phenomena.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Great Years</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The theory of the Great Years was very popular among the
+Orientals, possibly because it appealed to their fatalistic spirit.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>Arabic astronomers adopted Ptolemy’s calculation of the length
+of the Great Year at 36,000 terrestrial years<a id='r346'></a><a href='#f346' class='c015'><sup>[346]</sup></a> and seem to have
+believed that after every complete revolution of the sphere of
+the fixed stars, the planets, as well as the fixed stars, will find
+themselves in the same relative positions that they held at the
+beginning of the revolution.<a id='r347'></a><a href='#f347' class='c015'><sup>[347]</sup></a> The Arabic work on this subject
+most read in the Latin West was Hermann the Dalmatian’s
+translation of Abū Maʿshar’s book, in which it was explained that
+astral influences—especially the perpetual circulation of the fixed
+stars—are the cause of everything which is born and dies and of
+everything which occurs between birth and death on this earth.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Cosmic Cycles and Geographical Changes</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In much the same way that the Chaldeans, Hindus, and
+Greeks had done, the Moslems worked out a theory of the
+supposed influence of these cosmic cycles on geography.<a id='r348'></a><a href='#f348' class='c015'><sup>[348]</sup></a> The
+most striking elaboration of the theory was made by the “Brothers
+of Piety and Sincerity,” who formed a philosophical school
+in the tenth century after Christ. In the great encyclopedic
+work<a id='r349'></a><a href='#f349' class='c015'><sup>[349]</sup></a> produced by this school (which, incidentally, contains
+many other interesting speculations on the subject of physical
+geography) gradual alterations in the relative position of land
+and sea are ascribed to almost imperceptible changes in the
+longitude of the fixed stars resulting from the precession of the
+equinoxes. Not only do lands and seas change places, but
+various types of terrain; in the course of time “cultivated land
+becomes desert, desert becomes cultivated land, steppes become
+seas, and seas become steppes or mountains.”<a id='r350'></a><a href='#f350' class='c015'><sup>[350]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Whereas this curious theory was accepted by the Aristotelian
+Al-Biṭrūjī, the author of the pseudo-Aristotelian <i>Liber de proprietatibus
+elementorum</i> vigorously opposed to it the following
+argument.<a id='r351'></a><a href='#f351' class='c015'><sup>[351]</sup></a> If the fixed stars revolve around the earth in 36,000
+years, the land ought to revolve around the 34,000 miles which
+he believed make the circumference of the earth in the same time,
+or, as we may infer, at a rate of slightly less than a mile per
+year. We should therefore expect to find certain cities much
+nearer the coast and other cities farther from the coast than they
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>used to be. The anonymous author says that if the theory were
+valid one ought to be able to observe great changes in the position
+of such places as Arin, Ceylon, Byzantium, and Rome in relation
+to the sea. But since, as a matter of fact, no such changes
+are apparent, the whole theory of the transposition of land and
+sea falls to the ground.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Obvious as it may seem to us, this reasoning is remarkable at
+a time when actual observation as a foundation for, or check on,
+theorizing was rare indeed; and hence it is gratifying to note
+that the <i>Liber de proprietatibus elementorum</i> with its argument
+against the Great Year, rather than the encyclopedia of the
+“Brothers of Piety and Sincerity” with its argument for it, was
+the work on this subject that was read by Occidental scholars.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Theories of the Tides</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The Moslems did not add much to the classical theories of the
+tides which they transmitted to Christendom. Their fundamental
+work concerning tides was that treatise of Abū Maʿshar
+which we have already mentioned, a work from which, as Duhem
+says, all the Middle Ages learned the laws of the ebb and flood.<a id='r352'></a><a href='#f352' class='c015'><sup>[352]</sup></a>
+Here, in the chapters on the moon,<a id='r353'></a><a href='#f353' class='c015'><sup>[353]</sup></a> a full description is given of
+the various characteristics of the tides together with copious
+speculations regarding their causes. The actual observations
+of fact were exact and careful. Abū Maʿshar explains with not
+a little accuracy the relation of the tides to the moon’s rising and
+setting, to her phases, and to the position of the sun; he understood
+that winds might cause exceptionally high water; he
+recognized the influences of local topographic features, that some
+seas display different tidal phenomena from others and that the
+flood waters may be retained by reefs, or valleys, or deep bays.
+On the other hand, Abū Maʿshar’s treatment of the causes of
+the tides was less successful. Though he believed firmly that
+the moon produces the ebb and flood, he failed to account for
+the presence of the high tide at the time of the moon’s opposition.
+His explanation of the moon’s attraction of the waters was in
+keeping with astrological methods of reasoning. Our satellite
+was supposed by astrologers to be of peculiarly aqueous nature
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>and for that reason exceptionally capable of governing the movements
+of the liquid element of the earth.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Other theories of the tides entered the West from Arabic
+sources. Al-Biṭrūjī’s <i>On the Sphere</i> ascribed their origin
+not to the moon but to the general circulation of the heavens.<a id='r354'></a><a href='#f354' class='c015'><sup>[354]</sup></a>
+Averroës, in a commentary on the <i>Meteorology</i> of Aristotle,
+devoted a confused chapter<a id='r355'></a><a href='#f355' class='c015'><sup>[355]</sup></a> to an attempt at showing that ebb
+and flood are the results partly of currents produced by differences
+in level between the ocean and certain seas and partly of the
+moon’s attraction of the waters. The possibility of differences
+in level between seas and ocean had probably become known
+to the Spanish scholar through some garbled rendering of Eratosthenes’
+observations on the currents and levels of the Mediterranean.<a id='r356'></a><a href='#f356' class='c015'><sup>[356]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Measurement of a Terrestrial Degree</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>That the Saracens also were interested in the more strictly
+mathematical aspects of astronomical geography is emphatically
+proved by the fact that they undertook actually to measure the
+length of a terrestrial degree<a id='r357'></a><a href='#f357' class='c015'><sup>[357]</sup></a> and thereby to determine the
+circumference of the earth. Some knowledge of this great
+work came to the Western world in our period through translations
+of the <i>Astronomy</i> of Al-Farghānī.<a id='r358'></a><a href='#f358' class='c015'><sup>[358]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Geographical Positions</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The Arabic investigations, however, which most profoundly
+interested the men of the West were those concerned with the
+determination of the location of places on the earth’s surface
+rather than those whose aim was to find the size of the globe.
+Stimulated by their interest in Ptolemy, the Moslems felt a
+special need for the accurate knowledge of positions, for upon
+such knowledge depended the construction of mosques, which,
+according to religious law, must face in the direction of Mecca.
+Astrology also necessitated this type of investigation. In order
+to cast a horoscope one must know what stars are overhead at a
+particular moment; and, to ascertain this, one must know latitude
+and longitude. In the Arabic astronomic works there
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>occur rules for determining positions and tables of the latitudes
+and longitudes of places throughout the world.<a id='r359'></a><a href='#f359' class='c015'><sup>[359]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>One of the most practical results of Arabic investigations
+in this field was a reduction of Ptolemy’s exaggerated estimate of
+the length of the Mediterranean Sea. The Greek geographer
+gave the length as 62° or about half again too long. Al-Khwārizmī
+cut this figure down to about 52°, and, if we are right in our
+interpretation of the available data, Az-Zarqalī still further
+reduced it to approximately the correct figure, 42°. As we shall
+see in a later chapter, the results of these corrections became
+known in the medieval West.<a id='r360'></a><a href='#f360' class='c015'><sup>[360]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The Moslems, as a general rule, measured longitudes from the
+prime meridian which Ptolemy had used, that of the Fortunate
+Islands (now the Canaries), situated in the Western Ocean at the
+westernmost limit of the habitable earth; but individual writers
+came to make use of another meridian farther west, a meridian
+destined to become known to the Christian world as that of the
+True West as distinguished from the supposed border of the
+habitable West.<a id='r361'></a><a href='#f361' class='c015'><sup>[361]</sup></a> Abū Maʿshar, on the other hand, referred his
+prime meridian to a fabulous castle of Kang-Diz, far to the east
+in the China Sea.<a id='r362'></a><a href='#f362' class='c015'><sup>[362]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Arin</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The western prime meridian was commonly supposed to be 90°
+from a mythical city called Arin (or Arim) situated on the equator,
+halfway between the farthest east and the farthest west.
+This city was said to have neither latitude nor longitude, and its
+meridian came arbitrarily to be placed at 10° east of that of
+Baghdad. The idea of Arin probably originated among the
+Hindus,<a id='r363'></a><a href='#f363' class='c015'><sup>[363]</sup></a> who believed that the city of Langka in Ceylon (or
+perhaps Sumatra)—the abode of devils—lies on the equator.
+They traced their prime meridian from Langka through Odjein,
+a place in India, to Mount Meru at the north pole—the abode of
+angels. Odjein was transliterated into Arabic as “Arin” or
+“Arim” and was shifted by the Moslems to the equator. It was
+made known to the Christian world through such works as Adelard
+of Bath’s translation of the <i>Khorazmian Tables</i> (which, as
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>we have already seen, was an Arabic redaction of a Hindu work)
+and Plato of Tivoli’s translation of Al-Battānī’s <i>Astronomy</i>. In
+the latter, Arin was represented as a cupola or tower; and on
+Christian maps and diagrams of the Middle Ages it was not
+infrequently so depicted.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>ARABIC EXPLORATION AND TRAVEL</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>This sums up briefly a few of the more significant original
+ideas that the Moslems added to twelfth-century geographical
+knowledge in the West. By way of contrast, it is not out of
+place briefly to recall what they had actually accomplished in the
+field of geographical investigation.<a id='r364'></a><a href='#f364' class='c015'><sup>[364]</sup></a> Moslem trade between the
+seventh and ninth centuries reached China by sea and by land;
+southward it tapped the more distant coasts of Africa, including
+Zanzibar; northward it penetrated Russia;<a id='r365'></a><a href='#f365' class='c015'><sup>[365]</sup></a> westward Mohammedan
+navigators saw the unknown and dreaded waters of the
+Atlantic. Al-Masʿūdī speaks of the presence of Moslem traders
+in the heart of Europe, in a country to which he gave the name
+Ad-Dir (probably Bohemia).<a id='r366'></a><a href='#f366' class='c015'><sup>[366]</sup></a> Arabic literature abounds with
+descriptions of the lands within these wide borders; of their
+products and kingdoms and marvels, true and fanciful. But all
+this was destined to remain a sealed book to the man of the
+Latin Occident,<a id='r367'></a><a href='#f367' class='c015'><sup>[367]</sup></a> who as a rule felt little genuine interest in the
+world beyond his immediate ken. He looked to Arabic books
+for practical aid in making calendars and star tables and horoscopes;
+he looked to Arabic translations and commentaries on
+Aristotle for help toward a better understanding of the dark
+and hidden meaning in the words of Scripture. The geographical
+knowledge which he acquired from the Moslems during our
+period was merely incidental to other interests, a sort of flotsam
+borne in on the great wave of astrologic and Aristotelian lore
+sweeping into Europe at this time.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>CHAPTER IV<br> THE SOURCES FOR THE PERIOD 1100–1250 A.&#160;D.</h3>
+</div>
+<h4 class='c014'><i>INTRODUCTION</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>To gain anything approaching complete understanding of the
+status of the geographical lore in Western Europe during the
+Crusading period, one would be obliged to undertake the colossal
+task of ransacking practically all the available literature of this
+age. From an examination of selected specimens of various
+types of document, however, we may arrive at a fairly correct
+conception of the kind of geographical thought and information
+that was current. Certainly our view of the subject would not
+be materially modified by the further accumulation of illustrative
+examples. We must, none the less, look to a large variety of
+sources: to the writings of theologians, philosophers, historians,
+chroniclers, and topographers; to maps, poetry, romances, and
+even to works of art. These show us what the sedentary man of
+the Middle Ages could learn of geography through reading and
+study. Pilgrim narratives, letters, commercial and diplomatic
+treaties, and many other miscellaneous documents throw light
+upon the actual extent of travel during this century and a half.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Writers of the Middle Ages did not specialize as we do at the
+present day. They treated subjects of the most diverse nature
+within the pages of the same book. We shall group their productions
+into a few broad categories: philosophical and theological
+writings that were read for the most part by the scholar and
+churchman; translations from Arabic scientific treatises and
+other works written under Arabic influence; encyclopedic
+compilations or attempts to encompass the whole range of
+human learning, also for the scholar, and popularizations of these
+in prose and verse for the intelligent layman; histories and
+chronicles; pilgrim narratives and other records of travel;
+topographical works; and, finally, maps.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Other more instructive classifications might well be made.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>One in which the works were grouped according to the type of
+thought of which each is the expression might bring out the
+conflicting intellectual crosscurrents of the age. In such a
+classification the great differentiation could be emphasized
+between writers bound by respect for authority and writers of
+originality and independence; between those who interpreted
+the words of Scripture literally, those who interpreted them
+allegorically, and those who went so far as to neglect or to doubt
+them. The classification which follows, based upon the purposes
+which the various groups of writings were intended to serve,
+is merely one of convenience.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>THEOLOGICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The distinction between theology, philosophy, and the physical
+and natural sciences was not sharply drawn during the earlier
+Middle Ages. Only after the ninth century did the tendency
+to mark off theology and philosophy as separate spheres of
+thought become gradually evident,<a id='r368'></a><a href='#f368' class='c015'><sup>[368]</sup></a> and it remained for a much
+later age to set off the physical and natural sciences from philosophy.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Theological Works</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Though not much geography is found in the strictly theological
+writings of our period, those portions of them which deal with
+the Creation embody cosmogonic and cosmographic speculations
+which have a geographic character for reasons that have
+already been explained.<a id='r369'></a><a href='#f369' class='c015'><sup>[369]</sup></a> Many of the philosophical writings, on
+the other hand, are rich in passages of geographical interest;
+for the physical geography, like the natural history, of the
+Middle Ages was the province of the philosopher.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Peter Abelard</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Among the outstanding theologians of the twelfth century was
+Peter Abelard (1079–1142), whose tragic history is well remembered.
+In his <i>Expositio in hexaemeron</i>, <i>Sermones</i>, and more
+famous <i>Sic et non</i> we find a few scattered observations of a
+geographical character. Though Abelard’s fame rests upon the
+keenness of his reasoning and the destructive brilliance of his
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>dialectic, his position when dealing with the Works of the Six
+Days was that of mystic.<a id='r370'></a><a href='#f370' class='c015'><sup>[370]</sup></a> We shall have occasion to see how the
+geographical passages from his works reveal a love of elaborate
+allegory.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Hugh of St. Victor</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The monastic school of St. Victor in Paris was preëminently a
+center of twelfth-century mysticism.<a id='r371'></a><a href='#f371' class='c015'><sup>[371]</sup></a> A leading figure here was
+Hugh of St. Victor, who held the direction of studies after about
+the year 1125 and who enjoyed during his lifetime (he died in
+1141) a great reputation for learning in things divine.<a id='r372'></a><a href='#f372' class='c015'><sup>[372]</sup></a> Among
+Hugh’s writings we find <i>Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pentateuchon</i>,
+containing speculations on the Creation, and the curious
+treatises <i>De arca Noë mystica</i>, <i>De arca Noë morali</i>, and <i>De vanitate
+mundi</i>,<a id='r373'></a><a href='#f373' class='c015'><sup>[373]</sup></a> which display a love of symbolism and include the
+exposition of a strange theory of the westward course of the tide
+of civilization.<a id='r374'></a><a href='#f374' class='c015'><sup>[374]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Hildegard of Bingen</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Hildegard (1098–1179 or 1180), abbess of a Benedictine convent
+near Bingen on the Rhine, was another lover of the symbolic.
+Her mystic exaltation took the form of visions in which were
+revealed to her the secrets of the universe. With the knowledge
+thereby attained she served her fellow man as a prophetess and
+healer of disease. Besides a series of letters, she wrote three
+works recording her visions: <i>Scivias sive visionum ac revelationum
+libri tres</i> (1141–1150), <i>Liber vitae meritorum</i> (1158–1162), and
+<i>Liber divinorum operum simplicis hominis</i> (1163–1170). She was
+also probably the author of two treatises, <i>Subtilitates diversarum
+naturarum creaturarum</i> and <i>Causae et curae</i>, which, though not
+avowedly the record of visions, could hardly have been written
+except as the result of some form of religious experience.<a id='r375'></a><a href='#f375' class='c015'><sup>[375]</sup></a> Her
+“cosmology and physiology,” as Thorndike points out, were
+none the less in essential conformity with “the then prevalent
+theories of natural science” although she “displays no little
+originality in giving a new turn to the familiar concepts.”
+She does not, however, “evolve any really new principles of
+nature.”<a id='r376'></a><a href='#f376' class='c015'><sup>[376]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>
+  <h6 class='c014'><i>Peter Lombard and Peter Comestor</i></h6>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>To turn from the imaginative and visionary writings of
+Hugh and Hildegard to the more coldly intellectual theology
+and philosophy of the age, we find in the <i>Sic et non</i> of Abelard
+the first example of a new method of handling philosophical and
+theological questions. This so-called didactic method was
+destined to find its culminating expression in the mighty volumes
+of Thomas Aquinas. Its essence was to incite discussion by
+placing in juxtaposition divergent and contradictory Scriptural
+and patristic texts on the same subject. Abelard did this in the
+<i>Sic et non</i> without giving interpretations of his own. Peter
+Lombard (died 1164), who in his <i>Sententiae</i> followed Abelard’s
+method, usually gave in addition his own views on a subject,
+though not infrequently the reader was left faced by two or more
+conflicting theories. It might almost be said that the <i>Sententiae</i>
+served to standardize the orthodox doctrine of the age. Shortly
+after Peter Lombard’s death Peter Comestor (the “eater”), at
+one time dean of the cathedral church in Troyes and lecturer in
+Paris, produced an extensive treatise entitled <i>Historia scholastica</i>.
+This compilation of commentaries on Scripture enjoyed an
+immense popularity at a later period, especially towards the close
+of the thirteenth century.<a id='r377'></a><a href='#f377' class='c015'><sup>[377]</sup></a> Comestor, like Peter Lombard,
+represented the more orthodox point of view.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The School of Chartres: Its Intellectual Independence</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Unusual intellectual independence was displayed during the
+twelfth century by the philosophical writers of the school of
+Chartres<a id='r378'></a><a href='#f378' class='c015'><sup>[378]</sup></a> and by those who came under their influence. Well
+known early in the eleventh century, this cathedral school had
+acquired, in the first half of the twelfth, a European reputation,
+founded on the boldness and originality of its masters and on
+the widespread influence which they exerted through their
+pupils and associates.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Bernard and Theodoric of Chartres</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Two brothers stand out preëminently among them, Bernard
+and Theodoric (or Thierry). Very little in detail is known
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>about the life of either. Bernard was probably born late in the
+eleventh century and was chancellor between 1124 and 1126.<a id='r379'></a><a href='#f379' class='c015'><sup>[379]</sup></a>
+He enjoyed an immense reputation and was called by John of
+Salisbury the most perfect Platonist of his century.<a id='r380'></a><a href='#f380' class='c015'><sup>[380]</sup></a> It seems
+likely that he died before 1130 and was not the same man as Bernard
+Sylvester of Tours, with whom he has often been confused.<a id='r381'></a><a href='#f381' class='c015'><sup>[381]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We know even less of Theodoric, who enjoyed a contemporary
+fame as great as, if not even greater than, that of his brother.
+Theodoric was mentioned by a disciple as the foremost philosopher
+of the whole of Europe.<a id='r382'></a><a href='#f382' class='c015'><sup>[382]</sup></a> Master of the school (<i>magister
+scholae</i>) in Chartres in 1121, the successor to Gilbert de la Porrée
+as chancellor in 1141, he produced a large work on the seven
+liberal arts (the <i>Heptateuchon</i>) and a treatise describing the
+Creation.<a id='r383'></a><a href='#f383' class='c015'><sup>[383]</sup></a> The latter, entitled <i>De sex dierum operibus</i>,
+was in many respects unique, representing a remarkably rationalistic
+discussion of a subject in the treatment of which any
+display of reason or independence almost inevitably was deemed
+heresy.<a id='r384'></a><a href='#f384' class='c015'><sup>[384]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Adelard of Bath; Hermann the Dalmatian; Robert of Retines</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Bernard and Theodoric maintained scholarly connections
+throughout Western Europe and counted many famous men
+among their disciples. The Englishman Adelard of Bath<a id='r385'></a><a href='#f385' class='c015'><sup>[385]</sup></a> belongs
+to their broader circle, for it is likely that he was acquainted
+with the Chartres scholars, at least by reputation, and his important
+work, <i>Quaestiones naturales</i><a id='r386'></a><a href='#f386' class='c015'><sup>[386]</sup></a> (dating from between 1107
+and 1142), shows that he held many ideas in common with the
+most famous of Bernard’s pupils, William of Conches. In his
+wide travels<a id='r387'></a><a href='#f387' class='c015'><sup>[387]</sup></a> and in his translations from the Arabic<a id='r388'></a><a href='#f388' class='c015'><sup>[388]</sup></a> Adelard
+exemplifies another phase of the awakening intellectual life of
+the age, a turning to Moslem literature for new sources of information
+and inspiration beyond the standard and easily available
+collections of classical, Scriptural, and patristic authorities.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Among the disciples of Theodoric may also be counted the
+travelers and translators from the Arabic, Hermann the Dalmatian
+(or Hermann the Carinthian) and Robert of Retines, to
+whose translations we shall later have occasion to refer.<a id='r389'></a><a href='#f389' class='c015'><sup>[389]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>
+  <h6 class='c014'><i>Bernard Sylvester</i></h6>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Very closely akin in spirit with the scholars of Chartres was
+Bernard Sylvester, who taught at Tours in the fifth decade of the
+twelfth century.<a id='r390'></a><a href='#f390' class='c015'><sup>[390]</sup></a> It has long been a moot point whether or not
+Bernard Sylvester was the same as Bernard of Chartres. There
+are very potent arguments in favor of identifying them, among
+the most convincing being the remarkable manner in which
+the philosophy of the <i>De mundi universitate</i> (or <i>Cosmographia
+turonense</i>),<a id='r391'></a><a href='#f391' class='c015'><sup>[391]</sup></a> written by Bernard Sylvester between 1145 and
+1148, gives expression to theories which John of Salisbury ascribes
+to Bernard of Chartres. Yet, despite these extraordinary
+similarities, the weight of evidence seems opposed to the theory
+that the two names refer to the same man.<a id='r392'></a><a href='#f392' class='c015'><sup>[392]</sup></a> In any case, if
+Bernard Sylvester was not the brother of Theodoric of Chartres,
+he was acquainted with Theodoric and with the latter’s work,
+for it was to Theodoric that he dedicated the <i>De mundi universitate</i>.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>William of Conches</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Another member of the Chartres group, William of Conches,
+was a disciple of Bernard of Chartres in his youth. He taught
+at Chartres probably as early as 1126. Between 1140 and 1150
+he acted as tutor to the young Henry and Geoffrey Plantagenet.<a id='r393'></a><a href='#f393' class='c015'><sup>[393]</sup></a>
+Hauréau says that William believed that “la philosophie tient
+subordonnées à ses principes généraux, comme deux sciences
+subalternes, la théologie et la physique.”<a id='r394'></a><a href='#f394' class='c015'><sup>[394]</sup></a> His most significant
+book, the <i>De philosophia mundi</i>,<a id='r395'></a><a href='#f395' class='c015'><sup>[395]</sup></a> throughout exemplifies this
+attitude and reveals to us a mind deeply interested in physics and
+natural science for their own sakes and a desire to explain the
+phenomena of the universe according to natural and observable
+laws. The rationalism of his philosophy brought him into
+conflict with the ecclesiastical authorities and necessitated his
+retracting various opinions late in life.<a id='r396'></a><a href='#f396' class='c015'><sup>[396]</sup></a> He died either in 1150
+or 1154.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Alexander Neckam</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The scholars of the Chartres group formed the intellectual
+élite of their age. More in keeping with the normal habit of the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>period than their mode of thought was the manner in which
+the Englishman Alexander Neckam dealt with matters of natural
+science. Born in 1157, Neckam had become a professor at the
+University of Paris by 1180; later in life he returned to England,
+became abbot of Cirencester in 1213, and died in 1217.<a id='r397'></a><a href='#f397' class='c015'><sup>[397]</sup></a> His
+principal works were <i>De naturis rerum</i>, in prose, and a verse
+paraphrase and enlargement of it entitled <i>Laus sapiencie divine</i>,
+or <i>De laudibus divinae sapientiae</i>.<a id='r398'></a><a href='#f398' class='c015'><sup>[398]</sup></a> In these works we see that
+Neckam, though inspired by a lively curiosity and even by some
+degree of understanding of experimental and observational
+science, was on the whole less original and less courageous
+intellectually than either Theodoric of Chartres or William of
+Conches. Instead of trying to explain rationally the phenomena
+of nature as these earlier writers had done, he was nearly always
+content merely to describe these phenomena as facts and to draw
+lengthy moral lessons from them.</p>
+
+<hr class='c016'>
+
+<p class='c011'>These are merely a few characteristic representatives of the
+host of theologians and philosophers of the twelfth and early
+thirteenth centuries. Their works serve to illustrate widely
+diverse tendencies of thought: the heretical independence of the
+scholars of Chartres as contrasted with the mysticism of Hugh
+of St. Victor, the orthodoxy of Peter Lombard and Peter Comestor,
+and the cautious inquisitiveness of Alexander Neckam.
+Though these men differed in mental caliber, their learning was
+based almost exclusively on the Latin writings of classical and
+earlier Christian authors, and most of their geographical knowledge
+was borrowed from the sources we have discussed in Chapters
+I and II. But our period was also memorable by reason of the
+influx of a new body of learning destined to bring about profound
+modifications in the methods of European scholarship and to add
+materially to the sum total of European knowledge. This new
+body of learning was made available through translations from
+the Arabic.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>
+  <h4 class='c014'><i>TRANSLATIONS FROM THE ARABIC; WORKS WRITTEN UNDER ARABIC INFLUENCE; ARISTOTELIANISM AND ITS OPPONENTS</i></h4>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>The enthusiasm for the work of translation which prevailed
+during our period foreshadowed a far broader enthusiasm of the
+same sort that marked the great age of the Renaissance. Only
+a relatively few scholars, however, were familiar with Greek; and
+the number of direct translations from the Greek was limited.<a id='r399'></a><a href='#f399' class='c015'><sup>[399]</sup></a>
+The men of the Crusading age received the results of Greek
+scientific investigation primarily through the medium of the
+Moslems.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We saw in Chapter III how the Moslems had translated certain
+works of Aristotle, of Ptolemy, and of the Hindus and had themselves
+composed sundry treatises under Peripatetic, Ptolemaic,
+and Hindu influences. Many of these Arabic translations, in
+turn, were converted into Latin by Occidental scholars of our
+period.<a id='r400'></a><a href='#f400' class='c015'><sup>[400]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Western interest in Moslem science centered at first on the
+translation of astronomical and mathematical treatises and
+somewhat later on Arabic versions of Aristotle. Indirectly
+through both of these channels important geographical conceptions
+gained currency in Europe.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Adelard of Bath; Peter Alphonsi</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Among the early translators of astronomical and mathematical
+treatises was Adelard of Bath, whose connections with the school
+of Chartres we have already mentioned. Through Adelard’s Latin
+version of the so-called <i>Khorazmian Tables</i><a id='r401'></a><a href='#f401' class='c015'><sup>[401]</sup></a> of Al-Khwārizmī,
+made in the year 1126,<a id='r402'></a><a href='#f402' class='c015'><sup>[402]</sup></a> knowledge of the Hindu conception
+of a world center, Arin, was introduced into Europe. The
+<i>Khorazmian Tables</i> had found their way to Spain by the beginning
+of the eleventh century and were there adapted from the era
+of Yezdegerd to that of the Hejira by a certain Maslama al-Majrīṭi
+of Madrid.<a id='r403'></a><a href='#f403' class='c015'><sup>[403]</sup></a> In addition to Adelard’s version of Maslama’s
+work, there is reason to believe that the <i>Khorazmian
+Tables</i> were also put into Latin by Hermann the Dalmatian.<a id='r404'></a><a href='#f404' class='c015'><sup>[404]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>A contemporary of Adelard of Bath was the Jew, Peter
+Alphonsi<a id='r405'></a><a href='#f405' class='c015'><sup>[405]</sup></a> (or Petrus Anfusi), who was baptized in 1106 at the
+age of forty-five and subsequently became an ardent devotee of
+Christianity. His <i>Dialogus cum Judeo</i> contains references to
+Arin and a few significant observations on astronomical geography.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>John of Seville; Plato of Tivoli</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In 1135 John of Seville (also known as Johannes Hispanensis,
+or John of Luna) translated Al-Farghānī’s <i>On the Elements of
+Astronomy</i>,<a id='r406'></a><a href='#f406' class='c015'><sup>[406]</sup></a> a work from which John of Holywood borrowed
+much of the materials that he incorporated into his <i>De sphaera</i>
+and which thereby was fated to produce a profound effect on
+the future development of astronomical geography during the
+later Middle Ages. Gerard of Cremona also translated the same
+work.<a id='r407'></a><a href='#f407' class='c015'><sup>[407]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>From about 1140 dates Plato of Tivoli’s version of the <i>Astronomy</i>
+of Al-Battānī,<a id='r408'></a><a href='#f408' class='c015'><sup>[408]</sup></a> a close rendering into Latin of Al-Battānī’s
+chapters on the theory of astronomy but not of the astronomical
+and geographical tables that followed in the original Arabic.
+Our interest in the chapters lies in the fact that they contain
+(Chapter 6) a brief general description of the inhabited earth
+widely differing from those found in contemporary Latin geographical
+works.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>“Marseilles Tables” and “Toledo Tables”</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Preserved in a twelfth-century manuscript of the Bibliothèque
+Nationale is a set of astronomical tables for Marseilles dating
+from 1140, the work of a certain Raymond of Marseilles.<a id='r409'></a><a href='#f409' class='c015'><sup>[409]</sup></a> The
+<i>Canons</i>, or introductory explanation, of these tables are drawn
+largely from the astronomical <i>Canons</i> of Az-Zarqalī;<a id='r410'></a><a href='#f410' class='c015'><sup>[410]</sup></a> the tables
+are an adaptation for the meridian of Marseilles of the <i>Toledo
+Tables</i>. Both Az-Zarqalī’s <i>Canons</i> and the <i>Toledo Tables</i>, with
+their modifications like the Marseilles set, contained not a little
+incidental material of importance from the point of view of
+astronomical geography, including a list of cities with their latitudes
+and longitudes derived ultimately from Al-Khwārizmī.<a id='r411'></a><a href='#f411' class='c015'><sup>[411]</sup></a>
+That this material enjoyed wide popularity during our period
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>and later is proved by the existence of a large number of manuscripts.<a id='r412'></a><a href='#f412' class='c015'><sup>[412]</sup></a>
+One of the translations of Az-Zarqualī’s <i>Canons</i> was
+done by the hand of the famous Gerard of Cremona, as we have
+already seen in Chapter III.<a id='r413'></a><a href='#f413' class='c015'><sup>[413]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Robert of Retines; Hermann the Dalmatian; Daniel of Morley</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>It is almost certain that before 1143 the <i>Astronomy</i> of Al-Battānī
+was again put into Latin, this time by Robert of Retines<a id='r414'></a><a href='#f414' class='c015'><sup>[414]</sup></a>
+(or Robert of Chester). We do not, as in the case of Plato of
+Tivoli’s version, possess the text of this translation, though we
+have what was probably Robert’s adaptation to the meridian
+of London of Al-Battānī’s and Az-Zarqalī’s astronomical tables.
+This adaptation, for 1149–1150, forms a continuation of tables
+for the meridian of Toledo in 1149.<a id='r415'></a><a href='#f415' class='c015'><sup>[415]</sup></a> Furthermore, Al-Battānī
+is cited, and some of the geographical ideas expressed in his
+<i>Astronomy</i> are reflected, in the as yet unpublished <i>Liber de essentiis</i>
+of Hermann the Dalmatian, who was a close associate of
+Robert and a student of Theodoric of Chartres. The <i>Liber de
+essentiis</i> was written at Béziers in 1143.<a id='r416'></a><a href='#f416' class='c015'><sup>[416]</sup></a> Robert also adapted
+Adelard’s <i>Khorazmian Tables</i> to the meridian of London.<a id='r417'></a><a href='#f417' class='c015'><sup>[417]</sup></a> Another
+Englishman, Roger of Hereford, was probably the maker of
+tables for the meridian of Toledo and certainly of a series for
+Hereford dating from 1178, based on tables for Toledo and Marseilles.<a id='r418'></a><a href='#f418' class='c015'><sup>[418]</sup></a>
+Towards the end of the century, still another Englishman,
+Daniel of Morley, journeyed to Spain in search of Arabic
+astronomical lore. Here, at Toledo, he came in contact with
+Gerard of Cremona. On his return to England he took with him
+“a precious multitude of books” and, “to explain the teaching of
+Toledo to Bishop John of Norwich” (1175–1200),<a id='r419'></a><a href='#f419' class='c015'><sup>[419]</sup></a> wrote a work
+called <i>De philosophia</i>, or <i>Liber de naturis inferiorum et superiorum</i>,
+the astronomy of which, as in the case of John of Holywood’s
+<i>De sphaera</i>, was mainly based on the writings of Al-Farghānī.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Gerard of Cremona; John of Holywood (Sacrobosco)</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>At about the same time, Gerard of Cremona produced a short
+independent treatise, the <i>Theorica planetarum</i>,<a id='r420'></a><a href='#f420' class='c015'><sup>[420]</sup></a> which became a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>stock text from which later writers borrowed extensively. This
+is merely a summary of the <i>Almagest</i>, produced apparently
+before Gerard made his famous translation of that great work in
+1175,<a id='r421'></a><a href='#f421' class='c015'><sup>[421]</sup></a> and is of interest to us because it contains an account of
+methods of transposing astronomical tables to different longitudes.
+It had certainly been read by the author of the London
+tables of 1232,<a id='r422'></a><a href='#f422' class='c015'><sup>[422]</sup></a> a set which, in addition to being of astronomical
+value, contains a few incidental notes of geographic importance.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The <i>De sphaera</i><a id='r423'></a><a href='#f423' class='c015'><sup>[423]</sup></a> of John of Holywood (also known as John of
+Halifax, or John Sacrobosco), dating from the very end of our
+period, includes citations from Al-Farghānī’s <i>Astronomy</i> as well
+as from classical authors and was the most influential work in the
+field of astronomical geography of its century, though the intrinsic
+value of its contents was not great.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Aristotelianism Introduced Through Arabic Works</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The translators of Arabic mathematical and astronomical
+works during the twelfth century prepared the way for an event
+of the first magnitude in the intellectual history of the Middle
+Ages—the reintroduction of Aristotelian learning into the West.<a id='r424'></a><a href='#f424' class='c015'><sup>[424]</sup></a>
+It would lead us far beyond the bounds of this study to try to
+discuss the immense influence of Aristotelianism on the development
+of European philosophy and theology in and after the thirteenth
+century. Something of the geographical content of
+Aristotle’s writings on physics and natural science, however, was
+indicated in Chapter I, and it was during the closing years of the
+twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth centuries that these
+works began to gain a hold on European thought. Their
+influence at this time was for the most part exerted through
+roundabout channels: probably in some cases through Latin
+translations of Arabic translations from the original Greek;
+unquestionably in others through Latin translations of Arabic
+translations of Syriac translations from the original Greek; and
+in still others through Latin translations of Arabic commentaries
+on Aristotle or of works inspired by his writings. The desire or
+ability to tap the sources of Aristotelian lore by direct recourse to
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>Greek texts themselves was exceptional before the middle of the
+thirteenth century.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The precise date when the Occident became acquainted with
+the <i>Physics</i> and <i>De caelo</i> is a matter of some doubt. It is likely
+that Avicenna’s version of these two books had been converted
+into Latin at Toledo before the middle of the twelfth century by
+Dominicus Gondisalvi,<a id='r425'></a><a href='#f425' class='c015'><sup>[425]</sup></a> who worked there under the patronage
+of Archbishop Raymond, but the extent to which these early
+translations influenced European science is a subject of controversy.
+It has been suggested by Duhem that Latin translations
+of Aristotle were known to the scholars of the Chartres
+school, Theodoric, Gilbert de la Porrée, and William of Conches,
+passages in whose works certainly reveal some familiarity with
+Peripatetic theories.<a id='r426'></a><a href='#f426' class='c015'><sup>[426]</sup></a> On the other hand, there are no actual
+citations of Aristotle which would enable us to prove that the
+passages in question show first-hand knowledge of the books of
+the Stagirite.<a id='r427'></a><a href='#f427' class='c015'><sup>[427]</sup></a> The fact that much Peripatetic thought had
+been brought to the West through the writers of the late Roman
+and earlier Christian periods often makes it difficult, in the
+absence of actual citations, to distinguish between what had been
+learned from these earlier sources and what was contemporaneously
+derived from the Moslems.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Gerard of Cremona</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>We are on much firmer ground when we turn to the work of
+Gerard of Cremona,<a id='r428'></a><a href='#f428' class='c015'><sup>[428]</sup></a> for we know as a fact that before his death
+in 1187 this indefatigable translator had put into Latin, of the
+works of Aristotle of geographical interest, the first three books
+of the <i>Meteorology</i>,<a id='r429'></a><a href='#f429' class='c015'><sup>[429]</sup></a> the <i>Physics</i>, the <i>De caelo et mundo</i>,<a id='r430'></a><a href='#f430' class='c015'><sup>[430]</sup></a> and
+the <i>De generatione et corruptione</i>.<a id='r431'></a><a href='#f431' class='c015'><sup>[431]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Michael Scot</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Michael Scot, who died in 1236<a id='r432'></a><a href='#f432' class='c015'><sup>[432]</sup></a> and was remembered by later
+ages as a great magician, was another student of Aristotelian
+science. After studying in Spain this Scotsman became court
+astrologer of the Emperor Frederick II in Sicily. He learned
+Arabic and composed treatises on astronomy, astrology (<i>Liber
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>introductorius</i> and <i>Liber particularis</i>) and physiognomy under
+the influence of Moslem learning. He also undertook the
+translation of sundry works on alchemy and astronomy, among
+them the treatise of Al-Biṭrūjī, based on Aristotelian astronomy,
+and Aristotle’s <i>De caelo</i> with Averroës’ commentary. Associated
+with the <i>Liber particularis</i> we have the text of a questionnaire<a id='r433'></a><a href='#f433' class='c015'><sup>[433]</sup></a>
+which Frederick II presented to Michael and which reveals
+something of that versatile Emperor’s burning interest in
+cosmology and physical geography. The philosopher’s “brief
+statements” in reply “concerning hell, purgatory, heaven, and
+the terrestrial paradise are followed by an account of the marvels
+of nature—strange lakes and rivers of the East, wondrous metals,
+stones, plants, drugs, and animals, with their respective virtues”
+(Haskins).<a id='r434'></a><a href='#f434' class='c015'><sup>[434]</sup></a> Michael in this connection also gives expression to
+familiar, traditional opinions on the earth as a sphere, though he
+includes some original observations on volcanoes and hot springs.<a id='r435'></a><a href='#f435' class='c015'><sup>[435]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Aristotelianism in the Thirteenth Century</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>By the time of Michael Scot Aristotelian theories of physics
+and of physical geography as introduced through Moslem channels
+were finding fairly general currency in the West. Arnold
+the Saxon, for instance, in his encyclopedic treatise written perhaps
+about 1225, gave citations from the <i>De caelo et mundo</i>, the
+<i>Meteorology</i>, and the <i>Physics</i>, as well as from Averroës and other
+Arabic admirers of Aristotle.<a id='r436'></a><a href='#f436' class='c015'><sup>[436]</sup></a> Aristotelian cosmology, astronomy,
+and metaphysics, however, were not accepted by
+Western scholars until after a strenuous intellectual battle had
+been waged over them. Serious efforts were made to place these
+teachings forever under the ban of the church. In 1210 and
+1215 strict prohibitions against the study of the Averroïstic
+versions of the <i>Physics</i> and <i>Metaphysics</i> were issued by the
+authorities of the University of Paris.<a id='r437'></a><a href='#f437' class='c015'><sup>[437]</sup></a> This shows that by
+that time not only had the commentaries of Averroës been
+translated but that they must have become popular.<a id='r438'></a><a href='#f438' class='c015'><sup>[438]</sup></a> Indeed,
+the popularity of Aristotle and Averroës was destined to increase
+despite all prohibitions, and after their works, by the middle of
+the thirteenth century, had been purged of objectionable matter
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>by the ecclesiastical authorities, they became prescribed studies
+in the curriculum of the University of Paris. Aristotelianism
+dominated the scientific thought of the late thirteenth and
+fourteenth centuries; and the physical geography of the great
+encyclopedist, Albertus Magnus, was largely based upon it.
+Albert, indeed, was sometimes unjustly called Aristotle’s ape.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Opponents of Aristotelianism</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>On the other hand, there were many individuals who, though
+accepting the teachings of Aristotle and his Arabic commentators
+in regard to specific facts and theories, were none the less sternly
+opposed to blind and uncritical adoption of them.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>William of Auvergne</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>William of Auvergne, bishop of Paris from 1228 to his death
+in 1249, was leader of the ecclesiastical party that stood out
+against the study of Aristotelian philosophy and theology in
+that city. It was nevertheless true, as Duhem tells us, that
+William’s erudition “had received in abundance additions from
+sources which had not enriched the erudition of earlier centuries:
+that is from the works of Aristotle and Arabic authors.”<a id='r439'></a><a href='#f439' class='c015'><sup>[439]</sup></a> The
+<i>De universo</i> of William contains much material on cosmology
+and natural history.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Robert Grosseteste</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The great English churchman, Robert Grosseteste, bishop
+of Lincoln from 1235 until his death in 1253, presents an even
+more striking example of the scholar, well read in Aristotelian
+and Arabic learning, who was prone to question many of the
+Peripatetic doctrines. Grosseteste deserves a high place in the
+history of medieval science by reason of the depth of his scholarship
+and the originality of his ideas. His style, however, is
+often difficult and obscure. From the geographical point of
+view several of his treatises are of unusual interest. The <i>De
+sphaera</i> is devoted to problems of astronomical geography. In
+the <i>De impressionibus aëris seu de prognosticatione</i> rules are laid
+down for the preparation of weather forecasts based upon astrological
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>considerations. The <i>De luce seu de inchoatione formarum</i>
+explains Robert’s theory of the Creation. The <i>De natura
+locorum</i>, in which the influences of celestial rays upon the earth’s
+surface are discussed, gives expression to many views that were
+elaborated in fuller detail by Robert’s more famous pupil and
+intellectual successor, Roger Bacon.<a id='r440'></a><a href='#f440' class='c015'><sup>[440]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>ENCYCLOPEDIC WORKS</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Our period was marked by the production of encyclopedic
+works the object of which was to bring together as much human
+knowledge as possible in convenient, readable, and, frequently,
+in popular form. These encyclopedias carried on the traditions
+of Pliny, Solinus, Isidore, Bede, and other earlier writers and for
+the most part were lacking in originality. Made up of paraphrases
+and word-for-word excerpts from older books, they
+exemplify better than any other type of literary production the
+respect which the man of the Middle Ages felt towards the authority
+of the written word and his lack of critical acumen.
+Their immense popularity shows that they satisfied a distinct
+want: the lore contained in them, however worthless and puerile
+it often may seem to us, formed an important part of the intellectual
+cargo of the medieval mind. It is imperative, therefore,
+that representatives of this type of work should be consulted by
+anyone who wishes to arrive at a just estimate of the status of
+medieval knowledge.<a id='r441'></a><a href='#f441' class='c015'><sup>[441]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Most of the geography of the encyclopedias was a geography
+handed down from classical times, a geography but distantly
+related to contemporary facts and one in which fabulous elements
+tended to persist and multiply at the expense of sound and accurate
+information. Yet it was the geography of the majority
+of the lettered men, and the man who did not himself actually
+travel found here practically the only convenient means of
+learning about the countries of the world. He might pick up
+occasional details of routes to Rome and Palestine from pilgrims,
+traders, or soldiers; but only in the pages of the encyclopedias
+could he find anything approaching a systematic treatment of
+the earth and its various parts.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'>“<span class='sc'>De Imagine Mundi</span>”</h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>The most widely read book of this nature was the <i>De imagine
+mundi</i>, which dates from about 1100. Though this has often
+been attributed in recent years to Honorius of Autun (it has also
+been ascribed to St. Anselm and with far greater probability to
+an unknown Honorius Inclusus), the evidence at hand is insufficient
+to warrant us in coming to any definite conclusions on the
+vexed question of its authorship.<a id='r442'></a><a href='#f442' class='c015'><sup>[442]</sup></a> The general character of the
+compilation is illustrated by a remark at the close of the dedicatory
+letter: “I place nothing in this work except that which is
+approved by the best authorities.”<a id='r443'></a><a href='#f443' class='c015'><sup>[443]</sup></a> The main source of the
+geographical chapters was the <i>Etymologiae</i> of Isidore, though the
+author also drew directly from Orosius.<a id='r444'></a><a href='#f444' class='c015'><sup>[444]</sup></a> It seems likely,
+indeed, that the geographical chapter of Orosius served as a basis
+for the entire compilation and provided an outline which was
+embellished by copious excerpts of detail from the more elaborate
+writings of Isidore, Augustine, and Bede. Furthermore, it is
+even probable that the unknown author had a map before him.<a id='r445'></a><a href='#f445' class='c015'><sup>[445]</sup></a>
+He appears to have borrowed directly from the <i>Collectanea rerum
+memorabilium</i> of Solinus his account of the marvels of India,
+though elsewhere he taps Solinus at second hand through the
+medium of Isidore.<a id='r446'></a><a href='#f446' class='c015'><sup>[446]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Lambert’s “Liber Floridus;” Guido’s Encyclopedia</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Dating from approximately the same period is a similar work,
+the <i>Liber floridus</i> of Lambert. Practically all we know of the
+author is that he was a canon of St. Omer early in the twelfth
+century.<a id='r447'></a><a href='#f447' class='c015'><sup>[447]</sup></a> His book, a hodgepodge of notices, geographical and
+otherwise, from Isidore, Bede, Martianus Capella, Raban Maur,
+and others, though it did not enjoy popularity comparable to
+that of the <i>De imagine mundi</i>, nevertheless by no means lapsed
+into obscurity during the centuries that followed. There are at
+least eight manuscripts of it preserved in the libraries of Europe,
+and it was referred to with high praise by writers of the thirteenth
+century.<a id='r448'></a><a href='#f448' class='c015'><sup>[448]</sup></a> The manuscripts are illustrated by crude maps,
+among the few remaining relics of twelfth-century cartography.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>Of much the same nature is an encyclopedic compilation made
+by a certain Guido, probably an Italian, in 1119.<a id='r449'></a><a href='#f449' class='c015'><sup>[449]</sup></a> It contains
+excerpts from a variety of sources, including Isidore, the Romance
+of Alexander, Paul the Deacon, and, more especially, the anonymous
+Ravenna geographer.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'>“<span class='sc'>Lucidarius</span>”</h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The <i>De imagine mundi</i> became an important source for later
+writings. It was a standard authority during the closing years
+of the Middle Ages for those who deliberately undertook to give a
+geographical description of the earth. The <i>Lucidarius</i> (or
+<i>Aurea gemma</i>) was a popular encyclopedia written in German
+towards the end of the twelfth century at the order of Henry
+the Lion. Though embodying the peculiar and fabulous features
+of the <i>De imagine mundi</i>, it omitted the drier but more correct
+geographical and topographical details.<a id='r450'></a><a href='#f450' class='c015'><sup>[450]</sup></a> The principal source
+of much of the natural science in the <i>Lucidarius</i> was William of
+Conches’ <i>De philosophia mundi</i>. The <i>Lucidarius</i> was translated
+at a later date into Danish, Dutch, and Bohemian,<a id='r451'></a><a href='#f451' class='c015'><sup>[451]</sup></a> and
+from it were derived the geographical portions of the famous
+<i>Hortus deliciarum</i> of the abbess Herrad of Landsperg.<a id='r452'></a><a href='#f452' class='c015'><sup>[452]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Gervase of Tilbury</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Another widely read book that came under the influence of the
+<i>De imagine mundi</i> was the <i>Otia imperialia</i> of Gervase of Tilbury,<a id='r453'></a><a href='#f453' class='c015'><sup>[453]</sup></a>
+a protégé of Otto IV and by him appointed marshal of the
+kingdom of Arles. The <i>Otia</i>, composed to entertain the emperor
+during the leisure moments of his struggle with Frederick II,
+is in large measure a compilation of facts, fables, and theories
+borrowed from earlier works. The cosmological chapters are
+drawn from Peter Comestor’s <i>Historia scholastica</i>, the geographical
+ones from Orosius, Isidore, and, more particularly, the <i>De
+imagine mundi</i>, which furnished a framework into which the
+statements of the other writers were made to fit.<a id='r454'></a><a href='#f454' class='c015'><sup>[454]</sup></a> The large
+number of manuscripts of the <i>Otia</i> bears witness to its great
+popularity.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Jacques de Vitry</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Jacques de Vitry, bishop of St. John of Acre until 1220, in his
+<i>Historia hierosolymitana</i><a id='r455'></a><a href='#f455' class='c015'><sup>[455]</sup></a> also borrowed from the <i>De imagine
+mundi</i>, especially in describing Palestine and Asia. His interest
+in the remarkable caused him to include, as had been done by the
+authors of the German <i>Lucidarius</i>, most of the fabulous elements
+of the earlier book as well as to add fabulous stories from other
+sources. It was these stories, derived in part from the <i>Historia
+hierosolymitana</i> and in part directly from the <i>De imagine mundi</i>,
+that accounted for the great popularity of a poem to which we
+must now turn.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'>“<span class='sc'>L’Image du Monde</span>”</h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>This poem, the <i>Image du Monde</i>,<a id='r456'></a><a href='#f456' class='c015'><sup>[456]</sup></a> destined to be read for over
+three centuries, was decidedly the most important of the many
+works that felt the influence of the <i>De imagine mundi</i>. Like its
+Latin predecessor, it is an attempt at the popularization of
+universal knowledge. The work of popularization, however,
+was here carried to the stage of translation into a popular tongue,
+which rendered the book available to a much broader circle of
+readers. The style was vivid and not lacking in originality, and
+the subject matter contained sufficient of the grotesque and unexpected
+to assure the poem a long-lived success. Though the
+question of authorship and exact date is a somewhat perplexing
+one, it seems likely that the <i>Image du Monde</i> was partially
+composed in Metz in 1245 or 1247 by a certain Gossouin and
+within the following two or three years was added to either by
+Gossouin himself or by a certain Walter of Metz, to whom the
+entire work has occasionally been attributed.<a id='r457'></a><a href='#f457' class='c015'><sup>[457]</sup></a> Prior, however,
+to the composition of the second verse redaction by Gossouin or
+Walter, the poem had been put into a prose form,<a id='r458'></a><a href='#f458' class='c015'><sup>[458]</sup></a> from which
+translations were subsequently made into Hebrew, Judeo-German,
+and English (the last by Caxton in 1480).</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'>“<span class='sc'>Konungs-Skuggsjá</span>”</h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>From the very end of our period there dates an Icelandic
+dialogue of more or less encyclopedic scope, a work which might
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>well be called a northern counterpart of the <i>De imagine mundi</i>.
+This <i>Konungs-Skuggsjá</i>, or <i>King’s Mirror</i>,<a id='r459'></a><a href='#f459' class='c015'><sup>[459]</sup></a> written about the
+year 1250 or perhaps as late as 1260, contains chapters that reveal
+to us something of the status of Scandinavian knowledge of the
+geography and natural phenomena of Iceland, Greenland, and
+the Arctic seas. But, like the Sagas, so far as we know, it was not
+translated into Latin or into the vernacular tongues, and the
+type of knowledge contained in it remained until the great age of
+discovery virtually the exclusive property of the peoples of
+Iceland and of the far north of Europe.<a id='r460'></a><a href='#f460' class='c015'><sup>[460]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Great Encyclopedias of the Thirteenth Century</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>We cannot well leave the subject of encyclopedic compilations
+without mentioning such gigantic thirteenth-century productions
+as the <i>Specula</i> of Vincent of Beauvais,<a id='r461'></a><a href='#f461' class='c015'><sup>[461]</sup></a> the various writings of
+Albertus Magnus,<a id='r462'></a><a href='#f462' class='c015'><sup>[462]</sup></a> and the relatively less ambitious popularizations
+of Bartholomew Anglicus,<a id='r463'></a><a href='#f463' class='c015'><sup>[463]</sup></a> Brunetto Latino,<a id='r464'></a><a href='#f464' class='c015'><sup>[464]</sup></a> and others.<a id='r465'></a><a href='#f465' class='c015'><sup>[465]</sup></a>
+The <i>Opus majus</i> of Roger Bacon is also encyclopedic in scope.
+These great works contain a wealth of reference the systematic
+study of which would unquestionably shed much additional light
+on the substance of medieval geographical knowledge. The
+innumerable pages of Albertus Magnus, indeed, show not a
+little originality; and Roger Bacon stands somewhat apart from
+his contemporaries as a fearless exponent of scientific method.<a id='r466'></a><a href='#f466' class='c015'><sup>[466]</sup></a>
+On the whole, however, there is no very essential difference between
+the geography of these men and that of their less well-informed
+and perhaps less diligent predecessors. This is one
+reason why we have felt justified in failing to treat them in
+detail. Another reason is that adequate treatment of the
+geography of the thirteenth-century encyclopedists would fill
+another volume at least the size of the present one.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Dante</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>A figure, however, whom we cannot refrain from mentioning in
+this connection, though he lived after 1250 and though his genius
+far transcended that of any encyclopedist of any age, is Dante.
+Much of the information amassed by the laborious compilers of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>encyclopedic works (especially Brunetto Latino) was fused by
+the poet into the <i>Divine Comedy</i> and molded into his various
+prose writings. The universality of Dante’s knowledge embraced
+the geography and cosmography of his age. Though we
+shall not attempt to deal with Dante’s geographical lore<a id='r467'></a><a href='#f467' class='c015'><sup>[467]</sup></a> in
+the pages which follow, it would be a serious mistake to omit all
+reference to one who flourished so soon after the end of our
+period and who, besides being a poet of all time, was an outstanding
+figure in medieval scholarship and, incidentally, in the
+history of medieval geography.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The reader who wishes to investigate the geography of Dante
+and of the encyclopedists of the thirteenth century will find brief
+summaries and references in Notes 92–98 to the present chapter.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>HISTORIES, CHRONICLES, SAGAS, EPIC POEMS</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The writings of the historians and chroniclers of the Middle
+Ages, though they do not as a rule include systematic expositions
+of geography, nevertheless often contain incidental geographical
+matter of no slight interest. The present section is devoted to
+a very few selected specimens of historical narrative of the
+Crusading age, whether prose or verse, that are of particular
+significance from the geographical point of view.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Otto of Freising</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Among the outstanding medieval historians was Otto of
+Freising.<a id='r468'></a><a href='#f468' class='c015'><sup>[468]</sup></a> A man of intelligence and breadth, steeped in the
+academic literature of his age, Otto, though never going out of
+his way to write of geographical subjects, always maintained an
+attitude of open and receptive interest toward all branches of
+science. The range of his literary and scholarly learning is a
+key to the intellectual attainments of the average man of the
+world of his period. Born about 1114 or 1115 of a noble or even
+royal family—his maternal grandfather was the Emperor Henry
+IV—Otto studied in Paris probably early in the second quarter
+of the century. After his return to Germany in 1132 or 1133,
+he became a Cistercian and was subsequently made bishop of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>Freising. His principal works were a <i>Chronicon</i>, running from
+the beginning of the world to the year 1146, and the <i>Gesta
+Friderici</i>, recording the deeds of Frederick Barbarossa down to
+the year 1156 and continued after that date by Ragewin (or
+Rahewin).<a id='r469'></a><a href='#f469' class='c015'><sup>[469]</sup></a> Among other classical authorities Otto may have
+used Seneca’s <i>Quaestiones naturales</i>: most of his geographical
+ideas, however, were derived from Isidore and Orosius and from
+certain unknown “topographers” whom he cites as giving details
+on the rivers of Europe.<a id='r470'></a><a href='#f470' class='c015'><sup>[470]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Gunther of Pairis</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>On the <i>Gesta Friderici</i> was based an historical poem composed
+about 1186 by Gunther of Pairis (in Alsace), of whom we know
+next to nothing.<a id='r471'></a><a href='#f471' class='c015'><sup>[471]</sup></a> This work, the <i>Ligurinus</i>, adds little of material
+nature to the sources from which it was taken, although the
+poet converts the simple, straightforward narrative of Otto and
+Ragewin into a poem vividly expressed. It has been shown that
+the <i>Ligurinus</i>, even though the work of a German author, is a
+typical product of the poetical school of France of the late
+twelfth and early thirteenth centuries.<a id='r472'></a><a href='#f472' class='c015'><sup>[472]</sup></a> Where the writer
+expands and converts into verse Otto’s and Ragewin’s words describing
+natural features of the earth’s surface and geographical
+regions, he displays a sense of color and a feeling for nature that
+are striking,<a id='r473'></a><a href='#f473' class='c015'><sup>[473]</sup></a> even though the actual epithets employed are
+hackneyed and drawn from well-known classical models. Furthermore,
+in the description of Germany he departs so widely
+from his literary sources that it seems more than likely that he
+actually based his lines on personal acquaintance with the
+country.<a id='r474'></a><a href='#f474' class='c015'><sup>[474]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Walter of Châtillon; William the Breton</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Two other historical poems of the same school and of analogous
+character to the <i>Ligurinus</i> are the <i>Alexandreis</i><a id='r475'></a><a href='#f475' class='c015'><sup>[475]</sup></a> of Walter of
+Châtillon (also known as Walter of Lille), written about 1180,
+and the <i>Philippis</i> of William the Breton, published about 1225.<a id='r476'></a><a href='#f476' class='c015'><sup>[476]</sup></a>
+These are Latin hexameter epics modeled on Virgil and Lucan;
+full of allusions to Latin literature and mythology, they also
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span>show originality and a power of accurate description of scenes
+and country.<a id='r477'></a><a href='#f477' class='c015'><sup>[477]</sup></a> The <i>Alexandreis</i> sings the deeds of Alexander
+the Great; the <i>Philippis</i> the exploits of Philip Augustus of France.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Historians and Histories of the Crusades</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Our period was the age of the reopening of the Levant and the
+regions of the Black Sea to Western knowledge through the
+Crusades and through the expansion of commerce that came in
+their train. The historians of the Crusades, consequently,
+furnish us with geographical notices of a kind differing from
+the stereotyped and secondhand geography of the encyclopedias.
+The items in the Crusaders’ records are often the results of
+actual experience. They give us an impression of freshness
+lacking in the pages of dry compilations like the <i>De imagine
+mundi</i>. But the Crusaders were not geographers and were
+without any true geographical instinct. They rarely felt an
+interest in anything besides the immediate events they were
+undertaking to describe or in matters not purely practical
+or utilitarian.<a id='r478'></a><a href='#f478' class='c015'><sup>[478]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The most important work, from this point of view, is the
+<i>Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum</i> of William of
+Tyre (born 1130).<a id='r479'></a><a href='#f479' class='c015'><sup>[479]</sup></a> This covers events in Palestine and in the
+Crusaders’ states during the years between 1095 and 1185 and
+abounds in observations on the products and appearance of the
+country, on the habits of the Arabs—whose language William had
+probably learned<a id='r480'></a><a href='#f480' class='c015'><sup>[480]</sup></a>—and on other peoples of the East.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The <i>Gesta regis Ricardi</i>, which has sometimes been erroneously
+ascribed to Benedict of Peterborough,<a id='r481'></a><a href='#f481' class='c015'><sup>[481]</sup></a> records the voyage of
+Richard Coeur-de-Lion to the Holy Land in 1190. In the
+description of the routes to and from Palestine<a id='r482'></a><a href='#f482' class='c015'><sup>[482]</sup></a> we find a wealth
+of detail about the countries, isles, and seas traversed. The
+distinctly nautical style and content in places make it seem not
+at all improbable that a part of the book at least was derived
+from some sailing manual. Roger of Hoveden in his <i>Chronica</i><a id='r483'></a><a href='#f483' class='c015'><sup>[483]</sup></a>
+(to the year 1201) made use of the same sources as those on which
+the author of the <i>Gesta regis Ricardi</i> drew, though Roger’s account
+is fuller and more detailed, especially regarding Spain. Another
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>source for the Crusade of Richard Coeur-de-Lion is the <i>Estoire de
+la guerre sainte</i> by Ambroise,<a id='r484'></a><a href='#f484' class='c015'><sup>[484]</sup></a> a professional writer, who took
+part on the expedition and who described the Holy Land with
+less understanding than William of Tyre almost exclusively
+from the point of view of the sufferings and hardships experienced
+by the Crusaders.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The <i>Prise de Constantinople</i><a id='r485'></a><a href='#f485' class='c015'><sup>[485]</sup></a> of Robert de Clari, a history of
+the Fourth Crusade by a participant, is the work of a man of
+relatively humble estate but of a man who felt more or less
+genuine interest in strange peoples and their customs. This
+interest is manifested particularly by the data that he gives on
+the Komans of the Russian plains, some of whom he undoubtedly
+had seen on the streets of Constantinople.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A letter from the patriarch of Jerusalem to Innocent III,
+entitled <i>La devision de la terre de oultremer et des choses qui i sont</i>,<a id='r486'></a><a href='#f486' class='c015'><sup>[486]</sup></a>
+was composed about 1200 in reply to a request from the Pope
+for information concerning the Saracen countries. In this
+anonymous work a geographical sketch of Egypt and Palestine
+shows that its author had no limited acquaintance with the
+Moslem faith and the Mohammedan peoples.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Scandinavian Historical Works</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The geographical knowledge acquired by the Crusaders became
+the common property of all Western Europe. That which was
+acquired by the Vikings, on the other hand, was disseminated
+practically not at all among the peoples of the Latin West.
+Brief mention, therefore, must suffice for the Scandinavian
+sources, even though of all European folk the Vikings were the
+most adventurous voyagers and their geographical horizon the
+widest.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The introduction of Christianity marked the end of the heroic
+age of Norwegian and Icelandic history. It also ushered in an
+extraordinary period of literary productivity, the age of the
+Sagas<a id='r487'></a><a href='#f487' class='c015'><sup>[487]</sup></a> and Eddas.<a id='r488'></a><a href='#f488' class='c015'><sup>[488]</sup></a> The composition of the Sagas began
+in the twelfth and lasted on into the fourteenth century, but the
+events which they relate occurred far back in pagan days. For
+the most part bald but telling narratives of adventure, war, and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>litigation, they devote little space to comment or description;
+and the numerous place names mentioned are referred to as if the
+reader were already familiar with them.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The records of the farthest voyages of the Vikings to the shores
+of Wineland the Good were not given the final written form in
+which we now know them until after the close of the thirteenth
+century.<a id='r489'></a><a href='#f489' class='c015'><sup>[489]</sup></a> On the other hand, the history of Iceland was told
+by Ari Frodhi (1067–1148) in his <i>Íslendingabók</i>;<a id='r490'></a><a href='#f490' class='c015'><sup>[490]</sup></a> and the
+chronicles of the settlement of the coasts of this isle and of the
+discovery of Greenland are recorded in the <i>Landnámabók</i>,<a id='r491'></a><a href='#f491' class='c015'><sup>[491]</sup></a> or
+<i>Book of Settlements</i>, the original of which probably dates from
+the twelfth century. The famous <i>Heimskringla</i> of Snorri
+Sturluson, the greatest of early Scandinavian historians, records
+the history of the kings of Norway. Its title means “the Round
+World,” and the prelude consists of a brief geographical description
+of the principal countries of the world. The text includes
+no less than sixteen Sagas, among them that of Sigurd the
+Crusader chronicling an adventurous voyage (1109) of a king
+of southern Norway to the Holy Land by way of the Strait of
+Gibraltar and homeward overland. Scattered geographical
+references are found in other Sagas and in the <i>Icelandic</i><a id='r492'></a><a href='#f492' class='c015'><sup>[492]</sup></a> and
+<i>Greenland Annals</i><a id='r493'></a><a href='#f493' class='c015'><sup>[493]</sup></a> which, though written after our period,
+throw light on events that took place before the mid-thirteenth
+century.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Latin Histories of the North</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Besides the Sagas, three historical works written in Latin by
+Northern writers of our age deserve particular mention inasmuch
+as they all contain geographical descriptions of the Scandinavian
+world. The first of these is the history of Adam of Bremen.
+On strictly chronological grounds Adam, who died about 1076,
+belongs before the opening of the Crusading age. We shall
+discuss him, however, among the historians of the twelfth and
+early thirteenth centuries, to whose works his writings are more
+akin in spirit than to those of the earlier Middle Ages. Adam
+was canon of Bremen and master of the cathedral school of that
+city in the time of the great Archbishop Adalbert, who had
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>“made Bremen an Arctic Rome and his court the greatest center
+of Northern learning” (Beazley).<a id='r494'></a><a href='#f494' class='c015'><sup>[494]</sup></a> The archiepiscopal province
+of Bremen was the largest in the entire medieval church, including
+all of Scandinavia, Iceland, Greenland, the Orkneys, the Faroes,
+and the Hebrides. Adam was thus placed in a most favorable
+position to gather together materials on the geography and
+history of these northern lands. His great work (called sometimes
+<i>Gesta Hammenburgensis ecclesiae pontificum</i>, sometimes
+<i>Historia ecclesiastica</i>, and sometimes <i>Bremensium praesulum
+historia</i>) is in four books, the last of which deals with the geography
+of the North. Much of this was based on information
+derived from contemporaries; but Adam was also well read in
+Latin literature and often quotes and copies from the works of
+Macrobius, Martianus Capella, Solinus, and Orosius.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>From somewhat more than a century later we have another
+Latin history of the Scandinavian North—if Saxo Grammaticus’
+curiously heterogeneous combination of mythology, folklore,
+poetry, and accurate observation deserves the name of history.
+The first book of this work, known as the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, contains
+a formal geographical sketch of Denmark, the Baltic, the
+Scandinavian Peninsula, and remoter countries and isles beyond
+the Atlantic, wherein fact is blended with romance. There are
+also occasional observations of geographical interest scattered
+through the later books.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Finally, in an anonymous <i>Historia Norwegiae</i> dating from the
+early thirteenth century we find an introductory passage on the
+geography of the regions with which this history deals: a concise
+description of Norway is followed by briefer comments on the
+tributary islands, Iceland, Greenland, the Orkneys, and the
+Faroes. Especially interesting are the author’s observations
+upon the volcanoes of Iceland. The contents show that, like
+Adam of Bremen and Saxo Grammaticus, the writer must have
+been familiar with the standard geographical books of the Middle
+Ages, with Bede and Solinus, and perhaps with Isidore and Pliny.
+The <i>Historia Norwegiae</i>, however, can never have enjoyed great
+popularity, or else more than one manuscript would be known
+at the present day.<a id='r495'></a><a href='#f495' class='c015'><sup>[495]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>
+  <h4 class='c014'><i>LEGENDS</i></h4>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Many of the legends of our period contain material of geographical
+significance, and a few of these may claim our particular
+attention.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Romance of Alexander</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The stories of Alexander the Great served to direct men’s
+attention eastward, for, besides narrating the adventures of the
+Macedonian conqueror, they gave, as we have already seen,<a id='r496'></a><a href='#f496' class='c015'><sup>[496]</sup></a>
+details of a sort about the geography of Asia, particularly of
+India.<a id='r497'></a><a href='#f497' class='c015'><sup>[497]</sup></a> Not only were the earlier Latin versions derived from
+the <i>Pseudo-Callisthenes</i> paraphrased and copied by historians,<a id='r498'></a><a href='#f498' class='c015'><sup>[498]</sup></a>
+but new elements were added to the cycle—notably the <i>Iter ad
+Paradisum</i>,<a id='r499'></a><a href='#f499' class='c015'><sup>[499]</sup></a> an account of Alexander’s journey to Paradise.
+Walter of Châtillon (or of Lille), about 1180, composed in the
+style of Lucan a great Latin hexameter poem entitled <i>Alexandreis</i>,
+based in part on the legendary stories of the Macedonian and in
+part on the more authentic histories of Justin and Quintus
+Curtius.<a id='r500'></a><a href='#f500' class='c015'><sup>[500]</sup></a> The widest currency, however, was given to the
+Romance through its translation into the vernacular tongues.
+The oldest French version, which covers the earlier portion of
+the Romance only, was written by Alberic of Besançon (early
+twelfth century?) in octosyllabic verse of the dialect of the
+Dauphiny.<a id='r501'></a><a href='#f501' class='c015'><sup>[501]</sup></a> This was translated into German by one Lamprecht
+and was rendered into the <i>langue d’oïl</i> in decasyllabic
+form.<a id='r502'></a><a href='#f502' class='c015'><sup>[502]</sup></a> The Romance reached its highest vernacular development
+in a version in alexandrines,<a id='r503'></a><a href='#f503' class='c015'><sup>[503]</sup></a> the joint composition of
+Lambert li Tors of Châteaudun, Alexander of Bernai (or of
+Paris), and Peter of St. Cloud. The existence of more than
+twenty manuscripts testifies to the popularity of this great poem,
+which is a sort of mosaic from various sources.<a id='r504'></a><a href='#f504' class='c015'><sup>[504]</sup></a> Much of it
+came from the <i>Pseudo-Callisthenes</i> through the medium of
+Valerius, the <i>Epitoma</i> of Valerius, Alberic of Besançon, and the
+decasyllabic poem; but some elements can be traced back to
+Orosius, Justin, Quintus Curtius, Eustatius, and Josephus, and
+the texts show many later interpolations of unknown origin.
+The Romance in alexandrines was drawn upon in its turn by
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>later compilers. From the mid-thirteenth century there dates
+a poem, probably by one Eustace of Kent, which incorporates
+much material from this and other sources.<a id='r505'></a><a href='#f505' class='c015'><sup>[505]</sup></a> It includes miscellaneous
+geographical elements; and certain of the manuscripts
+are adorned with a wealth of magnificent miniatures, representing,
+among other things, the marvels of India and all the fantastic
+creatures encountered by Alexander throughout the East.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Prester John</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>During our period the belief was spread abroad in the existence
+of a numerous Christian population in Asia. We find an account
+of Christians in India in an anonymous report of the visit of a
+certain Patriarch John of India to Rome in 1122, the authenticity
+of which is apparently confirmed in a letter of Odo, abbot of St.
+Remi in Rheims, to a certain Count Thomas.<a id='r506'></a><a href='#f506' class='c015'><sup>[506]</sup></a> Of far greater
+importance was the fabulous story of Prester John. Belief in
+this mighty Christian potentate and his immense kingdom may
+be traced in large measure to the widely read <i>Letter of Prester
+John</i>, dating in its earliest form from before 1177,<a id='r507'></a><a href='#f507' class='c015'><sup>[507]</sup></a> addressed
+in some manuscripts to the Byzantine Emperor<a id='r508'></a><a href='#f508' class='c015'><sup>[508]</sup></a> and elsewhere
+to other Western monarchs. The popularity of this is attested
+by the fact that Zarncke, its editor, knew of no less than eighty
+manuscripts. The question of the sources of the <i>Letter</i> in its
+original form is obscure, though the origins of the numerous interpolations
+can nearly all be explained. Much, certainly, was
+borrowed from the Alexander stories, and much from the legend
+of St. Thomas in India; other parts are indubitably connected
+with the great Oriental reservoir of fabulous and miraculous lore.
+The account of the visit of Patriarch John to Rome and the
+<i>Letter of Prester John</i> constituted the principal sources of an
+anonymous and highly fanciful description of India and of Prester
+John’s country found in a twelfth-century manuscript in the
+Heiligenkreutzerstift, near Vienna, and commonly called the
+<i>Elysaeus</i> account.<a id='r509'></a><a href='#f509' class='c015'><sup>[509]</sup></a> The <i>Letter of Prester John</i> was not only
+extensively read in its various Latin versions but was translated
+into French, Italian, German, and English.<a id='r510'></a><a href='#f510' class='c015'><sup>[510]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>St. Brandan</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Another legend which enjoyed perhaps an even greater popularity
+was that dealing with the wanderings of St. Brandan (or
+Brendan) in the Western Ocean. The story occurs in several
+distinct forms.<a id='r511'></a><a href='#f511' class='c015'><sup>[511]</sup></a> The Latin version had already taken shape
+before our period opened and perhaps dates back to the ninth
+century or earlier. From it was derived in part an Anglo-Norman
+version composed in 1121, which ultimately found its
+way into the <i>Image du monde</i>. The legend furthermore gained
+currency among the Teutonic peoples in a somewhat different
+version developed probably from a twelfth-century French
+original.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>PILGRIM NARRATIVES; MISCELLANEOUS RECORDS OF TRAVEL</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The travels of pilgrims and traders during the Middle Ages
+have been the subject of more careful research in recent years
+than many other aspects of our study.<a id='r512'></a><a href='#f512' class='c015'><sup>[512]</sup></a> Consequently, it will
+suffice merely to give a very brief statement of the more significant
+pilgrim records dating from the Crusading age.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Christian Pilgrim Narratives</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The first pilgrim after the conquest of Jerusalem in 1099 who
+has left a fairly complete account of the Holy Land was the
+Anglo-Saxon, Saewulf,<a id='r513'></a><a href='#f513' class='c015'><sup>[513]</sup></a> a traveler who visited Palestine in 1102
+and 1103, combining trading enterprise with religious zeal.
+From the middle of the century the journeys of John of Würzburg,<a id='r514'></a><a href='#f514' class='c015'><sup>[514]</sup></a>
+of his follower Theoderic,<a id='r515'></a><a href='#f515' class='c015'><sup>[515]</sup></a> as well as of the Icelandic
+abbot, Nikulás Bergsson<a id='r516'></a><a href='#f516' class='c015'><sup>[516]</sup></a> of Thverá, deserve mention because
+in these records we find a personal touch that distinguishes them
+from the majority of similar narratives. The latter as a rule
+show that the pilgrims, like the medieval men of learning, suffered
+from that tendency, so characteristic of their age, to copy
+slavishly what others had said rather than to rely on their own
+powers of observation. This is particularly well illustrated by
+the majority of pilgrim records dating from after the early years
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>of the twelfth century, when, as Beazley puts it, a decline had
+set in, “hastened by the compilation of standard guidebooks,
+which may be faintly described as legendary and inaccurate, and
+from which the later pilgrim narratives blindly copy, to the
+ever growing exclusion of anything independent or scholarly.
+Two of these handbooks, known as the <i>Old</i> and the <i>New Compendium</i>,
+are the source of most of the tracts on the Holy Road
+which have been left us, under various names, from the time of
+the Second Crusade to the close of the Middle Ages.”<a id='r517'></a><a href='#f517' class='c015'><sup>[517]</sup></a> To this
+dry, guidebook type belong the narrative ascribed to Fetellus,
+archdeacon of Antioch,<a id='r518'></a><a href='#f518' class='c015'><sup>[518]</sup></a> and a series of anonymous accounts of
+pilgrimages dating from the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries.
+Though several of these contain more or less original matter,
+the desiccating influence of the <i>Old Compendium</i> is nearly everywhere
+apparent.<a id='r519'></a><a href='#f519' class='c015'><sup>[519]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Besides the pilgrims other travelers were on the road, and the
+records of their travels have in some cases come down to us.
+The journeys of Giraldus Cambrensis through Wales and Ireland
+will be discussed in the next section, on topographical works.
+Narratives of travel are also occasionally to be found in historical
+works and chronicles, poems, and letters.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Letters of Travel</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The letter was an honored form of literary expression throughout
+antiquity and the Middle Ages. Carefully composed
+epistles of the ecclesiastic and educated man of the world were
+looked upon as more than mere media for the conveying of information.
+Not infrequently they were highly polished specimens
+of stylistic art, worthy of finding a permanent place in
+literature. From our point of view, they are of interest for the
+personal accounts of journeys which they sometimes contain.<a id='r520'></a><a href='#f520' class='c015'><sup>[520]</sup></a>
+Guy of Bazoches, for instance, who was precentor of the church
+of St. Stephen at Châlons, gave a brilliant description of his
+experiences and of what he saw on the Crusade of 1190 in a
+series of letters to his nephew and to others.<a id='r521'></a><a href='#f521' class='c015'><sup>[521]</sup></a> Conrad of Querfurt,
+bishop of more than one see in Germany during the last
+years of the twelfth century, wrote enthusiastically of his wanderings
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>through Italy in a letter preserved for us in Arnold of
+Lübeck’s <i>Chronica Slavorum</i>.<a id='r522'></a><a href='#f522' class='c015'><sup>[522]</sup></a> A thorough study of the epistolography
+of the Crusading age would surely reveal a wealth of
+geographical lore.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Jewish Travelers</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The Jews of the Middle Ages often journeyed farther afield
+than their Christian contemporaries. Their travels, for the
+most part in the interests of commerce, though in some instances
+in the nature of pilgrimages to Jerusalem, a city holy to Jew and
+Christian alike,<a id='r523'></a><a href='#f523' class='c015'><sup>[523]</sup></a> were facilitated by the presence of Hebrew
+communities in nearly all the cities of Europe and Western Asia.
+Strongly imbued with the racial consciousness of a vigorous and
+often oppressed people, the members of these communities did all
+in their power to receive the travelers and speed them on their
+way. The books composed by such Jewish wanderers as Benjamin
+of Tudela and Petachia of Ratisbon have been preserved
+and are invaluable as geographical records. It should be remembered,
+however, that they were written by men of a despised race
+and in a tongue unknown to the Christians of the West and that
+the geographical lore which may have been widespread among the
+more intelligent Hebrews never became an integral part of the
+geographical knowledge of Christendom. Hence in the pages
+which follow and which deal primarily with the geographical
+knowledge of Western Christendom but relatively little space can
+be devoted to Jewish geography.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A few words, nevertheless, must be said of Benjamin and of
+Petachia.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Benjamin of Tudela</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Rabbi Benjamin came from the small Spanish city of Tudela
+on the Ebro. It was probably about the year 1159 that this
+observant wanderer journeyed eastward from his native town,
+moving leisurely through southern France, Italy, Greece, Constantinople,
+and thence by sea to Syria. After a thorough examination
+of the cities of Syria and Palestine he made his way
+overland to Baghdad. It is unlikely that he penetrated beyond
+Mesopotamia, though on his homeward journey he visited Egypt
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>sometime before 1171 and returned to his home in Castile in 1173.
+He appears to have kept a record as he went along, and from a
+critical examination of his book it is possible in a general way to
+reconstruct his route. He describes in detail the cities he passed
+through and the distances in days’ journeys, though not the
+directions, from one to another. He notes particularly the names
+of the leading Jews of each place and gives estimates of the numbers
+of the Jewish population. Indeed, probably one of his main
+purposes was to get in touch with Jews of as many countries as
+possible in order to determine where they were treated well.
+One result of the Crusades was an outburst of persecution of
+Hebrews throughout Christendom, and Benjamin, besides traveling
+for the sake of trade, was undoubtedly seeking for places
+“where his expatriated brethren might find an asylum” (Adler).<a id='r524'></a><a href='#f524' class='c015'><sup>[524]</sup></a>
+But, as well as revealing an interest in the Jewish inhabitants of
+the regions he traversed, his book gives us many significant data
+in regard to commerce and politics, monuments and natural
+features. For the regions actually visited by Benjamin this information
+is accurate and precise, but for the farther parts of
+Asia it becomes confused and often legendary.<a id='r525'></a><a href='#f525' class='c015'><sup>[525]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Petachia of Ratisbon</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The second of the great Hebrew travelers of the twelfth century
+was Rabbi Petachia of Ratisbon in Bavaria. In the ninth
+decade of the century Petachia traveled eastward from Prague
+through Poland, Russia, Transcaucasia, and Kurdestan to
+Baghdad, whence he returned homeward by way of Palestine.
+The outward journey was a most unusual exploit for this time,
+traversing the steppes of Russia then infested with wild Tatar
+tribes. Unfortunately, much that was most important and significant
+in Petachia’s book appears to have been removed by
+Rabbi Yahudi the Pious, “who acted as Petachia’s literary
+mouthpiece” (Beazley).<a id='r526'></a><a href='#f526' class='c015'><sup>[526]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>TOPOGRAPHICAL WORKS</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>We must now examine a few works on the geography and
+topography of local regions.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Godfrey of Viterbo</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>In a manuscript of the mid-twelfth-century writings of Godfrey
+of Viterbo, and in all probability to be ascribed to Godfrey, there
+is a poem entitled <i>Denumeratio regnorum imperio subjectorum</i>.<a id='r527'></a><a href='#f527' class='c015'><sup>[527]</sup></a>
+The writer explains his purpose in the following terms: “Not the
+wars of kingdoms are here set forth, but their fortune (pride?),
+their rivers, the extent and kind of regions which constitute them,
+the types of customs, the manner of harvesting and of trade.”<a id='r528'></a><a href='#f528' class='c015'><sup>[528]</sup></a>
+In the course of the poem he treats of Rome, of Apulia and other
+Italian districts subject to Rome, of the kingdom of the Lombards,
+of Venetia, of “true France”—by which he means the
+lands of the Franks along the lower Rhine—of Basel, of Alsace, of
+Strasburg, of Worms; but, though much of the detail constitutes
+a poetic geography of peoples and cities, little attention is paid to
+physical features.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Gervase of Canterbury</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Among the lesser writings of the English chronicler, Gervase
+of Canterbury, we find a <i>mappamundi</i> dating from about the
+year 1200.<a id='r529'></a><a href='#f529' class='c015'><sup>[529]</sup></a> This is a brief account of England, its dimensions<a id='r530'></a><a href='#f530' class='c015'><sup>[530]</sup></a>
+and languages, followed by a table in three columns showing, for
+each county. (1) the most important ecclesiastical officers, archbishops,
+bishops, abbots, and priors; (2) the names of the churches;
+and (3) the religious orders and mother churches to which the
+various ecclesiastics appertained. After this there follows a list
+of hospitals, castles, islands, fresh- and salt-water springs, and
+other curiosities.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Giraldus Cambrensis</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>By all means the most important topographical works of our
+period, however, came from the pen of Giraldus Cambrensis, or
+Gerald of Barry (<i>c.</i> 1146-<i>c.</i> 1222).<a id='r531'></a><a href='#f531' class='c015'><sup>[531]</sup></a> This active and intelligent
+Norman-Welsh ecclesiastic, who at the time had already made
+one visit to Ireland, was appointed chaplain to Henry II in 1184
+and in the following year was sent as counselor to the young
+Prince John on the latter’s expedition to Ireland. During the
+expedition he collected materials for two treatises, the first of
+which, the <i>Topographia Hiberniae</i>, was completed in 1188.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>Though Giraldus’ knowledge of Ireland in reality was limited,
+barely extending beyond the areas occupied by the English,
+though his impression of the Irish people was prejudiced and
+hostile, and though he overburdens us with the recitation of
+marvels, his books show, none the less, that their author possessed
+a keen interest in natural history and geography and that his
+powers of observation were far from mediocre. The second
+treatise, the <i>Expugnatio Hiberniae</i>, or history of the English
+conquest of the island, contains much less geographical material
+than the <i>Topographia</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In 1188, when Henry II was about to start out on the Crusade,
+he sent Archbishop Baldwin of Canterbury into Wales to preach
+there and urge the people to take the cross. Giraldus accompanied
+the archbishop on this tour and subsequently wrote an
+account of it in his <i>Itinerarium Kambriae</i>. Together with the
+<i>Descriptio Kambriae</i> that followed a few years later, this contains
+many accurate and important remarks and notes on the physical
+and human geography of Giraldus’ native land.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>These treatises on Ireland and Wales hold a unique position in
+the literature not only of our period but of the entire Middle Ages.
+Brewer, in his introduction to the collected works of Giraldus,
+says that the <i>Topographia Hiberniae</i> is a “monument of a bold
+and original genius” and that Giraldus “must take rank with
+the first who descried the value and, in some respects, the proper
+limits of descriptive geography.”<a id='r532'></a><a href='#f532' class='c015'><sup>[532]</sup></a> Though this may be a little
+too strong, we readily agree with Dimock’s estimate of the treatises
+on Wales: “His account of the land and the people of Wales
+will bear very honourable comparison with any topographical
+attempt that had appeared up to his time and with any that
+appeared for many ages afterwards.”<a id='r533'></a><a href='#f533' class='c015'><sup>[533]</sup></a> Giraldus was in a very
+real sense the forerunner of the modern writer of the better sort
+of book of travel. His works reveal to us a mind keenly interested
+in the results of its own observation and not merely in
+collecting what others had said. Giraldus was certainly enthusiastic,
+and we are almost tempted to say that he was endowed
+with an “outdoor” and even “Rooseveltian” interest in the
+world about him.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>Before leaving the topographical works, mention should be
+made of a little anonymous guide to the monuments and antiquities
+of Rome, the <i>Mirabilia urbis Romae</i>,<a id='r534'></a><a href='#f534' class='c015'><sup>[534]</sup></a> dating from the late
+twelfth century and widely read during the years that followed.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>MAPS</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>From the age of the Crusades date several of the most characteristic
+medieval maps. These highly important sources, which
+serve so admirably to illustrate the geographical conceptions of
+the time, have been made the object of such thorough and careful
+research by Konrad Miller,<a id='r535'></a><a href='#f535' class='c015'><sup>[535]</sup></a> the results of whose investigations
+are well summarized in Beazley’s <i>Dawn of Modern Geography</i>,<a id='r536'></a><a href='#f536' class='c015'><sup>[536]</sup></a>
+that it hardly seems necessary here to devote a great deal of
+space to them. Let us merely indicate what the more important
+maps were, and show in a general way their relation to the literature
+of the age, leaving for Chapter XI a brief discussion of them
+as typifying medieval geographical thought.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We saw in Chapter II that the maps of the world drawn before
+1100 and now extant could nearly all be classified in four groups.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Zone Maps</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>1. Of the first, zone maps, or diagrams illustrating the division
+of the earth’s surface into zones, examples occur in twelfth- and
+thirteenth-century manuscripts of Macrobius, of the <i>De imagine
+mundi</i>, of Lambert’s <i>Liber floridus</i> (Fig. 3), of William of Conches’
+<i>De philosophia mundi</i>, of Herrad of Landsperg’s <i>Hortus
+deliciarum</i>, and of John of Holywood’s <i>De sphaera</i>.<a id='r537'></a><a href='#f537' class='c015'><sup>[537]</sup></a> The Paris
+manuscript of Peter Alphonsi’s <i>Dialogus</i> also contains two related
+diagrams, one showing the eccentricity of the sun’s orbit and
+the other the division of the northern hemisphere into climates.
+Arabic influence upon Peter Alphonsi is revealed by the fact that
+south is at the top of his diagrams, instead of east, according to
+the almost universal custom of medieval Christian cartography.<a id='r538'></a><a href='#f538' class='c015'><sup>[538]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>T-O Maps and Sallust Maps</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>2. The diagrammatic T-O group are also represented. By all
+means the most interesting of these is a map preserved in a manuscript
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>in St. John’s College, Oxford, and dating from 1110.
+Somewhat more elaborate than others of the same type, this one
+assigns Greek names to the cardinal points of the compass, a
+circumstance which has given rise to a plausible conjecture that
+it may have been a copy of an original found in the Levant at
+the time of the First Crusade.<a id='r539'></a><a href='#f539' class='c015'><sup>[539]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/i_122_hr.jpg'><img src='images/i_122.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p><span class='sc'>Fig. 3</span>—Zone map in an early twelfth-century manuscript of Lambert of St. Omer’s <i>Liber floridus</i>, viz. Ghent Codex 2, fol. 24 vo. East is at the top. (From Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, fig. 59.)</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'>3. There also date from our period several examples of the
+ornamented T-O maps drawn to illustrate Sallust’s works.<a id='r540'></a><a href='#f540' class='c015'><sup>[540]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Beatus Maps</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>4. We saw that the existing specimens of that series of maps
+of the world drawn to elucidate a passage in Beatus’ commentary
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>on the Apocalypse appear to have come from two sources: (<i>a</i>)
+maps which were modeled closely on the original map of Beatus
+or a contemporary copy and (<i>b</i>) those which were merely generalized
+outlines of it.<a id='r541'></a><a href='#f541' class='c015'><sup>[541]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'><i>a.</i> A map dating from 1203 and preserved at Osma in Old
+Castile comes nearest to the original in design and form, if not in
+the richness of detail (Fig. 4). Alone of all the Beatus type this
+shows the heads of the twelve apostles scattered over the earth’s
+surface. Another map, probably derived from the same source,
+is to be found in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris; though it is
+rich in detail, little attempt was made to show localities in their
+proper relative positions, and consequently the geography represented
+is chaotic to an extreme.</p>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/i_123_hr.jpg'><img src='images/i_123.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p><span class='sc'>Fig. 4</span>—Osma Beatus map dating from 1203 showing the division of the world among the twelve apostles. East is at the top. (From Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. i, 1895, p. 35.)</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span><i>b.</i> There are also three or four maps dating from our period
+from the second source. Their main interest lies in the remarkable
+naïveté of workmanship.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Maps of Lambert, Guido, Henry of Mayence, and Others</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In addition to the above, for which we have prototypes from
+the period before 1100, there are a number of maps of the world
+of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, the prototypes of
+which either have been lost or never existed. Among the most
+notable of these is one found in certain manuscripts of Lambert’s
+<i>Liber floridus</i>.<a id='r542'></a><a href='#f542' class='c015'><sup>[542]</sup></a> It was compiled from the usual medieval authorities,
+Isidore, Orosius, Julius Honorius, Martianus Capella,
+Pomponius Mela, Solinus, the <i>Pseudo-Callisthenes</i>, and the
+Bible, though there also appear upon it a few names that could
+have been taken only from contemporary sources. The influence
+of Macrobius is most strikingly revealed, for, unlike most other
+medieval maps which indicate the known world (Asia, Europe,
+and Africa) as occupying the entire area or by far the greater part
+of the world disk (as in the Beatus group), Lambert’s map divides
+the disk along its diameter by a zone representing the course of
+the sun and places in the southern hemisphere an austral continent
+of magnitude equal to that of the <i>oikoumene</i>.<a id='r543'></a><a href='#f543' class='c015'><sup>[543]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Guido’s compilation of geographical works, made in 1119, contains
+in two manuscripts not only a T-O map but also a map of
+the world accompanying a selection from the book of the anonymous
+Ravenna geographer and a detailed map of Italy and the
+surrounding lands. The map of the world is peculiar because of
+the enormous area which the Mediterranean occupies. Miller
+believes it to be a reduced sketch of a large map of the world and
+holds that the detailed map of Italy is a copy of a small portion
+of this same original.<a id='r544'></a><a href='#f544' class='c015'><sup>[544]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A compilation of the <i>De imagine mundi</i>, put together by one
+Henry, canon of the Church of St. Mary in Mayence, in 1100 and
+preserved in a late twelfth-century copy in Cambridge, England,
+contains a world map (see below, p. 245, Fig. 6, inset). Though
+indirectly made from the sources that the writers of the <i>De
+imagine mundi</i> and other medieval cosmographies utilized, it was
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>probably not compiled directly from the <i>De imagine mundi</i> but
+rather from a large wall map. Its affinities to the immense late
+thirteenth-century world disk in Hereford Cathedral make it
+seem possible that both had a common source. In addition to
+the older nomenclature, about a dozen more modern place names
+are to be found upon it.<a id='r545'></a><a href='#f545' class='c015'><sup>[545]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A map of the world which somewhat resembles that of Henry
+of Mayence is also to be found in two manuscripts of the <i>Chronica
+maiora</i> (or <i>Historia maiora</i>) of Matthew Paris. Though there
+are many names that have come down to modern times, the
+geography is meager and poor, in striking contrast to the detail
+of Matthew’s map of Britain,<a id='r546'></a><a href='#f546' class='c015'><sup>[546]</sup></a> to which reference is made below.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>To complete the discussion of <i>mappaemundi</i>, mention must be
+made of a very small but very neat little map in a late thirteenth-century
+Psalter in the British Museum. If this was not actually
+drawn during our period, it undoubtedly had predecessors much
+like it, and it shows marked resemblances to the map of Henry of
+Mayence as well as to the Hereford and Ebstorf maps.<a id='r547'></a><a href='#f547' class='c015'><sup>[547]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Regional Maps</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Several of the regional maps, or maps of limited areas, dating
+from our period may be merely fragments or copies of small portions
+of maps of the world. This is certainly true of the map of
+Europe in the Ghent manuscript of Lambert’s <i>Liber floridus</i>,
+which depicts that continent crammed into slightly more than a
+quarter of a circle with no attempt to show the articulations of
+the coast. The Guido map of Italy, as we have already seen,
+probably represents a portion of a larger map, and the same can
+possibly be said of the maps of the East and of Palestine which
+follow a treatise by Jerome, entitled <i>De situ et nominibus locorum
+Hebraicorum</i>, or <i>De Palestinae locis</i>, in a manuscript now in the
+British Museum. Though these two maps were actually drawn
+in the twelfth century, they represent the cartography of a very
+much earlier age and perhaps may be attributed to Jerome himself.<a id='r548'></a><a href='#f548' class='c015'><sup>[548]</sup></a>
+They were drawn to illustrate the Biblical geography of
+Palestine and the Orient, and they show a great wealth of Scriptural
+legends. Other legends were taken from profane sources,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>such as the writings of Isidore, Orosius, Julius Honorius, Dionysius,
+and the Romance of Alexander; and affinities to the Peutinger
+Table show that the draftsman was under the influence of the
+cartography of the Roman imperial epoch.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Among the regional maps that had no connection with <i>mappaemundi</i>
+are plans of Jerusalem (“Situs Ierusalem”) accompanying
+twelfth- and thirteenth-century manuscripts of an anonymous
+work written about 1109 and entitled <i>Gesta Francorum Ierusalem
+expugnantium</i> (Fig. 7, p. 250, below). Though these plans reveal
+many names from the early Crusading age, their outlines as a
+whole—the fact, for instance, that Jerusalem is shown to be circular
+instead of rectangular—make it seem probable that they
+represent a schematic diagram of the Holy City going back to as
+early as the sixth century and brought up to date by the anonymous
+compiler of the Crusading epoch.<a id='r549'></a><a href='#f549' class='c015'><sup>[549]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Matthew Paris’ Maps of Britain</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>In addition to the map of the world of which we have spoken
+already, the works of Matthew Paris contain no less than five
+regional maps.<a id='r550'></a><a href='#f550' class='c015'><sup>[550]</sup></a> Two of these, the “Situs Britanniae” and the
+“Schema Britanniae,” are simple diagrams of Britain and are of
+no particular importance. The other three are far more significant.
+The first, a pictorial itinerary of the route from London to
+southern Italy, with legends in Old French and Latin, delineates
+vividly towns and principal topographic features. The second
+is a map of Palestine which superficially resembles that of Jerome;
+the names, however, are in French, and the legends refer to places
+familiar to the contemporary pilgrim and Crusader. Finally
+come the three manuscript variants of Matthew’s map of Britain,
+which, as Beazley observes, “among all designs of purely
+medieval origin&#160;... show the best evidence of critical study,
+the most systematic attempt at the exact delineation of a particular
+country”<a id='r551'></a><a href='#f551' class='c015'><sup>[551]</sup></a> (for one variant, see below, p. 343, Fig. 9).
+There is a profusion of detail and accuracy in the representation
+of the relative position of places refreshing when we contemplate
+the confusion and credulity manifested in the earlier works.
+This map is also the first example of late medieval cartography
+in which north instead of east is shown at the top of the sheet.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>CHAPTER V<br> THE PLACE OF GEOGRAPHY IN THE MEDIEVAL CLASSIFICATION OF KNOWLEDGE</h3>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c010'>Geography in the Middle Ages did not form a distinct and
+separate science. The student who learned anything of geography
+learned it incidentally to the study of other subjects and
+never thought of it as sufficiently dignified to enjoy a place by
+itself in the scholastic curriculum. Even the word “geography”
+was scarcely ever used.<a id='r552'></a><a href='#f552' class='c015'><sup>[552]</sup></a> The term <i>cosmographia</i>, sometimes
+employed to distinguish certain aspects of our subject from
+geometry, included practically all branches of natural history, the
+sciences of animals, rocks, monstrosities, and meteorological
+phenomena. On the other hand, cosmography did not comprise
+many of the topics with which we are concerned, particularly
+those lying on the border line between geography, astronomy, and
+geology. The question of the origin of the earth was in the
+province of the theologian of the Middle Ages.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Geography Included Under Geometry</span></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The well-known seven liberal arts formed the foundation of the
+work in the medieval schools. From them the student might
+advance to higher researches in philosophy and theology, but the
+seven arts were the base of all learning.<a id='r553'></a><a href='#f553' class='c015'><sup>[553]</sup></a> Martianus Capella’s
+<i>De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii</i> was an attractive and somewhat
+imaginative exposition of the arts and had become one of the
+most popular of medieval textbooks long before the twelfth
+century.<a id='r554'></a><a href='#f554' class='c015'><sup>[554]</sup></a> Here each art is personified as a gorgeously clad
+woman, and the seven together compose the escort of “Philosophy.”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In practical teaching, the arts were divided into two groups:
+the trivium, comprising grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic (or
+logic); and the quadrivium, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy
+(astrology), and music. Geoffrey of St. Victor, in his <i>Fons
+philosophiae</i>, gives<a id='r555'></a><a href='#f555' class='c015'><sup>[555]</sup></a> an allegorical description of the arts as a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>spring which divides into two main streams, the trivium and
+quadrivium, that in turn separate into three and four lesser
+streams respectively. The teaching of practically all the natural
+science of the Middle Ages was included in the quadrivium.
+Geometry was generally expanded to include geography and
+quite naturally so in view of prevalent opinions regarding its
+origin. Adelard of Bath, in his <i>De eodem et diverso</i>, repeats an
+old story to the effect that in the early days men began to set up
+stones as boundaries.<a id='r556'></a><a href='#f556' class='c015'><sup>[556]</sup></a> Disputes about claims inevitably arose,
+in Libya because of sand, and in Egypt because the Nile often
+obliterated or destroyed the stones. This necessitated the invention
+of the science of geometry, or surveying, by the application
+of which the bounds might be replaced so that it would be
+“possible for all the centuries to have an everlasting rule for the
+measurement of land.”<a id='r557'></a><a href='#f557' class='c015'><sup>[557]</sup></a> Out of the invention of geometry,
+Adelard adds, arose subsequently the custom of subdividing
+territory into areas of various sizes.<a id='r558'></a><a href='#f558' class='c015'><sup>[558]</sup></a> Thus it happened that
+geometry had become closely allied in the classical and medieval
+mind with matters of geographical or topographical interest.
+Capella includes his long geographical discourse among chapters
+devoted to geometry and makes his symbolical figure of the latter
+science carry in one hand a compass and in the other a sphere to
+represent the terrestrial globe.<a id='r559'></a><a href='#f559' class='c015'><sup>[559]</sup></a> Alan of Lille, in the <i>Anticlaudianus</i>,
+describes Geometry as carrying a scale with which she
+measured the earth: “The maid carries a rod by which she encircles
+the entire earth.”<a id='r560'></a><a href='#f560' class='c015'><sup>[560]</sup></a> In the sculptured figures of the cathedrals
+Geometry is often depicted compass in hand.<a id='r561'></a><a href='#f561' class='c015'><sup>[561]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Geography Included Under Astrology</span></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Geography was not always placed in a subordinate position to
+geometry in the quadrivium. In the <i>De divisione philosophiae</i> of
+Dominicus Gondisalvi, which follows the Aristotelian rather
+than the Platonic division of knowledge, we find our science
+grouped under astrology. Of the latter art, Dominicus says,<a id='r562'></a><a href='#f562' class='c015'><sup>[562]</sup></a>
+there are three parts: the first is concerned with the number and
+shape of the heavenly bodies; the second with their movements;
+and the third with the earth, those regions that are inhabited and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>those that are not, the climates, and the varying influences
+exerted by the location of places and the revolutions of the
+universe over happenings on the earth’s surface.<a id='r563'></a><a href='#f563' class='c015'><sup>[563]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Geography and the Aristotelian Division of Learning</span></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Both geometry and astrology belonged in the quadrivium.
+Where did the higher study of the arts of the quadrivium fall in
+the general classification of knowledge?</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The medieval mind tended to seek for a logical and symmetrical
+subdivision of the sum of all knowledge. The desire for systematization
+found its supreme expression in the great philosophic
+structures of the thirteenth century, the systems founded on
+Aristotle and devised by such men as Albertus Magnus. Prior to
+the thirteenth century confusion had reigned. According to the
+Platonists, who divided philosophy into logic, ethics, and physics,
+the study of the mathematical and natural sciences—and, therefore,
+of geography—fell under the heading of physics. Aristotle,
+more logically perhaps, had divided the subject matter of all
+human learning into two great categories, theoretical knowledge
+and practical knowledge. Theoretical knowledge included
+physics, mathematics, and metaphysics (or theology). The
+studies of the quadrivium were thrown by the Aristotelians under
+the heading of mathematics: geography, then, became to those
+who followed the Aristotelian classification—Gondisalvi, Hugh
+of St. Victor,<a id='r564'></a><a href='#f564' class='c015'><sup>[564]</sup></a> Roger Bacon—a sub-department of mathematics.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>But on the whole we need not linger over this topic, because
+the question of exactly where geography belonged in the artificial
+systems devised by the medieval mind was largely a matter of
+academic interest even in the Middle Ages and was without
+influence on the actual condition of the geographical lore of that
+time.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>
+  <h2 class='c005'>PART II<br> THE SUBSTANCE AND CHARACTER OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL LORE OF THE TIME OF THE CRUSADES</h2>
+</div>
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>CHAPTER VI<br> COSMOGONY, COSMOLOGY, AND COSMOGRAPHY</h3>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c010'>In the preceding chapters the attempt has been made to show
+the origins of a large part of the geographical lore of the Crusading
+epoch, the sources from which we may learn about it, and where
+it stood in the classification of learning. Now we may turn to our
+central theme: an estimate of its actual substance and character.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>This geographical lore was in no sense a unified body of knowledge
+and belief. It was no more a unit than the religious thought
+of the age, or the philosophy, astronomy, or morals. No one in
+the Middle Ages was acquainted with all the facts and theories
+with which we shall have to deal. Mental caliber, credulity,
+critical spirit, curiosity, opportunities for research and for travel—these
+all varied widely with the individual and determined his
+geographical concepts. Nevertheless, though there was no unity
+of knowledge or belief in regard to specific facts and no unity of
+point of view, the reader will not fail to perceive, in the multitude
+of illustrative details which are presented, that certain habits of
+thought and modes of expression were typical of the epoch as a
+whole.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We must first discuss what was known and believed about the
+earth in its larger relations, both in time and space, to the remainder
+of the universe: opinions about the Creation, about the size and
+shape of our terrestrial globe, about the influences exerted by the
+heavenly bodies in determining or affecting geographical conditions
+upon its surface.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the Introduction we explained why it is justifiable when dealing
+with ancient and medieval geography to wander into the fields
+of cosmogony and cosmography far beyond what are now regarded
+as the rightful limits of geography. The present chapter,
+it is hoped, will make clear how closely medieval conceptions of
+the present condition of the earth may be connected with the
+medieval idea of the origins and nature of the universe.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>
+  <h4 class='c014'><i>GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE COSMOLOGY AND NATURAL SCIENCE OF THE PERIOD</i></h4>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>These difficult questions of cosmogony, cosmology, and cosmography
+excited keen and vivid thinking because they lie on
+the border between philosophy and theology. Men were more
+interested in attempting to solve the insoluble mysteries of God
+and the universe than they were in the world of nature immediately
+surrounding them. Immense and weighty volumes were
+written in commentary on the Works of the Six Days, wherein
+complicated arguments were elaborated with the finesse of scholastic
+logic. In an age of faith, the religious enthusiasm of the
+architect and artisan was transmuted into lofty cathedrals; that of
+the theologian turned to the elucidation of the words of Scripture.
+To analyze these words, to comment upon their minutest detail,
+to reveal the meaning that presumably lay behind them was not
+only a work of piety and devotion but an absorbing intellectual
+pastime for keen-witted thinkers. In more concrete realms of
+natural science, the epoch was characterized by little enough
+observation and creative thought. The teachings of Plato, of
+Aristotle, and of the other available classical, Arabic, and early
+Christian authorities were accepted and adopted uncritically.
+Very different was the case with matters of cosmogony and cosmography.
+Here was highly controversial ground where classical
+opinions were either enthusiastically defended as casting light
+on Scripture or else bitterly attacked as subversive of all truth.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Chartres Group: Bernard Sylvester and Theodoric</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>We have seen in Chapter IV that the scholars of the Chartres
+group and their pupils during the early twelfth century were endowed
+with peculiar freedom of thought.<a id='r565'></a><a href='#f565' class='c015'><sup>[565]</sup></a> We note in the works
+of Bernard, Theodoric, Adelard of Bath, William of Conches, and
+Bernard Sylvester a wide departure from authoritative, orthodox
+theology. Theodoric, William, and the two Bernards were readers
+of Chalcidius’ translation of the <i>Timaeus</i>, of Macrobius, and perhaps
+of the writings of the great ninth-century Platonist, John
+Scot Erigena, and all four felt the powerful and seductive attraction
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>of Platonism. Bernard Sylvester was almost an out-and-out
+pagan, so much so, indeed, that his writings can hardly be
+considered to lie within the pale of Christian theology.<a id='r566'></a><a href='#f566' class='c015'><sup>[566]</sup></a> Theodoric
+and William tried harder to reconcile Platonism with the
+teachings of the church, yet they did so in a rationalistic spirit
+almost as abhorrent to strict orthodoxy as the paganism of
+Bernard Sylvester. Theodoric expressly stated in his <i>De sex
+dierum operibus</i> that he was going to explain the different Works
+of the Six Days “according to physical principles,” and, following
+the letter of the text,<a id='r567'></a><a href='#f567' class='c015'><sup>[567]</sup></a> he proposed to avoid all allegorical and
+moral interpretations of Scripture. He believed that the best
+way to attain a genuine knowledge of God was through an accurate
+understanding of what God had created; and his explanation
+of the Creation, as we shall soon see, was independent to a
+degree that amazes us in a writer of his time. The following
+phrase is particularly significant where Theodoric extols Moses’
+treatment of the Creation in Genesis, saying: “He shows in a
+rational manner the causes out of which this world has come into
+existence and the order of time in which this same world was
+founded and adorned.”<a id='r568'></a><a href='#f568' class='c015'><sup>[568]</sup></a> Hauréau writes of the first book of
+Theodoric’s commentary: “Quant au premier livre, essai d’accord
+entre la Genèse et le <i>Timée</i>, où l’on voit la religion et la philosophie
+conspirant à résoudre le plus grave et le plus obscur des problèmes,
+le problème de l’être, et se déclarant satisfaites de l’avoir
+résolu, ce premier livre est&#160;... de plus grand intéret.”<a id='r569'></a><a href='#f569' class='c015'><sup>[569]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Adelard of Bath and William of Conches</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In the <i>Quaestiones naturales</i> Adelard of Bath gives vent to his
+scorn for the mentality that blindly accepts beliefs merely because
+they have the weight of authority behind them. In an
+extraordinary passage he expresses these ideas thus (as translated
+and paraphrased by Professor Haskins<a id='r570'></a><a href='#f570' class='c015'><sup>[570]</sup></a>): “‘It is hard to
+discuss with you,’ Adelard tells his nephew [in the dialogue form
+of the <i>Quaestiones naturales</i>], ‘for I have learned one thing from
+the Arabs under the guidance of reason; you follow another halter,
+caught by the appearance of authority, for what is authority
+but a halter?’... ‘If reason is not to be the universal
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>judge, it is given to each to no purpose.’<a id='r571'></a><a href='#f571' class='c015'><sup>[571]</sup></a>... While
+plants spring from the earth by God’s will, this does not act
+without a reason.<a id='r572'></a><a href='#f572' class='c015'><sup>[572]</sup></a> Human science must first be listened to&#160;...
+and ‘only when it fails utterly should there be recourse
+to God’ as an explanation.”<a id='r573'></a><a href='#f573' class='c015'><sup>[573]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>William of Conches shows the same spirit where he insists that
+God acts reasonably and not capriciously. He writes: “I am
+aware that some people assert, ‘Though we do not know how this
+happens to be so, we know that God can make it so.’ Wretched
+ones! What is more craven than to talk in that way! Because
+God can do something is no sign that he actually does it, nor any
+reason why he should do it, nor any reason why it is useful that it
+should be done. For God does not do whatever he can do. To
+employ a rustic expression: ‘God can make a calf out of a tree
+trunk,’ but does he ever do so?”<a id='r574'></a><a href='#f574' class='c015'><sup>[574]</sup></a> William apparently, unlike
+Theodoric, thought that we are justified in avoiding irrational
+deductions from Scripture by an appeal either to an allegorical
+interpretation or—what is even more surprising at a time when
+the word of authority was usually regarded as all-sufficient—to
+one’s own intellect: “We may begin our reasoning from the authority
+of a master, but it should be perfected by our own
+intellect.”<a id='r575'></a><a href='#f575' class='c015'><sup>[575]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Concept of Natural Laws</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Thus we see in the writings of Adelard, Theodoric, and William
+that the approach was tentatively made toward the acceptance of
+the doctrine that the universe is governed by natural laws. This
+doctrine, upon which the edifice of modern science has been built,
+was also given partial expression by other thinkers of the twelfth
+century. John of Salisbury stated in effect that a sequence of
+causes gives rise to all things that we may perceive with our senses,
+that we call these causes nature, that nothing happens that is not
+the result of natural causation even though the operation of this
+causation may be concealed from us; finally, that the first cause of
+all is the will of God.<a id='r576'></a><a href='#f576' class='c015'><sup>[576]</sup></a> Alan of Lille clothed a similar theory in
+allegory by personifying Nature in poetic form as the representative
+of God and making her say: “Hear how in this universe, as in
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>a great city, order is established by the control of a majestic government”
+(Moffat’s translation).<a id='r577'></a><a href='#f577' class='c015'><sup>[577]</sup></a> Much the same opinion was
+expressed by an anonymous Scandinavian historian of the early
+thirteenth century in his Latin <i>Historia Norwegiae</i>. After describing
+a terrible volcanic upheaval from the bottom of the sea,<a id='r578'></a><a href='#f578' class='c015'><sup>[578]</sup></a>
+this writer adds that many people regard such occurrences as
+prodigies, believing that the world itself thereby gives warning of
+its own destruction.<a id='r579'></a><a href='#f579' class='c015'><sup>[579]</sup></a> Citing Solinus, he goes on to set forth a
+purely physical explanation of earthquakes and volcanic eruptions
+and adds that, though it may not be possible to attain to clearsighted
+understanding of these phenomena and of the major marvels
+of the world, they should not be looked upon as prodigies nor
+considered as portents of universal cataclysm. On the contrary
+they are, as it were, the servants of the all-knowing and immutable
+founder of the universe to whose nature through some marvelous
+process they have been placed in bondage.<a id='r580'></a><a href='#f580' class='c015'><sup>[580]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Orthodox Tendency</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>This sort of reasoning, however, was exceptional. In the mid-twelfth
+century the appearance of Peter Lombard’s <i>Sententiae</i>
+tended to divert the theologian’s mind from Platonic and rationalistic
+studies and to restore Church Fathers and Scripture to
+paramount authority.<a id='r581'></a><a href='#f581' class='c015'><sup>[581]</sup></a> We look in vain for traces of the liberal
+attitude of the Chartres scholars in the orthodox works of such
+prolific writers but perhaps less clear thinkers as Peter Comestor,
+Giraldus Cambrensis, Gervase of Tilbury or even Alexander Neckam.
+Giraldus’ <i>Symbolum electorum</i><a id='r582'></a><a href='#f582' class='c015'><sup>[582]</sup></a> contains a cosmography in
+verse which explains the Scriptural view of the Works of the Six
+Days, and though we feel in this poem the influence of the Peripatetic
+physics—which by this time were becoming universally
+known—no attempt was made to expound the work of the Creation
+according to physical laws. In the <i>Topographia Hiberniae</i><a id='r583'></a><a href='#f583' class='c015'><sup>[583]</sup></a>
+Giraldus illustrates his own attitude and the dominant attitude
+of his age by the moral he draws from the story of eagles which occasionally
+fly so high that they scorch their wings in the sun.
+This he compared to the hopeless vanity of the man who tries to
+solve by reason or by knowledge God’s riddles of the Creation and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>of the universe. Neckam also despairs of explaining the mysteries
+of nature and asks, “Who may comprehend the causes of
+things?” He describes thunder and lightning briefly but adds,
+“The herald of the thunder fills the mind with terror and shows
+how great is the creator thereof.”<a id='r584'></a><a href='#f584' class='c015'><sup>[584]</sup></a> Even Michael Scot, who
+enjoyed the patronage of the enlightened, scientifically minded
+Emperor Frederick II, attributed the fact that the waters of the
+spherical earth are held in place to “a secret virtue&#160;... beyond
+human ken and merit” (Haskins).<a id='r585'></a><a href='#f585' class='c015'><sup>[585]</sup></a> Gervase of Tilbury reproduces
+uncritically in his <i>Otia imperialia</i><a id='r586'></a><a href='#f586' class='c015'><sup>[586]</sup></a> the ideas compiled by
+Peter Comestor regarding the Creation. These were strictly correct
+opinions on which no suspicion of heterodoxy could be
+thrown. Comestor went out of his way to express opposition
+and antagonism to Platonic teachings.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Effects of Influx of Arabic Science</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The conventional orthodox position, however, did not remain
+unchallenged. The influx of Moslem Aristotelian lore at
+the end of the twelfth century was held to be as menacing to the
+integrity of the ecclesiastical tradition as any of the Platonic doctrines.
+But, though stern prohibitions were leveled against the
+study of Aristotle and his Arabic interpreters, the seductions of
+Aristotelianism could not be resisted, and those elements of Peripatetic
+science which did not seem utterly outrageous to Christian
+theology became the accepted and authoritative science of
+the West in the mid-thirteenth century. William of Auvergne,
+bishop of Paris, stood out valiantly against what he regarded as
+teachings subversive of Christianity and of morals and in his vigorous
+opposition to Aristotelianism even went so far as to adopt
+many of the Platonic doctrines that had been popular among the
+scholars of Chartres during the preceding century.<a id='r587'></a><a href='#f587' class='c015'><sup>[587]</sup></a> But translators
+like Gerard of Cremona had done their work too well, and
+the enormous tomes of Albertus Magnus were based to a large extent
+on the learning of the Stagirite.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>THE CREATION</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The usual medieval treatise on the Works of the Six Days as described
+in the Book of Genesis deals with many problems. Some
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span>of these are abstruse and metaphysical: questions of the nature of
+God and the nature of time and space. With these we are not
+concerned. Others are more concrete: questions of the materials
+out of which God made the universe and of the actual manner in
+which he worked.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Problems</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>For the sake of clearness let us state some of these questions as
+follows, (1) The question of whether matter existed prior to
+God’s creation of the world. That is to say, Did God fashion the
+universe out of a pre-existing substance or did he make it out of
+nothing? (2) The question of the manner in which the universe
+was fashioned after it was once “created.” (3) The question of
+what furnished the light during the first three days before the creation
+of the sun. (4) The problem of whether the Six Days were
+actual divisions of time or merely hypothetical divisions of the
+process of creation. (5) The question of the nature of the waters
+above the firmament. (6) Various problems arising in regard to
+the nature and location of Paradise and of the four rivers flowing
+from Paradise. The first four problems are discussed briefly in
+the present chapter. That of the waters above the firmament is
+left for Chapter VIII (on waters), and that of Paradise for
+Chapter XII (on regional geography).</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Preëxistence of Matter</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>(1) Did matter exist prior to God’s creation of the universe as
+we now know it?</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Consistently with his Platonism, Bernard Sylvester thought
+that God formed the universe out of what he termed <i>materia primordialis</i>—a
+chaotic mingling of the elements that had coexisted
+with God before he converted the universe into its present shape.<a id='r588'></a><a href='#f588' class='c015'><sup>[588]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>The Orthodox View</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Theodoric of Chartres, on the other hand, explicitly denied the
+coëxistence of the <i>materia primordialis</i> with God before the Creation.
+In this respect he showed himself far less divergent than
+Bernard from the Christian point of view. The work of the first
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>day, he said, was the creation from nothing of the <i>materia</i> of the
+universe, out of which earth and heaven, fire and water and life
+were to be evolved.<a id='r589'></a><a href='#f589' class='c015'><sup>[589]</sup></a> This <i>materia</i> was the <i>hyle</i>, or chaos, of the
+ancient philosophers, he explained, and was designated by Moses
+in the book of Genesis under various names.<a id='r590'></a><a href='#f590' class='c015'><sup>[590]</sup></a> For example,
+when Moses wrote, “In the beginning God created the heaven and
+the earth” (Gen. i, 1) the words “heaven” and “earth” referred
+to chaos; when Moses wrote, “And the earth was without form
+and void” (Gen. i, 2) the word “earth” referred to the primordial
+mixture of land and water, a mingling of land that was not solid
+and of water that was not liquid. Air and fire at that time were
+of about the density of water.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Theodoric’s interpretation of the initial process of the Creation
+was entirely in keeping with the views of more orthodox writers.
+Peter Lombard, for instance, wrote as follows: “In the beginning
+God created the ‘heaven,’ that is to say the angels, and the
+‘earth,’ by which is meant the material which composed the four
+elements. The latter were as yet in the confused and formless
+condition to which the Greeks gave the name of chaos, and this
+was before any day.”<a id='r591'></a><a href='#f591' class='c015'><sup>[591]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Peter Comestor also set forth an orthodox view of the Creation.
+In his commentary on Genesis he revealed a love of the number
+three and classified every thing possible into groups of three.<a id='r592'></a><a href='#f592' class='c015'><sup>[592]</sup></a> He
+pointed out how Moses had avoided three errors. “First, that of
+Plato, who had conceived of three coëxistent things, God, <i>ile</i>
+(<i>hyle</i>, or chaos), and time, and that the world was made out of <i>ile</i>;
+second, that of Aristotle, who had conceived of two coëxistent
+things, the world and the fashioner thereof (<i>mundus et opifex</i>); and
+third, that of Epicurus, who had also conceived of two, space
+(<i>inane</i>) and matter in the form of atoms, and that in the beginning
+natural processes had brought together certain atoms to form
+water, others to form earth, and others to form fire. Moses, however,
+had said that God alone was eternal and that the world was
+created out of nothing, for there was no matter in existence prior
+to the ‘Creation.’”<a id='r593'></a><a href='#f593' class='c015'><sup>[593]</sup></a> “In the beginning” meant in the beginning
+of time as well as of matter, for time and matter were
+coëternal.<a id='r594'></a><a href='#f594' class='c015'><sup>[594]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span>
+  <h6 class='c014'><i>A Rational View</i></h6>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>William of Conches refused, on rational, physical grounds, to believe
+in the possibility of a chaos preëxisting the Creation.<a id='r595'></a><a href='#f595' class='c015'><sup>[595]</sup></a> Having
+accepted the classical doctrine whereby the four elements were
+arranged in concentric spheres in order from heaviest to lightest,<a id='r596'></a><a href='#f596' class='c015'><sup>[596]</sup></a>
+he was unable to conceive of a time when they could have been so
+intermingled that they contradicted this law, though there may
+have been a time, he conceded, when the earth was completely
+enveloped in a thick mantle of water reaching very high and when
+air and fire themselves were denser than they now are. Such a
+condition, William thought, was that described in Genesis i, 2.<a id='r597'></a><a href='#f597' class='c015'><sup>[597]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Processes of the Creation</span></h5>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Theodoric of Chartres’ Theory</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>(2) How was the universe converted into its present form after
+God had once created it?</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Most commentators answered this either by saying or tacitly
+implying that it was through the immediate operation of God’s
+will alone. Theodoric of Chartres’ theory, therefore, is peculiarly
+interesting, because Theodoric maintained that the formation
+of the universe resulted from what we should now style a
+series of purely mechanical and chemical reactions which began,
+once the composition of the <i>materia</i> was completed, on the first
+day. For its time this was an extremely hazardous view, akin
+in some respects to the modern belief in the sufficiency of physical
+and chemical action to produce practically all observable
+phenomena.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Let us examine Theodoric’s theory in a little greater detail. In
+Genesis i, 2, we read the words, “And the spirit of God moved upon
+the face of the waters.” Theodoric explained that by the
+“waters” was meant the whole of matter:<a id='r598'></a><a href='#f598' class='c015'><sup>[598]</sup></a> the “spirit of God”
+was that which was destined to give order and form to the chaos,
+that is to say the “force which fashioned” or “operated” (<i>virtus
+artifex</i> or <i>virtus operatrix</i>). Plato had called this force the World
+Soul, the Christians called it the Holy Ghost,<a id='r599'></a><a href='#f599' class='c015'><sup>[599]</sup></a> and through
+its agency the evolution of the universe out of chaos by physical
+processes was rendered possible.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>Coincidently with the creation of the original <i>materia</i> the universe
+had assumed a rotary motion,<a id='r600'></a><a href='#f600' class='c015'><sup>[600]</sup></a> each complete rotation
+marking a day. In the further unrolling of the universe, fire was
+the active element (<i>artifex et efficiens causa</i>), earth the passive
+element, and air and water stood as intermediaries between fire
+and earth. During the first rotation, or first day, the fire heated
+and illumined the inferior elements in such a manner as to cause
+the air to be released from them (<i>aer ex inferioribus elementis
+spissatus</i>), and thus the atmosphere came into existence.<a id='r601'></a><a href='#f601' class='c015'><sup>[601]</sup></a> On
+the second day the fire, by illuminating the air, transmitted heat
+to the third element, water, which rose in the form of clouds.
+Some of this vaporized water ascended so high that it passed into
+the second heavenly sphere, where it became the “waters above
+the firmament,” the firmament itself, according to Theodoric, being
+the atmosphere.<a id='r602'></a><a href='#f602' class='c015'><sup>[602]</sup></a> So much water in this manner was absorbed
+out of the original <i>materia</i> that inevitably on the third day
+the earth appeared like islands in the midst of the waters remaining
+behind. Theodoric compared these to islands that are formed
+when water dries after it has been spilled upon a table. Immediately
+the heat of the atmosphere was mingled with the humors of
+the earth, and the latter thereby received the power of producing
+vegetable life, herbs and trees. On the fourth day the stars were
+formed out of the waters which had been drawn above the firmament.
+On the fifth day the heat of the universe brooded over
+(<i>incubuit</i>) the waters of the earth’s surface and gave birth to fish
+and birds. Finally, on the sixth day, the life-giving heat reached
+the earth; and from it the animals were created, including, of
+course, man.<a id='r603'></a><a href='#f603' class='c015'><sup>[603]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>William of Conches’ Theory</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>William of Conches’ theory of the Creation did not differ a great
+deal from that of Theodoric, except that the <i>materia primordialis</i>
+was not, in his opinion, a chaotic mingling of the elements;
+for within it, he thought, as we have already seen,<a id='r604'></a><a href='#f604' class='c015'><sup>[604]</sup></a> that the elements
+were arranged in their proper order according to accepted
+classical laws of physics. The lands were uncovered by the removal
+of the waters, though this took place later in the process
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>according to William than it did according to Theodoric. William
+attributed the drying off of the waters partly to the warmth
+of the stars (which were not formed until the fourth day) and
+partly to the creation of the water and land animals on the fifth
+and sixth days respectively.<a id='r605'></a><a href='#f605' class='c015'><sup>[605]</sup></a> In different portions of this primordial
+land, when it was just in the act of emerging from the
+waters, fiery, watery, earthy elements were present in varying
+quantities. This condition gave birth to divers varieties of animals.
+Where the fiery element was in excess, choleric animals,
+like the lion, came into being; where the water element prevailed,
+phlegmatic animals, like the pig; and the earthy element produced
+melancholic creatures like the ass and cow. At the one and only
+place where the combination was absolutely equal, man appeared.
+Woman, on the other hand, was made from a combination almost
+like that of man but one in which the colder elements were very
+slightly in excess, because the warmest of women by nature is
+colder than the coldest of men! This last, an extremely free and
+heretical and from our point of view unchivalrous theory, William
+retracted in his old age.<a id='r606'></a><a href='#f606' class='c015'><sup>[606]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Function of Light in the Creation</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>(3) What was the nature of the light which God made when he
+said, “Let there be light”? Although Augustine had interpreted
+this passage allegorically or mystically as referring to the creation
+of the world of the angels,<a id='r607'></a><a href='#f607' class='c015'><sup>[607]</sup></a> he had also suggested that God might
+have created an actual body of light corresponding to the sun.
+Bede<a id='r608'></a><a href='#f608' class='c015'><sup>[608]</sup></a> developed the latter suggestion and maintained that there
+must have been a luminary revolving around the earth as does the
+sun. In the twelfth century Hugh of St. Victor and Peter Comestor,
+both of whom interpreted Scripture more or less literally in
+this respect, followed Bede. Hugh maintained that this original
+light was like a luminous cloud which rose in the east and set in
+the west,<a id='r609'></a><a href='#f609' class='c015'><sup>[609]</sup></a> and Comestor spoke of it in much the same terms.<a id='r610'></a><a href='#f610' class='c015'><sup>[610]</sup></a>
+Other theologians, however, refused to believe that such a light
+could have actually existed and reverted to Augustine’s first explanation
+that by the light was meant the world of angels as distinct
+from the world of evil spirits below.<a id='r611'></a><a href='#f611' class='c015'><sup>[611]</sup></a> Peter Lombard referred
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>to both interpretations, though he appears to have been inclined
+to favor the more literal and materialistic theory of Bede.<a id='r612'></a><a href='#f612' class='c015'><sup>[612]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>With Robert Grosseteste light is made to play the leading part
+in the entire process. In his unpublished <i>Hexaemeron</i><a id='r613'></a><a href='#f613' class='c015'><sup>[613]</sup></a> and in the
+<i>De luce</i><a id='r614'></a><a href='#f614' class='c015'><sup>[614]</sup></a> he sets forth a theory of cosmogony which was derived
+in part from the Moslems but in essentials was original.<a id='r615'></a><a href='#f615' class='c015'><sup>[615]</sup></a> We
+trust that the following brief statement of the theory does not do
+violence to the thought of Grosseteste as expressed in the <i>De luce</i>.
+He conceived of light as the first corporeal form and also as giving
+form to the <i>materia prima</i> of the universe. By radiating through
+the unformed <i>materia prima</i> the light converted it into a sphere.
+Thereupon the light made its way from the outer edge of the
+sphere towards the center. As it passed through the various
+realms of the universe it diffused, rarified, and purified the <i>materia</i>
+of each, but with each stage of its advance its powers were diminished
+and correspondingly the potentiality of each successive
+realm of being purified was diminished. Thus thirteen concentric
+spheres were produced, nine celestial spheres and four spheres of
+the elements, and each of these was more complex, dense, and impure
+than its neighbor above.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Nature of the Six Days</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>(4) Were the Six Days described in the book of Genesis actual
+divisions of time? The words of the Bible seemed to be contradictory
+on this point. From the words of Genesis alone one would
+gather that the completion of the universe was accomplished in
+six days. On the other hand, we read in Ecclesiasticus (xviii, 1),
+“He that liveth forever created all things together” (Qui vivit
+in aeternum, creavit omnia simul). According to Theodoric of
+Chartres<a id='r616'></a><a href='#f616' class='c015'><sup>[616]</sup></a> these two statements referred to different events.
+The passage in Ecclesiasticus applied only to the creation of the
+<i>materia primordialis</i> on the first day. The works of the succeeding
+days were the result of the automatic development of natural
+processes by which the universe became as we now know it. Belief
+in the reality of the duration of the Six Days was shared with
+Theodoric by most commentators, such as William of Conches,
+Hugh of St. Victor,<a id='r617'></a><a href='#f617' class='c015'><sup>[617]</sup></a> Peter Lombard, and Peter Comestor. Augustine,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>however, had argued in a more abstruse vein that the
+“days” were not actual units of time but that they represented
+merely so many distinct operations in the work of creation.<a id='r618'></a><a href='#f618' class='c015'><sup>[618]</sup></a>
+And in our period Arnold of Chartres urged that the Creation was
+carried out in one day and all at once (<i>uno die et semel</i>).<a id='r619'></a><a href='#f619' class='c015'><sup>[619]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Eternity of the Universe</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Though they differed in the details of interpretation, these theories
+were all based on the fundamental acceptance of the axiom,
+deduced from Scripture, that God created the universe out of nothing.
+In Chapter II was explained the antagonism between this
+view and the Aristotelian doctrine of an eternal, periodically re-formed
+universe. Certainly, among Christians of our period, no
+one believed either in the eternity or in the periodicity of the universe,
+although the existence and nature of these concepts were
+well known. Both theories were set forth in Seneca’s <i>Quaestiones
+naturales</i>,<a id='r620'></a><a href='#f620' class='c015'><sup>[620]</sup></a> in translations of Plato’s <i>Timaeus</i><a id='r621'></a><a href='#f621' class='c015'><sup>[621]</sup></a> and of
+Aristotle’s <i>Meteorology</i><a id='r622'></a><a href='#f622' class='c015'><sup>[622]</sup></a> and <i>De generatione et corruptione</i>,<a id='r623'></a><a href='#f623' class='c015'><sup>[623]</sup></a> and in
+translations from the Arabic such as the <i>Liber introductorius
+in astrologiam</i> of Abū Maʿshar<a id='r624'></a><a href='#f624' class='c015'><sup>[624]</sup></a> and the pseudo-Aristotelian
+<i>Liber de proprietatibus elementorum</i>.<a id='r625'></a><a href='#f625' class='c015'><sup>[625]</sup></a> When William of Conches
+specifically denied the possibility of more than one deluge he may
+have had in mind the pagan association of Noah’s flood with the
+Great Winter.<a id='r626'></a><a href='#f626' class='c015'><sup>[626]</sup></a> Certainly one of the primary objections of the
+orthodox Christians to the acceptance of Aristotelian science during
+the early years of the thirteenth century lay in the fact that
+Averroës, the great interpreter of Aristotle, was firmly convinced
+that the universe is eternal.<a id='r627'></a><a href='#f627' class='c015'><sup>[627]</sup></a> William of Auvergne also vigorously
+attacked the Aristotelian theory as it found expression in
+Avicenna’s commentary on the <i>Metaphysics</i><a id='r628'></a><a href='#f628' class='c015'><sup>[628]</sup></a> and Robert
+Grosseteste leveled destructive criticism against it in his <i>Summa
+super libros octo Physicorum</i>, a commentary on the <i>Physics</i> of
+Aristotle, and in other works.<a id='r629'></a><a href='#f629' class='c015'><sup>[629]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Bernard Sylvester’s Account of the Creation</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Before leaving this aspect of the subject, a few words should be
+said about two other accounts of the Creation that found literary
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span>expression in Western Europe during our period. Very dissimilar,
+these two accounts are akin only in the circumstance that
+they were both based upon the mythology of an older age and
+that, though written by Christians, neither referred in any way to
+the Scriptural story. One was the remarkable allegory in Bernard
+Sylvester’s <i>De mundi universitate</i>, the other the Icelandic
+myth of the Creation as recorded in the <i>Edda</i> of Snorri Sturluson.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the <i>Megacosmus</i>, or first part of the <i>De mundi universitate</i>,
+Bernard tells us of the confusion of matter in the eternal ages
+that preceded the “Creation.”<a id='r630'></a><a href='#f630' class='c015'><sup>[630]</sup></a> Nature, personified, laments to
+“Nous,” or Providence, about this confusion and demands that
+the universe be put into an orderly condition: “Nous,” moved by
+the appeal, carries out the task, separating the elements, arranging
+the nine hierarchies of angels, placing the stars in the firmament
+and regulating their orbits, ordering the four winds, and,
+finally, fashioning the earth in the midst of the universe. The
+last process gave Bernard occasion to digress and to tell of the
+riches and beauties of this earth.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The <i>Microcosmus</i>, or second part of the book, goes on to relate
+the story of the creation of man. “Nous” sees the barren desolation
+of an inanimate world and orders Nature to undertake the
+work of peopling it. With the aid of Urania, goddess of the stars,
+Nature seeks for Physis, goddess of life, whom she finds in the terrestrial
+paradise after Urania has conducted her on a long journey
+through the heavenly spheres. Here she tells Physis her mission;
+and Physis carries out the fashioning of a human body, in which
+the soul is then established. Thus was man created.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>No comment is needed to bring out the pagan character of this
+account, wherein the Six Days are not even mentioned! It would
+probably be wrong, however, to assume that this work of literary
+imagination, any more than Snorri’s graphic record of the beliefs
+of his forefathers, represents a formulated and accepted doctrine
+of its author.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Icelandic Account</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The Icelanders were converted to Christianity in the mid-eleventh
+century, and the mythology of their pagan days still
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>remained fresh in their minds and hearts during the period we are
+studying. The old gods were looked upon with affection, and
+the old story of the Creation was remembered with sympathetic
+understanding. The Icelandic myth of the Creation is one of
+great beauty and vigor. In it is revealed the impression made
+upon the minds of a northern people by struggles against the cold
+and stormy darkness of the subarctic winter. The outline of the
+story, which is worked out in much detail in the <i>Eddas</i>, is about as
+follows.<a id='r631'></a><a href='#f631' class='c015'><sup>[631]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the beginning a great abyss lay between the icy rivers and
+the drizzling rains and blasts of wind of the north and the blazing
+heat of the south. This was before heaven and earth and sea
+were made. “And Fimbultyr said: Let the melted drops of vapor
+quicken into life, and the giant Ymer was born in the midst of
+Ginungagap<a id='r632'></a><a href='#f632' class='c015'><sup>[632]</sup></a> [the abyss]. He was not a god but the father of
+all the race of evil giants. This was Chaos.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>“And Fimbultyr said: Let Ymer be slain and let order be established.
+And straightway Odin and his brothers&#160;... gave
+Ymer a mortal wound, and from his body they made the universe;
+from his flesh, the earth; from his blood, the sea; from his bones,
+the rocks; from his hair, the trees; from his skull, the vaulted heavens;
+from his eyebrows, the bulwark called Midgard. And the
+gods formed man and woman in their own image of two trees, and
+breathed into them the breath of life. Ask and Embla became
+living souls, and they received a garden in Midgard as a dwelling
+place for themselves and their children until the end of time.
+This was Cosmos” (Anderson).<a id='r633'></a><a href='#f633' class='c015'><sup>[633]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>MACROCOSM AND MICROCOSM</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>All medieval accounts of the Creation culminate in the creation
+of man, as modern outlines of evolution conclude with man’s evolution
+from lower forms of life. Christian theology taught that
+the universe itself was made for man, a view that persists even to
+this day. Grosseteste asserted that when man “no longer requires
+the processes of generation and corruption which the movements
+of the heavens cause, the heaven itself will cease to move
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span>and time will be no longer.”<a id='r634'></a><a href='#f634' class='c015'><sup>[634]</sup></a> Rupert of Deutz explained that
+mountains were placed upon the earth to protect human beings
+against the winds.<a id='r635'></a><a href='#f635' class='c015'><sup>[635]</sup></a> But if the universe and all its parts were
+made for man, medieval thinkers held, with the Stoics of antiquity,<a id='r636'></a><a href='#f636' class='c015'><sup>[636]</sup></a>
+that man himself was a lesser universe (<i>minor mundus</i>), or
+microcosm, comprising all the elements both physical and spiritual
+which constitute the greater universe, or macrocosm.</p>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/i_149_hr.jpg'><img src='images/i_149.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p><span class='sc'>Explanation of Fig. 5</span>—The human figure here represents the microcosm in the midst of the universe. The heads of the animals give rise to the winds, which Hildegard believed controlled the movements of the celestial bodies (see p. 171). The blast originating in the human head at the right and moving in a counter-clockwise direction runs opposite to the movement of the firmament. “This blast did not give forth his breath earthward as did the other winds, but instead thereof it governed the course of the planets” (<i>Liber div. op.</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcvii, col. 791, as cited by Singer, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 28).<br>  <br>  In another miniature from the same manuscript (fol. 9 ro) shown in Singer, <i>op. cit.</i>, pl. VII, the universe is revealed in much the same manner with the human figure as the microcosm. There is also represented the macrocosm, as a larger figure standing behind and holding the sphere of the cosmos; only its head, feet, and hands appear.<br>  <br>  <br>  <span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span><span class='sc'>Fig. 5</span>—The macrocosm, the microcosm, and the winds, from a miniature in an illustrated codex of Hildegard of Bingen’s <i>Liber divinorum operum</i> in the Municipal Library at Lucca, fol. 27 vo. (Redrawn, by permission, from Singer, <i>Scientific Views and Visions of Saint Hildegard</i>, 1917, pl. VIII.) For explanation, see bottom of opposite page.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'>The doctrine of man as the microcosm had its roots far back in
+antiquity. Medieval writers from the time of Isidore elaborated
+upon it with detail and ingenuity. In the literature of our period
+it occurs in many a passing comparison of the phenomena of nature
+with the human body, such as that of the <i>De imagine mundi</i>
+where rivers are compared with blood vessels.<a id='r637'></a><a href='#f637' class='c015'><sup>[637]</sup></a> It forms an important
+element in the cosmology of Bernard Sylvester’s <i>De
+mundi universitate</i><a id='r638'></a><a href='#f638' class='c015'><sup>[638]</sup></a> and of Herrad of Landsperg’s <i>Hortus deliciarum</i>.<a id='r639'></a><a href='#f639' class='c015'><sup>[639]</sup></a>
+Hildegard of Bingen’s writings are full of similes and
+medical recommendations based upon it (Fig. 5).<a id='r640'></a><a href='#f640' class='c015'><sup>[640]</sup></a> In her <i>Subtilitates</i>
+the abbess says: “In the creation of man from the earth
+other earth was taken, and all the elements served man because
+they perceived that he lived; both the elements and man worked
+together to each others’ advantage in all relationships.”<a id='r641'></a><a href='#f641' class='c015'><sup>[641]</sup></a> The
+thought is expressed more clearly in the <i>Causae et curae</i>: “Oh,
+man! Look at man, for man has in himself heaven and earth and
+all other things that are created, and his form is one and in him all
+things lie hidden.”<a id='r642'></a><a href='#f642' class='c015'><sup>[642]</sup></a> To illustrate the detail in which Hildegard
+worked out this theory we may do no better than to quote from
+Thorndike’s summary. “She compares the firmament to man’s
+head, sun, moon, and stars to the eyes, air to hearing, the winds to
+smelling, dew to taste, and ‘the sides of the world’ to the arms and
+sense of touch. The earth is like the heart, and other creatures in
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>the world are like the belly. In the <i>Liber divinorum operum</i> she
+goes into further detail.... From the top of the cerebral cavity
+to the ‘last extremity of the forehead’ there are seven distinct and
+equal spaces, by which are signified the seven planets which are
+equidistant from one another in the firmament. An even more
+surprising assumption as to astronomical distances is involved in
+the comparison that as the three intervals between the top of the
+human head and the end of the throat and the navel and the groin
+are all equal, so are the spaces intervening between the highest
+firmament and lowest clouds and the earth’s surface and center....
+As the heart is stirred by emotion, whether of joy or of sorrow,
+humors are excited in the lungs and breast which rise to the
+brain and are emitted through the eyes in the form of tears. And
+in like manner, when the moon begins to wax or wane, the firmament
+is disturbed by winds which raise fogs from the sea and
+other waters.”<a id='r643'></a><a href='#f643' class='c015'><sup>[643]</sup></a> The preface to the <i>Subtilitates</i> contains another
+discussion of the microcosm in the course of which the stones of
+the earth are likened to bones and it is pointed out that the earth
+has sweat, humors, and other by-products of the body.<a id='r644'></a><a href='#f644' class='c015'><sup>[644]</sup></a> Much
+of the argument of the <i>Causae et curae</i> is based upon the assumption
+that the very diseases of man have their counterparts in the
+facts of the macrocosm.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>SHAPE, MOVEMENTS, AND SIZE OF THE EARTH</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>When once created, what form did this universe take, and the
+earth within it?</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Sphericity of the Universe</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Nearly all the authors of our period appear to have shared in
+the belief that the universe is a sphere and that the earth is situated
+in its center. Lambert of St. Omer says in his <i>Liber floridus</i>:
+“We say the earth is the center, that is, the point in the middle of
+the sphere.” “For the earth is located as a central point in
+the midst of the celestial circle through which the sun passes.”<a id='r645'></a><a href='#f645' class='c015'><sup>[645]</sup></a>
+Robert Grosseteste stated that the sphericity of the universe was
+necessitated by the nature of the substances composing the heavenly
+bodies and that it could be proved by simple astronomical
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>observations.<a id='r646'></a><a href='#f646' class='c015'><sup>[646]</sup></a> There is, perhaps, an echo of Pythagorean mathematical
+doctrines in the exposition which we find in the <i>Image du
+monde</i>, that the world is round since God desired it to be so, because
+roundness is the most perfect of all forms.<a id='r647'></a><a href='#f647' class='c015'><sup>[647]</sup></a> Al-Farghānī,
+whose work was translated more than once during our period and
+formed the basis of much that is found in John of Holywood’s <i>De
+sphaera</i>,<a id='r648'></a><a href='#f648' class='c015'><sup>[648]</sup></a> had said that there was no difference of opinion among
+learned men that the universe was a sphere. That the earth is in
+the center of the heaven, he asserted, was shown by the fact that
+half the heaven is always visible from all parts of its surface.<a id='r649'></a><a href='#f649' class='c015'><sup>[649]</sup></a>
+The author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i> had also thought the same
+way:<a id='r650'></a><a href='#f650' class='c015'><sup>[650]</sup></a> he compared the universe to a ball, or to an egg of which
+the shell corresponds to the upper heavens, the white, to the upper
+air, the yolk, to the lower air, and the <i>pinguedinis gutta</i>, or drop of
+grease in the center, to the earth.<a id='r651'></a><a href='#f651' class='c015'><sup>[651]</sup></a> Gervase of Tilbury,<a id='r652'></a><a href='#f652' class='c015'><sup>[652]</sup></a> who
+borrowed the idea from Comestor,<a id='r653'></a><a href='#f653' class='c015'><sup>[653]</sup></a> and the author of the <i>Image
+du monde</i><a id='r654'></a><a href='#f654' class='c015'><sup>[654]</sup></a> make similar comparisons, although Peter Abelard,<a id='r655'></a><a href='#f655' class='c015'><sup>[655]</sup></a>
+William of Conches,<a id='r656'></a><a href='#f656' class='c015'><sup>[656]</sup></a> and Daniel of Morley conceived of the four
+parts of the egg as corresponding exactly to the four elements.<a id='r657'></a><a href='#f657' class='c015'><sup>[657]</sup></a>
+Michael Scot compared the earth, surrounded by water, to the
+yolk of an egg and the spheres of the universe to the layers of an
+onion.<a id='r658'></a><a href='#f658' class='c015'><sup>[658]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In her <i>Causae et curae</i>, on the one hand, and in her <i>Scivias</i> and
+<i>Liber divinorum operum</i>, on the other, Hildegard of Bingen makes
+contradictory statements in regard to the position of the earth in
+relation to the heavenly spheres. Scientific consistency was not,
+perhaps, the ascetic abbess’s strongest quality, and too much
+emphasis should not be laid upon contradictions found in the
+writings of one who believed herself to be favored by special divine
+revelations. The passage in the <i>Causae et curae</i>, however,
+diverges so widely from current medieval opinion that it is worth
+translating. “The earth,” writes Hildegard, “is of moderate size
+and is near the base of the firmament, because if it were in the
+center of the firmament, then it would have to be larger; and even
+so it would easily fall and be shattered to pieces, had it the same
+expanse of air beneath that there is above.”<a id='r659'></a><a href='#f659' class='c015'><sup>[659]</sup></a> On the contrary,
+in her <i>Liber divinorum operum</i> she tells how she saw in a vision
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span>the universe as a wheel<a id='r660'></a><a href='#f660' class='c015'><sup>[660]</sup></a> and that “in the midst of the air the
+earth was placed in such a way that the air measured an equal
+distance above the earth, below the earth, and on either side of
+the earth.”<a id='r661'></a><a href='#f661' class='c015'><sup>[661]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Shape of the Earth</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Most writers of the Crusading age thought the earth also was a
+sphere, though there was less unanimity in this belief. The <i>De
+imagine mundi</i> calls it a sphere, whence comes the term <i>orbis</i>.<a id='r662'></a><a href='#f662' class='c015'><sup>[662]</sup></a>
+William of Conches<a id='r663'></a><a href='#f663' class='c015'><sup>[663]</sup></a> furnishes us with the Aristotelian proofs of
+sphericity. If the earth is flat, he says, it would be day at the
+same time in the farthest east as in the farthest west. Certain
+stars are visible in one latitude that cannot be seen in another, and
+this would not be the case if there were no curvature from north
+to south.<a id='r664'></a><a href='#f664' class='c015'><sup>[664]</sup></a> John of Holywood, following Al-Farghānī, gave two
+proofs that the earth is round and two that the water is round.<a id='r665'></a><a href='#f665' class='c015'><sup>[665]</sup></a>
+That there exists a swelling or curvature of the earth (<i>tumor
+terrae</i>), he says, is shown by the difference in the time of eclipses
+between places in the east and west as well as by differences in
+the visibility of stars.<a id='r666'></a><a href='#f666' class='c015'><sup>[666]</sup></a> The curvature of water surfaces is demonstrated
+by the fact that a person standing at the foot of a mast
+is frequently unable to see objects visible to somebody at the
+masthead. Furthermore, since water is a homogeneous body, all
+parts of it must partake of the nature of the whole. Therefore
+it follows that because a drop is round, the mass of the waters of
+the earth must also be spherical.<a id='r667'></a><a href='#f667' class='c015'><sup>[667]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Gervase of Tilbury has been accused of believing that the earth
+is square, though the evidence in the text of the <i>Otia imperialia</i> on
+which this accusation is based is very slender; and other texts
+would seem to support the opposite contention, that he accepted
+the theory of sphericity.<a id='r668'></a><a href='#f668' class='c015'><sup>[668]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Two passages in the <i>Causae et curae</i> of Hildegard can apparently
+be explained only on the supposition of a flat earth.<a id='r669'></a><a href='#f669' class='c015'><sup>[669]</sup></a> Hildegard
+seems also to have been haunted by the old belief that bulked so
+large in the imagination of Cosmas Indicopleustes,<a id='r670'></a><a href='#f670' class='c015'><sup>[670]</sup></a> the belief
+that the earth rises into an immense mountain in the north.<a id='r671'></a><a href='#f671' class='c015'><sup>[671]</sup></a>
+She asserted that this mountain prevented the light of the east
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_153'>153</span>from penetrating the darkness of the north and the darkness of
+the north from obscuring the light of the east. On the other
+hand, in her visions the abbess more than once saw the earth as a
+globe.<a id='r672'></a><a href='#f672' class='c015'><sup>[672]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the writings of the mystic Hugh of St. Victor we have a typical
+medieval allegorical interpretation of the words of Scripture
+regarding the earth’s form, with instructions as to how a map of
+the world ought to be made.<a id='r673'></a><a href='#f673' class='c015'><sup>[673]</sup></a> Hugh compares the <i>orbis terrae</i> to
+an “oblong circle,” or oval, drawn around the ark, touching each
+corner. An oval shape was necessitated by the rectangular
+ground plan of the ark. Within this oval the <i>mappa mundi</i>, or
+map of the world, is to be drawn, with the front of the ark facing
+the east, and its rear, the west. In the segment formed to the
+east, between the ark and the circle, is Paradise; in that to the
+west the resurrection will take place; the chosen will go to the
+right, and the damned to the left into Hell, which forms the segment
+toward the north. Beyond this “oblong circle” another
+circle is to be drawn to show the zones, and the space between the
+two is the atmosphere.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>One hesitates to draw conclusions from this as to what shape
+Hugh imagined the earth to be; probably he himself had no very
+definite theory. The picture which his description seems to invoke
+in our minds is that of a flat oval earth covered by an ovoid
+heaven, and certainly it is in every respect inconsistent with belief
+in a spherical earth.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Immobility of the Earth</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>However men may have thought about the shape of the earth,
+there was no questioning the fact that it stands immobile and
+firm. Doctrines like that of the Pythagorean Philolaus had no
+place in medieval thought.<a id='r674'></a><a href='#f674' class='c015'><sup>[674]</sup></a> The ignorant, nevertheless, were
+often puzzled by the problem of what supports the earth. The
+author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i> was content uncritically to explain
+that no fulcrum or support is necessary for this purpose but
+that the “divine power” is all-sufficient.<a id='r675'></a><a href='#f675' class='c015'><sup>[675]</sup></a> He quoted the one
+hundred and third Psalm: “Who hast founded the earth upon
+its own bases: it shall not be moved for ever and ever.”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span>Theodoric of Chartres, Adelard of Bath, and John of Holywood,
+on the other hand, adduced proofs of the immobility of the earth
+which had been derived indirectly from Aristotle. Theodoric asserted<a id='r676'></a><a href='#f676' class='c015'><sup>[676]</sup></a>
+that the earth does not gain its compactness either from
+its inherent nature, because earth is actually observed on occasions
+to become mingled with air; or from the weight of the overlying
+atmosphere and sphere of fire, because these have no weight.
+What, then, keeps it from flying to pieces? Here Theodoric appealed
+to the Peripatetic reasoning that the circular motion of the
+heavens necessitates the existence of a solid and immovable body
+in the center.<a id='r677'></a><a href='#f677' class='c015'><sup>[677]</sup></a> All heavy bodies acquire their <i>substantia</i>, or
+solidity, from the motion of light bodies; and conversely light
+bodies derive their motion from heavy bodies.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The <i>Quaestiones naturales</i> of Adelard of Bath is in the form of a
+dialogue between Adelard and a nephew who asks questions. The
+nephew was much puzzled by the fact that, whereas heavy objects
+like rocks need a piece of wood or other support to hold them
+up in the air, the earth as a whole, much the heaviest of all, requires
+no such support.<a id='r678'></a><a href='#f678' class='c015'><sup>[678]</sup></a> Adelard replies first that the earth
+does not fall because there would be no utility in its doing so; then
+he proceeds to show by a rational argument (<i>rationabiliter</i>) why
+the earth does not need a support. The principal quality of earth
+he says, is heaviness; heavy bodies naturally seek the lowest position
+(<i>infimum</i>); the lowest position of a spherical body like the
+universe is its center—though why this latter proposition is so,
+Adelard fails to make clear. At all events, the earth tends to seek
+the center of the universe, just as a stone thrown into an imaginary
+hole piercing the center of the earth would come to a halt
+there.<a id='r679'></a><a href='#f679' class='c015'><sup>[679]</sup></a> Since the center of the universe is one point, not several,
+the earth forms a single unit, not several; and for these reasons,
+moreover, the earth is stable and immobile.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>John of Holywood explained<a id='r680'></a><a href='#f680' class='c015'><sup>[680]</sup></a> the same thing more briefly
+than Adelard by simply stating that the immobility of the earth
+is due to its weight, since it is the nature of all heavy things to seek
+the center of the universe and since the earth is the heaviest of all
+elements. Both Adelard’s and John of Holywood’s arguments
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>suggest the Aristotelian doctrine of an equilibrium of forces
+around the center of the globe, though this doctrine is not cited in
+so many words. Like most medieval writers, Adelard and John
+seem only partially to have understood the obscure texts from
+which they derived their proofs and to have left out many links in
+their chains of reasoning.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Size of the Earth</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Though the geocentric hypothesis prevailed in the Middle Ages,
+there is plenty of evidence to show that the smallness of the earth
+in relation to the heavenly bodies was understood.<a id='r681'></a><a href='#f681' class='c015'><sup>[681]</sup></a> William of
+Conches had thought that the sun was eight times as big as the
+earth.<a id='r682'></a><a href='#f682' class='c015'><sup>[682]</sup></a> In the <i>Image du monde</i> this theme is elaborated:<a id='r683'></a><a href='#f683' class='c015'><sup>[683]</sup></a> we
+are told that it would take more than a hundred years for a rock to
+fall from the heavens; that the earth is like a tiny star in comparison
+with the immensity of the cosmos and is one hundred and
+sixty-six and three-twentieths times smaller than the sun.<a id='r684'></a><a href='#f684' class='c015'><sup>[684]</sup></a>
+John of Holywood quoted Alfraganus (Al-Farghānī) to the
+effect that the smallest fixed star is larger than the earth<a id='r685'></a><a href='#f685' class='c015'><sup>[685]</sup></a> but
+that the dimensions of such a star are as but a point in the firmament.
+He argued that the extreme smallness of the earth is
+proved by the fact that it is possible to see the middle of the firmament
+(<i>medietas firmamenti</i>) not only from the center of the earth
+but also from the earth’s surface.<a id='r686'></a><a href='#f686' class='c015'><sup>[686]</sup></a> His argument, which certainly
+proves nothing as it stands, is evidently a confused reflection
+of Ptolemy’s reasoning in the <i>Almagest</i>.<a id='r687'></a><a href='#f687' class='c015'><sup>[687]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>As to the actual size of our planet various figures were occasionally
+quoted. The <i>De imagine mundi</i><a id='r688'></a><a href='#f688' class='c015'><sup>[688]</sup></a> gives Posidonius’ estimate
+of the circumference as 180,000 stades, or 12,052 miles (<i>duodecies
+mille millaria et quinquaginta duo</i>). The <i>Image du monde</i>,<a id='r689'></a><a href='#f689' class='c015'><sup>[689]</sup></a>
+however, gives 20,428 miles. Eratosthenes’ 252,000 stades appears
+in Lambert of St. Omer’s <i>Liber floridus</i><a id='r690'></a><a href='#f690' class='c015'><sup>[690]</sup></a> and John of
+Holywood’s <i>De sphaera</i>.<a id='r691'></a><a href='#f691' class='c015'><sup>[691]</sup></a> In the latter work it is cited on the
+authority of Ambrose, Macrobius, “et Eristenis philosophorum,”
+along with a brief account of the great Alexandrian geographer’s
+method of measurement.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>
+  <h4 class='c014'><i>ZONES, THE ANTIPODES, AND “CLIMATA”</i></h4>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>The surface of the terrestrial sphere, surrounded as it is by the
+heavens, is naturally subjected directly to the influence of the
+heavenly bodies. We must now examine those general phenomena
+of the globe as a whole which were conceived to be
+consequences of the earth’s shape and position in relation to the
+remainder of the universe, postponing for a later chapter the
+study of the more local features of the <i>oikoumene</i> (or habited
+quarter), which also result from the same circumstances.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Zones</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The most primitive observation reveals the fact that the heavenly
+bodies in their course through the sky revolve around two
+points and mark out certain circles. Very elaborate and often
+admirable discussions of the celestial poles, Arctic and Antarctic
+circles, equator, tropics, and ecliptic, are to be found in the numerous
+astrological and astronomical works of our period.<a id='r692'></a><a href='#f692' class='c015'><sup>[692]</sup></a> The
+study of these matters was already a highly developed science,
+but except in its geographical bearing it does not fall within our
+province.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We saw in Chapter I that ancient astronomers had drawn imaginary
+circles around the terrestrial sphere corresponding to the
+circles of the heavens and had designated these lines as the boundaries
+of zones on the earth’s surface.<a id='r693'></a><a href='#f693' class='c015'><sup>[693]</sup></a> The classical theory of
+five zones, divided from each other by parallels of latitude, was
+accepted by the geographical writers of the twelfth and early thirteenth
+centuries, although, as in classical times, opinions diverged
+widely regarding the characteristics of each zone. All, however,
+believed that the two polar caps were cold and that the equatorial
+regions were hot. For example Bernard Sylvester says in his <i>De
+mundi universitate</i>:<a id='r694'></a><a href='#f694' class='c015'><sup>[694]</sup></a> Nous, or Providence, “encompassed the
+earth with five parallels; on the one hand the extremes are frozen,
+on the other the central portions are hot. Also she made temperate
+two zones by placing on both sides of them the coldness of
+the extremities and the course of the sun over the midst of the
+earth.”</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Uninhabitability of Polar Caps and Equatorial Zone</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Furthermore, a widely prevalent but not universal theory made
+the polar caps and equatorial zones not only cold and hot but also
+uninhabitable. The author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i><a id='r695'></a><a href='#f695' class='c015'><sup>[695]</sup></a> and Gervase
+of Tilbury<a id='r696'></a><a href='#f696' class='c015'><sup>[696]</sup></a> plagiarized what Isidore had written on this
+subject.<a id='r697'></a><a href='#f697' class='c015'><sup>[697]</sup></a> They called the five circles separating the zones and
+the zones themselves from north to south, respectively, <i>septentrionalis</i>
+(our Arctic Circle and North Polar zone), <i>solstitialis</i> (our
+Tropic of Cancer and North Temperate zone), <i>equinoctialis</i> (our
+Equator and Torrid zone), <i>brumalis</i>—or <i>hyemalis</i> according to
+Gervase—(our Tropic of Capricorn and South Temperate zone),
+and finally <i>australis</i> (our Antarctic Circle and South Polar zone).
+Of these they thought that only <i>solstitialis</i> was habitable. William
+of Conches likewise believed<a id='r698'></a><a href='#f698' class='c015'><sup>[698]</sup></a> in uninhabitable torrid and
+frigid zones, though he rejected the theory that in the heavens
+above the sphere of the moon there are qualities of heat and cold
+corresponding to those of the terrestrial zones.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Austral Continent and Antipodal Regions</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Speculation was rife as to what lay beyond the equatorial zone
+and in those mysterious parts of the earth of which man had no
+knowledge. Rumors and conjectures of an austral continent and
+of antipodal regions figure widely in the geographical literature
+of the age. A fourth continent beyond the equatorial ocean (or
+Mare Rubrum) is shown on all the Beatus maps. It is represented
+as a strip of land along the southernmost edge of the earth (see Figs.
+2 and 4, pp. 69 and 123, above). A legend, taken from Isidore, informs
+us on the St. Sever map that “In addition to the three parts
+of the world, there is a fourth part beyond the ocean in the midst
+of the south and unknown to us on account of the heat of the
+sun. Within its confines the antipodeans are fabulously said to
+dwell.”<a id='r699'></a><a href='#f699' class='c015'><sup>[699]</sup></a> The Osma Beatus map locates the <i>skiapodes</i>, or sun-shade-footed
+men, here (see Fig. 4). Confusion between true
+antipodal regions on the opposite side of the world and an austral
+continent lying south of the equator was not uncommon in antiquity
+and during the Middle Ages.<a id='r700'></a><a href='#f700' class='c015'><sup>[700]</sup></a> Belief in the latter did
+not necessarily involve belief in a spherical earth, and it has
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>been argued that the Roman cartographers (whose maps may
+have inspired Beatus) showed such a fourth continent south of
+the equator, even though they did not deem the question of the
+sphericity of the world worthy of serious consideration. The
+Beatus maps themselves may easily be reconciled with an
+implicit belief in a flat world disk.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>While this may be true of the Beatus maps, it cannot be said of
+the <i>mappamundi</i> of Lambert of St. Omer or of references to the
+antipodes elsewhere in the literature of our period where it is impossible
+to question the conviction in the cartographers’ or
+writers’ minds that the earth is a sphere.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>On Lambert’s map the austral continent occupies half of the
+circle of the earth. A long legend explains,<a id='r701'></a><a href='#f701' class='c015'><sup>[701]</sup></a> in terms similar to
+those of the St. Sever Beatus map, that this region is unknown to
+mankind because of the sun’s heat; that philosophers say the
+antipodeans dwell here; and that winter prevails during our summer.
+In addition to the austral continent, Lambert indicates
+without a shadow of doubt his faith in the existence of other antipodal
+regions. A large island on the western margin of his map
+is labeled, “Here dwell the antipodeans, but they have a different
+night and opposite days.”<a id='r702'></a><a href='#f702' class='c015'><sup>[702]</sup></a> We know from other parts of the
+<i>Liber floridus</i> that Lambert was strongly influenced by Macrobius.
+A Macrobian sketch of a spherical world showing the five zones is
+inserted in the Ghent and other manuscripts. This reference to
+the antipodes can only apply to the unknown regions on the opposite
+side of the globe, beyond the meridional ocean which, as we
+have seen in Chapter I, had been described by Crates of Mallos
+and popularized in Macrobius’ <i>In somnium Scipionis commentarius</i>
+and in Martianus Capella’s <i>De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii</i>.
+Belief in a spherical world is essential to belief in these theories.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Cratesian Theory</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Crates of Mallos’ conception of the arrangement of the world,
+introduced to Western knowledge through the works of Macrobius
+and Capella, was well known in our period. William of Conches,
+Adelard of Bath, and Bernard Sylvester all show the influence of
+the Crates-Macrobian system in their belief in a great equatorial
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>ocean.<a id='r703'></a><a href='#f703' class='c015'><sup>[703]</sup></a> Giraldus Cambrensis and the author of the <i>De imagine
+mundi</i>, by their explanation of the causes of the tides, make it
+plain that they accepted the same opinion. Geoffrey of St. Victor
+gives a clear exposition of it in his <i>Microcosmus</i>.<a id='r704'></a><a href='#f704' class='c015'><sup>[704]</sup></a> Robert Grosseteste
+adopts it in his <i>De sphaera</i>, explaining carefully the two
+seas that encircle the earth and calling the equatorial sea “Occeanus”
+and that which includes the poles “Amphitrites.” He believed
+that only one of the areas of land separated by these seas is
+inhabited.<a id='r705'></a><a href='#f705' class='c015'><sup>[705]</sup></a> The same idea is reflected in words of the <i>Image du
+monde</i><a id='r706'></a><a href='#f706' class='c015'><sup>[706]</sup></a> to the effect that only a quarter of the earth’s surface is
+inhabited and in the recommendation to the reader in his imagination
+to cut the globe into four quarters like an apple and to think
+of the habitable part as occupying the surface of one of the
+quarters. Godfrey of Viterbo points out the significance of the
+golden ball of empire which formed part of the regal insignia of
+the Holy Roman Emperors upon which, he said, the fourfold division
+of the lands of the earth’s surface was shown.<a id='r707'></a><a href='#f707' class='c015'><sup>[707]</sup></a> Among the
+imperial treasures (<i>Reichskleinodien</i>) in Vienna the golden apple
+dating from the twelfth century is of this form. Two bands encircling
+the regal ball at right angles represent the Cratesian idea
+of oceans girdling the earth.<a id='r708'></a><a href='#f708' class='c015'><sup>[708]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In one version of the legend of St. Brandan there is a curious
+passage where not only the possibility of antipodal regions is indicated
+but the pious necessity of belief in such regions.<a id='r709'></a><a href='#f709' class='c015'><sup>[709]</sup></a> St.
+Brandan is here reported to have read in an old book that beneath
+this earth there is another world, where day prevails when it is
+night with us. Unable to accept such a story, Brandan burned the
+book in a fit of exasperation; and as a punishment for his incredulity
+God made him voyage nine years upon the seas. What the
+book was we are not informed, but perhaps we do not err in assuming
+that the poet had in mind a copy of the <i>In somnium Scipionis
+commentarius</i> or possibly the <i>De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii</i>.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Persistence of Belief That Antipodal Regions Were Inhabited</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>An essential feature of the theory as it had been expounded by
+Macrobius and Capella, however, was the insistence that the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span>other three temperate areas are inhabited by races of men like our
+own. As belief in the existence of inhabitants in the antipodal
+regions rested in our period on the authority of Capella and Macrobius
+and was subjected to lively discussion and controversy, it
+is not out of place for us to observe what these two writers had
+actually said.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Capella, after briefly stating that three out of the five zones are
+uninhabitable on account of cold and heat, declared that the
+other two are tempered by a wind which encourages life.<a id='r710'></a><a href='#f710' class='c015'><sup>[710]</sup></a> The
+inhabitants of the quarter south of us, beyond the equator, he
+called <i>antoikoi</i>; those of the quarter also in the southern hemisphere
+but beyond the north-south ocean, who have winter when
+we have summer, <i>antichthones</i>. Those in our own temperate zone
+beyond the ocean, who have the same summer and winter as ours
+but who have night when we have day, he called <i>antipodes</i>.<a id='r711'></a><a href='#f711' class='c015'><sup>[711]</sup></a> No
+commerce or communication is possible between us and these
+other groups of human beings, nor between one group and any of
+the others. Macrobius set forth this theory in similar terms,<a id='r712'></a><a href='#f712' class='c015'><sup>[712]</sup></a>
+expressly emphasizing the point that reason teaches us that the
+southern zone must be inhabited because its climate is temperate
+like ours. However, he added, it is not peopled by men like
+ourselves—Greeks, Romans, barbarians—nor shall we ever be
+able to learn what sort of men the inhabitants actually are.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Though, as we have seen, out-and-out belief in antipodeans
+was heretical during the epoch we are studying, there is plenty of
+evidence to show that the possibility of such a thing was an attractive
+subject of speculation. The legends on the Lambert
+maps to which reference has been made above would alone be
+sufficient to convince us of this. William of Conches spoke very
+guardedly on the matter;<a id='r713'></a><a href='#f713' class='c015'><sup>[713]</sup></a> his avowed theory was that the other
+temperate regions were habitable but not actually inhabited.
+But are we not justified in thinking that in denying the existence
+of antipodeans he was merely making a verbal concession to theological
+prejudice, especially when he went on to explain that, if
+there were people dwelling in other quarters, they would be called
+<i>antoikoi</i>, <i>antipodes</i>, and <i>antichthones</i>, and that some would have
+summer when we have winter, others night when we have day?</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span>Gervase of Tilbury relates a fanciful story which might be interpreted
+to show that he too liked to dally with the pleasing fancy
+that there may be antipodeans, even though elsewhere he rejects
+such a possibility. He tells of a cave in a mountain belonging to
+the domain of the castle of Bech in Great Britain.<a id='r714'></a><a href='#f714' class='c015'><sup>[714]</sup></a> From this
+there nearly always blew a violent wind; but once, when the wind
+did not happen to be blowing, a swineherd entered the cave to look
+for a breeding sow which had wandered in. Here he found an
+open plain with cultivated lands and harvesters bringing in their
+crops, and from the harvesters he recovered his sow. To this Gervase
+adds, “It was an extraordinary circumstance that wintry
+coldness coming from these subterranean harvest fields seemed to
+penetrate into our hemisphere, which phenomenon I think ought
+to be attributed to the sun’s absence and presence elsewhere.”<a id='r715'></a><a href='#f715' class='c015'><sup>[715]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Manegold’s Arguments Against This Doctrine</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The most convincing proof of the persistence in the early
+twelfth century of a tendency to believe in antipodeans is furnished
+by the fact that Manegold in Alsace,<a id='r716'></a><a href='#f716' class='c015'><sup>[716]</sup></a> sometime after
+1103, saw fit to write a vigorous pamphlet attacking a certain
+Wolfelm of Cologne, whom he accused of harboring an heretical
+opinion. Manegold’s <i>Contra Wolfelmum opusculum</i> illustrates
+admirably the orthodox, or even obscurantist, point of view. He
+accused Wolfelm of adhering to Macrobius’ teachings about the
+four inhabited quarters of the earth. Granting that there are
+four such quarters, he demanded, how can the teachings of the
+Holy and Apostolic Church, buttressed by all the authority of the
+Fathers, the patriarchs, and the prophets from the earliest times,
+be true? And how can we believe the prophecies that the Savior
+will come to bring salvation to the entire human race, if these
+branches of the human race are cut off from the rest, as Macrobius
+would have it, by the zones and temperatures of the earth’s
+surface? How could the prophecy have been true, “All the ends
+of the earth will bow down before our God (<i>salutare Dei nostri</i>), if
+certain ends of the earth are inhabited by men to whom the voice
+of the prophets and the apostles could not reach through impassable
+tracts of water, of cold, and of heat?”<a id='r717'></a><a href='#f717' class='c015'><sup>[717]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Habitability of the Equatorial Region</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Macrobius’ theory was also contradicted from a position opposite
+to that of the orthodox churchmen. The study of Moslem
+astronomy brought to Europe the opinion that the equatorial
+zone itself was not only habitable but actually inhabited. In the
+preamble to the <i>Marseilles Tables</i><a id='r718'></a><a href='#f718' class='c015'><sup>[718]</sup></a> of Raymond of Marseilles,
+which reproduces ideas expressed by the Spanish-Moslem astronomer
+Az-Zarqalī, we have an explanation of the current theory
+among “philosophers” of the uninhabitability of the polar and
+equatorial regions. The latter the author of the treatise refuses
+to believe because the city of Arin and the temple of “Jupiter
+Arenosus” are both known to lie within the equatorial zone. He
+proceeds then to explain why it is physically possible for the
+regions beyond the equator to be inhabited.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Peter Alphonsi,<a id='r719'></a><a href='#f719' class='c015'><sup>[719]</sup></a> also influenced by Arabic reasoning, argued
+that the existence of Arin on the equator was sufficient evidence of
+the habitability of the equatorial regions and gave a glowing account
+of the temperate climate and attractions of those parts of
+the world. Man can live throughout the entire area covered by
+the seven climates, he maintained, and, as his interpretation of
+ancient authorities led him to suppose that the first climate began
+at the equator, he was convinced that the equator also would support
+human life. On the other hand, he did not agree with the
+preamble to the <i>Marseilles Tables</i>, for he maintained that the
+parts of the earth in the southern hemisphere beyond Arin were
+not habitable. This was because the sun, on account of the eccentricity
+of its orbit, approaches much nearer the earth in those
+climes than it does in more northern latitudes. In this way he
+accounted for the excessive cold of the Arctic and polar regions
+and a (supposed) excessive heat of the trans-equatorial zones.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Plato of Tivoli’s translation of Al-Battānī’s work brought to
+Western knowledge another Arabic discussion of the probable
+characteristics of the areas of the earth’s surface unknown to
+man.<a id='r720'></a><a href='#f720' class='c015'><sup>[720]</sup></a> As to the equator, Al-Battānī said, it was uncertain
+whether men had actually been there or not. The climate, however,
+could not be excessively hot, because the sun in crossing the
+zenith, as it does twice a year between the tropics, does not remain
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>directly overhead very long. Al-Battānī saw no reason
+why winters and summers should not be temperate in countries
+along the equator and believed that these latitudes must have,
+in fact, a climate not greatly unlike that of Aden and Yemen,
+which, however hot it may seem to the European, apparently
+did not impress the Arabs by its torridity. The unknown districts
+of the world, Al-Battānī went on to explain, comprise
+eleven-twelfths of the whole. Though no man had ever reached
+them, he thought it not irrational to suppose that they were like
+the known parts, for the sun and stars must pass across them and
+produce in the same way winter and summer, the tides of the
+sea, and animal and vegetable life.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Grosseteste on the Habitable Parts of the Earth</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>When we come to the close of our period, we find that Robert
+Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, and after him his more famous
+pupil Roger Bacon, like Peter Alphonsi, took over from the Moslems
+much geographical and astronomical lore which they interpreted
+and freely criticized.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In a book entitled <i>De lineis angulis et figuris</i> Grosseteste elaborated
+some general principles relating to the incidence and reflection
+of rays from celestial bodies. The <i>De natura locorum</i> is an
+attempt to show how far these principles may be used to account
+for various phenomena of the earth’s surface. Grosseteste conceived
+of celestial rays and influences as emanating in an infinite
+number of cones, or “pyramids,” as he called them, the apexes of
+which were the celestial bodies; the longer and more oblique these
+pyramids, the weaker the effect of the rays upon the earth’s surface
+and vice versa.<a id='r721'></a><a href='#f721' class='c015'><sup>[721]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Let us see how Robert applied the principle of the pyramids to
+explain conditions in the equatorial zone, in the southern hemisphere,
+and in the polar regions.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>The Equatorial Zone</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Logically the equatorial zone should be scorched and burnt by
+the sun because the pyramids are there the shortest and the angles
+at which the rays reach the earth approach nearest to a right
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span>angle. As a matter of fact, Robert had it on the authority of
+Ptolemy and Avicenna that, whereas the subtropical regions are
+intensely hot, the subequatorial zone is not only temperate but
+extremely temperate (<i>temperatissimus</i>); indeed, he said, theologians
+place Paradise under the equator in the Orient. A modification
+of the principle of the pyramids was therefore necessary.
+In his readiness to admit such modifications of rules that he had
+laid down, Robert showed an open-minded and a scientific spirit.
+In order to allow for the circumstance of a supposedly temperate
+equatorial region, he stated that the heat received during the daytime
+must be neutralized by the coolness of the nights, since day
+and night between the tropics are always approximately the same
+length, as they are in the latitudes of Europe during spring and
+autumn only.<a id='r722'></a><a href='#f722' class='c015'><sup>[722]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>The Southern Hemisphere</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The southern hemisphere, on the other hand, Robert thought
+to be uninhabitable on account of the intense heat of summer and
+bitter cold of winter. The excessive heat he ascribed to the fact
+that the eccentricity of the solar orbit around the earth brings the
+sun no less than five degrees nearer the earth during the southern
+summer than it approaches during the northern summer.<a id='r723'></a><a href='#f723' class='c015'><sup>[723]</sup></a> The
+pyramids, or lines of heat radiation, are therefore shorter and the
+heat is more intense.<a id='r724'></a><a href='#f724' class='c015'><sup>[724]</sup></a> Conversely the southern winter must be
+colder than that of the north because the sun at that season is
+farthest from the earth.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Granting a geocentric universe, this reasoning was sound though
+its consequences were exaggerated. It is quite true that the
+earth is nearer the sun in the summer of the southern than in the
+summer of the northern hemisphere, yet no extreme results flow
+from this circumstance, and there is no great difference in the
+amount of heat received by each hemisphere.<a id='r725'></a><a href='#f725' class='c015'><sup>[725]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>An exaggerated idea of the differences in temperatures north
+and south of the equator led Robert,<a id='r726'></a><a href='#f726' class='c015'><sup>[726]</sup></a> and after him Roger
+Bacon,<a id='r727'></a><a href='#f727' class='c015'><sup>[727]</sup></a> to doubt the validity of the theory of the precession
+of the equinoxes. This phenomenon would inevitably produce a
+gradual shifting of the climatic conditions of the southern hemisphere
+to the northern, and, as a result, the latter would presumably
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>in the course of time become uninhabitable. Since this
+seemed incredible to Grosseteste and Bacon, they were impelled
+to deny the possibility of its cause.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>The Polar Regions</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>In discussing the climate and habitability of the polar regions,<a id='r728'></a><a href='#f728' class='c015'><sup>[728]</sup></a>
+Robert cites a work, <i>De vegetabilibus</i> (erroneously ascribed to Aristotle
+in the Middle Ages) and a commentary upon it. Here the
+extraordinary view was expressed that no plants or animals could
+survive in the polar zone because the heat of the sun would burn
+them up! This view originated in the known fact that the sun
+shines continuously for half the year at the pole and at no time
+sinks very far below the horizon. The commentator pointed out
+that the sun never retires more than 23° out of sight and that it is
+capable of illuminating and heating the atmosphere at 18° below
+the horizon. The theory, however, failed to take into account the
+very important fact that the sun’s rays reach the polar regions at
+a sharply oblique angle and that consequently their powers of
+generating heat are limited. This circumstance together with the
+“observations and reasoning of Aristotle, Ptolemy, and other
+authorities” led the Bishop of Lincoln conclusively to reject
+the singular theory of the <i>De vegetabilibus</i> and to attribute to the
+polar zones a climate that, in so far as it was dependent upon the
+disposition of the heavens, rendered these regions uninhabitable
+on account of the cold. Nevertheless, he recognized that there
+might be accidental local conditions, such as the presence of mountains
+of peculiar shape, capable in the polar regions of producing
+areas of intense heat or of delightfully temperate climate. But
+to this subject we shall revert in a later section devoted to
+the influence of mountains on climate.<a id='r729'></a><a href='#f729' class='c015'><sup>[729]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>CHAPTER VII<br> THE ATMOSPHERE</h3>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c010'>At the present time we divide the study of the atmosphere
+into the sciences of meteorology, devoted to the investigation of
+individual and local atmospheric phenomena, and climatology,
+devoted to the investigation of the geographical distribution of
+weather conditions throughout the world as observed during long
+periods of time. We may make the same arbitrary division in
+dealing with the theories current in the twelfth and thirteenth
+centuries. Meteorology and climatology, however, merge into
+each other. Some understanding of one is absolutely essential to
+an understanding of the other, and hence we must take certain
+meteorological theories into consideration before attempting to
+deal with the more truly geographic subject of climatology.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>METEOROLOGY</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Probably the most complete and satisfactory extant treatment
+of meteorology from our period is to be found in the writings of
+William of Conches, whose interest in physics and in the natural
+sciences led him to study carefully the views of Seneca and also
+to express at great length opinions of his own about the atmosphere.<a id='r730'></a><a href='#f730' class='c015'><sup>[730]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Composition of the Atmosphere</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In the first place, William had very definite ideas concerning
+the composition of the air. The aerial and aqueous spheres, he
+said, act as intermediaries between the spheres of fire and earth.<a id='r731'></a><a href='#f731' class='c015'><sup>[731]</sup></a>
+The qualities of the two latter are opposite; but the atmosphere
+partakes more or less of the qualities of each, for neither sphere
+is made up exclusively of one element. William was an atomist:
+he thought that matter is composed of minute atoms and that
+each atom is the smallest conceivable particle of one of the four
+elements.<a id='r732'></a><a href='#f732' class='c015'><sup>[732]</sup></a> He explained that the atmosphere, which extends
+up as far as the moon’s orbit, contains in addition to the aerial
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span>atoms a certain number of aqueous particles in its lower levels
+and of fiery atoms higher up. Hence its density and humidity
+decrease progressively from the earth’s surface upward; the higher
+air is clear and lucid, the abode of good demons or angels, messengers
+of God to man, whereas the lower air is full of clouds and
+constitutes the abode of evil spirits.<a id='r733'></a><a href='#f733' class='c015'><sup>[733]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>These parts of the atmosphere formed two out of five concentric
+regions into which William divided the entire universe.<a id='r734'></a><a href='#f734' class='c015'><sup>[734]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Temperature</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>With much acuteness of observation, William recognized the
+fact that the sun’s influence on the denser air of low altitudes is
+far more potent than it is on the rarer strata above.<a id='r735'></a><a href='#f735' class='c015'><sup>[735]</sup></a> Though
+heat comes from the sun, he said, it is not apparent until it becomes
+mingled with humidity. In valleys the air, lying stagnant
+and damp, is easily heated, whereas the dry upper levels remain
+cold even though the sun’s warmth passes through them. The
+presence of this coldness explains why snow is found on the summits
+of the highest mountains, for the belief that mountain snow
+is due to cold north winds William branded as false, observing
+that snow often occurs on the south as well as on the north sides
+of the peaks. Robert Grosseteste also held that the air at high
+altitudes is much colder than it is near the surface.<a id='r736'></a><a href='#f736' class='c015'><sup>[736]</sup></a> This, he
+said, was because the heating effect of the sun’s rays is inoperative
+on account of the transparency of the medium. At the surface
+heating takes place as a result of reflection and condensation of
+the solar rays.<a id='r737'></a><a href='#f737' class='c015'><sup>[737]</sup></a> The cold air at high levels explains the origin
+of perpetual snow on mountain tops. Hail is generated in these
+strata, rain at lower levels. Robert cited as proof of this the
+fact that birds of prey fly high in summer to cool off and that
+cranes and many other birds descend into the valleys to escape
+the icy chill but fly up the mountain sides to avoid the heat.<a id='r738'></a><a href='#f738' class='c015'><sup>[738]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Upper Levels of the Atmosphere</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In contrast with these opinions of William of Conches and
+Robert Grosseteste, which were based apparently on more or
+less direct observation, we find echoes in our period of a doctrine
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span>that had its roots in classical mythology—the doctrine that
+above a certain height on mountain peaks the air is undisturbed
+by wind and unsullied by clouds.<a id='r739'></a><a href='#f739' class='c015'><sup>[739]</sup></a> Hermann the Dalmatian
+hints at this in his <i>Liber de essentiis</i>. In the course of a discussion
+of the dimensions of the habitable area of the earth’s surface
+that had probably been suggested by the reading of Arabic
+works he explains that the living offspring of the earth require
+for the maintenance of life a certain heavy, “greasy” terrestrial
+vapor which, “as Aristotle determined from the height of Olympus,
+does not rise more than sixteen stades above the earth’s
+surface. Here consequently would seem to be the upper limit
+of our habitable zone. Possibly this might be measured by means
+of the rainbow, which, according to the description of Hipparchus,
+reaches from the clouds themselves down to the surface of
+the earth. But since Hipparchus’ description is not accurate
+nor is the figure of the rainbow a semicircle, we leave the matter
+for whosoever may wish to prove it.”<a id='r740'></a><a href='#f740' class='c015'><sup>[740]</sup></a> Peter Alphonsi, who was
+also influenced by Moslem thought, placed the upper limit of the
+clouds at sixteen miles,<a id='r741'></a><a href='#f741' class='c015'><sup>[741]</sup></a> a figure which may have been derived
+from the same origin as Hermann’s sixteen stades. Peter Comestor
+inserted in his <i>Historia scholastica</i> some observations in regard
+to the tranquillity of the summit of Mount Olympus and the
+physiological effects of the rarity of the atmosphere.<a id='r742'></a><a href='#f742' class='c015'><sup>[742]</sup></a> So quiet
+and untroubled by winds is this peak that letters written there
+in the dust remain legible for a year. The air is too thin even to
+support the life of birds, and several philosophers who climbed
+the mountain would have been unable to remain on top if they
+had not held to their faces sponges soaked with water and in this
+way made it possible to breathe by attracting denser air to their
+nostrils.<a id='r743'></a><a href='#f743' class='c015'><sup>[743]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Clouds</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In this connection a puzzling question seems to have occurred
+to William of Conches. If the general rule holds that the atmosphere
+is rarer higher up than on the earth’s surface, how then
+does it happen that the upper air so often becomes dense in the
+form of clouds? To this William gave the correct answer,<a id='r744'></a><a href='#f744' class='c015'><sup>[744]</sup></a> that
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>clouds are not composed of air of greater density than the surrounding
+parts of the atmosphere, but that water vapor arising
+from below is turned into clouds by the cold. True as it may be,
+this idea does not fit in very well with William’s theory of the
+coldness of the higher altitudes. First he maintains that one of
+the main reasons why the upper air is cold is because it lacks
+dampness; then he goes on to explain that dampness rising to a
+great elevation is converted by the cold into clouds. Though
+there is no direct contradiction of two statements here, one cannot
+but sense inconsistency and looseness of thought of a sort
+that pervades all medieval natural science, though William of
+Conches on the whole was rather less illogical and less inconsistent
+than most of his contemporaries.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Much the same explanation of the effects of cold on the condensation
+of water vapor is found in the <i>Dialogus</i> of Peter Alphonsi,<a id='r745'></a><a href='#f745' class='c015'><sup>[745]</sup></a>
+where it is shown that the sun draws a damp vapor
+from the sea and a dry humor from the land. Out of a combination
+of these, clouds are formed which rise until they reach a
+height of about sixteen miles. Here, coming in contact with
+strata of cold air, they are prevented from ascending any higher,
+and the damp vapor may be precipitated in the form of rain.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Precipitation</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>William of Conches also endeavored to explain rainfall.<a id='r746'></a><a href='#f746' class='c015'><sup>[746]</sup></a>
+This phenomenon may result, he said, from various causes:
+either from the conversion into drops of water of dense vapors
+arising from the earth, from the actual transformation of air into
+water through the influence of cold, from the tumbling back to
+earth of some of the water which the sun raises to itself for its
+own nourishment,<a id='r747'></a><a href='#f747' class='c015'><sup>[747]</sup></a> or, finally, from water swept up by the
+winds off the surface of streams, lakes, and swamps. That the
+last was possible he believed to be demonstrated by the fact that
+frogs sometimes fall with raindrops!<a id='r748'></a><a href='#f748' class='c015'><sup>[748]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Theodoric of Chartres gives a clear statement<a id='r749'></a><a href='#f749' class='c015'><sup>[749]</sup></a> of the theory
+of evaporation, condensation, and precipitation in terms that
+sound almost modern. Heat, he says, causes water to ascend
+into the atmosphere in minute drops which form clouds. If the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span>heat increases, these droplets turn to pure air; if it diminishes,
+they coalesce into rain. The most minute drops are constricted
+by a cold wind into snow; when the drops are large they are converted
+into hail by the same agency.<a id='r750'></a><a href='#f750' class='c015'><sup>[750]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Topographic influences on precipitation were partially understood
+by Giraldus Cambrensis, who believed that the influence
+of land—particularly hilly land—frequently tends to change the
+vapors of the air into mists and clouds, or rain and snow.<a id='r751'></a><a href='#f751' class='c015'><sup>[751]</sup></a> In
+the seas off Ireland, for instance, water is attracted into the
+atmosphere in immense quantities; the temperature being
+equable, the water is neither consumed by an excess of heat nor
+turned to snow by an excess of cold but is altered into rain, a
+process greatly facilitated by the presence of many mountains
+in Ireland.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Floods; The Deluge</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>An excess of rainfall results in floods. William of Conches
+believed that under normal conditions the warmth of summer
+counteracts the excessive dampness of winter but that a long
+series of cool, damp summers will end in floods and, conversely,
+a series of hot, dry summers will end in droughts. But, however
+many local floods there may be, only one <i>diluvium</i>, or deluge, is
+possible.<a id='r752'></a><a href='#f752' class='c015'><sup>[752]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Whence came the waters of the Deluge? This was a question
+which puzzled some of the commentators on Scripture during
+the Middle Ages. Adelard, though he did not believe it himself,
+cited a theory that the purpose of the waters above the firmament
+was to furnish these waters.<a id='r753'></a><a href='#f753' class='c015'><sup>[753]</sup></a> Peter Comestor,<a id='r754'></a><a href='#f754' class='c015'><sup>[754]</sup></a> followed
+by Gervase of Tilbury,<a id='r755'></a><a href='#f755' class='c015'><sup>[755]</sup></a> said that they came partly from the
+bowels of the earth and partly from the air above and that they
+rose higher than the tops of the mountains of today,<a id='r756'></a><a href='#f756' class='c015'><sup>[756]</sup></a> to the level
+to which the vapors of burnt offerings ascend. Gervase also
+spoke of a curious theory that there may have been no rain in
+Paradise nor anywhere on the earth until the time of the Deluge.<a id='r757'></a><a href='#f757' class='c015'><sup>[757]</sup></a>
+The vegetation in the Garden was watered in these early days
+by the heavenly dew. The argument that no rain fell until the
+Deluge was based, he said, on the words of God to Noah: “I
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span>will no more curse the earth for the sake of men;&#160;... seedtime
+and harvest, cold and heat, summer and winter, night and
+day shall not cease” (Gen. viii, 21–22). Gervase adds: “Perhaps
+the four seasons were not yet fully distinguished one from
+the other, since not until the time of the Deluge were the waters
+gathered into clouds.”<a id='r758'></a><a href='#f758' class='c015'><sup>[758]</sup></a> According to the <i>Liber divinorum
+operum</i> of Hildegard the temperature was far hotter before the
+Deluge than it has been since, and “the men of that time possessed
+great bodily strength in order that they might endure this
+heat. The Deluge reduced the temperature, and men since have
+been weaker” (Thorndike).<a id='r759'></a><a href='#f759' class='c015'><sup>[759]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Winds</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The winds interested the men of the twelfth and thirteenth
+centuries even more than rainfall. Popular notions of winds,
+rain, and storms as manifestations of magical powers or evil
+spirits,<a id='r760'></a><a href='#f760' class='c015'><sup>[760]</sup></a> though universally believed among the unlearned, were
+not given serious consideration by the majority of scholars. Isidore,
+Bede, Raban Maur, and those who copied from them during
+our period—the author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i><a id='r761'></a><a href='#f761' class='c015'><sup>[761]</sup></a> and Gervase of
+Tilbury in his <i>Otia imperialia</i>—defined wind as air in a disturbed
+and agitated condition,<a id='r762'></a><a href='#f762' class='c015'><sup>[762]</sup></a> Adelard of Bath said it was dense air
+moving in a particular direction,<a id='r763'></a><a href='#f763' class='c015'><sup>[763]</sup></a> and William of Conches used
+Seneca’s definition, “Wind is air flowing one way.”<a id='r764'></a><a href='#f764' class='c015'><sup>[764]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Hildegard of Bingen made the winds play a supremely important
+part in the dynamics and physics of the universe. To the
+winds she ascribed the movement of the firmament from east to
+west and of the planets from west to east.<a id='r765'></a><a href='#f765' class='c015'><sup>[765]</sup></a> Were it not for the
+winds, she said, the fires of the south, the waters of the west, the
+shadows of the north would burst forth over the earth. The four
+winds are the wings of God’s power; were they to move forward at
+once all the elements would be confounded and split asunder, and
+they would shake the sea and dry up its waters.<a id='r766'></a><a href='#f766' class='c015'><sup>[766]</sup></a> As the body of
+man is held together by the soul, so the whole firmament is kept
+intact by the winds lest it be corrupted; and the winds are invisible
+like the soul, which comes from the mystery of God<a id='r767'></a><a href='#f767' class='c015'><sup>[767]</sup></a> (see
+Fig. 5, p. 149).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span>What causes the wind? William of Conches made one of the
+most elaborate attempts in many centuries to answer this,<a id='r768'></a><a href='#f768' class='c015'><sup>[768]</sup></a> for,
+though borrowing largely from Seneca, he added some significant
+observations of his own. In the first place he argued that local
+winds are produced by various local causes, as, for instance, when
+air enters a cavern, on account of its <i>labilitas</i>, or fluidity, it tends
+to force out the air already there and thus to make a commotion
+which generates wind. We may be allowed to suppose here that
+William has in mind a cavern with two entrances, for it is difficult
+to understand how such an effect could be produced in a cavern
+with only one. Similarly, William thought that waters entering
+the hollows of the earth tend to force out the vapors therein contained
+and thus to produce blasts and even earthquakes. A
+damp vapor in rising might cause a wind to blow on account of
+the removal of its weight (<i>ex ponderatione sua</i>). William borrowed
+the idea that winds may result from the destruction and
+flattening out of clouds directly from the ἐκνέφτα, or “cloud
+breezes,” of Aristotle and Seneca. Adelard of Bath also attributed
+the origin of certain winds to local exhalations of vapors off
+the surface of land and water. “Marshes and valleys give up a
+great deal of dense air, which in the natural course of things rises
+upward; further, when they are loosened, they give back to its
+natural position much moisture of water which they had previously
+held imprisoned; add to this that I do not exclude from my
+statement the actual air which is the content of earth” (Gollancz’s
+translation).<a id='r769'></a><a href='#f769' class='c015'><sup>[769]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Atmospheric Circulation</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The most original theory of the winds was not any of those
+which attempted to account for purely local breezes but an explanation
+propounded by William of Conches of the circulation of the
+atmosphere as a whole. Unlike our modern conceptions of atmospheric
+circulation based on the observation of facts, William’s
+ingenious theory seems to have been the product of his own vivid
+imagination. It was founded on a persistent idea, dating back to
+classical times, that disturbances in the water can produce currents
+of air. Gervase of Tilbury, for example, states in so many
+words that “mountains and water cause winds” and that the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>swift-flowing Rhone makes the <i>mistral</i> that blows over Provence
+and Dauphiny.<a id='r770'></a><a href='#f770' class='c015'><sup>[770]</sup></a> William of Conches<a id='r771'></a><a href='#f771' class='c015'><sup>[771]</sup></a> believed that there are
+two ocean currents trending east and west out of the equatorial
+ocean. Each of these was supposed to divide in two at the extremities
+of our <i>oikoumene</i>, making four currents which collide at
+the North and South Poles in the ocean perpendicular to the
+equatorial ring (Amphitrites). The cardinal winds are generated
+at four points, at the two junctions of the oceans where the currents
+divide and at the poles where they collide. The western
+division gives rise to Zephyr, the eastern to Eurus, the collision at
+the North Pole to Boreas, and the one at the South Pole to Auster.
+It may happen, however, that one of the currents will on occasion
+flow more strongly than its opponent and will push the point of
+collision beyond the pole. This displacement of the point of collision
+explains the blowing of the collateral winds. Absurd as it
+may be in itself, this theory is of interest to us mainly because it
+shows that William understood that a broad system of atmospheric
+circulation is possible and assigned to it, as well as to local
+breezes, a purely physical cause. Curiously enough, it is the
+exact reverse of our modern conception of the usual relation existing
+between atmospheric and ocean currents, for now we understand
+that the winds are more effective as the cause of the ocean
+currents than vice versa.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>William also maintained, as we shall see later,<a id='r772'></a><a href='#f772' class='c015'><sup>[772]</sup></a> that the tides
+are produced by the impact of ocean currents. Why then, it was
+asked, if the tides are of daily, periodic occurrence, do not the
+winds, which he tells us result from the same cause, show a similar
+periodicity? To this William replied<a id='r773'></a><a href='#f773' class='c015'><sup>[773]</sup></a> that the winds in fact do
+show such regularity but that it is not apparent to us for two
+reasons: in the first place, wind produced by these causes does not
+always reach the part of the earth where we happen to be; and,
+secondly, the resulting wind may blow at such a high altitude as
+not to be noticed by men on the ground—an observation now well
+known to be true.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Names of the Winds</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Classical names for the winds were almost universally employed.
+The distinction between cardinal and collateral which
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span>was made by William of Conches goes back to the Greeks,<a id='r774'></a><a href='#f774' class='c015'><sup>[774]</sup></a> who
+had conceived of four cardinal and four, six, seven, or eight collateral
+winds. Seneca’s<a id='r775'></a><a href='#f775' class='c015'><sup>[775]</sup></a> rose of twelve winds, the idea of which
+in its essentials had been derived from Posidonius, Timosthenes,
+and, ultimately, from Aristotle, was adopted by Isidore, who
+passed it on to the Middle Ages, though terrible confusion
+(which, happily, it is not necessary for us to unravel) reigned at all
+times regarding the names employed to designate its elements.<a id='r776'></a><a href='#f776' class='c015'><sup>[776]</sup></a>
+In addition to the classical terms, our modern names were already
+familiar. In the Ghent manuscript of Lambert of St. Omer’s
+<i>Liber floridus</i><a id='r777'></a><a href='#f777' class='c015'><sup>[777]</sup></a> there is a diagram in which the winds are called
+“ost-ost,” “sud-ost,” “sud-sud,” “sud-west,” “west-west,”
+“nord-west,” “nord-nord,” and “nord-ost.” This terminology
+was used in the time of Charlemagne<a id='r778'></a><a href='#f778' class='c015'><sup>[778]</sup></a> and is probably of Anglo-Saxon
+origin,<a id='r779'></a><a href='#f779' class='c015'><sup>[779]</sup></a> although it has been suggested that the terms are
+corruptions of Latin words—“ost” from “Augustus;” “ovest,”
+or “west,” from “ob est;” “nord” from “novus arctus,” etc.<a id='r780'></a><a href='#f780' class='c015'><sup>[780]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Qualities of the Winds</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>To the various winds classical and medieval writers liked to attribute
+qualities—or, at any rate, descriptive adjectives, “cold”
+or “hot,” “dry” or “damp,” “stormy” or “calm,” and the like—but
+there was little enough uniformity in making these distinctions.
+Some writers of our period seem to have been content
+merely to repeat what had been said in classical times; others,
+like William of Conches or Giraldus Cambrensis, showed more independence.
+Boreas was probably universally regarded as cold
+and Auster as hot, but beyond this we cannot generalize.<a id='r781'></a><a href='#f781' class='c015'><sup>[781]</sup></a> William
+of Conches<a id='r782'></a><a href='#f782' class='c015'><sup>[782]</sup></a> conceived of the winds as partaking of the qualities
+of the regions over which they blow: Auster, coming from the
+South Pole and hence originally frigid like Boreas, in its passage
+across the torrid, equatorial zone becomes hot and dry—an observation
+which may perhaps be founded on some knowledge of the
+<i>sirocco</i> of the Mediterranean. On the other hand, Giraldus Cambrensis,
+undoubtedly from personal acquaintance with the water-laden
+south and southwest gales of the British Isles, calls Auster
+damp and rainy in winter. Similarly Giraldus breaks with classical
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span>tradition when he speaks of the east wind, or Eurus, as pure
+and clear, a bringer of fair summer weather, strikingly different
+from Zephyr, wet and cloudy from the sea.<a id='r783'></a><a href='#f783' class='c015'><sup>[783]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Local Winds</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>We find occasional descriptions—some of them from personal
+observation, no doubt—of winds peculiar to particular parts of
+the world. Gervase of Tilbury, as we have seen, tells of very violent
+blasts in the Rhone valley,<a id='r784'></a><a href='#f784' class='c015'><sup>[784]</sup></a> supposedly generated by the current
+of the river in a region now famed for the furious <i>mistral</i> that
+sweeps across Dauphiny and Provence from the north. In another
+connection<a id='r785'></a><a href='#f785' class='c015'><sup>[785]</sup></a> he tells of a valley in the Kingdom of Arles,
+once so shut in by precipitous mountains that no winds at all entered
+it and that it consequently was sterile and useless. In the
+time of Charlemagne, however, Caesarius, the archbishop of Arles,
+filled his glove with sea breezes and let them forth in the valley;
+thus originated a wind known as <i>pontianum</i>, which wrought an
+immediate change in the character of the place and caused it
+henceforth to become fertile and healthy. This wind was doubtless
+the breeze now called <i>pontias</i> that blows at Nyons in the
+Department of the Drôme; but as to its miraculous origin Gervase
+is merely repeating one of many popular medieval stories.<a id='r786'></a><a href='#f786' class='c015'><sup>[786]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>William of Tyre<a id='r787'></a><a href='#f787' class='c015'><sup>[787]</sup></a> describes in vivid terms the <i>simoom</i> of the
+Arabian desert and how men have to lie flat on the ground at the
+time of its passing: equal to a storm at sea, it sweeps down upon
+the traveler waves of sand as huge as those of the sea and causes
+grave danger to persons who would cross the desert.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>CLIMATOLOGY</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The most important factor in determining the atmospheric
+climate of any given region is the amount of sunlight and
+heat received. This, in turn, depends largely on geographical
+latitude. As we have already discussed the broad climatic divisions
+of the earth’s surface in zones, it remains here for us to deal
+merely with what was known of climatic conditions within the
+<i>oikoumene</i>.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Hot and Cold Climates</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Climatic differences between northerly and southerly latitudes
+were well understood. Classical writers had told of the coldness
+of the regions beyond Thule, and in the <i>De imagine mundi</i><a id='r788'></a><a href='#f788' class='c015'><sup>[788]</sup></a> we
+read that in those parts the sea is frozen and perpetual cold prevails.
+An interpolation into Solinus’ <i>Collectanea rerum memorabilium</i>
+dating perhaps from our period contains a vivid and possibly
+exaggerated description of the cold of Iceland: “These people
+also are good Christians, but in winter they dare not leave
+their underground holes on account of the terrible cold. For if
+they go out they are smitten by such terrible cold that they lose
+their color like lepers and swell up. If by chance they blow their
+nose, it comes off and they throw it away” (Nansen’s translation).<a id='r789'></a><a href='#f789' class='c015'><sup>[789]</sup></a>
+Giraldus Cambrensis praises the temperate climate of
+Ireland, placed between the torrid warmth of Spain and the rigors
+of Iceland;<a id='r790'></a><a href='#f790' class='c015'><sup>[790]</sup></a> and the chroniclers and historians of the Crusades
+give evidence of first-hand knowledge of the terrific summer heats
+in the Holy Land.<a id='r791'></a><a href='#f791' class='c015'><sup>[791]</sup></a> Ambroise says, for example:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c017'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“<span lang="fr">Ca c’est entur la seint Johan</span></div>
+      <div class='line'><span lang="fr">Que la chalur tote rien seche</span></div>
+      <div class='line'><span lang="fr">En la terre, tele est sa teche.</span>”<a id='r792'></a><a href='#f792' class='c015'><sup>[792]</sup></a></div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'>Benjamin of Tudela’s extensive travels made him familiar with
+countries of widely different climate. The peculiarities of some
+of these he notes briefly. Writing of Russia, for example, he remarks
+that “no one issues forth from his house in winter time on
+account of the cold. People are to be found there who have lost
+the tips of their noses by reason of the frost” (Adler’s translation).<a id='r793'></a><a href='#f793' class='c015'><sup>[793]</sup></a>
+Similarly it was his belief that in Khulam (or Quilon)
+in southern India no one left his home all through the summer on
+account of the sun.<a id='r794'></a><a href='#f794' class='c015'><sup>[794]</sup></a> A hint of the intensity of the Mesopotamian
+summer is given in a description of a hospital in Baghdad, which
+Benjamin had perhaps seen, “where they keep charge of the demented
+persons who have become insane through the great heat&#160;... and
+they chain each of them with iron chains until their
+reason becomes restored to them in the winter time” (Adler’s
+translation).<a id='r795'></a><a href='#f795' class='c015'><sup>[795]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Distribution of Climates</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>William of Conches, in his usual manner, tried to generalize on
+climates. He said that our habitable portion of the earth’s surface
+is not of an even temperature throughout. The parts nearest
+the torrid zone, Ethiopia and Libya, are hot and dry; the
+northern parts near the frigid zone are cold and damp. Furthermore,
+though for us it is less easy to see exactly why, the West is
+cold and dry, and the East warm and damp. The symmetry of
+the system is perfect: climates vary in a direct ratio with distance,
+or, as William puts it, “Aequaliter vero distans, aequaliter est
+temperata.”<a id='r796'></a><a href='#f796' class='c015'><sup>[796]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Climatic Differences Between East and West</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Men were not so well agreed in the Middle Ages regarding differences
+of climate between East and West as regarding those between
+North and South. Bartholomew Anglicus<a id='r797'></a><a href='#f797' class='c015'><sup>[797]</sup></a> believed the
+West to be cold and damp and the East hot and dry, an opinion
+unlike that of William of Conches in that it may well have been
+based on actual observation rather than on theory. Giraldus
+Cambrensis in the <i>Topographia Hiberniae</i> gives a long discourse<a id='r798'></a><a href='#f798' class='c015'><sup>[798]</sup></a>
+on climatic and other differences between the Orient and Occident,
+in which his main contention is that, though the air is
+clearer, finer, and more “subtle” in the East, the stormy and
+damp climates of the West are better for the health. The true
+climate of the Orient—that is of the Levant—had been made
+known to the Occidental world through the Crusaders, who often
+dwelt with insistence on its disagreeable and injurious qualities,
+especially the heat, dust, and thirst of the Syrian summer, which
+dried cisterns and carried disease and death in its train. In the
+East, Giraldus says, everything threatens the traveler, and he
+writes a word of warning against doing many of those very things
+which the modern wanderer in the Levant knows to be imprudent:
+such as going uncovered, sitting on rocks, or overeating.<a id='r799'></a><a href='#f799' class='c015'><sup>[799]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Topographic Influences Upon Climate</span></h5>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>The Sea</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>During our period we find several descriptions of local climatic
+conditions and of variations due to topographic features like sea
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span>and mountains. A vivid impression of the wild marine weather of
+the North Atlantic off the coast of Ireland is given us in the narrative
+of St. Brandan’s wanderings. The saint and his companions
+were forced to remain three months on an island because of
+storms with furious gales, rain, and hail.<a id='r800'></a><a href='#f800' class='c015'><sup>[800]</sup></a> Giraldus Cambrensis<a id='r801'></a><a href='#f801' class='c015'><sup>[801]</sup></a>
+pictures the turbulent climate of Ireland, an isle surrounded by
+vast seas, unprotected and exposed to all the blasts. He was especially
+struck by the thick and rainy westerly gales, Zephyr and
+Corus, which bend over the trees in the seaward parts of the island.
+However violent the winds, Giraldus maintained that Ireland
+is the most temperate of all lands:<a id='r802'></a><a href='#f802' class='c015'><sup>[802]</sup></a> snow there is infrequent
+and when it comes lasts but a short while. Though cold weather
+accompanies all the winds, it never becomes too cold, and green
+grass grows in the pastures at all times of year. Yet so constant
+is the dampness, so prevalent the rain and clouds, that a clear day
+is rare indeed.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Mountains</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>William of Conches speaks in general terms of the influence of
+mountains on climate. We have seen how he recognized the fact
+that the tops of mountains are colder than the valleys below.<a id='r803'></a><a href='#f803' class='c015'><sup>[803]</sup></a> In
+another connection<a id='r804'></a><a href='#f804' class='c015'><sup>[804]</sup></a> he explained that places cut off from the
+north winds by mountains have dry, warm conditions and are
+good for winter residence, though less desirable in summer. The
+opposite is true of places on the north sides. Similarly, places exposed
+to the east are warm and damp with a pleasant autumn but
+bad spring weather, and the converse is true of places with a western
+exposure. This systematic arrangement is deduced from
+William’s fundamental and oversymmetrical conception of the
+various climatic characteristics of the cardinal points of the compass.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Gunther of Pairis, in his <i>Ligurinus</i>,<a id='r805'></a><a href='#f805' class='c015'><sup>[805]</sup></a> embellishes a description
+of the mountain ranges of Italy with an imaginative discourse on
+how they influence the climate: the Apennines temper the moist,
+summer heat of the south wind, and the crags of the Alps cut off
+the cold northerly gales of Boreas and Arctos. Giraldus Cambrensis
+says<a id='r806'></a><a href='#f806' class='c015'><sup>[806]</sup></a> that Ireland, like all other mountainous districts,
+produces an abundance of rain. In the <i>Itinerarium Kambriae</i><a id='r807'></a><a href='#f807' class='c015'><sup>[807]</sup></a>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_179'>179</span>he explains that the lake of Brecknock (Llangorse) in Wales is
+encircled north, west, and south by high mountains. The great
+range of Cader Arthur to the south, by cutting off the rays of the
+sun, renders the climate in the vicinity of the lake both pleasant
+and healthy. The valley of Ewyas, completely surrounded by
+mountains (now the Black Mountains), is constantly the resting
+place of clouds, strong gales, and rain, which make it, in Giraldus’
+opinion, an extremely healthful locality.<a id='r808'></a><a href='#f808' class='c015'><sup>[808]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We cannot leave this subject without alluding again to the
+theoretical discussion of the influence of mountains on the climate
+of the polar regions that is found in that most interesting treatise
+of Robert Grosseteste, the <i>De natura locorum</i>. The bishop of
+Lincoln recognized the fact that insolation is greatly reduced in
+high latitudes owing to the obliquity of the sun’s rays and that
+the climate normally should be too cold to sustain life. He believed,
+however, that the presence of very high mountains,
+Rhipaean, Hyperborean, and others to which the authorities referred,
+might totally neutralize the effects of position in relation
+to the sun’s rays. “Some of these mountains,” he wrote,<a id='r809'></a><a href='#f809' class='c015'><sup>[809]</sup></a> “are
+smooth of surface, like the salt or rock hills that are found in many
+places, and others are in the nature of crystal, as divers authors
+and explorers testify, so that the reflection from them is good.
+As a result of this they are able to cause the rays all to converge
+and to produce a powerful effect. From these two accidental
+causes, that is from the smoothness of the mountains and from
+their concave shape, there is an intense heating of the air in certain
+regions around the pole. The great height of some of these
+mountains also cuts off the cold of the north, and thus certain localities
+may well be intensely hot.” On the other hand, Grosseteste
+had learned from Capella, Pliny, Solinus, and “many
+others who describe the regions of the world that in the Hyperborean
+Mountains next to the pole there are men who are called
+Hyperboreans from these mountains. And they enjoy the most
+temperate and healthy of climates and as a result live to such an
+age that they grow tired of life and without other cause throw
+themselves off of high rocks into the sea and die. The cause of
+this may be assigned to the form of the mountains beneath which
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_180'>180</span>they dwell, inasmuch as these mountains are smooth and of even
+surface, nor are they concave but are elongated (<i>oblongam</i>) and
+convex or of some other shape which does not concentrate the
+heat in those regions but on the contrary renders the climate
+temperate.”<a id='r810'></a><a href='#f810' class='c015'><sup>[810]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Influence of Climate on Man</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In the literature of our period we find several observations
+about the influence of climate on man. Gervase of Tilbury<a id='r811'></a><a href='#f811' class='c015'><sup>[811]</sup></a>
+maintained that the character of the different European peoples
+varies with varying climatic conditions. “According to the diversities
+of the air the Romans are grave, the Greeks fickle and unreliable,
+the Africans sly and crafty, the Gauls fierce, and the
+English and Teutons powerful and robust.”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In another connection<a id='r812'></a><a href='#f812' class='c015'><sup>[812]</sup></a> he explains that the violent <i>mistral</i> of
+the Rhone valley generates in this region men who are windy,
+empty-headed, inconsistent, and most unreliable in their promises.
+The supposedly mollifying influence of a warmer climate
+on the Lombards is hinted at by Otto of Freising.<a id='r813'></a><a href='#f813' class='c015'><sup>[813]</sup></a> Otto believed
+that these tribes gave up their ferocity on settling in Italy, where
+they adopted Italian customs, partly because they married Italian
+women but partly also because of the nature of the country
+and climate (<i>ex terris aerisve</i>). We have already seen how
+Giraldus Cambrensis stressed the healthy qualities of damp and
+humid Ireland in contrast with the disease-breeding Orient.
+Even the most delicate persons thrive in Ireland, he said, and
+though the Eastern air may endow men with keener wits and
+intelligence, the West gives them stronger bodies and a more
+martial spirit.<a id='r814'></a><a href='#f814' class='c015'><sup>[814]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Climate of Rome</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>If we may believe Otto of Freising<a id='r815'></a><a href='#f815' class='c015'><sup>[815]</sup></a> and Gunther of Pairis,<a id='r816'></a><a href='#f816' class='c015'><sup>[816]</sup></a>
+the climate of Rome was even more noxious and dangerous in the
+twelfth than in the nineteenth century. Otto tells us that Frederick
+Barbarossa’s army arrived in Rome in midsummer when the
+Dog Star was on high. It was a time when the ponds, caverns,
+and ruinous places around the city were exhaling poisonous vapors,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_181'>181</span>and the air in the entire vicinity had become densely laden
+with pestilence and death. Gunther enlarges on this, giving a
+circumstantial, though probably fanciful, account of the effects of
+the terrible Roman summer on the German army, especially of the
+disease and malaria engendered by the climate and foul condition
+of the city.<a id='r817'></a><a href='#f817' class='c015'><sup>[817]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_182'>182</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>CHAPTER VIII<br> THE WATERS</h3>
+</div>
+<h4 class='c014'><i>THE WATERS ABOVE THE FIRMAMENT</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Rationalistic Beliefs</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>“And God made the firmament and divided the waters which
+were under the firmament from the waters which were above the
+firmament” (Gen. i, 7).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We saw in Chapter II that this text had induced many of
+the earlier Church Fathers to devise strange theories about the
+waters above the firmament. The idea of Jerome, Josephus,
+Ambrose, Isidore, and Bede that these waters were in crystalline,
+or frozen, form met with opposition from those who were influenced
+by classical science and especially by the writings of
+Aristotle. Abelard in his <i>Expositio in hexaemeron</i><a id='r818'></a><a href='#f818' class='c015'><sup>[818]</sup></a> discussed in
+considerable detail various opinions about the existence of
+solidified water above the firmament, though personally he was
+inclined to think that the air sustains the water in the form of
+very fine drops. That much heavier objects may sometimes be
+supported by air or water he proved by citing examples of cases
+where this is actually known to happen, as where a needle may
+be made to float on water. Theodoric of Chartres and William
+of Conches approached the problem from an even more rationalistic
+standpoint. Theodoric<a id='r819'></a><a href='#f819' class='c015'><sup>[819]</sup></a> held that water, when subjected
+to sufficient heat, turns into “pure air.” On the second day of
+the Creation the fire element heated the water element in such a
+way that large portions of the latter rose as high as the moon and
+were there suspended in vaporous form “above the top of the
+sky” (<i>super summam coeli</i>). As a result the atmosphere became
+intercalated between the liquid water of the earth’s surface and
+this water vapor above the firmament. The firmament itself,
+Theodoric contended, was merely the air and was so called either
+because it “firmly” supported that which was above it and enclosed
+that which was below it or else because it “firmly”
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_183'>183</span>gripped the earth on all sides. William of Conches also argued
+against the possibility of frozen water above the firmament.<a id='r820'></a><a href='#f820' class='c015'><sup>[820]</sup></a>
+This, he declared, is quite contrary to reason: frozen water is
+solid and heavy, and the place for solid and heavy substances in
+the constitution of the universe is either on or beneath the earth’s
+surface. Then again, water in or near the celestial sphere—which
+is the abode of fire—would either extinguish the fire or
+else itself be consumed. William objected to juggling with the
+Aristotelian laws of physics. He explained the Biblical text by
+asserting that the firmament is the atmosphere and that the
+waters “above” it are in reality nothing more than the clouds
+within it.<a id='r821'></a><a href='#f821' class='c015'><sup>[821]</sup></a> On the whole, he concluded that the text should be
+interpreted allegorically rather than literally.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Literal Beliefs</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In decided contrast with these more or less rationalistic
+theories was Michael Scot’s bold assertion that beyond the
+realm of fire and above the eighth heavenly sphere comes a
+“multitude of waters,”<a id='r822'></a><a href='#f822' class='c015'><sup>[822]</sup></a> or Gervase of Tilbury’s extraordinary
+account of a sea either in or above the atmosphere. To prove
+the existence of such a sea Gervase told<a id='r823'></a><a href='#f823' class='c015'><sup>[823]</sup></a> how “in his time some
+people coming out of a church in England found an anchor let
+down by a rope out of the heavens, how there came voices from
+sailors above trying to loose the anchor, and, finally, how a
+sailor came down the rope, who, on reaching the earth, died as if
+drowned in water” (White).<a id='r824'></a><a href='#f824' class='c015'><sup>[824]</sup></a> William of Auvergne, Platonist of
+the early thirteenth century and staunch opponent of Aristotelianism,
+also found no difficulties in the way of literal belief in the
+waters above the firmament. Ignoring the arguments of Peripatetic
+physics, he wrote:<a id='r825'></a><a href='#f825' class='c015'><sup>[825]</sup></a> “Nobody in the world is either
+amazed or horrified at the presence of fire beneath the waters
+and more especially beneath the earth. This is proved to the
+eye by the fiery outbreaks from three mountains (that is Vulcano,
+Etna, and Chimaera). Why then should one wonder so
+much that water is found above the heavens?”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Hildegard of Bingen gave expression to some views, probably
+original with her, regarding the waters above the firmament.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_184'>184</span>In the <i>Causae et curae</i> she speaks of “the waters of the great sea
+which surrounds the world and forms as it were a flank to those
+waters which are above the firmament, because the height
+(<i>summitas</i>) of those which are above and the extreme edge
+(<i>extremitas</i>) of those which are below the firmament are mutually
+joined together.”<a id='r826'></a><a href='#f826' class='c015'><sup>[826]</sup></a> In the <i>Solutiones</i> she characterized the celestial
+waters, asserting that they neither increase nor decrease
+(implying perhaps that they are disturbed by no tides) but that
+they have remained just as they are now since God created them.
+They are unlike the waters of the earth inasmuch as they are far
+more fine in texture and entirely invisible to human eyes.<a id='r827'></a><a href='#f827' class='c015'><sup>[827]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Purpose of the Waters</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>What purpose is served by the waters above the firmament?
+Gervase of Tilbury declared that they supply the earth with
+dew.<a id='r828'></a><a href='#f828' class='c015'><sup>[828]</sup></a> Abelard said that there were two opinions on this
+subject.<a id='r829'></a><a href='#f829' class='c015'><sup>[829]</sup></a> The first was that the waters were originally placed
+in the heavens in order to be used in the Deluge. To this he was
+opposed, because the Psalms show that the waters were still in
+existence in David’s time, long after the Flood. If there had
+not been waters above the firmament in David’s time, how could
+the latter have sung: “Praise ye the Lord&#160;... ye heavens
+of heavens and let all the waters that are above the heavens praise
+the name of the Lord”?<a id='r830'></a><a href='#f830' class='c015'><sup>[830]</sup></a> Abelard was more inclined to favor
+the second theory, that the waters were intended to temper the
+heat of the upper celestial fires. He felt, however, with more or
+less reason, that this entire problem presents great, if not insoluble,
+difficulties.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>THE CONGREGATION OF WATERS</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>There is an abundance of evidence that the authority of the
+Bible was invoked to support a theory that the waters beneath
+the firmament must constitute one unit, or “congregation of
+waters.” This view, as we saw in Chapter II, was based on the
+assertion in Genesis that God “gathered together the waters in
+one place.” Peter Abelard,<a id='r831'></a><a href='#f831' class='c015'><sup>[831]</sup></a> Peter Comestor,<a id='r832'></a><a href='#f832' class='c015'><sup>[832]</sup></a> and Hugh of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_185'>185</span>St. Victor<a id='r833'></a><a href='#f833' class='c015'><sup>[833]</sup></a> all maintained that there are great subterranean
+reservoirs connected with the seas and rivers of the surface in
+such a way that the whole hydrographic system of the earth
+forms a single unit. Prior to the action of God in gathering them
+together these waters in the primordial chaos were supposed to
+have been disseminated in the form of vapor, which took up
+vastly more room than the liquid into which God’s power later
+concentrated them.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Connection Between Seas and Rivers</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>That many writers believed in the connection between the
+seas and the rivers and in the consequent unity of the waters is
+shown by numerous passages. Medieval thinkers, as we have
+seen, were constantly preoccupied by the doctrine of the microcosm,
+the theory that the human body includes all the elements
+which constitute the universe and is indeed in itself a miniature
+replica of the universe. This appears in a statement in the
+<i>De imagine mundi</i> that the whole interior of the earth is filled with
+channels like the blood vessels that permeate the body.<a id='r834'></a><a href='#f834' class='c015'><sup>[834]</sup></a> Whenever
+and wherever a man digs into the ground he is sure to find
+water. A constant circulation is maintained between the ocean
+and the waters of the surface of the land through these passages
+and through the air.<a id='r835'></a><a href='#f835' class='c015'><sup>[835]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>William of Conches held that the great ocean in the equatorial
+zone is the source of all dampness in the earth (<i>fons humoris</i>) and
+that the land is seamed with canals full of water derived from that
+source.<a id='r836'></a><a href='#f836' class='c015'><sup>[836]</sup></a> Peter Alphonsi describes the circulation of the waters
+from the sea into the atmosphere by evaporation, thence in the
+form of rain to the rivers, and so back to the sea.<a id='r837'></a><a href='#f837' class='c015'><sup>[837]</sup></a> Peter
+Comestor, however, held that the river which springs from
+Paradise and divides in four is the source of all the water of the
+earth;<a id='r838'></a><a href='#f838' class='c015'><sup>[838]</sup></a> and Gervase of Tilbury, who follows Comestor in this
+respect, mentions in another connection that springs have their
+sources in the sea.<a id='r839'></a><a href='#f839' class='c015'><sup>[839]</sup></a> Perhaps if he had analyzed the question he
+would have said that the waters of the sea must find their way
+at some time through the rivers of Paradise and thence to the
+springs.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_186'>186</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Earth Established on the Waters</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>The phrase in the Psalms, that God established the earth
+above or on (<i>super</i>) the waters,<a id='r840'></a><a href='#f840' class='c015'><sup>[840]</sup></a> also proved puzzling to the
+thinkers of our period. The easy explanation that such a
+phenomenon might be due to the arbitrary working of God’s will
+was not always readily accepted. Some commentators on the
+Psalms observed dubiously that it surpassed their understanding.<a id='r841'></a><a href='#f841' class='c015'><sup>[841]</sup></a>
+Alexander Neckam stated that it might possibly refer to waters
+beneath the earth, since “Alfraganus [Al-Farghānī] says that the
+sphere of the waters and of the earth are one.” Saints who had
+expounded the phrase, he added, tried to explain away the
+difficulty by referring to the colloquial manner of saying that
+Paris is founded “on the Seine.” “The truth of the matter,
+however, is that the terrestrial paradise is above the waters,
+since it is above the sphere of the moon.”<a id='r842'></a><a href='#f842' class='c015'><sup>[842]</sup></a> An allegorical interpretation
+was also resorted to, and the reader was told to conceive
+of “earth” as being the Church and “the waters” as the
+many peoples upon which the Church is founded.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Peter Abelard, in an interesting passage in the <i>Expositio in
+hexaemeron</i>,<a id='r843'></a><a href='#f843' class='c015'><sup>[843]</sup></a> gave an interpretation of this phrase as well as of
+the text about the “congregation of the waters” which seems to
+foreshadow a theory later to be elaborated by Brunetto Latino
+and destined to gain a firm grip on the hydrographical conceptions
+of many individuals until as late as the eighteenth century.
+Abelard wrote: “When the waters receded into one part of the
+earth, the other parts were uncovered, as was written: ‘God,
+who established the earth on the waters.’ As any globe may be
+immersed in water in such a way that one part of it rises above
+the water, even so the globe of the earth rests in the waters so
+that one side of it is contiguous with the sea and causes the sea
+to permeate through its veins, whence springs and rivers take
+their rise. The waters of this sea, in truth, are congregated into
+one place and are consequently deeper than if they were diffused,
+unless, perchance, the fact that they may be drawn off through
+the veins of the earth makes them less deep.” We have seen
+that Abelard and William of Conches compared the universe to
+an egg in which the four parts correspond to the four elements,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_187'>187</span>fire, air, water, and earth.<a id='r844'></a><a href='#f844' class='c015'><sup>[844]</sup></a> This was the theoretical arrangement
+of the elements according to the logical application of
+Aristotle’s physical laws. As a matter of fact, the aqueous sphere
+does not completely envelop the earth, as it should if this theoretical
+arrangement were carried out in nature. How, then,
+could it be explained that a portion of the earth’s surface is not
+covered by water? Robert Grosseteste, without attempting a
+physical explanation, answered this question from the teleological
+point of view, echoing the words of Genesis. “Truly it is a fact,”
+he wrote, “that, in order that the animals of this earth might
+have a habitation and refuge, the water receded into the concave
+parts of the earth and the surface of the land appeared dry and
+distinct. And so the land with the waters contained upon it is
+like a sphere of earth.”<a id='r845'></a><a href='#f845' class='c015'><sup>[845]</sup></a> Later writers were not willing to
+accept such a simple declaration and looked for physical and
+mechanical explanations. For instance, Brunetto Latino assigned
+to the spheres of earth and of water each a different center,
+placed in such positions in relation to one another that the aqueous
+sphere covers the sphere of earth to a great depth on one side
+(the southern hemisphere) but on the opposite side leaves dry the
+portion inhabited by man.<a id='r846'></a><a href='#f846' class='c015'><sup>[846]</sup></a> Certainly the passage we have
+quoted above shows that Abelard may well have had something
+of this sort in mind.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>THE OCEANS AND SEAS</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Relative Areas of Land and Sea</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>We saw in Chapter I that two theories prevailed in ancient
+times as to the distribution of land and water: the oceanic theory,
+that the <i>oikoumene</i> is surrounded by water; and the continental
+theory, that the oceans of the earth occupy relatively small and
+enclosed basins. Though the writers of our period held to the
+oceanic hypothesis, they had various and conflicting notions in
+regard to the size of the ocean or oceans which surround the
+known world. The great popularity of Martianus Capella and
+Macrobius, who both held the doctrine that there are three
+areas of land corresponding to our <i>oikoumene</i> in the three quarters
+of the earth’s surface, must have rendered impossible any widespread
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_188'>188</span>acceptance of a theory like the one hinted at by Abelard,
+that all of the earth’s surface except the <i>oikoumene</i> is covered by
+water; and the definition of the ocean as a zone or hem surrounding
+the inhabited world, not infrequently given in our period,
+certainly does not imply the existence of water areas of immense
+size in comparison with the land areas.<a id='r847'></a><a href='#f847' class='c015'><sup>[847]</sup></a> Furthermore, the
+Second Book of Esdras, which, though apocryphal, enjoyed high
+authority in the Middle Ages,<a id='r848'></a><a href='#f848' class='c015'><sup>[848]</sup></a> gave the reader an opposite
+impression. Here it was stated: “Upon the third day thou
+didst command that the waters should be gathered in the seventh
+part of the earth: six parts hast thou dried up, and kept them, to
+the intent that of these some being planted of God and tilled
+might serve thee.” “Upon the fifth day thou saidst unto the
+seventh part, where the waters gathered, that it should bring
+forth living creatures, fowls and fishes: and so it came to pass.”
+Roger Bacon uses this text from Esdras to reinforce his argument
+that, relatively speaking, the water surface of the world is very
+restricted in comparison with the land surface.<a id='r849'></a><a href='#f849' class='c015'><sup>[849]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Explanation of Uniform Level of Sea Surface</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Into the sea there pours at all times a vast volume of water
+from the rivers. Neckam moralized mournfully on this<a id='r850'></a><a href='#f850' class='c015'><sup>[850]</sup></a> and
+compared the flow of fresh water into the salt depths with the
+way in which greater powers absorb lesser and the way in which
+the voluptuousness of this world—a sham sweetness—is turned
+to bitterness and salt; but he did not attempt to explain the
+puzzling physical problem of why the surface of the sea fails to
+rise and overflow the lands.<a id='r851'></a><a href='#f851' class='c015'><sup>[851]</sup></a> Most writers who dealt with the
+latter problem appealed to the theory of the <i>congregatio aquae</i>:
+since all the waters of the earth form one unit, they must inevitably
+make their way back from the sea through various routes to
+the sources of streams.<a id='r852'></a><a href='#f852' class='c015'><sup>[852]</sup></a> Other explanations, however, were
+sometimes brought forward. Adelard of Bath believed that the
+stars and sun absorb a certain amount of water.<a id='r853'></a><a href='#f853' class='c015'><sup>[853]</sup></a> The author of
+the <i>De imagine mundi</i> was convinced that the fresh water entering
+the sea is partially consumed by the salt of the deeps and partially
+evaporated by the winds and taken up into the sun.<a id='r854'></a><a href='#f854' class='c015'><sup>[854]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_189'>189</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Salinity of the Sea</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>The two characteristics of the oceans that distinguish them
+from bodies of fresh water and have always aroused men’s
+curiosity are their saltness and their tides. The <i>De imagine
+mundi</i> gives a popular etymology of the word <i>mare</i> from <i>amarum</i>,
+meaning bitter or salty.<a id='r855'></a><a href='#f855' class='c015'><sup>[855]</sup></a> Though there is no attempt in this
+book to show reasons for the salinity of the sea, the author
+followed Isidore and Bede in the opinion that the water at great
+depths is more bitter and salt than near the surface and that
+evaporation draws off the fresh water only and leaves the bitter
+and dense elements behind; similarly, that part of the sea water
+makes its way back to the sources of the springs, deposits its salt
+in the land, and bursts forth fresh and purified from its passage
+through the earth. In the <i>Image du monde</i>, on the other hand,
+there is a naïve explanation of why the sea is salt.<a id='r856'></a><a href='#f856' class='c015'><sup>[856]</sup></a> Great
+saline mountains in the deeps are said to be constantly dissolving
+away and thereby imparting a peculiar character to the water.
+Adelard of Bath, Gervase of Tilbury, and William of Conches
+treated the subject a shade more rationally, perhaps, in attributing
+the saltness to the influence of heat. Adelard says,<a id='r857'></a><a href='#f857' class='c015'><sup>[857]</sup></a> “I
+consider the cause of the saltness of the sea to be the heat of the
+sun and planets. For, since the true ocean passes through the
+heart of the torrid zone and since the course of the planets runs
+through the same zone, though obliquely, the ocean must of
+necessity be heated by such a great heat of the heavenly bodies
+that it is thereby rendered salt.” This explanation, he adds, is
+even subject to proof: for along coasts nearest the ocean, sea
+water “when dried in the sun on the rocks” may readily be
+converted into salt without any artificial aid; in more distant
+seas the water must be boiled and reboiled before this effect is
+produced. Furthermore, in summer all sea water is salter
+than in winter.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>William of Conches<a id='r858'></a><a href='#f858' class='c015'><sup>[858]</sup></a> and Alexander Neckam<a id='r859'></a><a href='#f859' class='c015'><sup>[859]</sup></a> also followed
+Aristotle in believing that water in its purest form has an insipid
+taste but that it is thickened and rendered salt by the sun’s heat
+in the torrid ocean, whence it is distributed to the other seas by
+currents. Gervase of Tilbury tends to exaggerate this theory:
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_190'>190</span>we read in the <i>Otia imperialia</i><a id='r860'></a><a href='#f860' class='c015'><sup>[860]</sup></a> of a lake in the County of Aix,
+near Arles, the waters of which are congealed into ice by the cold
+of winter and into salt by the heat of August. This led Gervase
+to conclude that it would be impossible to sail around the earth,
+because the all-encircling ocean would be frozen stiff in the north
+and thickened into solid salt in the south.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Tides</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>If we discard fanciful ideas like that of Richard, prior of St.
+Victor in Paris (died 1173), to the effect that the tides are produced
+by the breathing of some great submarine monster or
+spirit,<a id='r861'></a><a href='#f861' class='c015'><sup>[861]</sup></a> we find two distinct groups of tidal theories prevalent
+in the twelfth century: as Duhem defines them, the physical
+and the astrological. The astrological theories, which explained
+the tides by the influence of the moon, had been expounded
+before the period we are studying by Posidonius, Pliny, Bede,
+and the Moslem Abū Maʿshar. The physical theories had been
+set forth by Macrobius, who had believed that the tides were
+due to the impact of ocean currents, and Paul the Deacon,
+who had attributed them to the action of great whirlpools.
+Although twelfth-century students added little to these earlier
+opinions, they made some remarkable combinations of them,
+and their observations were distinguished by a few close records
+of actual tidal phenomena.<a id='r862'></a><a href='#f862' class='c015'><sup>[862]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Lunar Causation</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Bernard Sylvester explained the tides by lunar causation alone<a id='r863'></a><a href='#f863' class='c015'><sup>[863]</sup></a>
+and attributed to the moon the power of attracting and repelling
+not only the waters but also terrestrial substances,<a id='r864'></a><a href='#f864' class='c015'><sup>[864]</sup></a> inasmuch
+as the moon is the nearest planet to the earth, the largest, and
+consequently the most powerful.<a id='r865'></a><a href='#f865' class='c015'><sup>[865]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the following century we find that Robert Grosseteste saw
+in the effects of lunar rays upon the bottom of the sea sufficient
+cause for the ebb and flood. If in their broad outlines the ideas
+of the bishop of Lincoln are plain enough, the individual steps of
+his argument are neither clear nor coherent. They are of sufficient
+interest, nevertheless, to justify an attempt at interpreting
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_191'>191</span>them.<a id='r866'></a><a href='#f866' class='c015'><sup>[866]</sup></a> We have already alluded to Robert’s theory of rays
+emanating from the celestial bodies in the shape of cones or
+“pyramids” and to his principle that the power of these rays is
+inverse to the obliquity of the angle at which they meet the
+earth’s surface and to the length of the pyramids.<a id='r867'></a><a href='#f867' class='c015'><sup>[867]</sup></a> When the
+moon is rising, Grosseteste explains in the <i>De natura locorum</i>,<a id='r868'></a><a href='#f868' class='c015'><sup>[868]</sup></a>
+the rays are very oblique and the pyramids long: hence the power
+of the rays is much too weak to disperse vapors that have accumulated
+on the sea floor or to draw these vapors up into the air.
+The result is that the vapors tend to displace the waters in the
+depths, to rise in bubbles to the surface, and thus to produce
+flood tides. As the moon approaches the meridian the rays
+become less oblique, the pyramids shorter, and the lunar power
+consequently greater. The moon now disperses and consumes
+the vapors and draws them up into the air from the depths of the
+sea. By the time our satellite reaches the meridian, the vapors
+are entirely consumed, “and, since the cause ceases, the effect
+also ceases; and the waters of the sea naturally flow back into
+their proper place in order not to create a vacuum.” Hence the
+ebb begins.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Grosseteste does not make clear what generates the vapors,
+though he probably meant us to assume that they were produced
+by the heat due to the reflection of the moon’s rays upon the sea
+floor. In another treatise, the <i>De impressionibus elementorum</i>,<a id='r869'></a><a href='#f869' class='c015'><sup>[869]</sup></a>
+he explains how reflected rays, though not necessarily the rays
+of the moon, in passing through a transparent body of water
+may create heat at the bottom.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The problem of the flood tide when the moon is in the opposite
+hemisphere of the heavens still remained. Grosseteste’s obscure
+explanation of this runs about as follows: “Many try to give a
+reason for this difficult circumstance on the grounds that opposite
+quarters of the universe are of the same composition (<i>commixtionis</i>)
+and consequently produce the same effects. But this
+explanation falls short, since it is false to assert that there are
+any actual replicas of the stars of one quarter of the heavens in
+another quarter, inasmuch as the earth interposes its bulk between
+a planet in one quarter and the quarter opposite. Moreover,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_192'>192</span>even were this explanation true, an explanation of the original
+cause would be required. That is to say, it would be necessary
+to ask why the opposite quarters are of the same composition and
+consequently exert the same effect. The fact is that the reflection
+of rays solves this problem, since the rays of the moon are
+multiplied on the stellar heaven. Because the stellar heaven is
+an opaque body, we are consequently not able to see it, though
+it nevertheless is very luminous according to Alpetragius and
+Messalahe&#8201;[<i>sic</i>]. Other reflected rays fall on the opposite quarter
+at right angles.”<a id='r870'></a><a href='#f870' class='c015'><sup>[870]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Terrestrial Causation</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Most writers found that the astrological, or lunar, theory alone
+was insufficient to explain all the peculiarities of the tides and
+made appeal, as well, to physical theories—in particular to that
+of Macrobius. This is given in varying terms by Adelard of
+Bath, Lambert of St. Omer, William of Conches, and Giraldus
+Cambrensis. Macrobius, as we have already observed, had
+conceived of four ocean currents issuing out of the great equatorial
+ocean and flowing north and south in the girdling ocean which
+includes the poles.<a id='r871'></a><a href='#f871' class='c015'><sup>[871]</sup></a> These currents run together somewhere in
+the polar regions; the waters rebound on themselves (<i>ex repercussione
+ingurgitur retro mare</i>) and in this way cause the ebb and
+flow. Lambert of St. Omer in his <i>Liber floridus</i> seems to have
+accepted the Macrobian theory much as it stands,<a id='r872'></a><a href='#f872' class='c015'><sup>[872]</sup></a> but Adelard
+harbored doubts as to the sufficiency of the impact of the waters
+against each other to produce a tidal rebound and thought that
+some mountain or other mass of land must interpose to produce
+such an effect.<a id='r873'></a><a href='#f873' class='c015'><sup>[873]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>William of Conches cites two theories of tidal controls:<a id='r874'></a><a href='#f874' class='c015'><sup>[874]</sup></a> the
+first is that of Macrobius; the second, confusingly stated, suggests
+Adelard’s hypothesis of an interposing mass of land. William
+says, in effect, that the tides are due in part to the existence of
+mountains submerged beneath the sea, against which the waters
+are attracted forward and then repelled, producing an oscillating
+motion. As to this, we may well be led to inquire how Macrobius,
+Adelard, and William explained this oscillating motion, for
+certainly two steadily flowing currents meeting each other or
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_193'>193</span>running against submerged reefs would not create any such
+motion. Unfortunately in this we are left unsatisfied by our
+medieval writers, who characteristically here, as often elsewhere,
+were content, when stating that one phenomenon causes another,
+to leave entirely to the imagination the explanation of the manner
+in which such causation is actually effected.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>William did not rule out all lunar control over the ebb and flood
+but explained the spring and neap tides by variations in the
+moon’s power of heating and drying the atmosphere. This
+power, he thought, is at a minimum both when the moon is full
+and when it is new. Consequently we have high spring tides at
+these times, and vice versa. William’s theory is the reverse of
+Abū Maʿshar’s:<a id='r875'></a><a href='#f875' class='c015'><sup>[875]</sup></a> that the tides are caused by the active attraction
+by the moon of the humid elements on the earth’s surface.
+William fails to show us why the tides should be in flood when the
+moon is rising toward the meridian and why spring tides should
+occur when there is a full moon. Abū Maʿshar, on the other
+hand, fails to explain why there is a flood tide when the moon is
+on the other side of the earth, in the opposite celestial hemisphere.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Alexander Neckam gives what is, to say the least, an unsatisfactory
+treatment of the tides.<a id='r876'></a><a href='#f876' class='c015'><sup>[876]</sup></a> After quoting the scientific
+opinions of others, he remarks that to explain the ebb and
+flow of the waters is a problem that cannot be solved. Then, in
+his customary vein, he adds the moral observation that the tides
+are like the persecutions of the Christians and that they should
+not fill one with too much despair, for after they have risen they
+always subside again in the due course of time.<a id='r877'></a><a href='#f877' class='c015'><sup>[877]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>William the Breton wondered at the tides but, like Neckam,
+refrained from trying to explain their cause and said that God
+alone understands this and no man can comprehend it either now
+or ever.<a id='r878'></a><a href='#f878' class='c015'><sup>[878]</sup></a> He was amazed that such a wide, deep, and powerful
+stream as the Seine at Rouen could be forced back upon itself
+by the waters of the sea and made to flow in the opposite direction
+through a space of land across which its normal current could
+scarcely pass in three days. Was this due to the fact that fresh
+water is less powerful than salt? Or does the fresh water find
+the salt water odious and recoil before it? Or does the stream do
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_194'>194</span>reverence, as it were, to its mother, the sea, falling back before
+her and then when the tide turns following behind her respectfully?
+None of these explanations was William ready to accept
+as true. “For us who live our human lot here below, it is sufficient
+to know the fact; it is not allowed to us to know the cause.”<a id='r879'></a><a href='#f879' class='c015'><sup>[879]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Giraldus Cambrensis’ Tidal Studies</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The most elaborate tidal studies of our period are in the pages
+of Giraldus Cambrensis’ <i>Topographia Hiberniae</i>, where we find a
+combination of the astrological theory of Abū Maʿshar, the
+whirlpool theory of Paul the Deacon, and the ocean-current theory
+of Macrobius. Giraldus said that when the moon passes the
+meridian the waters begin to recede from the coasts of Britain
+and to retire into hidden submarine reservoirs.<a id='r880'></a><a href='#f880' class='c015'><sup>[880]</sup></a> The moon,
+being the heavenly body that controls all things humid on the
+earth, when full causes the tides to rise to unusual heights. A
+little further on in his discussion, Giraldus explains that at the
+four opposite parts of the ocean there is a force that violently
+attracts the sea water, producing a sort of periodic swelling and
+sinking; this is connected in some manner with a belief in Giraldus’
+mind that greater quantities of fresh water enter the sea at
+the extremities of the earth and in the vicinity of the poles than
+elsewhere, though on what he based this supposition and how it
+produced the results which he ascribes to it, he does not explain.
+Giraldus’ theory also owes much to Macrobius’ hypothesis of the
+effects of the collision of ocean currents on the tides, as well as to
+Paul the Deacon’s whirlpool theory, for he explains elsewhere<a id='r881'></a><a href='#f881' class='c015'><sup>[881]</sup></a>
+that philosophers mention the existence of four whirlpools at the
+opposite ends of the earth and that some people attribute to these
+the causation of tides and storms of wind. Each of the whirlpools
+resembles a great vortex in the northern seas towards which
+the waters of the sea rush together, to be absorbed in secret
+caverns as if in an abyss; ships approaching too near are sucked
+in and destroyed.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The most interesting feature of Giraldus’ tidal studies, however,
+are not these general speculations regarding causes but some
+very neat observations made on the British and Irish coasts. In
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_195'>195</span>the first place, he remarks on the choppy water of the Irish Sea,
+which presumably he connects with tide rips.<a id='r882'></a><a href='#f882' class='c015'><sup>[882]</sup></a> He then goes on
+to discuss the difference in the hour of high water at various Irish
+ports, at Milford Haven in Wales, and at Bristol in England.
+When the tide is at the half-ebb in Dublin, at Milford Haven it is
+at the half-flood, and near Bristol just beginning the rise. Let
+us see what the facts of the case are at the present day.<a id='r883'></a><a href='#f883' class='c015'><sup>[883]</sup></a> On
+February 1, 1919, half-ebb occurred at Dublin at about 2:30
+<span class='fss'>P. M.</span>, half-flood at Milford Haven only about an hour and a half
+later, and low water had occurred at Bristol half an hour earlier.
+In other words Giraldus’ observations on the relative times of the
+tides at these three points were unusually accurate. Furthermore,
+he explains that at Wicklow, on the Irish coast opposite
+Wales, the water falls at the same time that it rises throughout
+the sea in general. When Giraldus here speaks of the “sea in
+general” he perhaps had in mind tidal observations made at
+other points on the coast not far to the south. Modern tide
+tables show that near Arklow, only about fourteen miles away,
+it is low water some two hours and a half earlier than at Wicklow.
+The water, consequently, is rising at Arklow for two hours and a
+half while it is still falling at Wicklow. That Giraldus was
+familiar with Arklow is shown by the fact that he mentions a
+river entering the sea there and describes a curious rock in the
+harbor.<a id='r884'></a><a href='#f884' class='c015'><sup>[884]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Finally, Giraldus states<a id='r885'></a><a href='#f885' class='c015'><sup>[885]</sup></a> that when the moon has passed the
+meridian the waters first recede from the coasts of Britain but
+that on the Irish coasts in the vicinity of Dublin full flood corresponds
+to this recession of the waters. In the vicinity of
+Wexford, however, flood waters do not correspond with the flood
+at Dublin but rather with the flood waters on the British coast
+at Milford Haven. Giraldus was mistaken, if we are right in
+interpreting his words to mean that he thought that the tidal
+undulation which produces high water at Dublin is a different
+wave from that of Wexford or Milford Haven. No tidal undulation
+enters the Irish Sea from the north, and consequently
+the ebb and flood at all of these places is caused by the same
+wave. On the other hand, this wave reaches Dublin nearly five
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_196'>196</span>hours later than it reaches Wexford and Milford on the opposite
+shore, and the accuracy of Giraldus’ data on the time of these
+tides is further confirmed by modern tide tables, which show that
+flood water at the Welsh port may occur only twenty-four
+minutes earlier than at Rosslare Point, the entrance to Wexford
+Harbor.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>It would be interesting if we could know how Giraldus gathered
+these data. Probably they were pieced together from incidental
+observations of sailors or fishermen, for certainly no systematic
+investigation of tidal phenomena could well have been undertaken
+at Giraldus’ time.<a id='r886'></a><a href='#f886' class='c015'><sup>[886]</sup></a> It is typical of an immense amount
+of close and accurate knowledge that has always existed along with
+ignorance and superstition among the more humble workers of
+this world, knowledge that until recent years has but rarely
+found literary expression.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Other Marine Phenomena Noted by Giraldus</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Giraldus certainly was not always so fortunate in his discussion
+of marine phenomena. He taxes our credulity a little when he
+tells of a rock in Arklow harbor on one side of which the water
+rises while it is falling on the other,<a id='r887'></a><a href='#f887' class='c015'><sup>[887]</sup></a> though this may perhaps
+have resulted from some local play of currents and eddies. It is
+less easy to find an explanation of a story which he relates of a
+recession of the sea at “Crebonensus” (Proconnesus?) near
+Constantinople.<a id='r888'></a><a href='#f888' class='c015'><sup>[888]</sup></a> Here, during eight days at the time of the
+festival of St. Clement, the waters fell back in order to allow
+pilgrims to go to the saint’s shrine. This kind of miracle, to be
+sure, had the support of Biblical authority in the story of the
+parting of the waters of the Red Sea to permit the passing of the
+children of Israel; and we find a similar tale in the <i>Otia imperialia</i>,<a id='r889'></a><a href='#f889' class='c015'><sup>[889]</sup></a>
+where Gervase asserts that the Sea of Pamphylia was divided for
+Alexander the Great, because God wished to destroy the Persian
+kingdom by means of the Macedonian. The lake (or river)
+which in the legend surrounded the church of St. Thomas in
+India was also said to go dry at regular intervals to permit
+pilgrims to approach.<a id='r890'></a><a href='#f890' class='c015'><sup>[890]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In his description of South Wales, Giraldus Cambrensis gives
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_197'>197</span>an account of marine encroachments on the land and perhaps of
+coastal subsidence. A great storm on this sandy coast laid bare
+a forest hitherto covered by the waters. Trunks of trees appeared
+with marks of the ax upon them, fresh as if cut only the day
+before. Giraldus was convinced that the marks dated from inconceivable
+antiquity, perhaps even from the time of the Flood.<a id='r891'></a><a href='#f891' class='c015'><sup>[891]</sup></a>
+The wood was overwhelmed, he said, by the constant and ever
+increasingly violent advance of the sea; and certainly it is well
+known in modern days that the waves long have been eating into
+the coast of Pembrokeshire and that the uncovering by storms of
+buried forests and stumps is a commonplace occurrence there.
+Perhaps we are justified in interpreting Giraldus’ remarks by
+assuming that the forest had not, as he states, previously been
+covered by water but more probably by marine sands or muds,
+which subsequently were removed from the stumps by storm
+waves.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>St. Brandan and the Spirit of the Sea</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Less scientific—or perhaps we had better say less prosaic—than
+the writings we have just been discussing but fully as replete
+with understanding of the ocean and its various moods, is the
+legend of the wanderings of St. Brandan. The style and spirit of
+this entire story shows that it must have been composed by men
+filled with a sense of the immensity and mystery of the Atlantic.<a id='r892'></a><a href='#f892' class='c015'><sup>[892]</sup></a>
+Probably the tale had its roots in the reports of actual voyagings
+of Irishmen blown far out to sea. Although there is much of the
+marvelous and supernatural borrowed from older tradition, the
+tone of the legend as a whole rings true to nature. Certainly it
+was not written by a landsman. At one time St. Brandan and
+his companions sailed north for three days, and the sea became
+“as it were coagulated through an excess of calmness.”<a id='r893'></a><a href='#f893' class='c015'><sup>[893]</sup></a> It has
+been suggested that this refers to the semi-solid “Liver Sea” of
+Germanic legend, itself perhaps an echo of the reports of Pytheas
+and other classical writers about clotted sea waters north of Thule
+and in the Western Ocean.<a id='r894'></a><a href='#f894' class='c015'><sup>[894]</sup></a> On another occasion the travelers
+came in sight of a high column of clearest crystal apparently not
+far away, though it took three days to reach it.<a id='r895'></a><a href='#f895' class='c015'><sup>[895]</sup></a> So great was its
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_198'>198</span>height that they could scarce discern the summit, and as they
+drew near they saw that it was covered by a silvery canopy of
+marvelously fine texture. They passed through a hole in the
+canopy and entered a sea whose waters were so clear that the base
+of the column could be seen resting on the earth at the bottom of
+the sea. For an entire day they sailed along one side of the column.
+If we discard from all this what is obviously fabulous or
+borrowed from the vision of Ezekiel<a id='r896'></a><a href='#f896' class='c015'><sup>[896]</sup></a> or from the description of
+the New Jerusalem in Revelation,<a id='r897'></a><a href='#f897' class='c015'><sup>[897]</sup></a> may we not be justified in
+supposing that the sight of a great iceberg flashing in the sun gave
+rise to the story of the crystalline column and that the canopy
+represented curtains of fog hanging about its flanks?</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>St. Brandan and his crew also had other glimpses of the bottom
+of the sea<a id='r898'></a><a href='#f898' class='c015'><sup>[898]</sup></a> through waters of such remarkable transparency
+that they thought they could almost touch the beasts of various
+kinds lying there. When mass was said on board, these beasts
+rose and circled about the ship but did not molest the saint and
+his party. After seven days’ voyage with sails set they had
+scarcely crossed this stretch of translucent water.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Bottom of the Sea</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>We find other accounts of the bottom of the sea and even of
+visits made to it, in the legendary writings of our period. Gervase
+of Tilbury<a id='r899'></a><a href='#f899' class='c015'><sup>[899]</sup></a> tells of an individual named Nicholas Pappas,
+a dweller on the shores of the Strait of Messina, who was forced
+by King Roger II of Sicily to dive into the waters. Being well
+known to the submarine monsters, he escaped all danger from
+molestation by them and afterwards used to tell about a grove
+beneath the “Strait of Pharo,” how the tides wash first one way
+and then the other through the branches of the trees, and how he
+had seen submarine mountains, valleys, fields and woods, and
+trees with acorns on them. Gervase adds that our faith in the
+truth of this story may be increased by noting the fact that
+acorns are often washed ashore along the neighboring coasts.
+Nicholas also used to occupy himself by warning ships of the
+approach of storms and showing sailors how to calm the waters
+with oil. At a later period the legend became current<a id='r900'></a><a href='#f900' class='c015'><sup>[900]</sup></a> of a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_199'>199</span>man named “Piscis” or “The Fish” (possibly this should be substituted
+for the “Pappas” of Gervase) who was accustomed to
+swim under the Strait of Messina, having been sent there in the
+first place to rescue a chalice cast into the sea by King Roger.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Alexander the Great, according to one version of the Romance
+of his adventures, also made a visit to the sea floor.<a id='r901'></a><a href='#f901' class='c015'><sup>[901]</sup></a> After he
+had crossed a desert infested with ferocious beasts, he called his
+companions together and complained that, in view of the fact
+that he had conquered the greater part of the world, he knew
+enough about the inhabitants of the land and now wanted to
+learn something of the inhabitants of the sea. He then proceeded
+to descend in a glass cask to the bottom of the deeps; there,
+among other things, he noted that the large fish eat the small
+ones, an observation whose novelty hardly seems to have
+justified the effort expended to make it.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>THE WATERS OF THE LANDS</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Let us turn now to the waters of the lands—ground water,
+sources (wells, springs, fountains), rivers, and finally lakes.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Ground Water</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In our period the existence of water in various forms underneath
+the surface of the land was well understood. Bernard
+Sylvester says:<a id='r902'></a><a href='#f902' class='c015'><sup>[902]</sup></a> “A watery humor is diffused all through the
+lap of the land and makes streams and rivers, swamps and
+lakes.” William of Conches attributed<a id='r903'></a><a href='#f903' class='c015'><sup>[903]</sup></a> the origin of the water
+in springs and wells to (1) underground streams, or, as he called
+them, “cataracts,” which pass through wells en route from one
+part of the earth to another, and (2) the sweat of the earth (<i>sudor
+terrae</i>), or minute particles of water percolating through small
+holes in the earth much as human sweat percolates through the
+pores of the body. William maintained that the existence of
+underground watercourses as a source of well water was proved
+by the fact that wells near rivers are constantly full and that
+whatever happens to the water of a well in a given district is
+likely to happen to the water of all the other wells in the vicinity,
+showing that there must be some intercommunication between
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_200'>200</span>them. That springs and wells were constantly replenished in
+dry times was proof to William—as to modern geographers—of
+the existence of the sweat of the earth, or what we now call
+“ground water,” which permeates the interstices in rocks, gravel,
+and sand alike. It is possible, however, that William believed
+that the <i>sudor terrae</i> was actually generated by the earth. This
+was undoubtedly the opinion of Adelard of Bath, who discusses
+the subject in terms very similar to those of William.<a id='r904'></a><a href='#f904' class='c015'><sup>[904]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Sea As the Source of the Waters of the Land</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Most of this subterranean water, as we have already seen, was
+supposed during the Middle Ages to come from the sea, whence
+it made its way inland either through the atmosphere in the form
+of rain or directly through the land. We need cite but two texts
+to show how firmly this idea was rooted in the medieval mind.
+One is from a sermon of Bernard of Clairvaux, the other from a
+questionnaire prepared by the Emperor Frederick II. It would
+perhaps be hard to find two men who stood at more diametrically
+opposite intellectual poles, and yet both, in this case, shared the
+same conviction.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Bernard, characteristically, treated the matter symbolically.
+“The sea,” he said, “is the source of fountains and rivers; the
+Lord Jesus Christ is the source of every kind of virtue and knowledge....
+What? Are not pure purposes, just judgments,
+holy aspirations, one and all streams from that same source? If
+all waters seek incessantly to return to the sea, making their way
+thither sometimes by hidden and subterranean channels, so that
+they may go forth from it again in continual and untiring circuit,
+becoming visible once more to man and available for his service,
+why are not those spiritual streams rendered back constantly
+and without reserve to their legitimate source, that they may
+not cease to water the fields of our hearts? Let the rivers of
+divers graces return from whence they came, that they may flow
+forth anew. Let the heavenly shower rise again to its heavenly
+source that it may be poured anew and still more plentifully upon
+the earth” (Eales’s translation).<a id='r905'></a><a href='#f905' class='c015'><sup>[905]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Frederick II propounded to Michael Scot a list of questions on
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_201'>201</span>matters of cosmology and physical geography. Regarding most
+of these matters the Emperor was in doubt and perplexity, but
+concerning the waters of land and sea he was sure. “For we
+greatly wonder at these things,” he said, “knowing already that
+all waters come from the sea and passing through divers lands and
+cavities return to the sea, which is the bed and receptacle of all
+running waters” (Haskins’ translation).<a id='r906'></a><a href='#f906' class='c015'><sup>[906]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A most elaborate discussion of the qualities of the waters of the
+lands is found in the <i>Causae et curae</i> of Hildegard of Bingen.<a id='r907'></a><a href='#f907' class='c015'><sup>[907]</sup></a>
+Hildegard likewise assumed that the water of wells, springs, and
+rivers is derived from the ocean which surrounds the earth.<a id='r908'></a><a href='#f908' class='c015'><sup>[908]</sup></a> She
+also believed that the nature of the water varies widely in different
+parts of the ocean and consequently that the quality of the
+water of the land depends on the part of the ocean from which it
+comes. Furthermore, she maintained that some of the waters of
+the sea do not lose their salinity in passing through the land but
+that other waters are rendered fresh before they appear upon the
+earth’s surface. Upon the basis of these assumptions Hildegard
+proceeded to analyze the qualities, sanitary, medicinal, and gastronomic,
+of waters both fresh and salt according to their derivation
+from the four cardinal points and from the northeast and
+northwest. Her analysis was meant as a practical guide for
+those who wished to use water for drinking and bathing with a
+minimum risk of disease, though she fails to explain how one is
+to determine the ultimate source of a specific spring, well, or
+river. Without undertaking a detailed examination of Hildegard’s
+argument, we may note that, unlike Giraldus Cambrensis,
+who regarded the East as the fountain of poisons, she believed
+that the waters of the Orient were the purest and most healthful
+of all. On the other hand, she held that the putrid and corrupt
+elements of the earth were concentrated in the Western Sea and
+that waters coming from that quarter were very dangerous unless
+boiled.<a id='r909'></a><a href='#f909' class='c015'><sup>[909]</sup></a> The Southern Sea harbored an immense quantity of
+venomous worms and small animals, and consequently waters
+from it were not good for cooking or drinking. As we shall see
+in the next chapter,<a id='r910'></a><a href='#f910' class='c015'><sup>[910]</sup></a> Giraldus Cambrensis’ discussion of the
+different qualities of the East and West was probably based in
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_202'>202</span>some measure on observation. The same can hardly be said
+of Hildegard’s theories. We cannot but feel that they were
+the offspring of an unusually ingenious imagination, though
+the prophetic abbess undoubtedly attributed them to divine
+inspiration.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Hildegard went on to assert that swamp waters are dangerous
+from whatever part of the earth they come, since they contain
+vile and noxious damp elements of the ground and the poisonous
+spume of worms. Such waters should not be used unboiled
+except for washing. Well and spring waters which flow from
+swamps are equally bad, though as a general rule all waters
+arising from an unsanitary source become purer the farther they
+flow. Water from deep wells is usually better and smoother
+(<i>suavior</i>) for cooking, drinking, and other uses of man than the
+water of flowing springs; the latter, in turn, is better than river
+water, which should be avoided because of the impurities it receives
+from the air. The water of small, clear, pure rills is
+excellent for both men and cattle.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Effect of Land on Waters Which Spring From It</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The land itself might produce varying effects on the water
+within it, and thus on the wells and fountains which spring from
+it. In summer, William of Conches tells us,<a id='r911'></a><a href='#f911' class='c015'><sup>[911]</sup></a> the pores of the
+earth are open, and the warm vapor (<i>fumus</i>) contained therein
+can escape. Consequently the heat of the earth is loosed, and
+the springs and wells are cooler than in winter, when the cold
+constricts the earth’s pores and keeps the heat in. It is very
+easy to understand what gave rise to such a theory when we consider
+the fact that water always preserves a more uniform temperature
+than the surrounding air. Hot and putrid springs, the
+<i>De imagine mundi</i> tells us,<a id='r912'></a><a href='#f912' class='c015'><sup>[912]</sup></a> are caused by the ground water
+coming into contact with subterranean caves full of sulphur
+that is sometimes ignited by the winds. In some places serpents,
+by poisoning the earth and the ground water which passes through
+it, indirectly cause the water sources of a region to become noxious.<a id='r913'></a><a href='#f913' class='c015'><sup>[913]</sup></a>
+Michael Scot, in a somewhat repetitious and not wholly
+clear passage, explained in effect that the hot and boiling springs
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_203'>203</span>of Italy and Sicily are produced by waters arising out of subterranean
+cavities where the native heat of the interior of the earth
+in combination with the winds produces a violent combustion of
+sulphur and “white-hot rocks” (<i>petre calidissime</i>).<a id='r914'></a><a href='#f914' class='c015'><sup>[914]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Miraculous Wells and Springs; Geysers</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Wells and springs, like lakes, seem to have appealed to the
+imagination of men at all times, and the description of their
+peculiarities occupied disproportionate space in medieval books
+of marvels. Giraldus Cambrensis mentions wells with petrifying
+properties in Ulster, Norway, Britain, and Cappadocia;<a id='r915'></a><a href='#f915' class='c015'><sup>[915]</sup></a>
+and Saxo Grammaticus expresses great wonder at a spring in
+Iceland the exhalation or foam of which is capable of turning the
+softest substances almost instantaneously into the hardest stone.<a id='r916'></a><a href='#f916' class='c015'><sup>[916]</sup></a>
+Gervase of Tilbury describes a salt well in the diocese of Worcester.<a id='r917'></a><a href='#f917' class='c015'><sup>[917]</sup></a>
+Though these are reasonable enough, it is a little more
+difficult to explain Giraldus’ belief in wells which ebb and flow
+like the tides,<a id='r918'></a><a href='#f918' class='c015'><sup>[918]</sup></a> especially when he insists that some of them
+are situated far from the sea.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Giraldus describes an absolutely miraculous spring in the province
+of Munster in Ireland.<a id='r919'></a><a href='#f919' class='c015'><sup>[919]</sup></a> When touched or even looked at
+by a man, this spring will proceed to inundate the entire province
+with rain. The rain does not stop until a priest, virgin from
+birth and especially deputed for the purpose, celebrates mass in
+a chapel not far away and, having blessed the waters, conciliates
+the spring by sprinkling into it the milk of a one-colored cow.
+Giraldus remarked parenthetically that this was a barbaric ceremony
+and quite lacking in reason. Gervase of Tilbury tells of a
+lake in Great Britain which would produce a storm when certain
+words were chanted over it and of a fountain in the Kingdom of
+Arles which would cause rain if a stick or stone were thrown into
+it.<a id='r920'></a><a href='#f920' class='c015'><sup>[920]</sup></a> These tales, indeed, are but examples of a widespread
+belief among primitive and ignorant folk that man can attain
+the secret of the magical control of the elements. Sir James G.
+Frazer cites them with similar examples from other peoples and
+ages as illustrations of the doctrine that a “way of constraining
+the rain-god is to disturb him in his haunts. This seems to be
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_204'>204</span>the reason why rain is supposed to follow the troubling of a
+sacred spring.”<a id='r921'></a><a href='#f921' class='c015'><sup>[921]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In treating the water element in his <i>De naturis rerum</i>, Alexander
+Neckam rushes over the problems of the four rivers of
+Paradise and of why the sea is salt to come to a discussion of
+springs,<a id='r922'></a><a href='#f922' class='c015'><sup>[922]</sup></a> about which he relates many marvels, appending to
+each a little moral lesson. For example, he tells of two founts in
+Italy, one of which turns the feathers of white birds black, and
+the other the feathers of black birds white. He suggests the
+analogy of the former to contemporary worldly knowledge that
+darkens minds glowing in the brightness of innocence; and of
+the latter to true wisdom that renders serene minds obscured by
+the shades of vice.<a id='r923'></a><a href='#f923' class='c015'><sup>[923]</sup></a> Then he goes on to discourse about springs
+that rise when some one throws a red cloth into them; a spring
+that boils up with much noise, as if in annoyance, when men talk
+near it; a spring that gives flame to an unburnt torch and puts
+out a lighted one; and a spring whose water, when thrown upon
+a certain rock in its neighborhood, causes a storm of wind, rain,
+and hail to arise. These are but a few of many remarkable
+sources that Neckam describes and places in various parts of the
+world, drawing on Solinus, Isidore, and the mass of medieval
+pseudo-science that flourished in all countries.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>More convincing is Saxo Grammaticus’ circumstantial account
+of certain water holes in Iceland. In these the water sometimes
+wells up in abundance and is thrown high into the air in a shower
+of drops. At other times the flow is quiescent, and the water
+seems to be sucked into the holes deep in the earth where it
+scarce may be seen. This description is obviously based on
+reports Saxo had received from eyewitnesses of the geysers of
+Iceland.<a id='r924'></a><a href='#f924' class='c015'><sup>[924]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Fountain of Youth</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The most remarkable and most sought-for of sources has always
+been the Fountain of Youth. In the first letter of Prester
+John we find the description<a id='r925'></a><a href='#f925' class='c015'><sup>[925]</sup></a> of a grove at the foot of Mount
+Olympus, not far from Paradise, in Central Asia. In this grove
+there is a spring that wafts forth odors of all kinds, varying from
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_205'>205</span>hour to hour, by day and by night. Its waters give eternal
+youth to any one who bathes therein, restoring him to the bodily
+strength and vigor that he possessed at the age of thirty-two.
+Closely parallel to this account, though probably not derived
+from it, is a description in the Romance of Alexander<a id='r926'></a><a href='#f926' class='c015'><sup>[926]</sup></a> of a
+fountain that receives its waters from the Euphrates, one of the
+four rivers of Paradise, and which four times daily has the power
+of rejuvenation. Two old men who jumped in emerged looking
+exactly as if they were thirty years old. Akin to the Fountain
+of Youth, but less powerful in its action, is a spring described by
+Gervase<a id='r927'></a><a href='#f927' class='c015'><sup>[927]</sup></a> in Staffordshire, England, to which he attributed
+the ability of restoring energy to men when weary. But this is
+true of any fresh mountain pool.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Rivers</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>As to the source of rivers, we need add nothing to what has
+already been said about the “congregation of waters” (<i>congregatio
+aquae</i>) and about springs and fountains. It was commonly
+thought in medieval and classical times that two or more rivers
+may rise from one source and flow off in diverse directions. The
+most striking example of this was furnished by the Scriptural
+four rivers of Paradise, which, though rising from one stream,
+were believed to find their way to at least three different seas.
+In commenting on the rivers of Paradise, Gervase of Tilbury
+expressly asserts<a id='r928'></a><a href='#f928' class='c015'><sup>[928]</sup></a> that not only is it possible for more than one
+stream to rise from the same headwaters but that the same rivers
+may again mingle and again separate their waters. Giraldus
+Cambrensis describes<a id='r929'></a><a href='#f929' class='c015'><sup>[929]</sup></a> how the Shannon of Ireland rises in a
+lake between Connaught and Munster and thence divides into
+two branches flowing in opposite ways, one southward to the
+“Sea of Brandan,” the other northward into the Northern Ocean.
+It is true that in regions of imperfect drainage development, like
+Ireland, northern North America, and parts of the Amazon
+Valley, two small streams occasionally do spring from a single
+source. On the other hand, it is entirely contrary to the laws of
+hydrography that two or more full-grown rivers should either
+leave a lake and depart across country in different directions or,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_206'>206</span>except in the case of deltas, owe their origin to the separation of
+the waters of a single large stream. Classical and medieval
+geographers, however, were not acquainted with this law, and
+the words of the Bible justified the writers of geographical books,
+even down to as late a date as the eighteenth century, in making
+broad rivers divide into separate branches and wander at random
+over the country.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Giraldus Cambrensis noted several other peculiarities of
+rivers.<a id='r930'></a><a href='#f930' class='c015'><sup>[930]</sup></a> For example, he remarked that the stream at Wicklow
+which flows across the harbor (we may presume in a channel
+through mud flats) is brackish at ebb tide; a similar river at Arklow
+is fresh.<a id='r931'></a><a href='#f931' class='c015'><sup>[931]</sup></a> Tide water, he said, does not mingle with the
+River Conway in North Wales.<a id='r932'></a><a href='#f932' class='c015'><sup>[932]</sup></a> Elsewhere he observed that
+the term <i>aber</i> in Welsh is applied to all those places where one
+stream flows into another.<a id='r933'></a><a href='#f933' class='c015'><sup>[933]</sup></a> The River Dee is not affected by
+rains, but the winds make it rise.<a id='r934'></a><a href='#f934' class='c015'><sup>[934]</sup></a> It changes its bed every
+year, and, as its course forms the boundary between England
+and Wales, these changes are interpreted as omens foretelling
+whether the English or the Welsh are going to be the more successful
+in their combats with each other during the succeeding
+year.<a id='r935'></a><a href='#f935' class='c015'><sup>[935]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Nile Flood</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In his consideration of the problem of the flood of the Nile,
+Abelard gives a curious example of the symbolic interpretation
+of scriptural and geographic matters which was also characteristic
+of the writings of Bernard of Clairvaux.<a id='r936'></a><a href='#f936' class='c015'><sup>[936]</sup></a> Isidore had
+followed earlier classical authorities in describing the flood as
+due to the building up, by the etesian winds, of sand bars at the
+mouth of the river during the winter.<a id='r937'></a><a href='#f937' class='c015'><sup>[937]</sup></a> Abelard, from Bede’s
+rendering of Isidore’s text,<a id='r938'></a><a href='#f938' class='c015'><sup>[938]</sup></a> adopted the same theory in his discussion
+of the Nile in the <i>Expositio in hexaemeron</i>.<a id='r939'></a><a href='#f939' class='c015'><sup>[939]</sup></a> He also discussed
+the Nile flood in a sermon on the text, “And the Lord, the
+God of hosts, is He who toucheth the earth, and it shall melt: and
+all that dwell therein shall mourn: and it shall rise up as a river
+and shall run down as the river of Egypt” (Amos ix, 5). In the
+sermon<a id='r940'></a><a href='#f940' class='c015'><sup>[940]</sup></a> he compared the rising of the Lord at the resurrection
+to the Nile: as the river fructifies the land, so the Lord strengthened
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_207'>207</span>the despairing hearts of his disciples. Abelard then quoted
+the passage from Bede just mentioned, and proceeded to interpret
+it as follows: The Nile coming down from Paradise is like
+unto the wisdom of God descending from above to give us to
+drink as from a fountain. Egypt is like unto the carnal darkness
+of this world. Its river enters the sea through seven
+mouths, which are obstructed when the wind blows and causes
+the backing up of the waters that can find no outlet. Thus,
+after the resurrection of the Lord but before the sevenfold grace
+of his spirit could find its way out into the broad sea of the nations,
+it was impeded as were the waters of the Nile. In other words,
+the apostles, through fear of the Jews, were held in Judea blinded,
+as it were, and for some time were not permitted to go forth as if
+from Egypt and through their preaching to bring about a rebirth
+of mankind. What does the wind represent, Abelard asks, if
+not the temptation of the devil? And what the sand, if not
+those men who at the turning of the ages wavered this way and
+that, held fast by earthly desires and temptations? <a id='r941'></a><a href='#f941' class='c015'><sup>[941]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>It is hardly necessary to point out the contrast between this
+sort of geographical speculation and that of William of Conches.
+Better perhaps than any other text with which the writer is familiar,
+these ideas of Abelard illustrate that absorption, so often
+characteristic of medieval thought, of scientific and geographical
+interests into those of theology.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Lakes</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Abundance of lakes is characteristic of glaciated countries like
+New England, Switzerland, Scotland, Sweden, Wales, and Ireland.
+Giraldus Cambrensis was impressed by the number of lakes in
+Ireland, where, he says,<a id='r942'></a><a href='#f942' class='c015'><sup>[942]</sup></a> they are more numerous than in any
+other part of the world. Giraldus and Gervase of Tilbury describe
+many lacustrine marvels.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In tracing the history of Ireland, Giraldus says <a id='r943'></a><a href='#f943' class='c015'><sup>[943]</sup></a> that about
+three hundred years after the Deluge four ponds suddenly broke
+forth from the bowels of the earth and that this was repeated at
+the time of the third colonization of Ireland under Neimhith.<a id='r944'></a><a href='#f944' class='c015'><sup>[944]</sup></a>
+Two ponds in Wales <a id='r945'></a><a href='#f945' class='c015'><sup>[945]</sup></a> were said to have burst their bounds and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_208'>208</span>overflowed the neighborhood on the night of the death of Henry I.
+Before a great war, during which a province of central Wales was
+ravaged, a certain lake turned green, and old men described a
+similar portent just before the devastation of Wales by “Hoel, son
+of Moreduc” (Howel, son of Meredith).<a id='r946'></a><a href='#f946' class='c015'><sup>[946]</sup></a> The Lake of Brecknock
+in Wales appears sometimes a greenish color and sometimes
+ruddy as if penetrated by veins of blood.<a id='r947'></a><a href='#f947' class='c015'><sup>[947]</sup></a> Perhaps Giraldus
+was reminded of this by the mud-streaked appearance of mountain
+tarns after a rain, but it is less easy to explain the buildings,
+pastures, gardens, and orchards which he declares were occasionally
+visible beneath the surface. On the other hand, all who
+are familiar with inland waters in cold latitudes know the booming
+sounds they emit when frozen, which Giraldus compares to
+the moaning of a large herd of animals. These noises, he said,
+were caused by the sudden outrush of air imprisoned beneath
+the ice. At the top of Mount Snowdon, according to Giraldus,
+there are two lakes, one containing a floating island blown by
+the winds.<a id='r948'></a><a href='#f948' class='c015'><sup>[948]</sup></a> The most interesting lake with which Giraldus
+deals, however, is Lough Neagh in Ireland. This, he said,<a id='r949'></a><a href='#f949' class='c015'><sup>[949]</sup></a>
+lies in Ulster and is of remarkable size, thirty miles by fifteen.
+Though the relative proportions are right, the actual size is exaggerated,
+the dimensions being fifteen English miles long by from
+five to eight broad. The origin of the lake he attributed to an
+inundation that came as a punishment for the unnatural crimes
+of the natives of the region. This led him to a comparison of
+the story of Lough Neagh with the Biblical history of the destruction
+of the Pentapolis and the origins of the Dead Sea.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The Dead Sea has always exerted a potent fascination over
+the minds of men. The uncanny natural features of its basin,
+and the terrible story associated with them, have been objects
+of curiosity from the very earliest times. Gervase of Tilbury
+goes into some detail on the subject.<a id='r950'></a><a href='#f950' class='c015'><sup>[950]</sup></a> The five cities, he says,
+were submerged, on account of the sins of their inhabitants, in
+a salt and sterile lake called the Dead Sea, where neither bird
+nor fish can live. The sea is open to no ship; nay, it even rises
+over everything not impregnated with bitumen, probably because
+of the living men within it. If any one by any means
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_209'>209</span>immerses a living creature in it, the living being immediately
+leaps out.<a id='r951'></a><a href='#f951' class='c015'><sup>[951]</sup></a> A burning torch will float on the lake, an extinct
+one will sink. There was certainly an infernal quality about
+the Dead Sea, and it was even supposed that beneath its waters
+there was an entrance into Hell.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Gervase tells of the discovery of another mouth of Hell near
+Pozzuoli in southern Italy.<a id='r952'></a><a href='#f952' class='c015'><sup>[952]</sup></a> A bishop John of Pozzuoli was
+said to have discovered a pond whose waters were opaque but
+would become clear and translucent when oil was thrown upon
+them. Exploring about its shores one day, the bishop heard
+the sounds of lamentation coming from beneath the waters and,
+casting oil upon them, was horrified to behold, far down in the
+depths, the gateway to the infernal regions! Elsewhere<a id='r953'></a><a href='#f953' class='c015'><sup>[953]</sup></a>
+Gervase tells of a lake on the summit of Mount Cavagum
+(Canigou) in Catalonia, inhabited by devils, who raise a storm
+when stones are thrown in to disturb them.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_210'>210</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>CHAPTER IX<br> THE LANDS</h3>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c010'>The inquiring curiosity of men as well as of children is not first
+stimulated by those things which seem most usual and commonplace.
+The latter are taken for granted. Science originates
+rather in the wonder aroused by the extraordinary or by the impressive.
+Only after a long process of development does it turn
+to the study of the homely and the obvious.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The truth of this is illustrated in the medieval geography of
+the lands. Geomorphology, or the science of land forms, was
+very much in its infancy during our period and for many centuries
+thereafter. Only rarely did the man of the Middle Ages
+seek for an explanation of the origin of the familiar features of
+the earth’s surface which he saw around him day by day. If he
+described a landscape in terms that often reveal love of its beauty
+or, at least, appreciation of its productive capacity, he was almost
+totally blind to the possibilities of profounder analysis of its
+nature. A plain was a plain, a valley a valley because God had
+made it so.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The present chapter will deal mainly with the character of
+these external, unscientific descriptions of land forms. The
+attempt will be made, however, to point out a few notable exceptions
+to the general rule, a few cases where men sought for
+a deeper meaning in the aspects of nature than the meaning
+written upon the surface.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>CLASSIFICATION OF LAND AREAS</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Quantitative and Qualitative Subdivisions</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>There are two ways of subdividing and classifying areas of
+land, the quantitative and the qualitative.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Adelard of Bath gives us an example of a quantitative subdivision
+where he tells in his <i>De eodem et diverso</i><a id='r954'></a><a href='#f954' class='c015'><sup>[954]</sup></a> that the inventor
+of geometry split the known world into parts (or, perhaps, continents),
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_211'>211</span>the parts into provinces, the provinces into regions,
+the regions into localities, the localities into territories, the territories
+into fields, the fields into centuries, and the centuries into
+<i>jugera</i> (acres).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i>, borrowing from Isidore,<a id='r955'></a><a href='#f955' class='c015'><sup>[955]</sup></a>
+makes a qualitative subdivision.<a id='r956'></a><a href='#f956' class='c015'><sup>[956]</sup></a> Land, he says, may be grouped
+under six different heads, <i>terra</i> being the name applied to the
+entire element of earth. The six kinds of <i>terra</i> are: (1) <i>tellus</i>,
+fertile; (2) <i>humus</i>, infertile, because of an excess of moisture;
+(3) <i>arida</i>, waterless, like Libya, dried up by the sun; (4) <i>sicca</i>,
+rather less dry than <i>arida</i>, but where, nevertheless, all precipitation
+quickly disappears, as in Judea; (5) <i>solum</i>, so called from its
+solidity, as mountainous land (<i>a soliditate ut sunt montana</i>); and,
+finally (6) <i>ops</i>, or wealthy land, like that of India, where gold
+and gems abound.<a id='r957'></a><a href='#f957' class='c015'><sup>[957]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In addition to such variations in the character of the lands, it
+was a common view that certain localities are by nature either
+peculiarly noxious or else peculiarly free from poisons. Gervase
+of Tilbury notes<a id='r958'></a><a href='#f958' class='c015'><sup>[958]</sup></a> an area near Pozzuoli which resembled a dried-up
+swamp but proved fatal to all animals venturing upon it.
+Elsewhere<a id='r959'></a><a href='#f959' class='c015'><sup>[959]</sup></a> he repeats, in connection with the tree of life spoken
+of by Alexander in his supposed letter to Aristotle, a widespread
+tradition of a land where no man could die even though he were
+decrepit with old age and might wish for relief from the cares of
+this world.<a id='r960'></a><a href='#f960' class='c015'><sup>[960]</sup></a> The <i>Image du monde</i><a id='r961'></a><a href='#f961' class='c015'><sup>[961]</sup></a> attributes a similar quality
+to an island in the northern seas. When the inhabitants wished
+to die they had themselves taken to Tylle (Thule), where they
+might expire in peace. Giraldus Cambrensis describes<a id='r962'></a><a href='#f962' class='c015'><sup>[962]</sup></a> such an
+island in a lake in Ireland, as well as an island where no females
+could live.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Giraldus Cambrensis’ Comparison of East and West</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Probably, however, the most striking study of the varying
+qualities of different regions is Giraldus Cambrensis’ elaborate
+comparison of Orient and Occident.<a id='r963'></a><a href='#f963' class='c015'><sup>[963]</sup></a> In Chapter VII we discussed
+this writer’s belief that the atmosphere of the West is far
+healthier than that of the East. But not only is the air better,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_212'>212</span>he asserted, but also the land itself, and of all the lands Ireland
+is the most healthy. No venomous reptiles can exist in the
+Emerald Isle. Giraldus attributed this phenomenon not to the
+beneficent work of St. Patrick in driving out the snakes<a id='r964'></a><a href='#f964' class='c015'><sup>[964]</sup></a> (this
+story, he said, was merely a pleasant fiction) but rather to some
+natural deficiency in Irish soil that had existed long before St.
+Patrick’s time. He explained further that no poisonous reptiles
+could survive in Ireland even when they were brought there;<a id='r965'></a><a href='#f965' class='c015'><sup>[965]</sup></a>
+toads, when carried over on ships, burst open as soon as they are
+thrown ashore; and the dust of Ireland, when sprinkled on poisonous
+creatures of any sort, kills them instantly.<a id='r966'></a><a href='#f966' class='c015'><sup>[966]</sup></a> The East,
+on the other hand, Giraldus called<a id='r967'></a><a href='#f967' class='c015'><sup>[967]</sup></a> a fountain of poisons (<i>fons
+venenorum</i>), and he waxed most eloquent on its terrors:<a id='r968'></a><a href='#f968' class='c015'><sup>[968]</sup></a> poisonous
+animals abound, the waters are always polluted, and death
+lurks on every hand; but the farther away from this Oriental
+source of poison one travels, the less its effect, until in the extreme
+West it exerts no influence at all, just as the sun’s rays are
+weaker the farther one goes from beneath the zodiac.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>This distinction between Eastern and Western climate and
+conditions of terrain may to a limited extent have been based on
+actual observation. Undoubtedly the pilgrim and Crusader
+suffered more from disease and hardship when traveling in the
+Orient than they did at home, because they were not acclimatized
+to Levantine conditions of life and did not understand what was
+necessary for the preservation of health; and this may well have
+produced the unfavorable impression of the East which found
+its way in exaggerated form into the pages of the <i>Topographia
+Hiberniae</i>.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>MOUNTAINS</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Mountains are the most imposing natural features of the
+lands.<a id='r969'></a><a href='#f969' class='c015'><sup>[969]</sup></a> Though there did not exist in the Middle Ages anything
+comparable to that love of mountains for their own sake
+which developed later and of which we see an early manifestation
+in the ascent of Mont Ventoux by Petrarch in April, 1336,
+the very bulk of the hills, nevertheless, impressed men’s imaginations,
+and medieval literature is full of notices concerning
+mountains.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_213'>213</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Origin of Mountains</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>In regard to their origin, Peter Comestor asserts that the
+mountains may not have been as high at the time of the Flood
+as they now are,<a id='r970'></a><a href='#f970' class='c015'><sup>[970]</sup></a> and Gervase of Tilbury cites the opinion of
+some that there were no mountains at all on the face of the earth
+before the Deluge.<a id='r971'></a><a href='#f971' class='c015'><sup>[971]</sup></a> Bartholomew Anglicus<a id='r972'></a><a href='#f972' class='c015'><sup>[972]</sup></a> conjectured
+that in the very beginning the earth was a plain covered with
+waters, the movements of which produced the valleys, while the
+heights were the ridges that remained separating the valleys;
+many mountains also were the result of great telluric convulsions
+and were full of caverns that give forth immense volumes
+of water and form the sources of rivers.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In a translation by Alfred of Sareshel of an Arabic work,<a id='r973'></a><a href='#f973' class='c015'><sup>[973]</sup></a>
+perhaps that of Avicenna, we have a strikingly modern description
+of the geological processes resulting in the production of
+mountains by the forces of erosion and by the accumulation of
+soil and earth. “Mountains may arise from two causes, either
+from uplifting of the ground, such as takes place in earthquakes
+or from the effects of running water and wind in hollowing out
+valleys in soft rocks and leaving the hard rocks prominent,
+which has been the effective process in the case of most hills.
+Such changes must have taken long periods of time, and possibly
+the mountains are now diminishing in size. What proves that
+water has been the main agent in bringing about these transformations
+of the surface is the occurrence in many rocks of the
+impressions of aquatic and other animals. The yellow earth
+that clothes the surface of the mountains is not of the same origin
+as the framework of the ground underneath it but arises from the
+decay of organic remains, mingled with earthy materials transported
+by the water. Perhaps these materials were originally in
+the sea which once overspread all the land” (Geikie’s translation).<a id='r974'></a><a href='#f974' class='c015'><sup>[974]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>If, in reading the above passage, we feel that we are dealing
+with ideas that could well stand in the light of modern science
+and that in this passage at least geomorphology has emerged
+from its infancy, we are brought back to the Middle Ages when
+we turn to Rupert of Deutz’s teleological explanation of the reasons
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_214'>214</span>why God created deep valleys and high mountains on the
+land. According to this mystic, these features were made to
+serve as a protection to the human wanderer upon the surface of
+the earth from the violence of the winds which would otherwise
+have unlimited power over all things, as they do on the Libyan
+desert or on the ocean.<a id='r975'></a><a href='#f975' class='c015'><sup>[975]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Their Size and Height</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The fact that, great as mountains may appear to men, they
+are in reality but insignificant in comparison with the size of the
+entire earth, was partially appreciated by the author of the <i>De
+imagine mundi</i>, when he remarked<a id='r976'></a><a href='#f976' class='c015'><sup>[976]</sup></a> that, if we could look down
+on the earth from the air above, the entire height of the mountains
+and depth of the valleys would seem less than the width of
+the fingers of one who holds a very large ball in his hand.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We find occasional speculations regarding altitudes. Peter
+Comestor, followed by Gervase of Tilbury, asserted<a id='r977'></a><a href='#f977' class='c015'><sup>[977]</sup></a> that Olympus
+reaches up into a region of calm, windless air; and William
+of Conches held<a id='r978'></a><a href='#f978' class='c015'><sup>[978]</sup></a> that the presence of snow on mountains is due
+to the rarity of the air at high altitudes. Gervase stated,<a id='r979'></a><a href='#f979' class='c015'><sup>[979]</sup></a> on
+the authority of Posthumianus in the <i>Dialogue</i> of Sulpicius
+Severus<a id='r980'></a><a href='#f980' class='c015'><sup>[980]</sup></a> (a historian of the fourth century of our era), that
+Sinai is so lofty that its peak is very near the heavens and that
+consequently it is impossible to go there.<a id='r981'></a><a href='#f981' class='c015'><sup>[981]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><i>Miraculous Mountains</i></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Mountains and hills might have miraculous qualities. Giraldus
+Cambrensis told<a id='r982'></a><a href='#f982' class='c015'><sup>[982]</sup></a> of heights in Mona and in the northern part of
+Britain, beyond the Humber, over the crests of which no shouts
+could be heard; and Gervase of Tilbury described<a id='r983'></a><a href='#f983' class='c015'><sup>[983]</sup></a> Mount
+Cavagum (Canigou) in Catalonia, with a miraculous lake, the
+dwelling place of devils, on its summit; on one peak there lies
+perpetual snow and ice in a spot where the sun never shines, and
+a river of golden sand flows from its base. In the Romance of
+Alexander, the conqueror was said to have passed near a mountain
+which made brave men cowards and cowards brave.<a id='r984'></a><a href='#f984' class='c015'><sup>[984]</sup></a> On another
+occasion,<a id='r985'></a><a href='#f985' class='c015'><sup>[985]</sup></a> Alexander and his army became lost in a perilous
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_215'>215</span>valley among wild peaks; they could not find their way out unless
+one man sacrificed himself for the others by remaining in the
+valley. Alexander himself volunteered to remain, and the army
+escaped in the midst of fearful tempests; but subsequently Alexander
+was conducted out by a devil whom he found in the place
+and to whom he did a good turn.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Accurate Observation of Orographic Phenomena</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>On the other hand, during our period there was not a little
+reasonably accurate observation of the phenomena of mountains.
+Bernard Sylvester, for example, pointed out that mountains are
+bad plowland largely because of the thinness of the soil on their
+steep slopes.<a id='r986'></a><a href='#f986' class='c015'><sup>[986]</sup></a> Gervase of Tilbury noted that many of the high
+hills of Wales, though they might have firm and rocky bases,
+were characterized by watery and boggy summits.<a id='r987'></a><a href='#f987' class='c015'><sup>[987]</sup></a> Giraldus
+Cambrensis pictures the characteristics of the Welsh hills and
+brings out their combination of crag and pasture land. In one
+passage he tells of Mount Ereri—called by the English “Snowdon,”
+or mount of snows—which has such an extent of pasture
+lands upon it that it could supply the flocks of the whole of
+Wales.<a id='r988'></a><a href='#f988' class='c015'><sup>[988]</sup></a> The land of Meiryonidd (Merioneth) he spoke of as a
+wild, rough region, with mountains so broken and irregular that
+it frequently took all day for the shepherds to gather together in
+one spot,<a id='r989'></a><a href='#f989' class='c015'><sup>[989]</sup></a> even though they might have been within earshot of
+one another in the morning.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Appreciation of the Beauty of Mountains</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>It is not hard to believe that during our period some men had
+the beginnings of a genuinely esthetic appreciation of the beauty
+of mountains. Bernard Sylvester tells of the orographic systems
+of the world in terms not lacking in color and poetic appreciation.<a id='r990'></a><a href='#f990' class='c015'><sup>[990]</sup></a>
+He writes that the world is strung with mountains like
+nerves in a body and goes on to enumerate and describe them:
+“Clear Olympus, which looks down on the clouds; Parnassus,
+with double yoke; Lebanon, in its woods;” Sinai, Athos, Eryx,
+Pindus, Othrys, Pelion, Caucasus. Though he merely repeats
+classical names and classical designations, the whole long passage
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_216'>216</span>could hardly have been written by a man wholly blind to the
+grandeur of his subject. Giraldus Cambrensis tells about the
+Church of St. David, now known as Llanthoni Abbey, in the
+midst of the hills of southern Wales. “Here the monks, when
+they sit down in their cloister to rest and take the air, see in all
+directions over the high gables of their roofs the peaks of the
+mountains bounding their horizon and, as it were, touching the
+sky. They see the wild deer pasturing on their summits, and at
+about the hour of the prime or shortly before in clear weather
+they see the sun appearing over the mountain crests.”<a id='r991'></a><a href='#f991' class='c015'><sup>[991]</sup></a> This
+certainly shows that the writer found delight in the restful qualities
+of a highland landscape.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>If Walter of Châtillon had not at some time in his life felt the
+elation of a view at dawn from a mountain summit, he could
+hardly have written the brilliant description in the <i>Alexandreis</i>
+where he tells how Alexander, at the moment when the sun began
+to gleam upon the surface of the sea, rushed forth from his camp
+and climbed upon a steep peak whence his vision embraced the
+bounds of Asia. Looking out over fields green with crops, over
+many a forested mountain and meadow lavish in its rank grass,
+over many a city with its encircling walls and many a vineyard
+and elm tree entwined with vines, the conqueror exclaimed:
+“Enough! my friends: this land alone satisfies me. To you I
+leave Europe and your native country.”<a id='r992'></a><a href='#f992' class='c015'><sup>[992]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Religious Attitude Towards Mountains</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Ganzenmüller in his book on the feeling for nature in the
+Middle Ages cites several important texts which illustrate the
+religious attitudes towards mountains that must have prevailed
+throughout our period. We shall see a little later that Bernard
+of Clairvaux in one of his letters spoke of mountains as symbolizing
+the aspirations of the haughty and worldly.<a id='r993'></a><a href='#f993' class='c015'><sup>[993]</sup></a> But others
+believed that there is a godly quality about the heights. The
+biographer of bishop Altmann of Passau, writing in the twelfth
+century, tells us that one day the bishop, accompanied by an
+immense crowd of people, climbed a mountain near Mautern in
+Lower Austria firmly believing that those who serve God here
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_217'>217</span>below will climb to the corners and bounds of heaven.<a id='r994'></a><a href='#f994' class='c015'><sup>[994]</sup></a> Eadmer
+records of Anselm of Canterbury that on one occasion, when the
+latter happened to find himself on a high summit, he was so refreshed
+by the clear air and solitude that he remarked: “Here
+is my resting place: here will I dwell.”<a id='r995'></a><a href='#f995' class='c015'><sup>[995]</sup></a> St. Francis of Assisi
+must have felt the same mystic love of mountains that he felt
+for birds and animals and that he expressed so beautifully in his
+hymn to Brother Sun, for did he not in 1224 go into retreat at
+La Verna, a remote, forest-covered peak in the Casentino,<a id='r996'></a><a href='#f996' class='c015'><sup>[996]</sup></a> and
+did he not, as he left, turn back and bless the mountain as he had
+blessed the birds? At the present time the lower slopes of La
+Verna are bare and sun-baked. The summit, buttressed by
+massive ledges, is covered with a beautiful wood, and from it the
+eye wanders over Tuscany, across the ranges of the Apennines,
+and to the eastward catches a glimpse of the Adriatic. That St.
+Francis should deliberately have chosen this place of exceptional
+charm for a retreat; that he should have made a long, hard journey
+to reach it; and, above all, that here he received the supreme
+glory of his life reveal to us something far deeper than mere esthetic
+satisfaction in the beauty of nature. To St. Francis the
+quiet summit of the mountain was a symbol of the peace and
+tranquillity of heaven and of eternity.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Normal Medieval Feeling About Mountains</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>But for the most part mountainous regions were regarded as
+places of grimness and horror. The many journeys over the
+Alps made in the Middle Ages by pilgrim, soldier, and trader
+brought forth few comments on aught else than the hardships
+of the way. Otto of Freising tells<a id='r997'></a><a href='#f997' class='c015'><sup>[997]</sup></a> how in September, 1155,
+Frederick Barbarossa’s army passed through a narrow gorge
+in the Alps above Verona where robbers impeded its passage.
+Otto’s description is very brief and simple; the road, he says,
+runs between high cliffs on one side and the unfordable river on
+the other. Gunther in the <i>Ligurinus</i><a id='r998'></a><a href='#f998' class='c015'><sup>[998]</sup></a> elaborates on this by
+the copious addition of words emphasizing the terrors of the
+route: the narrow track wide enough for only one person at a
+time to proceed; on one side the “cloud-swept crags of the jagged
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_218'>218</span>Alps,” on the other a chaotic, whirling stream; these combined
+to fill the passer-by with fear.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Perhaps the most striking narrative of a mountain passage
+dating from our period tells of the crossing of the Great St. Bernard
+Pass by the abbot of St. Trond and the archdeacon of
+Liége in 1128.<a id='r999'></a><a href='#f999' class='c015'><sup>[999]</sup></a> Having celebrated Christmas at Piacenza, the
+travelers arrived at the beginning of winter in the village of
+Restopolis (Étrouble) in the valley leading to the pass, Mons
+Jovis; here they were snowbound until after New Year’s Day.
+Finally the native guides were able to conduct them on to St.
+Rhémy farther up the valley close to the final ascent. “Frozen
+as it were in the jaws of death” they remained here a day and a
+night, constantly menaced by the gravest danger. The small
+village was full of travelers, many of whom had been overwhelmed
+by the avalanches which kept falling from the high cliffs on
+either side. Some of these unfortunates had been suffocated,
+and others so badly hurt that they were disabled.<a id='r1000'></a><a href='#f1000' class='c015'><sup>[1000]</sup></a> The ecclesiastics
+were obliged to spend several miserable days in this
+“accursed spot,” but at last they were able to prevail on their
+guides to lead them onward. A procession was organized, the
+guides in the lead, clad in thick felt hats, gloves, and with spikes
+in their boots to enable them to cross the ice; then came other
+storm-bound travelers; the horses and the clergy, who were physically
+the weakest, brought up the rear. Just before leaving,
+the party stopped for mass in a chapel. While the service was
+going on, ten of the guides who had gone ahead were engulfed
+by an avalanche and killed. This so alarmed the prelates that
+they retreated to Restopolis; but at last good weather came,
+and on January 6 they managed to get across the pass with no
+great difficulty.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In 1188 John of Bremble, a monk of Christ Church, Canterbury,
+visited the Great St. Bernard Pass. He wrote about it as
+follows to his sub-prior, Geoffrey, and gave expression to what
+Gribble correctly calls the “normal medieval view of mountains:”<a id='r1001'></a><a href='#f1001' class='c015'><sup>[1001]</sup></a>
+“I have been on the Mount of Jove; on the one hand
+looking up to the heaven of mountains, on the other shuddering
+at the hell of the valleys, feeling myself so much nearer heaven
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_219'>219</span>that I was sure that my prayer would be heard. ‘Lord,’ I said,
+‘restore me to my brethren, that I may tell them that they come
+not to this place of torment.’ Place of torment, indeed, where
+the marble pavement of the stony ground is ice alone, and you
+cannot set your foot safely; where, strange to say, although it is
+so slippery that you cannot stand, the death into which there is
+every facility for a fall is certain death” (Gribble’s translation).</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Glaciers</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>As a general rule the medieval traveler took no interest in
+glaciers. Journeys across the Alps were such hazardous undertakings
+that even the traveler of scientific tastes could have had
+little opportunity or inclination to investigate the phenomena
+of the ice. A passage in the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> of Saxo Grammaticus,
+therefore, is doubly remarkable because it gives us some
+specific details regarding the glaciers of Iceland. After speaking
+of the ice floes breaking on the shore, Saxo writes: “There is
+also there another type of ice which runs between the rocks and
+passes of the mountains. This undergoes certain changes: it is
+subject to a process of transposition in which the upper parts
+sink down to the bottom and the lower parts arise to the surface.
+It is reliably asserted that persons who happened to be
+passing over the flat surface of the ice have fallen into crevasses
+and gaping fissures and that, soon after, their dead bodies have
+been recovered without a trace of ice above them. This circumstance
+has led many people to believe that whomsoever the
+icy caldron takes into its lowest depths, it will deliver again
+shortly after upside down.”<a id='r1002'></a><a href='#f1002' class='c015'><sup>[1002]</sup></a> Though this passage shows that
+Saxo did not have a clear conception of what he was trying to
+describe, it was certainly based upon some knowledge, though
+slight, of glacial phenomena. It is a well-known fact that on its
+arrival at the lower portion of a glacier, ice that at higher elevations
+was at the bottom often comes to the surface and brings
+with it materials scraped from the glacial bed or objects that may
+have fallen into the crevasses. This passage of Saxo has been
+cited as the earliest occasion in literature in which the motion of
+glacial ice was recognized.<a id='r1003'></a><a href='#f1003' class='c015'><sup>[1003]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_220'>220</span>
+  <h4 class='c014'><i>VOLCANOES AND EARTHQUAKES</i></h4>
+</div>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Visits to Volcanoes</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Volcanoes are a type of mountain that attracted particular
+attention, and, though the men of medieval and ancient times
+were certainly not mountain climbers,<a id='r1004'></a><a href='#f1004' class='c015'><sup>[1004]</sup></a> there are a few records
+of their having deliberately visited volcanoes out of curiosity or
+scientific interest. It is well known that Pliny the Elder perished
+in an attempt to investigate the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 A.&#160;D.,
+and during the twelfth century the Sicilian scholar and administrator,
+Henricus Aristippus, is said to have made a careful study
+of the volcanic phenomena of Etna, not without danger.<a id='r1005'></a><a href='#f1005' class='c015'><sup>[1005]</sup></a> In the
+legend of St. Brandan’s voyage we find an account of the manner
+in which a companion of the saint lost his life in an attempt to
+scale a fiery peak on an island in the northern seas.<a id='r1006'></a><a href='#f1006' class='c015'><sup>[1006]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The writer of the second verse redaction of the <i>Image du monde</i>
+also tells us that he himself had made the ascent of Mongibel
+(Etna), and his observations are so detailed and realistic that
+we cannot but believe that he is telling the truth.<a id='r1007'></a><a href='#f1007' class='c015'><sup>[1007]</sup></a> His object
+was to see what comes out of the smoking mouth of the mountain.
+He noticed that the fire which issues forth soon turns to vapor
+and smoke; that the rocks of the mountain resemble “foam of
+iron” (<i>escume de fer</i>—pumice or some other volcanic ejecta);
+that the land about the mountain is broken (<i>esparse</i>) and appears
+to be blasted and burned (<i>bruslée et arse</i>). The volcanic heat
+touched (<i>ting</i>) his bare hand, and a gentle sweat broke out over
+his body; but near the summit he was able to slake his thirst
+from frozen snow. On the way down he had the curious experience
+of hearing thunder in the clouds below him. When he
+finally got back to the city, the people thought he was a fool
+(<i>musard</i>) for venturing into a place with such a bad reputation.
+He adds that some people say that Mongibel is the highest
+mountain in the world. That it is much higher than appears
+from below, he himself had demonstrated. It can be seen from
+no less than two hundred leagues away at sea.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Volcanic Region of Southern Italy and Sicily</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The two volcanic regions known to the medieval world were
+Southern Italy and Sicily on the one hand and Iceland on the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_221'>221</span>other. Gervase of Tilbury describes Vesuvius and the volcanic
+features about Naples;<a id='r1008'></a><a href='#f1008' class='c015'><sup>[1008]</sup></a> he says that in the vicinity of Pozzuoli
+there are hills with sands near the summit so hot that they hinder
+persons from ascending across them. On the very outskirts of
+Naples he speaks of a high mountain, called Mons Virginum,
+overlooking the sea and the surrounding country. In the month
+of May it belches forth a terrifying smoke with firebrands that
+turn to the color of carbon when burnt out. This would seem to
+indicate the presence of a vent connecting the mountain with
+the infernal regions. (“<span lang="la">Unde illic quoddam inferni terreni
+spiraculum asserunt ebullire.</span>”) The south wind blows a hot
+dust from the volcano which ruins the crops and fruits of the
+neighborhood and tends to render the land barren and sterile.
+To this fairly clear description of a volcano Gervase adds a fantastic
+tale about the preventive measures which Virgil<a id='r1009'></a><a href='#f1009' class='c015'><sup>[1009]</sup></a> took to
+avert the disaster caused by the hot winds; the poet erected a
+statue holding a horn which automatically tooted whenever the
+south wind began to blow, and for some reason repulsed the blast.<a id='r1010'></a><a href='#f1010' class='c015'><sup>[1010]</sup></a>
+Recently, however, the statue had either gone to pieces with age
+or else had been destroyed by malice, for the damage done by
+the volcanic blasts was once more repeated as in bygone days.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The traveler Conrad of Querfurt looked with interest upon the
+volcanic features of the Phlegraean Fields to the northwest of
+Naples and drew attention to the confused labyrinth of passages
+in the interior of Monte Barbaro and to the hot springs, subterranean
+channels of boiling water, and other wonders of the
+region.<a id='r1011'></a><a href='#f1011' class='c015'><sup>[1011]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Guy of Bazoches, who passed through Sicily on the way to the
+Holy Land, included in a letter to his nephews a striking word
+picture of Etna. “Sicily,” he wrote, “fears not to pierce the
+clouds with its immense mountain summits. Etna towers above
+all of these with its flaming crests upon which the opposing elements
+strive with each other tirelessly and indomitably in an
+immense conflict. For though Etna incessantly sends forth
+scorching heat, its summit, none the less, is white with snow, and
+with a wintry garment it covers its burning shoulders.”<a id='r1012'></a><a href='#f1012' class='c015'><sup>[1012]</sup></a> Guy
+mentioned also the “Isles of Vulcan” in the Sicilian Sea, “the
+interior of which were said to glow with eternal fires. Eolus
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_222'>222</span>once dwelt in these isles and was in the habit of dispensing their
+smokes, which were stirred up by the winds, and hence he came
+to be called the king of the winds.”<a id='r1013'></a><a href='#f1013' class='c015'><sup>[1013]</sup></a> The <i>Image du monde</i>
+refers to a volcano two leagues distant at sea from Sicily; this
+may have been Vulcano or possibly Stromboli, though in any
+case the distance was underestimated.<a id='r1014'></a><a href='#f1014' class='c015'><sup>[1014]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Michael Scot on the Eolian Isles and Etna</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Michael Scot brought together information about the volcanoes
+of the Eolian (Lipari) Islands and of Sicily which he included
+in a discourse on natural phenomena that he prepared for
+his patron Frederick II.<a id='r1015'></a><a href='#f1015' class='c015'><sup>[1015]</sup></a> He speaks of “Strongulus” (Stromboli),
+“a mountain which is in the midst of the sea,” of “Strongulinus”
+(Strombolicchio), “Vulcanus” (Vulcano), “Vulcaninus”
+(Vulcanello?), “Moncibellus” (Etna), and the isle of Lipari, “on
+which there are all manner of fine trees and grains.” From the
+summit of Stromboli and “Strongulinus,” a lesser mountain
+than Stromboli, great fiery flames are continuously emitted.
+The other four, he declares, emit flames only when the south
+wind (<i>Auster</i>) blows; and, when the flames cease, a mighty smoke
+issues from them. The eruptions are often accompanied by
+showers of scorched rock and sometimes with roots of trees
+(? <i>sticiones lignorum</i>) and cinders; the ground is covered and the
+air obscured as stream waters are clouded with sand. Glowing
+bombs are hurled aloft like sparks from a furnace; when these
+fall to the ground they burst into fragments, great and small,
+and in these fragments is found the pumice which writers use.
+This pumice floats on the sea and is carried ashore, where the
+people collect it for building walls and for uses similar to those to
+which we put bricks. Liquid sulphur is also gathered by sailors
+from the surface of the sea thereabouts in baskets and bowls.
+The nearer this may be obtained to the mountains whence it
+boils forth, the better its quality.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Volcanoes of Iceland</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In the <i>Topographia Hiberniae</i> of Giraldus Cambrensis we find
+a description of the volcanic eruptions of Iceland.<a id='r1016'></a><a href='#f1016' class='c015'><sup>[1016]</sup></a> After remarking
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_223'>223</span>that thunder and lightning are rare in the northern isle,
+he goes on to explain that there is another and even worse affliction
+than these; every year or two fire bursts out of a certain
+part of the island like a whirlwind with a violent gale and melts
+everything in its path; he adds that the cause of this phenomenon
+and whether it originated above or below ground are unknown.
+Into two manuscripts of Solinus, the oldest of which dates from
+the twelfth century, there was inserted some additional information
+about the northern isles. We are told that the marine ice
+on the coasts of Iceland “ignites itself on collision, and when it
+is ignited it burns like wood” (Nansen’s translation).<a id='r1017'></a><a href='#f1017' class='c015'><sup>[1017]</sup></a> Adam
+of Bremen had also spoken of ice that appeared to be black and
+dry on account of its age and burned when kindled.<a id='r1018'></a><a href='#f1018' class='c015'><sup>[1018]</sup></a> Though
+it has been suggested that this impression may have been derived
+from mists arising from the ice, the story was perhaps, as Nansen
+observes, “due to statements about volcanoes and boiling springs
+which have been confused with it. The black color and dryness
+of the ice may have been due to confusion with lava or with
+floating pumice stone in the sea.”<a id='r1019'></a><a href='#f1019' class='c015'><sup>[1019]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>More definite information concerning the volcanic activity of
+Iceland reached Saxo Grammaticus about a century after the
+time of Adam of Bremen. Saxo refers to a mountain there which
+perpetually glows like a star with its burning flame, and it seemed
+to him no less marvelous that the eruption could occur in a region
+of such extreme cold.<a id='r1020'></a><a href='#f1020' class='c015'><sup>[1020]</sup></a> In the <i>Historia Norwegiae</i> the fiery outbreaks
+of Mons Casule (Hekla) are likened to those of Etna, and
+an immense submarine eruption is described; over a space three
+miles wide the sea had boiled and bubbled as in a caldron; the
+earth was upheaved and out of the submarine depths there arose
+fiery fumes, and a mighty mountain sprang from the sea.<a id='r1021'></a><a href='#f1021' class='c015'><sup>[1021]</sup></a> This
+perhaps refers to a submarine eruption that took place off Cape
+Reykyanes in 1211.<a id='r1022'></a><a href='#f1022' class='c015'><sup>[1022]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the <i>King’s Mirror</i> the volcanic activity of Iceland is compared
+with that of Sicily, and the curious statement is made
+that, unlike the subterranean fires of the Mediterranean isle,
+those of Iceland will burn neither wood nor earth. On the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_224'>224</span>other hand, they will burn the hardest stones and pieces of rock
+just as easily as oil.<a id='r1023'></a><a href='#f1023' class='c015'><sup>[1023]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>St. Brandan’s Visits to Volcanic Isles</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>St. Brandan in the course of his wanderings came across two
+fiery islands.<a id='r1024'></a><a href='#f1024' class='c015'><sup>[1024]</sup></a> The first was eight days’ sail to the north of the
+mysterious crystal column we have already mentioned. It was
+a rough, treeless, and rocky isle covered with the forges of smiths.
+Though the saint wished to keep clear of this dangerous spot, a
+wind sprang up which drove his vessel towards it. One of the
+smiths threw a gigantic mass of molten slag at the voyagers; but
+luckily he missed the ship, and the slag fell into the sea, sending
+up huge clouds of steam. This was a signal for all the smiths to
+start heaving lumps of molten ore at the vessel, running back
+and forth from their forges to heat them. Soon the entire island
+was burning and blazing like a furnace, and the sea around boiling
+like a kettle. The saint and his party miraculously escaped from
+this peril, but throughout the entire day they could hear an immense
+din and shouting from the isle; and even when they had
+drifted out of sight the tumult came to their ears, and their nostrils
+were afflicted by a terrible stench. Soon the wanderers approached
+the second fiery isle; their first sight of it revealed a
+mighty mountain on the northern horizon, with its peak enveloped
+in what appeared to be a thin cloud but in reality was smoke.
+They landed on the shores of the island, and one of Brandan’s
+companions who endeavored to climb the steep, high crags and
+investigate the summit was burned to death by the fires. Happily
+for the others, a wind arose which drove the ship southward,
+whence they saw the island now clear of smoke and spouting flames
+into the air, so that the whole mountain appeared to be aglow.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>It has been suggested that these stories were derived from
+classical and Celtic mythology. The first island brings to mind
+pagan tales mingled with Christian traditions of devils and the
+infernal regions; perhaps it owes something to the Homeric account
+of the isle of the Cyclops. But why, we may ask, did
+Irish writers place such fiery phenomena in the cold and rainy
+seas surrounding their home? Is it not possible that early Irish
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_225'>225</span>poets had heard vaguely of the volcanoes of Iceland and that
+nebulous reports of them, modified by the influence of classical
+and Christian traditions, took the form which we find in the
+legend of St. Brandan’s voyagings? May it not be significant
+that the fiery islands of St. Brandan were reached only after
+northerly wanderings?</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Volcanoes As Gates of Hell</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Volcanoes were often popularly supposed to be the entrances
+into Hell or else little independent scenes of punishment and
+dwelling places of devils. Michael Scot would not decide
+“whether the gate to the lower regions is” in the volcanoes of
+the Lipari Islands and Sicily “or in the northern isle seen by St.
+Brandan....” But, he said, “whatever the way in,
+Hell is in the bowels of the earth, and there is no way out”
+(Haskins).<a id='r1025'></a><a href='#f1025' class='c015'><sup>[1025]</sup></a> St. Brandan, seven days’ journey to the south
+of the second island just described, found Judas sitting alone on
+a rock in the midst of the sea.<a id='r1026'></a><a href='#f1026' class='c015'><sup>[1026]</sup></a> In the course of their conversation,
+Judas explained that he was imprisoned every day excepting
+Sundays and Christmas in the mountain which they had
+seen erupting. On these days, through the infinite mercy of
+Jesus Christ, he was permitted to come out and cool off. The
+bishop of Pozzuoli, Gervase of Tilbury tells us,<a id='r1027'></a><a href='#f1027' class='c015'><sup>[1027]</sup></a> on several
+occasions heard the wailings and lamentations of the damned
+during his walks in the volcanic country near his city and had
+actually seen the gates of Hell in a lake near by. Icelandic
+mythology conceived of a gigantic hell under and inside of Mount
+Hekla.<a id='r1028'></a><a href='#f1028' class='c015'><sup>[1028]</sup></a> The <i>King’s Mirror</i> placed in the volcanic fires of
+Iceland a scene of punishment for souls.<a id='r1029'></a><a href='#f1029' class='c015'><sup>[1029]</sup></a> In addition it
+speaks of a cold hell, belief in which seems natural to Northern
+peoples and is also expressed in Saxo Grammaticus’ description
+of the moanings and wailings to be heard in the clashing of ice
+floes on the cliffs and crags of the Icelandic coast.<a id='r1030'></a><a href='#f1030' class='c015'><sup>[1030]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Causes of Vulcanism</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Medieval writers did not add much to what the Greeks and
+Romans had said in regard to the causes of vulcanism. In
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_226'>226</span>general they accepted the theories of Isidore and Pliny. Sicily,
+a typical volcanic region, was supposed to be cavernous and full
+of sulphur and bitumen strata which, when ignited and kept
+burning by the air, throw off smoke, vapor, and flames and,
+when a strong wind blows upon them, vomit forth masses of
+sand and rocks.<a id='r1031'></a><a href='#f1031' class='c015'><sup>[1031]</sup></a> Gervase of Tilbury elaborates confusedly
+on this theme,<a id='r1032'></a><a href='#f1032' class='c015'><sup>[1032]</sup></a> saying that there are many fires and earthquakes
+in Sicily because beneath that land there is a mighty
+abyss, the bottom of which is unknown to man. Near at hand
+are immense caverns and broad caves, wherein winds are conceived
+from the whirling of the waters, for mountains and waters
+create winds—mountains by offering an obstacle to the air.
+Though he does not say so specifically, we may conclude that
+Gervase believed that earthquakes and other volcanic phenomena
+were caused by these winds trying to escape from the interior of
+the earth. This was certainly the opinion of Michael Scot, who
+pointed out that masses of sulphur and other white-hot rocks
+(<i>petre calidissime</i>) are made to burn by the native heat of the
+earth’s interior and by the winds which enter the earth’s crust
+in remote regions (<i>in extremis partibus</i>) and force their way
+downward through passages, tubes, and caverns. These winds
+are volatilized and given explosive force by contact with the
+sulphur and hot rocks. When they burst forth again into the
+atmosphere they have all the attributes of fire and flame—sparks,
+ashes, cinders—and are supposed by many people to be genuine
+fire, though as a matter of fact they are by nature quite different
+because the waters ever present in the subterranean cavities
+fail to extinguish them. So intense is the heat produced by the
+sulphur and other combustible materials that the world would
+be entirely consumed by the winds that would blow over them
+if they were on the earth’s surface. Hence it is a great mercy
+of God that he has hidden them away in the depths of the ground
+and has thus made impossible the destruction of the world by
+this cause and that he has permitted men to dwell and cultivate
+their fields on the mountains beneath which such evil forces are
+buried.<a id='r1033'></a><a href='#f1033' class='c015'><sup>[1033]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Alexander Neckam defined a volcano as a subterranean fire
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_227'>227</span>which, though bound to the earth with one foot, seeks to spring
+aloft with the other. He believed that volcanic rocks contain
+gases within them which when kindled produce eruptions.<a id='r1034'></a><a href='#f1034' class='c015'><sup>[1034]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Though these passages reveal to us belief during the Crusading
+age in the presence of heat and fire in the inside of the earth, the
+teachings of Plato and many of the Church Fathers that the
+sources of volcanic fires spring from immense subterranean
+reservoirs of fire do not appear to have been given much credence.
+Though the earth’s crust and even its innermost heart might be
+interpenetrated with cavities into which air, water, and fire
+enter, confidence in the essential solidity and massiveness of
+the earth prevailed, and theories which would admit of the
+presence of bodies of water or of fire of any great extent within
+the heaviest and most solid of the elements were not regarded
+as worthy of serious consideration. Hell, however, was almost
+universally placed at the very center of the earth by medieval
+theologians and geographers alike.<a id='r1035'></a><a href='#f1035' class='c015'><sup>[1035]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Earthquakes</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The majority of medieval writers believed that earthquakes
+are caused by the same physical forces as those which produce
+volcanic eruptions, the violent stirring of winds,<a id='r1036'></a><a href='#f1036' class='c015'><sup>[1036]</sup></a> vapors, or
+exhalations within the earth’s crust.<a id='r1037'></a><a href='#f1037' class='c015'><sup>[1037]</sup></a> In the <i>Quaestiones
+naturales</i> of Adelard of Bath, which takes the form of a dialogue
+between uncle and nephew, the nephew finds it difficult to
+reconcile the stability and immobility of the earth, which his
+uncle had just demonstrated, with the well-known fact that
+the earth sometimes quakes and trembles. To this Adelard
+replies that, while it is true that the earth may occasionally
+move in particular localities, it does not move as a whole<a id='r1038'></a><a href='#f1038' class='c015'><sup>[1038]</sup></a> and
+that earthquakes are caused by the air contained within the
+earth and have nothing whatever to do with the intrinsically
+stable qualities of the earth as a globe. He then proceeds to
+give the Aristotelian explanation of the causes of earthquakes.<a id='r1039'></a><a href='#f1039' class='c015'><sup>[1039]</sup></a>
+The <i>De imagine mundi</i>, followed by the <i>Image du monde</i> and by
+Bartholomew Anglicus,<a id='r1040'></a><a href='#f1040' class='c015'><sup>[1040]</sup></a> also assigns the same causes; and
+William of Conches explains<a id='r1041'></a><a href='#f1041' class='c015'><sup>[1041]</sup></a> that earthquakes are the result
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_228'>228</span>of waters descending into underground hollows where they encounter
+vapors, condensed into cloudlike form by the coldness
+of the earth’s interior; these vapors, in turn, produce telluric
+movements by forcing their way to the surface. Neckam repeats
+much the same explanation but adds the usual allegorical lesson:<a id='r1042'></a><a href='#f1042' class='c015'><sup>[1042]</sup></a>
+the land symbolizes the Church, which, although on the whole
+serene and firm, may well be shaken now and then by purely
+local troubles and disturbances.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The medieval chronicler took delight in mentioning prodigies
+of nature that came to his attention, and of these prodigies earthquakes
+were among the most striking. The <i>Gesta regis Henrici
+Secundi</i>, under the year 1178, records a terrific earthquake at
+Oxenhale in England:<a id='r1043'></a><a href='#f1043' class='c015'><sup>[1043]</sup></a> some land owned by Hugh, bishop of
+Durham, rose up like a tower, so that its highest point was on a
+level with the summits of the hills and higher than the highest
+pinnacle of the churches (<i>templorum</i>); after remaining like this
+from nine o’clock until nightfall, it collapsed at sunset with a
+terrific noise that frightened all the onlookers. The earth then
+absorbed the tower of land and in its place there remained until
+the time of writing a well of immense depth as a perpetual testimony
+to the occurrence of this phenomenon. In the same
+chronicle, under the date of April 15, 1185,<a id='r1044'></a><a href='#f1044' class='c015'><sup>[1044]</sup></a> we find a more
+typical and less fantastic description of an earthquake felt
+throughout almost the entire length of England; rocks were
+shattered, stone houses fell in ruins, and the metropolitan church
+of Lincoln was broken asunder from top to bottom.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>DESERTS</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The deserts of the Orient impressed the medieval writer in
+much the same way as mountains, by the obstacles and difficulties
+which they presented to the traveler. William of Tyre
+dilates<a id='r1045'></a><a href='#f1045' class='c015'><sup>[1045]</sup></a> on the terrors of drought in the desert and explains
+how the Saracens carry in great sacks on camels water sufficient
+to serve man and beast for many days at a time; he pictures
+impressively the horrors of the sand storms that may spring up
+at any time. In the Egyptian desert, he says, the land is so
+dry and barren that no manner of tree can grow there. The
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_229'>229</span>features of the desert are also described in the <i>Letter of Prester
+John</i>.<a id='r1046'></a><a href='#f1046' class='c015'><sup>[1046]</sup></a> This fabulous Christian potentate of the East tells us
+that in the great Sandy Sea which lies in his country the sands
+are disturbed by the wind and form endlessly moving waves like
+the waves of the real sea. But the analogy with the sea is carried
+a trifle too far when he goes on to assert that fish are found in
+the Sandy Sea. He adds that from certain mountains, three
+days’ journey away, a river of stones flows down and, running
+three days a week, sweeps both rocks and logs into the Sandy
+Sea, but they disappear in the sands and are never seen again.
+If we remove the halo of fable surrounding all this, we discern
+here an account of a desert of dunes, with dry watercourses
+entering it, a feature common enough in southwestern Asia and
+northern Africa. On the whole, however, little was known of
+deserts in Western Europe in the Middle Ages, and, though the
+waste places of Asia and India are constantly mentioned in the
+Romance of Alexander, the descriptions of them are wholly
+fanciful.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>ISLANDS</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Origins</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The men of the West at this time were familiar with many
+islands. Giraldus Cambrensis takes up the problem of the
+origin of the islands of the earth and in particular the question of
+whether they were formed at the time of the Deluge or long
+before or long after.<a id='r1047'></a><a href='#f1047' class='c015'><sup>[1047]</sup></a> His opinion seems to have been that
+some time after the Flood the lands became replete with animal
+life and that it was then that the islands came into existence,
+not violently and suddenly but little by little out of alluvial
+deposits.<a id='r1048'></a><a href='#f1048' class='c015'><sup>[1048]</sup></a> In his emphasis on the gradual and non-catastrophic
+manner of their formation, Giraldus by hazard enunciates
+a sound geological doctrine which contrasts favorably
+with the theories he elsewhere expresses about the violent and
+sudden appearance of lakes.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Miraculous Islands</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Like mountains and lakes, islands were convenient topographic
+units to which the medieval mind was wont to attribute fabulous
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_230'>230</span>and supernatural qualities. Gervase of Tilbury, for example,
+describes a certain isle in the sea off the coast of the Kingdom of
+Arles—Lirniensis, perhaps the Isle de Lérins—where no worms
+ever are found.<a id='r1049'></a><a href='#f1049' class='c015'><sup>[1049]</sup></a> He was unable to decide whether this was due
+to the extreme holiness of a colony of monks which once dwelt on
+the island or to some natural peculiarity of the soil. At all
+events, this reminds us of the tradition about the inability of
+poisonous reptiles or noxious animals of any kind to exist in
+Ireland.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Giraldus Cambrensis speaks of a floating island in a lake on the
+summit of Mount Snowdon.<a id='r1050'></a><a href='#f1050' class='c015'><sup>[1050]</sup></a> This was said to be blown about
+by the winds, and shepherds were much startled now and then
+to see their cattle transported on it from one side of the lake to
+the other. Giraldus explains this reasonably enough as follows:
+a portion of the shore had become bound together and made firm
+and solid as if by ropes formed from the roots of the willow and
+other plants. After being gradually increased in size by the
+addition of alluvium it finally broke off. The violent winds
+prevalent in the vicinity then drove it back and forth over the
+surface of the lake. This story undoubtedly had a basis of truth,
+for it is well known that sod floats about on the surface of one of
+the lakes near Snowdon, but that it could carry cattle upon it is
+a decided exaggeration.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Islands of St. Brandan</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The most marvelous of the islands mentioned in medieval
+legend were those which St. Brandan visited.<a id='r1051'></a><a href='#f1051' class='c015'><sup>[1051]</sup></a> The first one
+he came to, a high and rocky crag rising abruptly out of the sea,
+was doubtless suggested to the mind of the poet by one of the
+forbidding islets in the seas off the western coast of Ireland.
+Thence the saint and his crew voyaged in turn to an island
+entirely covered with sheep, to one that proved to be the back
+of a gigantic fish called Jasconius, to one full of miraculous birds
+that could speak, to one that put them in mind of Paradise, to a
+rocky isle full of forges and smiths, to an isle where there dwelt a
+certain hermit, Paul, who had lived there forty years without
+food but for thirty years had been fed by a certain beast;<a id='r1052'></a><a href='#f1052' class='c015'><sup>[1052]</sup></a> and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_231'>231</span>finally the saint himself attained the island which was the goal of
+all his wanderings, the Saints’ Land of Promise (Terra repromissionis
+sanctorum), or Paradise—a reminiscence perhaps of the
+Hesperides, or Happy Islands, of Greek mythology.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Giraldus describes an isle off the Irish coast which would seem
+to be akin to Brandan’s Jasconius.<a id='r1053'></a><a href='#f1053' class='c015'><sup>[1053]</sup></a> Doubts were raised as to
+whether this peculiar island was a whale or some other monster
+or whether it was really land; for some youths had tried to disembark
+upon it, but, just as they were about to set foot ashore, it
+disappeared beneath the waves. The next day it reappeared
+and the same thing was repeated. Finally, on the third day,
+one of the young men shot a red-hot arrow into it; this seems
+to have stabilized it, for the island did not disappear again and
+ultimately proved to be habitable. From this Giraldus argued
+that as fire is the most noble of the elements no phantasm can
+withstand its power.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>INFLUENCES OF GEOGRAPHICAL ENVIRONMENT</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>On Plant and Animal Life</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In the writings of the Crusading age we find a few scattered
+remarks on the relationship between geographical features and
+environment and the life of man and animals, or on those branches
+of our science now called biogeography and anthropogeography.
+The writings of Bernard Sylvester furnish us with some striking
+examples. The Platonic and realist conception of the unity of
+all matter, which was exemplified in the theory of a World Soul
+and expounded in vivid terms by Theodoric of Chartres, led
+Bernard in his <i>De mundi universitate</i> to emphasize the close
+interrelations of all natural phenomena and the influences of the
+various elements and parts of the universe upon each other. He
+stressed, for example, the importance of astrological influences,
+by attributing to the moon control over the tides and other terrestrial
+phenomena.<a id='r1054'></a><a href='#f1054' class='c015'><sup>[1054]</sup></a> In geography he emphasized the influences
+of terrain on plant and animal life. Thus he says “fruitful
+land gives birth to wolves, desert to lions, arid land to serpents,
+woods to bees.”<a id='r1055'></a><a href='#f1055' class='c015'><sup>[1055]</sup></a> Elsewhere he explains how the plane tree
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_232'>232</span>grows in flat country, the alder in valleys, the box among rocks,
+the willow on the banks of streams, the fragrant cypress in the
+mountains, the sacred vine on the slopes, and the olive in well-worked
+loam.<a id='r1056'></a><a href='#f1056' class='c015'><sup>[1056]</sup></a> Neckam also recognized that the growth of
+plants was governed by the qualities of the earth.<a id='r1057'></a><a href='#f1057' class='c015'><sup>[1057]</sup></a> Only about
+the center of the globe is there really true earth; the surface
+which we cultivate is not true earth because it is intermingled
+with particles of air, fire, and other substances. Consequently
+it follows that in the same territory there may grow herbs by
+nature both warm and cold and that in certain places oats thrive
+well and in others barley.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>There is a very striking passage in Hildegard’s <i>Subtilitates</i>
+explaining in much detail the influence of various kinds of soil
+upon agriculture.<a id='r1058'></a><a href='#f1058' class='c015'><sup>[1058]</sup></a> Hildegard asserts that there are divers
+types of soil (<i>terra</i>)—black, white, and red. White soil is pallid
+and sandy and contains much humidity in the form of large
+raindrops: because of this quality white soil produces great vines
+and apple orchards but is rather less well adapted for the raising
+of grains. The latter may better be cultivated upon soil characterized
+by humidity of finer texture and minuter drops. Black
+soil contains too much cold and dampness to produce more than
+a moderate yield; red soil, on the other hand, has the right
+balance of dampness and dryness and hence produces a quantity
+of fruits, which, however, through their very abundance fail to
+attain perfection. And so Hildegard proceeds with a discussion
+that would have been of a highly utilitarian character, had it
+only been based more directly upon the observation of the facts
+of nature.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>On Man</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The influence of geographical environment on man is also
+noted by some of the writers of our period. Otto of Freising explains<a id='r1059'></a><a href='#f1059' class='c015'><sup>[1059]</sup></a>
+that the Lombards on entering Italy gave up their wild
+customs and adopted Italian ways, partly because they married
+native women but partly as a result of the nature of country and
+climate. Giraldus tells how the plains of southern Wales are
+far more pleasant to live in than those of the north.<a id='r1060'></a><a href='#f1060' class='c015'><sup>[1060]</sup></a> The
+latter region, on the other hand, has not only better natural
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_233'>233</span>defenses but a richer soil and is more fertile in producing men of
+strength and power. Gunther in the <i>Ligurinus</i><a id='r1061'></a><a href='#f1061' class='c015'><sup>[1061]</sup></a> enlarged on
+Ragewin’s simple description (in his continuation of Otto of
+Freising’s <i>Gesta Friderici</i>) of the wild ferocity of the natives
+of Poland by saying that their fierceness and savagery is due
+partly to the nature of the soil and partly to the influence of
+their neighbors.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Topography As a Natural Defense</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>In the same connection these authors try to show that topography
+may often serve as a natural defense against hostile invaders.
+Giraldus speaks of Wales<a id='r1062'></a><a href='#f1062' class='c015'><sup>[1062]</sup></a> as a country easily defensible
+because of the depth of its valleys and the immensity of its
+woods, waters, and swamps. The remnants of the ancient
+Britons who were driven here were able to hold out and preserve
+their independence against both Angles and Normans. On the
+other hand, those who were driven into the southern promontory
+(Cornwall), where the land was not by nature so easy to
+defend, yielded to the conqueror. In another connection<a id='r1063'></a><a href='#f1063' class='c015'><sup>[1063]</sup></a>
+Giraldus speaks of the difficulties any one would encounter in
+trying to conquer such a rough country as Wales and one so well
+fortified by nature. Gervase of Tilbury also testifies to the
+strong natural defenses of Wales,<a id='r1064'></a><a href='#f1064' class='c015'><sup>[1064]</sup></a> specifying how the Welsh,
+when enemies appear, take to the bog lands on the mountains,
+which they can easily cross through an agility resulting from long
+familiarity. Here they either escape from their enemies or lie
+in wait to inflict grave harm on them. Giraldus<a id='r1065'></a><a href='#f1065' class='c015'><sup>[1065]</sup></a> tells that the
+islands in the lakes of Ireland were used for refuges as well as for
+dwelling places by the lords of the surrounding districts; and
+Ragewin<a id='r1066'></a><a href='#f1066' class='c015'><sup>[1066]</sup></a> speaks of the natural defenses of Genoa, hemmed in
+on one side by mountains and on the other by the sea.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Theory of the Westward Flow of Civilization</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>We may close this account of the relations of man with his
+geographical environment with a few words about a strangely
+fatalistic theory which prevailed among certain thinkers and in
+particular among the mystics. It was a theory that civilization
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_234'>234</span>flows from the East to the West and that when it reaches the uttermost
+limits of the West the human race will meet its doom and
+extinction. Severian of Gabala had said in the fourth century:<a id='r1067'></a><a href='#f1067' class='c015'><sup>[1067]</sup></a>
+“God looked into the future and set the first man in that place
+[Paradise, in the East] in order to cause him to understand that,
+just as the light of heaven moves toward the west, so the human
+race hastens towards death; but that it is just as reasonable to
+expect a future resurrection from death as it is to expect that
+the stars will again rise in the east.” This idea appears in the
+writings of Hugh of St. Victor, who states in the <i>De arca Noë
+morali</i><a id='r1068'></a><a href='#f1068' class='c015'><sup>[1068]</sup></a> that the order of places and the order of time run in
+series; that whatever happened in the beginning of time happened
+in the Orient and that henceforth the course of events has gradually
+been moving westward, until now it has reached the end
+of the earth and we must face the fact that we are approaching
+the end of the ages (<i>saeculi</i>). Shortly after the Deluge the most
+important kingdoms and the capitol of the world were in the
+East, in the lands of the Assyrians, Chaldeans, and Medes; then
+the supreme power passed to the Greeks; and finally, towards
+the end of the ages, to the Romans who dwell on the confines of
+the world. In the <i>De arca Noë mystica</i> the front of the ark is
+said to face the east and the rear the west “in order that the
+position of places shall correspond with the order of time and
+the end of the world shall be at the end of the centuries.”<a id='r1069'></a><a href='#f1069' class='c015'><sup>[1069]</sup></a>
+The ark is here supposed to represent a map of the world, and
+the segment of the circle of the <i>orbis terrarum</i> cut by the ark and
+facing the east is the location of Paradise; the segment facing
+the west will be the place of universal resurrection. Ideas very
+similar to this are also found in the <i>De vanitate mundi</i> of Hugh of
+St. Victor.<a id='r1070'></a><a href='#f1070' class='c015'><sup>[1070]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Though it cannot be proved that Otto of Freising made use
+of these works, nevertheless his philosophy of history is to a
+large extent based on the theory of the westward flow of civilization.<a id='r1071'></a><a href='#f1071' class='c015'><sup>[1071]</sup></a>
+In the prologue to his <i>Chronicon</i> he queries, “Who can
+wonder that human power is changeable, when mortal wisdom
+also is unstable (<i>labilis</i>)? What great learning there was in
+Egypt and among the Chaldeans, from whom Abraham derived
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_235'>235</span>his knowledge! But what now is Babylon, once famous for its
+science and its power? A shrine of sirens, a home of lizards and
+ostriches, a den of serpents! And Egypt is now in large part a
+trackless and uninhabitable waste, whence science was transferred
+to the Greeks, then to the Romans, and finally to the
+Gauls and Spaniards. And,” he concludes, “let it be observed
+that because all human power or wisdom began in the Orient
+and will end in the Occident, the mutability and disappearance
+of all things is demonstrated. This I propose, with God’s aid,
+to make clear in the work which follows.” Otto again hammers
+on this theme in the prologue of his fifth book<a id='r1072'></a><a href='#f1072' class='c015'><sup>[1072]</sup></a> and finally,
+near the close of the same book,<a id='r1073'></a><a href='#f1073' class='c015'><sup>[1073]</sup></a> remarks, “For behold, as I
+have explained above, just as the heavens turn from east to west,
+so we behold worldly affairs and powers revolving.” If human
+power is so changeable, he asks, who can expect that the Kingdom
+of the Franks will last very long?</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The idea that “westward the course of empire takes its way”
+was thus raised in the Middle Ages to a position of theological
+doctrine and philosophical principle.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>FEELING FOR LANDSCAPE AND SCENERY</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The pagan, or classical, attitude toward nature was characterized
+by a subjective and esthetic enjoyment of beautiful
+scenery; the Christian saw in nature the symbol and manifestation
+of the divinity.<a id='r1074'></a><a href='#f1074' class='c015'><sup>[1074]</sup></a> Both points of view were represented
+in the literature of our age.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Spiritual Feeling for Nature</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The more spiritual feeling found its expression in the writings
+of men like Bernard of Clairvaux, Hugh of St. Victor, Francis
+of Assisi, Alexander Neckam, and many others.<a id='r1075'></a><a href='#f1075' class='c015'><sup>[1075]</sup></a> Bernard of
+Clairvaux believed that a man could learn more of the eternal
+verities through a reverent contemplation of nature than through
+the study of books. He wrote to Master Henry Murdach, an
+Englishman who afterwards became a monk of Clairvaux:
+“Believe one who has tried: you shall find a fuller satisfaction
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_236'>236</span>in the woods than in books. The trees and the rocks will teach
+you that which you cannot hear from the masters. Do you
+think that you cannot draw honey from the rock and oil from the
+hardest flint? Do not our mountains drop sweetness? the hills
+flow with milk and honey? and the valleys stand thick with corn?”
+(Eales’s translation).<a id='r1076'></a><a href='#f1076' class='c015'><sup>[1076]</sup></a> Bernard was fond of complex and detailed
+allegorical comparisons of the aspects of nature with the
+theological or spiritual concepts which he believed they symbolize.
+In a sermon on Benedict he said: “St. Benedict was a mighty
+fruit tree, like a tree planted by a watercourse. Where are the
+watercourses? Truly they are in the valleys, because midway
+between the mountains the water flows down. Who may not
+perceive that the streams retreat from the steep slopes of the
+mountains and make their way straight to the lowly midst of
+the valleys? Thus does God repulse the haughty and give
+grace to the humble. Here you may set foot in safety. Whoever
+of you are of the flock of Christ, place your trust in his staff
+and follow the footpath in the valley. On the hillsides that
+ancient serpent has ever chosen his abode which bites the horse’s
+hoof and makes the rider fall back. Select rather the valley for
+your wanderings and plantings. Do not seek the dry and rocky
+mountain side to set out trees. In the valleys is abundance.
+There plants thrive, the grass is lush, fruits grow, and, according
+to the words of Scripture, ‘the vales shall abound with corn.’”<a id='r1077'></a><a href='#f1077' class='c015'><sup>[1077]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>It was in much the same vein that Bernard spoke of the sea
+as the origin of all springs and rivers and compared it with
+Christ, the fount of all virtue and wisdom.<a id='r1078'></a><a href='#f1078' class='c015'><sup>[1078]</sup></a> It was a wish to
+find an allegorical meaning in the phenomena of nature that
+induced Abelard to compare the flood of the Nile with the spread
+of Christian grace throughout the world.<a id='r1079'></a><a href='#f1079' class='c015'><sup>[1079]</sup></a> These and the many
+other similar allegorical comparisons that are so frequent in the
+literature of our period are not mere juxtapositions of things
+that were seen to be alike. Bernard did more than liken the
+valley to the humble of spirit. He implied that the valley itself
+partook of the quality of humility and was thereby in some way
+more divine than the mountain. But, if Bernard believed that
+mountains were symbolical of pride and arrogance, others, like
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_237'>237</span>Altmann of Passau, Anselm of Canterbury, and Francis of Assisi,
+were lovers of mountains in a truly spiritual sense. To the
+twelfth-century mystic the beauty of nature was more than a
+symbol of the divinity: it drew its very essence from God. The
+love that St. Francis bore towards birds and animals, mountains
+and fellow man was a love that arose out of his regarding all of
+these as creatures of God impregnated with something of the
+divine.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Esthetic Love of Nature</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The esthetic love of nature that existed during our period was
+very different. It had its roots in a movement of protest and
+rebellion against the austerity of the Christian life and ideals.
+Men wished to enjoy the things of this world without thought
+of the next. What is more, they sometimes actually dared to
+write about their pleasures. These early stirrings of the humanistic
+spirit, the spirit of the Great Renaissance, brought forth
+troubled protests and angry remonstrances from men like Bernard
+and other reformers; but none the less love poems were often
+composed in the monasteries, and vagrant poets wandered over
+Europe singing the praises of earthly love, rejoicing in the springtime,
+with little heed for aught but the beauty of the world.
+Popular wherever they went, these wanderers exerted a great
+influence, and something of their joyous, pagan spirit crept into
+more serious writings of the age.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>It would be possible to quote at some length texts testifying
+to the presence of an esthetic feeling for nature in the twelfth
+and early thirteenth centuries.<a id='r1080'></a><a href='#f1080' class='c015'><sup>[1080]</sup></a> Two or three examples must
+here suffice.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>One of the most enthusiastic observers of natural scenery was
+Guy of Bazoches. He describes the environs of the castle of St.
+Gilles in southern France about as follows:<a id='r1081'></a><a href='#f1081' class='c015'><sup>[1081]</sup></a> “Here smile cultivated
+and fertile fields, and here the sides of the hills are adorned
+with vineyards. The pleasing aspect of the shrubbery and the
+beauty of gardens meets the eye, and oh! how the sweet smell of
+the grass fills the air! Fruit trees groan under their load and
+lament their fertility, and the warbling birds in the branches
+send forth rich harmonies. If we look in a different direction
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_238'>238</span>we see the plain stretching out its level lap covered with green
+meadows and alluring us with its beauty. The Rhone, disdainfully
+cutting through the midst of the fields, rolls down proud
+waters and, reaching its place of birth, flows forth into the
+neighboring sea.”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Even more striking is a passage from a poem that has been
+ascribed to Marbod of Rennes. “My uncle owns an estate in
+the forest where I am in the habit of going to leave care behind
+and all that may trouble one. The green grass, the silent woods,
+the soft and festive breezes, and a lively spring in the meadow
+revive my tired spirit: they give me back to myself and enable me
+to regain my poise (me mihi reddunt et faciunt in me consistere).
+For who is not robbed of himself in the restless city, roaring with
+a multitude of noises?”<a id='r1082'></a><a href='#f1082' class='c015'><sup>[1082]</sup></a> The writer goes on to meditate in truly
+Roman fashion on the transitory character of all things of this
+earth. Ganzenmüller comments on the subjective character of
+these sentiments: “What a distance separates this from the
+attitude towards nature of a Bernard of Clairvaux! Bernard
+ascribes loneliness to God, our poet to himself. No longer did
+one seek in nature for God but for one’s own self.”<a id='r1083'></a><a href='#f1083' class='c015'><sup>[1083]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Practical Interest in Countrysides</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>On the whole, however, the passages just quoted are more or
+less exceptional. The majority of descriptions of countrysides
+that date from our period reveal neither highly developed
+esthetic feeling nor transcendental emotion. What they do
+reveal is the prevalence of keen intellectual interest in detail.
+If a region was in any way unusual either by reason of the richness
+of its produce or the marvelous tales that were in circulation
+about it, that region was held to be worthy of comment.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Dreesbach has clearly pointed out<a id='r1084'></a><a href='#f1084' class='c015'><sup>[1084]</sup></a> that the passages from
+the French literature of the Crusading period which describe the
+Orient show that the things which impressed themselves on the
+minds of historian and chronicler and poet were the richness of
+gardens and orchards and the fertility of the fields. Her fecundity,
+not her romantic or esthetic qualities, made the average
+man of the Middle Ages love nature; and a country not rich
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_239'>239</span>and prosperous hardly deserved any particular notice, in his way
+of thinking. The descriptions of Syria in William of Tyre’s
+history reveal a great number of observations like the following:
+“The plain of Antioch, full of many rich fields for the raising of
+wheat and abounding in springs and rivulets,”<a id='r1085'></a><a href='#f1085' class='c015'><sup>[1085]</sup></a> or the neighborhood
+of Damascus, “where there are a great number of trees
+bearing fruits of all kinds and growing up to the very walls of
+the city and where everybody has a garden of his own.”<a id='r1086'></a><a href='#f1086' class='c015'><sup>[1086]</sup></a>
+Elsewhere William of Tyre emphasizes the contrast between the
+sterility of the desert and the marvelous fertility of Egypt, with
+its abundance of wheat.<a id='r1087'></a><a href='#f1087' class='c015'><sup>[1087]</sup></a> The same interest in the economic
+qualities of the land appears in the few local descriptions that
+we find in the writings of Otto of Freising. Otto speaks<a id='r1088'></a><a href='#f1088' class='c015'><sup>[1088]</sup></a> of
+the forested region about the Rhine, near Worms, as being “rich
+in produce and wine, abundant in hunting and fishing,” and for
+this reason, he adds, the region was pleasing to the princes who
+came from across the Alps to take part in the Diet at Worms.
+In detailing the life of Corbianus, founder of the church at Freising,
+he gives us a topographical account of the vicinity of this
+city.<a id='r1089'></a><a href='#f1089' class='c015'><sup>[1089]</sup></a> A hill, he says, situated in a most beautiful and delicious
+spot, overlooks like a watchtower the whole region, through
+which can be seen the swift stream of the Isar. In the days of
+Corbianus (about 745 A.&#160;D.) this territory was said to have been
+covered with woods and was a haunt of game; traces of these
+woods were still to be found in the ancient tree trunks among the
+thickets of the plains, and to Otto’s own day immense quantities
+of deer and goats ran wild there. In the northern part of the
+district by no means inconsiderable tracts of woodland, commonly
+called “the forest,” were still in existence, and from them much
+useful building material and fuel could be procured. The land
+contiguous to the hill was inclosed by the rivers Isar on the
+south and Amper on the north, and between the two streams it
+extended four German miles in the form of a very fertile peninsula.
+At the end of this, where the two rivers come together,
+was a place called Moosburg, beautiful and delightful, the site
+of a congregation of clergy connected with the church of the
+blessed Castulus.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_240'>240</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Giraldus Cambrensis’ Eye for Local Topography</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Giraldus Cambrensis, more than his contemporaries, had an
+eye for local topography. In spite of his taste for the marvelous,
+this impelled him now and then to paint a fairly clear word
+picture of the appearance of the countryside. He notes many
+things of a sort that do not usually occur in other medieval
+works; for instance, the fact that in fair weather it is possible to
+see the hills of Ireland from St. David’s Head in Wales;<a id='r1090'></a><a href='#f1090' class='c015'><sup>[1090]</sup></a> that
+the fertility of the Irish soil lies in its grassland rather than in
+its grain;<a id='r1091'></a><a href='#f1091' class='c015'><sup>[1091]</sup></a> that Ireland is rugged and hilly, very damp and
+watery, full of woods, swamps, and trackless wastes, with lakes
+at the foot of the hills and pools and bogs even on the highest
+summits; that here and there one sees beautiful plains, but in
+general open surfaces are of limited extent in comparison to
+woodland; that the seacoasts are low, that hills and mountains
+are restricted to the interior, and that both inland and along
+the shores there is more sandy than rocky country.<a id='r1092'></a><a href='#f1092' class='c015'><sup>[1092]</sup></a> He was
+also impressed by the barren and desolate character of many
+parts of Wales;<a id='r1093'></a><a href='#f1093' class='c015'><sup>[1093]</sup></a> the “angle” of the land near St. David’s, he
+says, has a rocky, sterile soil, with neither woods, nor rivers, nor
+orchards, but is open and exposed to winds and storms. Mona
+also is arid and rocky, deformed in appearance, and generally
+unpromising, though as a matter of fact vastly more fertile and
+opulent than the adjacent portion of the Welsh mainland.<a id='r1094'></a><a href='#f1094' class='c015'><sup>[1094]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_241'>241</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>CHAPTER X<br> THE ASTRONOMICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE KNOWN WORLD</h3>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c010'>We have already examined the broader theories of astronomical
+geography whereby the relation of the globe to the remainder
+of the universe was explained. In this chapter we shall speak
+only of those aspects of astronomical geography which were
+intimately connected with man’s knowledge of the various parts
+of the known world, or <i>oikoumene</i>, as distinguished from the
+sphere as a whole.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Phenomena Resulting From Differences in Latitude</span></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Within the <i>oikoumene</i> the phenomena resulting from varying
+elevations of the ecliptic in different latitudes were fairly well
+understood. The facts that there are two summers between
+the tropics (particularly in India) and that the sun there passes
+vertically overhead twice a year had been commented on by
+Pliny and Solinus, whose observations in this connection found
+their way into Isidore’s <i>Etymologiae</i><a id='r1095'></a><a href='#f1095' class='c015'><sup>[1095]</sup></a> and thus to the works of
+the plagiarists of Isidore in our period. The <i>De imagine mundi</i>,<a id='r1096'></a><a href='#f1096' class='c015'><sup>[1096]</sup></a>
+the <i>Image du monde</i>,<a id='r1097'></a><a href='#f1097' class='c015'><sup>[1097]</sup></a> Gervase of Tilbury,<a id='r1098'></a><a href='#f1098' class='c015'><sup>[1098]</sup></a> and John of Holywood<a id='r1099'></a><a href='#f1099' class='c015'><sup>[1099]</sup></a>
+all tell us that the same phenomenon was said to occur in Arabia
+which lies between the tropics. Similarly the long days and
+nights of far northern latitudes were described on the authority
+of Solinus and Isidore. In the <i>De imagine mundi</i>,<a id='r1100'></a><a href='#f1100' class='c015'><sup>[1100]</sup></a> from which
+Gervase copies, it is said that in the island of “Chili” (Thule)
+there are six months of daylight and summer and six of night and
+winter. Giraldus Cambrensis also quotes Solinus<a id='r1101'></a><a href='#f1101' class='c015'><sup>[1101]</sup></a> and Isidore<a id='r1102'></a><a href='#f1102' class='c015'><sup>[1102]</sup></a>
+to the same effect and adds a brief description of how the sun
+continuously circles around the horizon during the long Arctic
+day and how its light disappears completely when the luminary
+departs southward towards the Tropic of Capricorn.<a id='r1103'></a><a href='#f1103' class='c015'><sup>[1103]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_242'>242</span>
+  <h4 class='c014'>“<span class='sc'>Climata</span>”</h4>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>The ancient geographers had divided the earth’s surface into
+<i>climata</i>, or climates, which, as we have already seen,<a id='r1104'></a><a href='#f1104' class='c015'><sup>[1104]</sup></a> were not
+atmospheric regions but mathematical strips running east and
+west and bounded by parallels of latitude. Pliny,<a id='r1105'></a><a href='#f1105' class='c015'><sup>[1105]</sup></a> for instance,
+had conceived of seven climates, the first in the latitude of India,
+where the length of the longest day is fourteen hours, and the
+seventh in that of the Borysthenes (Dnieper) and of Venetia, Umbria,
+Milan, and Aquitania, where the longest day is fifteen and
+three-quarters hours. Martianus Capella<a id='r1106'></a><a href='#f1106' class='c015'><sup>[1106]</sup></a> added an eighth
+climate in the north between the parallel of the Borysthenes
+and that of the Rhipaean Mountains. Furthermore, he applied
+names to the strips. It must be added, however, that neither
+Pliny nor Capella were precise in the data they gave, and
+neither indicated in degrees the latitude of the parallels which
+bound their climates.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>More definite is the information we find in the two works of
+Ptolemy. The <i>Almagest</i><a id='r1107'></a><a href='#f1107' class='c015'><sup>[1107]</sup></a> and <i>Geography</i><a id='r1108'></a><a href='#f1108' class='c015'><sup>[1108]</sup></a> give accounts of
+the characteristic astronomical phenomena that occur along a
+series of parallels, thirty-eight in number according to the former,
+twenty-one according to the latter.<a id='r1109'></a><a href='#f1109' class='c015'><sup>[1109]</sup></a> The positions of these
+were determined by the length of the longest day at each one.
+Though there is no explicit mention of the older division by
+climates in the text of either of Ptolemy’s books, such a division
+not only appears upon the map of the world made by Agathodaemon
+on the basis of material supplied by Ptolemy but also
+upon certain of the special regional maps which were probably
+the work of Ptolemy himself.<a id='r1110'></a><a href='#f1110' class='c015'><sup>[1110]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>At all events, the conception of the seven or eight climates
+did not disappear but at a very early period, whether by Ptolemy
+or not, was correlated with the Ptolemaic parallels.<a id='r1111'></a><a href='#f1111' class='c015'><sup>[1111]</sup></a> That is
+to say, certain of Ptolemy’s parallels were used to designate the
+imaginary lines marking the centers and bounds of the climates.
+This practice was adopted by the Arabs and from them transferred
+to the knowledge of the Christian West in various astronomical
+treatises. Among the Latin manuscripts of the <i>Toledo
+Tables</i>,<a id='r1112'></a><a href='#f1112' class='c015'><sup>[1112]</sup></a> for instance, there are series of astronomical tables for
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_243'>243</span>each of the seven climates, according to which the climates
+occupy the space between latitude 16° N., with a longest day of
+thirteen hours, and 48° N., with a longest day of sixteen hours.
+The length of the longest day and the latitude are given for each
+parallel that bounds the climates. Except that Ptolemy notes
+minutes as well as degrees and in the <i>Toledo Tables</i> the minutes
+have in most cases been omitted, the figures correspond essentially
+with those of the <i>Almagest</i> and <i>Geography</i>. Thus: Ptolemy’s
+eleventh parallel according to the <i>Almagest</i> (or tenth according
+to the <i>Geography</i>) has a longest day of fourteen and a half hours
+and is at latitude 36°. In the <i>Tables</i> the southern edge of the
+fourth climate likewise has a longest day of fourteen and a half
+hours and is at latitude 36°.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Again, in John of Seville’s translation of Al-Farghānī’s <i>Astronomy</i><a id='r1113'></a><a href='#f1113' class='c015'><sup>[1113]</sup></a>
+and in the <i>De sphaera</i><a id='r1114'></a><a href='#f1114' class='c015'><sup>[1114]</sup></a> of John of Holywood, who had
+borrowed from Al-Farghānī in this matter, we find a similar
+correlation. In both cases the figures of latitude correspond
+essentially, though with slight divergences in detail, to those of
+Ptolemy. The boundaries of each climate, however, have here
+been displaced by one parallel to the south of the parallels used
+in the <i>Toledo Tables</i> and those which we may presume were the
+Ptolemaic boundaries of the climates.<a id='r1115'></a><a href='#f1115' class='c015'><sup>[1115]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The table, Figure 11 (in the Notes to Ch. X), gives some idea of
+the relative degree of accuracy of these figures as they were
+employed in the West during the Middle Ages. But just as in
+the case of other figures for latitude and longitude, as we shall
+shortly have occasion to see, this material was not utilized for
+geographical purposes during our age.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Geographical Coördinates</span></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>At the present time the study of regional geography is largely
+dependent on a precise knowledge of the geographical coördinates
+of places. The foremost duty of the explorer is to know where
+he is from day to day and to find this out by astronomical means,
+if possible. In classical times and among the Moslems the
+importance of such observations was not only well understood,
+but several methods of carrying them through were described
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_244'>244</span>by astronomers and geographers, and the latitudes of a great
+many stations had been determined astronomically. Longitude,
+on the other hand, long remained a stumbling block, and before
+the twelfth century, certainly, no systematic attempts to ascertain
+the longitudes of any large number of places had ever met
+with success.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A few relics of classical and Moslem study in this field became
+familiar in the West as a result of the intense interest in Arabic
+astronomy prevailing in Europe between the tenth and thirteenth
+centuries.<a id='r1116'></a><a href='#f1116' class='c015'><sup>[1116]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Various figures representing the results of Arabic corrections
+of and additions to the data given in Ptolemy’s <i>Geography</i> found
+their way into Western astrological tables. The most interesting
+of these occur in a list of the latitudes and longitudes of some
+sixty odd cities appended to the Paris manuscript of the <i>Marseilles
+Tables</i> of Raymond of Marseilles<a id='r1117'></a><a href='#f1117' class='c015'><sup>[1117]</sup></a> and also to most of the
+Latin versions of the <i>Toledo Tables</i>.<a id='r1118'></a><a href='#f1118' class='c015'><sup>[1118]</sup></a> This list and certain figures
+scattered through the astrological tables and canons<a id='r1119'></a><a href='#f1119' class='c015'><sup>[1119]</sup></a> reveal the
+results of the reductions made by Al-Khwārizmī and by Az-Zarqalī
+of Ptolemy’s gross overestimate of the length of the Mediterranean,
+to which we have referred in a preceding chapter.<a id='r1120'></a><a href='#f1120' class='c015'><sup>[1120]</sup></a> The
+European student of these astrological works might have drawn a
+by no means contemptible map from the figures to be found in
+them had he been interested in what these figures could teach
+him of geography. Figure 6 is a map compiled from the coöordinates
+given in the Paris manuscript of the <i>Marseilles Tables</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>At the end of this list of geographical coördinates in many
+manuscripts additional figures not derived from Moslem sources
+are given. These show the positions of such points in Europe
+as London, Hereford, Paris, Toulouse, Barcelona, Marseilles,
+Novara, Cremona, Florence, and Naples<a id='r1121'></a><a href='#f1121' class='c015'><sup>[1121]</sup></a> (see Fig. 12, in Notes
+to Ch. X). They were undoubtedly determined by observations
+made during our period or shortly after.</p>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id002'>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_245'>245</span>
+<a href='images/i_245_hr.jpg'><img src='images/i_245.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p><span class='sc'>Fig. 6</span>—Sketch map constructed from the list of geographical positions appended to the Paris manuscript of Raymond of Marseilles’ <i>Marseilles Tables</i>. The outline of the coast, arbitrarily indicated by a shaded band, is shown merely to give some idea of the type of map that might have been constructed from the data given in the tables. This may be compared with the Henry of Mayence map (see above, p. 124) shown in outline in the inset. The original Henry of Mayence map reveals far greater detail and upon it east (not north, as in this figure) is at the top.<br>  <br>  This list is based on the observations of the eleventh-century Arabic astronomers Al-Khwārizmī and Az-Zarqalī. Cities and other points have been plotted according to the coördinates of this list. The resulting map of the Mediterranean region and the Near East is remarkable for its comparative accuracy. For a key to the names represented by the numbers on the diagram and for the figures for the latitudes and longitudes, see J. K. Wright, <i>Knowledge of Latitudes and Longitudes</i>, 1923, pp. 87–88.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Methods of Finding Latitude and Longitude</span></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>That such observations were carried out is entirely possible,
+for there is absolutely no doubt that methods of finding latitudes
+and longitudes were well understood in theory and were sometimes
+put to practical use. Rules are given for finding latitude
+in Az-Zarqalī’s <i>Canons</i>, in Plato of Tivoli’s translation of the
+<i>Astronomy</i> of Al-Battānī, and in many other astronomical and
+astrological treatises.<a id='r1122'></a><a href='#f1122' class='c015'><sup>[1122]</sup></a> Two principal methods were recommended.
+You may either measure with the astrolabe the altitude
+of the sun above the horizon at noon at the spring or autumn
+equinox and find the latitude by subtracting this angle from 90°
+or you may measure the altitude of the celestial pole above the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_246'>246</span>horizon, which is the same as the latitude. As to longitude, the
+fact that there are differences in local time between points east
+and west of each other was recognized and clearly explained by
+several writers of our age.<a id='r1123'></a><a href='#f1123' class='c015'><sup>[1123]</sup></a> The <i>Marseilles Tables</i> give a rule
+for finding longitude by the observation of eclipses. Roger of
+Hereford indicates that he himself, by observing an eclipse in
+1178, ascertained the positions of Hereford, Marseilles, and
+Toledo in relation to Arin, the world center of the Moslems.<a id='r1124'></a><a href='#f1124' class='c015'><sup>[1124]</sup></a>
+Gerard of Cremona describes a method of finding longitude by
+noting the distance of the moon from a given point in the heavens
+and thereby dispensing with eclipses,<a id='r1125'></a><a href='#f1125' class='c015'><sup>[1125]</sup></a> though it is doubtful
+whether this method was used until the sixteenth century.
+The lack of accurate instruments for ascertaining time must
+have rendered it extremely difficult to calculate longitude under
+any circumstances. Making allowances for this, it is surprising
+to find how accurate the few coöordinates that have come down
+to us seem to be, if our interpretation of them is correct.<a id='r1126'></a><a href='#f1126' class='c015'><sup>[1126]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The geographical interest of these figures and of investigations
+of this sort was not appreciated by the majority of the men of
+our age. The application of astronomical considerations to the
+problems of navigation was still in its infancy. The purpose of
+the investigator of the twelfth and early thirteenth century in
+finding geographical coöordinates was astrological. He wished
+to make use of them to transpose tables made originally for the
+meridian and parallel of one station to the meridian and parallel
+of another. Their influence on the cartography of the age was
+absolutely <i>nil</i>. It is probably safe to make the categorical
+statement that the maps and geographical treatises of the century
+and a half preceding the year 1250 were drawn and written
+with almost complete disregard of any astronomical considerations
+whatsoever.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_247'>247</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>CHAPTER XI<br> CARTOGRAPHY</h3>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c010'>The maps of our period give us the most convincing possible
+illustrations of the geographical ideas that were current.<a id='r1127'></a><a href='#f1127' class='c015'><sup>[1127]</sup></a> Their
+bright colors, naïve legends, childlike but often skillfully drawn
+vignettes, and preposterous inaccuracy take us back into the
+atmosphere of a credulous and uncritical age. We can catch
+much more of the flavor of the popular geography of the Middle
+Ages by a hasty glance at one of the crude Beatus representations
+of the world than by plowing through many of the dry
+pages of compilations like the <i>De imagine mundi</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In this chapter there will be given a brief analysis of these
+maps as specimens of the cartographer’s art and an explanation of
+certain points which all, or most, of them have in common.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>INACCURACY</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>What strikes us first is their extraordinary inaccuracy. It is
+easy to laugh at this because subconsciously but inevitably we
+compare the outlines of seas, continents, and regions as represented
+in these maps with the outlines with which we have
+become familiar in modern atlases. We tend to forget that the
+contours of Europe, Asia, and Africa as we now know them are
+not images that have been stamped upon the minds of men at
+all times, that their accurate representation is the result of a
+series of long and laborious observations completed only at a
+relatively recent date. Hence it is somewhat unjust to reproach
+the medieval cartographer with his inaccuracy, for the reason
+that accuracy in the present-day sense was something impossible
+for him to achieve. The Greeks and Moslems, to be sure, had
+made far better maps than did the men of the Middle Ages;
+but, unfortunately, Greek maps had perished, few Arabic maps
+came through to the West, and the prevalent ignorance of Greek
+made it impossible for the Occidental scholar to gain inspiration
+from treatises on cartography written in that tongue.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_248'>248</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Accuracy Not Deemed Necessary</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Furthermore, it is a mistake to regard accuracy as the goal
+and ideal of the medieval map maker. To gain a sympathetic
+understanding of his work we must see what purposes he intended
+it to fulfill. He drew maps to accompany and clarify the written
+texts to which they were usually subsidiary. The maps were
+more or less in the nature of diagrammatic sketches on which
+the features of the earth’s surface were shown in a general way,
+and the draftsman understood perfectly well that all he could
+hope to give was a rough approximation to relative positions.
+The medieval scribe and map maker was an artist who took pride
+in the beauty of his work. The same motives which impelled
+him to enliven his manuscript with a multitude of miniatures
+led him to relieve the coldly geometrical outlines of his map by
+lines and colors pleasing to the eye, by entertaining sketches and
+readable legends. He was creating something very different
+from the modern cartographic or topographic sheet that stands
+on its own merits as an independently useful, scientific document
+and from which we can get precise information about distances,
+heights, positions, and terrain. He would have branded any
+man a fool who thought that one could hope to determine from
+his map the distance from Jerusalem to England or from the
+mouth of the Ganges to the mouth of the Nile. In other words,
+most medieval maps—including wall maps—were nothing more
+than rough diagrams converted into works of art.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>When, during the latter years of the thirteenth century, the
+sailors of the Mediterranean, driven by the necessity of securing
+reliable aids to navigation, began piece by piece to construct
+marine charts upon which the contours of the coasts were shown
+with an approach to modern correctness, we have indeed a revolution
+in cartographic art and geographical science.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Bearing in mind these considerations, we see that the major
+inaccuracies of medieval maps are (1) exaggeration in the scale
+of particular regions at the expense of others and (2) distortion,
+often amounting to a complete failure to show places in their
+proper relative positions. The first of these inaccuracies was
+usually deliberate, the second more or less unavoidable. Both
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_249'>249</span>are well-known characteristics of our modern American railway
+folder maps.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Exaggeration</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The purpose of exaggeration was, of course, to emphasize the
+most interesting and significant localities. For example, on
+many maps of the world, Palestine—about which a good deal
+was known and in which interest naturally was centered—is
+shown to be almost as large as all the rest of Asia put together.
+The Jerome map of the East<a id='r1128'></a><a href='#f1128' class='c015'><sup>[1128]</sup></a> exaggerates Asia Minor to an enormous
+size, making it a greater distance from Constantinople to
+Mount Ararat than from Armenia to Taprobane (Ceylon). On
+the other hand, the Jerome map of Palestine itself<a id='r1129'></a><a href='#f1129' class='c015'><sup>[1129]</sup></a> would lead us
+to believe that the district lying between the Lebanon, the Jordan,
+and the sea is at least three times as large as the Anatolian peninsula.
+Certainly nobody ever thought that such proportions
+actually obtain in nature. Similarly, the plans of cities that are
+not infrequently included in maps are often immensely enlarged
+in relation to the surrounding country, as, for example, in the
+case of London, Rome, Acre, and Jerusalem on Matthew Paris’
+pictorial itinerary<a id='r1130'></a><a href='#f1130' class='c015'><sup>[1130]</sup></a> and map of Palestine,<a id='r1131'></a><a href='#f1131' class='c015'><sup>[1131]</sup></a> and Jerusalem on the
+“Situs Ierusalem”<a id='r1132'></a><a href='#f1132' class='c015'><sup>[1132]</sup></a> (see Fig. 7).</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Distortion</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Errors arising from distortion were due partly to ignorance
+and partly to the necessity of making the map fit either the page
+upon which it was drawn or else a preconceived idea of an oval,
+or circular world. The “Cotton,” or “Anglo-Saxon,” map<a id='r1133'></a><a href='#f1133' class='c015'><sup>[1133]</sup></a>
+several of the Beatus series,<a id='r1134'></a><a href='#f1134' class='c015'><sup>[1134]</sup></a> and even Matthew Paris’ maps of
+Britain<a id='r1135'></a><a href='#f1135' class='c015'><sup>[1135]</sup></a> (the best of the whole period; see Fig. 9, p. 343, below)
+show a semi-rectangular land mass corresponding to the pages
+of the codices. On the latter a legend frankly admits that, if
+only the size of the page permitted, the island would be shown
+longer than it is (“Si pagine pateretur, haec totalis insula longior
+esse deberet”).<a id='r1136'></a><a href='#f1136' class='c015'><sup>[1136]</sup></a> The manner in which geography was forced
+to conform to a circular or oval world is admirably illustrated
+in the treatment of the islands of the ocean. On the Beatus
+series<a id='r1137'></a><a href='#f1137' class='c015'><sup>[1137]</sup></a> and on Lambert’s <i>mappaemundi</i>,<a id='r1138'></a><a href='#f1138' class='c015'><sup>[1138]</sup></a> Britain and the other
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_250'>250</span>islands appear as small, round, oval, or rectangular blocks more
+or less regularly spaced in the circumambient ocean. Other
+maps, like that of Henry of Mayence<a id='r1139'></a><a href='#f1139' class='c015'><sup>[1139]</sup></a> (see inset of Fig. 6, p. 245,
+above), fit the islands into recesses in the oceanic shores of the
+continental areas so that the smooth outlines of the whole land
+mass are preserved.</p>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/i_250_hr.jpg'><img src='images/i_250.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p><span class='sc'>Fig. 7</span>—The <i>Situs Ierusalem</i>, or plan of Jerusalem, illustrating the anonymous <i>Gesta Francorum Ierusalem expugnantium</i> as reproduced by Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, fig. 14, from map in Codex of St. Omer.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_251'>251</span>An extreme of confusion and disregard for reality is found in
+one of the Beatus group<a id='r1140'></a><a href='#f1140' class='c015'><sup>[1140]</sup></a> preserved in Paris. Here it is difficult
+to make out which continent is which. India, for instance, lies
+just across the Red Sea from Spain (it is doubtful in what direction);
+Arabia would seem to be in the farthest Orient, adjoined
+by Greece on one side and Thrace on the other. Such absurdities
+are unusual, but even the best maps of the period show serious
+errors when measured by modern standards. The “Cotton,”<a id='r1141'></a><a href='#f1141' class='c015'><sup>[1141]</sup></a>
+for instance, in such a well-known part of the world as Italy,
+locates Ravenna on the Mediterranean shore southeast of Rome
+and shows an amazing eastward displacement of Arabia and the
+Red Sea, though in many other respects its geography, relatively
+speaking, is very good.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>TECHNIQUE</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The diagrammatic character of these maps is evident in the
+technique of their workmanship. They all show a tendency
+toward geometrical lines, curves, and symmetry. This is carried
+further on some than on others (as, for example, in the cruder
+specimens of the Beatus group<a id='r1142'></a><a href='#f1142' class='c015'><sup>[1142]</sup></a>); but, in nearly all, the ocean is
+represented as a smooth circular band of even width; and, in
+many, rivers and mountains follow direct lines or regular curves.
+It is obvious that the ruler and compass were not neglected.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Conventions</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Moreover, certain cartographic conventions were followed.
+In the great majority of cases east was placed at the top, and
+some authorities have endeavored to trace this convention back
+to the maps of the Romans.<a id='r1143'></a><a href='#f1143' class='c015'><sup>[1143]</sup></a> While this explanation of its
+origin may be true, the traditions of the Church, which placed
+in the Orient the Garden of Eden together with the fountain of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_252'>252</span>the waters of the world and of human life, must have had much
+to do toward perpetuating it. Conventions of a sort were also
+observed in the use of colors on colored maps: seas and rivers
+were nearly always blue or green, except for the Red Sea, which
+was invariably red. Less uniform was the color used for mountains:
+on the map of the world of Henry of Mayence<a id='r1144'></a><a href='#f1144' class='c015'><sup>[1144]</sup></a> and on
+one of Lambert’s <i>mappaemundi</i><a id='r1145'></a><a href='#f1145' class='c015'><sup>[1145]</sup></a> they are red; the “Cotton”<a id='r1146'></a><a href='#f1146' class='c015'><sup>[1146]</sup></a>
+shows them a brilliant green; and one of the maps of Matthew
+Paris,<a id='r1147'></a><a href='#f1147' class='c015'><sup>[1147]</sup></a> a yellow.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Symbols and Legends</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Symbols representing the various features of the earth’s surface
+were more or less conventionalized, though we can hardly say
+that any definitely developed “conventional signs” were in use.
+It is the usual intention of symbols as employed on modern maps
+to reproduce the appearance of the various features more or less
+as they look when viewed from above. This is relatively recent
+development; on medieval maps such elements as mountains,
+forests, and cities were shown as they appear from the side. In
+addition to symbols, legends were extensively employed to explain
+details of the map’s surface, and sometimes these were expanded
+to considerable length to include historical data and other points
+of interest. A large variety of subjects were represented on
+these maps by symbols, vignettes, and legends.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The atmosphere figures in the Turin Beatus<a id='r1148'></a><a href='#f1148' class='c015'><sup>[1148]</sup></a> in pictures at the
+four corners of wind blowers seated astride of wind bags. On
+the Jerome map of the East<a id='r1149'></a><a href='#f1149' class='c015'><sup>[1149]</sup></a> the names of certain of the winds
+are written along the eastern border, and wind blowers were
+familiar figures in the cartography of a later period than ours.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The ocean and inland seas, usually tinted green or blue, are
+generally without symbols to emphasize their watery nature,
+except perhaps for pictures of fish. On two of the Beatus series,<a id='r1150'></a><a href='#f1150' class='c015'><sup>[1150]</sup></a>
+however, lines are drawn running parallel to the coasts, showing
+that the medieval draftsman had hit upon and crudely executed
+a modern scheme of representing water. The Guido map of
+Italy<a id='r1151'></a><a href='#f1151' class='c015'><sup>[1151]</sup></a> represents the sea by scalloped lines. On the Guido
+map of the world<a id='r1152'></a><a href='#f1152' class='c015'><sup>[1152]</sup></a> the size of the Mediterranean and its branches
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_253'>253</span>is enormously enlarged;<a id='r1153'></a><a href='#f1153' class='c015'><sup>[1153]</sup></a> whereas the worst examples of the
+Beatus group<a id='r1154'></a><a href='#f1154' class='c015'><sup>[1154]</sup></a> show the inland seas as narrow channels bounded
+by straight shores.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The width of rivers is nearly always immensely exaggerated;
+on some maps rivers appear to be as wide as the seas themselves.
+Only the “Cotton”<a id='r1155'></a><a href='#f1155' class='c015'><sup>[1155]</sup></a> forms an exception in representing them
+(except for the Nile) as single lines. On the whole, hydrography
+is drawn arbitrarily. Streams cross each other, separate, and
+connect one sea with another; though the Jerome maps,<a id='r1156'></a><a href='#f1156' class='c015'><sup>[1156]</sup></a> certain
+of the Beatus series,<a id='r1157'></a><a href='#f1157' class='c015'><sup>[1157]</sup></a> and the “Cotton”<a id='r1158'></a><a href='#f1158' class='c015'><sup>[1158]</sup></a> place the headwaters
+of many of the rivers of Asia and Europe in mountain ranges.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Lakes are generally represented as bulb-shaped bodies from
+which rivers rise or into which they expand.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>No attempt was made to show by symbols different kinds of
+land surface, except perhaps by Matthew Paris in one of his
+maps of Britain,<a id='r1159'></a><a href='#f1159' class='c015'><sup>[1159]</sup></a> which differentiates the marshy country of the
+eastern shires from the rest of the island. On certain members
+of the Beatus group<a id='r1160'></a><a href='#f1160' class='c015'><sup>[1160]</sup></a> we read legends in Africa and Asia calling
+the country “deserta et arenosa;” and legends appearing on
+Matthew Paris’ maps<a id='r1161'></a><a href='#f1161' class='c015'><sup>[1161]</sup></a> describe the boggy, wild, and mountainous
+country of northern Scotland and Wales. The Paris Beatus
+No. II<a id='r1162'></a><a href='#f1162' class='c015'><sup>[1162]</sup></a> has a legend in a remote part of Asia indicating “land
+uninhabitable on account of the abundance of water.”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Mountain ranges were generally represented by jagged, saw-tooth
+lines running parallel to straight lines;<a id='r1163'></a><a href='#f1163' class='c015'><sup>[1163]</sup></a> particularly high
+or famous peaks, by a single great pyramid. Such pyramids
+are prominent features in the Beatus series,<a id='r1164'></a><a href='#f1164' class='c015'><sup>[1164]</sup></a> where woods are
+often shown growing upon them. The Hyrcanian Forest is
+depicted and labeled on the Jerome map of Palestine,<a id='r1165'></a><a href='#f1165' class='c015'><sup>[1165]</sup></a> and the
+pepper forests of India are indicated on the Jerome map of the
+East.<a id='r1166'></a><a href='#f1166' class='c015'><sup>[1166]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Among the works of man cities and buildings take a foremost
+place, represented by vignettes of castles, towers, and churches.
+On several maps<a id='r1167'></a><a href='#f1167' class='c015'><sup>[1167]</sup></a> especially notable works are depicted, as the
+lighthouse of Alexandria, the tower of Babel, the columns of
+Alexander and Hercules; and the seas are sometimes filled with
+ships. As to men themselves, the legends give the names of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_254'>254</span>cities, provinces, and countries. The Jerome maps<a id='r1168'></a><a href='#f1168' class='c015'><sup>[1168]</sup></a> give a series
+of tribal names in Scythia. Adam and Eve with the serpent
+were stereotyped features enlivening the East on many but by
+no means all the maps of our age; and on the Osma Beatus<a id='r1169'></a><a href='#f1169' class='c015'><sup>[1169]</sup></a> we
+see the uniformly gloomy features of the twelve apostles distributed
+over the earth’s surface (see Fig. 4, p. 123, above).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The monsters of India were also represented by vignettes of
+a <i>skiapod</i>, or shadowfoot, on two of the Beatus group,<a id='r1170'></a><a href='#f1170' class='c015'><sup>[1170]</sup></a> where
+this uncomfortable creature is shown as the most prominent
+inhabitant of the austral continent (see Fig. 4) and the existence
+of other monsters is hinted at by legends referring to griffons,
+cynocephali, and the like.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>SUMMARY</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>In surveying the extant maps of our period as a whole, and in
+comparing them with one another, it is impossible to detect any
+appreciable development from worse cartography to better. To
+be sure, Matthew Paris’ three maps of Britain<a id='r1171'></a><a href='#f1171' class='c015'><sup>[1171]</sup></a> (Fig. 9, p. 343,
+below), made at the very end of our century and a half, are
+probably also the best. But they represent a limited area; and
+among the maps of the world the “Cotton,” or Anglo-Saxon,<a id='r1172'></a><a href='#f1172' class='c015'><sup>[1172]</sup></a>
+which possibly dates from the twelfth century but may be very
+much older, holds by all odds the highest rank so far as cartographic
+excellence goes. The complex and elaborate wall map of
+the late thirteenth century in Hereford Cathedral<a id='r1173'></a><a href='#f1173' class='c015'><sup>[1173]</sup></a> and the immense
+Ebstorf map at Hanover (dated 1284)<a id='r1174'></a><a href='#f1174' class='c015'><sup>[1174]</sup></a> represent the
+culmination of a process in the direction of increasing elaboration
+that had been in progress throughout the age. They do not indicate
+any improvement in cartographic standards but rather, as
+was the case with some of the great works of compilation of the
+time, a multiplication of fabulous and incongruous detail. Beazley
+dismisses them rather summarily as monstrosities. They are
+the cartographic counterparts of the <i>Image du monde</i> and the
+<i>Livre du trésor</i> of Brunetto Latino.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_255'>255</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>CHAPTER XII<br> REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY</h3>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c010'>We shall not attempt the thankless and impossible task of
+giving a complete conspectus of Western regional lore in the
+twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. This chapter, like its
+predecessors, consists largely of illustrative examples.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>GENERAL CHARACTER OF REGIONAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE PERIOD</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Geography of Tradition and Geography of Observation</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>We explained in the Introduction that there were two kinds of geographical information available in the Middle Ages—information derived from earlier literature and information derived from contemporary tradition and observation. In the
+period we are studying, these were found among men of very
+different interests and activities, and hence they usually failed to
+blend. It is true that now and then in a work of erudition of the
+time we come across a report of some original observation made
+by the writer himself or learned by him from a contemporary;
+but these data were seldom really assimilated into the body of
+the text, seldom used as a check on the assertions of older authorities.
+They seem to float like drops of oil on the deep, or shallow,
+waters of authoritative learning. Conversely, in works recording
+contemporary events—histories, chronicles, letters—we often
+come across facts and theories that were taken from older books;
+but these were infrequently subjected to critical examination in
+the light of contemporary knowledge. On the contrary, they
+were usually treated with indulgence or respect merely because
+they were old, even when observed phenomena seemed to prove
+them false.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the present as in the foregoing parts of this book the attempt
+is made to distinguish between these two distinct types of
+geographical lore. For many regions the geographical ideas are
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_256'>256</span>indicated that were derived from Pliny, Solinus, Isidore, Bede,
+and other encyclopedists and that found expression in treatises
+like the <i>De imagine mundi</i>, the <i>Otia imperialia</i>, and the <i>Image du
+monde</i>. In contrast to these there is set forth the kind of information
+that was being gathered by contemporary eyewitnesses.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Gradations of Accuracy of Knowledge</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Maps are sometimes drawn at the present day to show the
+state of progress of geographical knowledge. Upon these by
+various tints or shadings are indicated tracts that are accurately
+surveyed, partially surveyed, known only through route traverses,
+known only through reports from natives, or totally unknown.
+No such map could be constructed to show the character
+of regional knowledge in the Middle Ages, because our sources of
+information are not sufficiently complete and because the knowledge
+both actually and potentially available varied from country
+to country, from community to community, even from individual
+to individual. The printing press and facility of communication
+between the peoples of the world has rendered scientific
+knowledge or, at any rate, the possibility of obtaining scientific
+knowledge the common property of all modern civilizations. An
+Australian student, for instance, if he is willing to take the time
+and trouble, can learn through research virtually all that is
+known to Danish or Icelandic scholars about the geography of
+Greenland. In the Middle Ages, on the contrary, we may feel
+certain that the Danes and Norwegians had at hand much
+detailed information on Greenland and the Arctic shores of
+Europe that the Italian had no means whatever of obtaining.
+Correspondingly, the Italian trader of Genoa or Venice unquestionably
+knew a great deal about remote parts of Asia and North
+Africa that could never reach the ears of an author of a <i>De
+imagine mundi</i> or of a Lambert of St. Omer, writing in quiet
+cloisters of France or Belgium.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Yet if, for these reasons, we cannot show on a map the gradations
+in the character and accuracy of Western geographical
+knowledge in the age of the Crusades, such gradations nevertheless
+existed. From the point of view of Western Europe as a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_257'>257</span>whole they might be grouped in a broad way as follows. First
+there were the well-known regions about which knowledge was
+derived and kept fresh through active commercial, diplomatic,
+ecclesiastical, military, and scholarly enterprise. These regions
+may be said to have included most of Europe west of the Elbe
+and Hungary. They also included the overland routes to Constantinople,
+the shores of the Mediterranean, and the Holy Land.
+From the point of view of the Scandinavian peoples, who were
+great travelers, they took in not only the foregoing regions but
+also the Baltic coasts, southern Norway and Sweden, and Iceland.
+Beyond the bounds of the well-known areas lay a second group of
+areas about which a fair amount of reasonably trustworthy
+information was at hand, derived from one of three sources: (1)
+reports of occasional travelers; (2) more or less reliable hearsay;
+(3) classical descriptions drawn from literary sources. Much of
+Western Asia and North Africa fell within this category and, for
+the Scandinavians, Greenland. Beyond lay the third group of
+regions known only through the vaguest of rumors—the domains
+of fabulous monsters and legendary men. To some writers India
+was such a land, to others Russia and northern Scandinavia, to
+still others the legendary isles that lay concealed in the Western
+Ocean. Finally, beyond them came those regions lying without
+the known world, about which the men of the Middle Ages themselves
+would have acknowledged that they knew nothing: the
+austral continent, the countries of the antipodeans, <i>antoikoi</i>,
+<i>antichthones</i>, which have been discussed in an earlier chapter.
+No boundaries could be drawn setting off these various tracts
+from one another; the well-known shaded off imperceptibly into
+the less well-known, and the vaguely known merged into fairyland;
+within each well-known tract were islands of doubt and
+mystery, and fabulous stories were told of even the most commonplace
+features of the landscape.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>THE “OIKOUMENE” AS A WHOLE</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Before turning to the various regions of the known world—the
+<i>oikoumene</i>, as the Greeks called it; the <i>orbis terrarum</i> or <i>habitatio</i>
+of the Romans—something must be said concerning theories
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_258'>258</span>about the <i>oikoumene</i> as a whole, about its center, and about Paradise
+and the four rivers of Paradise. It was usually supposed
+that the <i>oikoumene</i> itself occupies a relatively restricted part of
+the surface of the globe. The words of Seneca to the effect that
+there is only a short distance from Spain to India imply that the
+known world must stretch out over much more than a half of the
+circumference of the sphere.<a id='r1175'></a><a href='#f1175' class='c015'><sup>[1175]</sup></a> Though these words were often
+read in our period, scant attention was paid either to them or to
+the Arabic interpretation of Aristotle’s similar theory until a
+later date. Roger Bacon’s specific explanation that the <i>habitatio</i>
+extends around much more than half the earth’s circumference
+represents an opinion that was exceptional.<a id='r1176'></a><a href='#f1176' class='c015'><sup>[1176]</sup></a> The majority of
+the thinkers of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries who
+speculated on the subject at all were probably under the spell of
+the theory fostered by Macrobius, which made our habitable
+portion of the earth one of four similar regions separated from
+each other by two oceans.<a id='r1177'></a><a href='#f1177' class='c015'><sup>[1177]</sup></a> This undoubtedly was the view most
+widely accepted, but in addition the idea was perhaps already
+being propounded early in the twelfth century that the lands of
+the known world form merely a small portion of the surface of the
+terrestrial sphere emerging above the surface of a larger, enveloping
+sphere of water.<a id='r1178'></a><a href='#f1178' class='c015'><sup>[1178]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The “Oikoumene” Divided into Three Parts</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The writers of the Crusading age were unanimous in dividing
+the <i>oikoumene</i> itself into three parts, Asia, Libya (or Africa), and
+Europe. Bernard Sylvester said: “In two parts the ether, and
+likewise in two parts the air, but in three parts you are to understand
+that the land is divided,”<a id='r1179'></a><a href='#f1179' class='c015'><sup>[1179]</sup></a> almost as if a tripartite division
+of the lands were in accord with a law of nature. This division
+was inevitable in view of what was known of the arrangement of
+lands and seas. Orosius,<a id='r1180'></a><a href='#f1180' class='c015'><sup>[1180]</sup></a> however, had spoken of certain writers
+who would split the known world in two, making Africa a part of
+Europe “because of its small size” and making Asia as large as
+Africa and Europe together. Those who had preferred to conceive
+of Africa as a separate continent, he had said, did so not on
+account of its size but because it is cut off from Europe by an
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_259'>259</span>arm of the sea. These words of Orosius were quoted by Otto of
+Freising<a id='r1181'></a><a href='#f1181' class='c015'><sup>[1181]</sup></a> and by Gervase of Tilbury.<a id='r1182'></a><a href='#f1182' class='c015'><sup>[1182]</sup></a> The theory that Asia is
+equal in size to Europe and Africa put together is reproduced by
+the author of the <i>De situ terrarum</i>,<a id='r1183'></a><a href='#f1183' class='c015'><sup>[1183]</sup></a> and upon it was based that
+symmetrical division of the world’s surface which we find depicted
+on the so-called T-O maps of the early Middle Ages.<a id='r1184'></a><a href='#f1184' class='c015'><sup>[1184]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Isidore of Seville drew largely from Orosius in writing his chapters
+on geography. Theoretically he accepted the tripartite
+division,<a id='r1185'></a><a href='#f1185' class='c015'><sup>[1185]</sup></a> but in his actual treatment of the countries of the
+world he appended a discussion of islands to his discussion of the
+continents. In this he was followed by the author of the <i>De
+imagine mundi</i> and by many other writers of the time,<a id='r1186'></a><a href='#f1186' class='c015'><sup>[1186]</sup></a> all of
+whom declared that the earth’s surface is divided in three, but
+added chapters on the islands after their descriptions of Asia,
+Africa, and Europe.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>THE CENTER OF THE “OIKOUMENE”</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Jerusalem as the Center</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>During the Middle Ages the idea that Jerusalem is at the center
+of the <i>oikoumene</i> seems gradually to have gained ground.
+Arculf, a bishop of an unknown see in Gaul and pilgrim to the
+Holy Land, so described it as early as the close of the seventh
+century;<a id='r1187'></a><a href='#f1187' class='c015'><sup>[1187]</sup></a> but the tradition does not appear to have become established
+in the cartography of the West until the twelfth or even
+the thirteenth century.<a id='r1188'></a><a href='#f1188' class='c015'><sup>[1188]</sup></a> To place Jerusalem at the center was
+to recognize the preëminence given that city in Scripture, not
+only in the New but also in the Old Testament.<a id='r1189'></a><a href='#f1189' class='c015'><sup>[1189]</sup></a> It is natural
+for primitive peoples to think that the most holy of all places occupies
+a central position:<a id='r1190'></a><a href='#f1190' class='c015'><sup>[1190]</sup></a> the Greeks believed that either Delphi
+or Olympus was the navel of the earth;<a id='r1191'></a><a href='#f1191' class='c015'><sup>[1191]</sup></a> the Scandinavians
+thought the same was true of Asgard; the Hindus, of Mount
+Meru; the Babylonians, of Nippur.<a id='r1192'></a><a href='#f1192' class='c015'><sup>[1192]</sup></a> Gervase of Tilbury argues
+in a confused, semi-theological manner on the position of Jerusalem:<a id='r1193'></a><a href='#f1193' class='c015'><sup>[1193]</sup></a>
+Augustus, he believed, had thought that Judea was the
+heart of the earth because that Emperor had begun a survey of
+the provinces of the empire there; in addition, from texts of the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_260'>260</span>Bible Gervase attempted to demonstrate that Jerusalem is halfway
+between the North and the South, that by “antithesis” it
+must be halfway between the East and the West, and consequently
+must be at the center of the known world.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Exact Position of the Earth’s Center</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>There seems to have existed in the minds of writers some confusion
+as to the exact spot that marks the navel of the earth. A
+map of the year 1110 identifies it with Mount Zion.<a id='r1194'></a><a href='#f1194' class='c015'><sup>[1194]</sup></a> The pilgrim
+Saewulf, who was in the Holy Land in 1102 and 1103,
+says:<a id='r1195'></a><a href='#f1195' class='c015'><sup>[1195]</sup></a> “At the head of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, in the
+wall outside, not far from the place called Calvary, is the place
+called Compas, which our Lord Jesus Christ himself signified
+and measured with his own hand as the middle of the world, according
+to the words of the Psalmist, ‘For God is my king of old,
+working salvation in the midst of the earth.’ But some say that
+this is the place where our Lord Jesus Christ first appeared to
+Mary Magdalene, while she sought him weeping and thought he
+had been a gardener, as is related in the Gospels” (Thomas
+Wright’s translation).<a id='r1196'></a><a href='#f1196' class='c015'><sup>[1196]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In certain astronomical notes of the early twelfth century an
+anonymous writer (possibly Adelard of Bath) asserts that
+Mount “Amor reorum” is the center of the earth and that he
+proved this to be the case by experiment.<a id='r1197'></a><a href='#f1197' class='c015'><sup>[1197]</sup></a> It would seem that
+upon this mountain (possibly Mount Moriah) he hung a log,
+twelve cubits long by three in diameter, suspending it vertically
+in the air by means of a rope, and that at the time of the summer
+solstice he observed that the shadow of the log was directly beneath
+and circular in shape. This, he asserted, showed that
+Mount “Amor reorum” was the center of the earth. To clinch
+the veracity of his observation, he added that he had not been
+drinking wine and that his eyes were not satiated with sleep. Although
+the sun is not directly overhead at the summer solstice in
+Palestine, the same idea reappears in the <i>Otia imperialia</i> of Gervase
+of Tilbury.<a id='r1198'></a><a href='#f1198' class='c015'><sup>[1198]</sup></a> Gervase seems to favor, as the center of the
+earth, the well where Christ spoke to the Samaritan woman.<a id='r1199'></a><a href='#f1199' class='c015'><sup>[1199]</sup></a>
+He adds that this well has the characteristic that philosophers
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_261'>261</span>attribute to wells on the Tropic of Cancer at Syene in Africa, that
+is to say, that the sun shines directly into it at the summer solstice
+every year.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>THE TERRESTRIAL PARADISE</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Paradise in the East</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Most medieval maps include in the eastern part of the world a
+picture of the Terrestrial Paradise,<a id='r1200'></a><a href='#f1200' class='c015'><sup>[1200]</sup></a> surrounded by a high wall
+or mountain range and containing within it figures of Adam and
+Eve and the serpent<a id='r1201'></a><a href='#f1201' class='c015'><sup>[1201]</sup></a> (see above, Fig. 2, p. 69). “The first
+place in the East is Paradise, a garden famous for its delights,
+where man can never go, for a fiery wall surrounds it and reaches
+to the sky. Here is the tree of life which gives immortality, here
+the fountain which divides into four streams that go forth and
+water the world.”<a id='r1202'></a><a href='#f1202' class='c015'><sup>[1202]</sup></a> “Around Paradise extends a savage,
+trackless waste, infested with wild beasts and serpents.”<a id='r1203'></a><a href='#f1203' class='c015'><sup>[1203]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>This was the orthodox medieval view, to be found in Peter
+Abelard’s commentary on the Works of the Six Days,<a id='r1204'></a><a href='#f1204' class='c015'><sup>[1204]</sup></a> in the <i>De
+situ terrarum</i>,<a id='r1205'></a><a href='#f1205' class='c015'><sup>[1205]</sup></a> and in the <i>Image du monde</i>.<a id='r1206'></a><a href='#f1206' class='c015'><sup>[1206]</sup></a> Gervase of Tilbury
+copies it word for word from the <i>De imagine mundi</i><a id='r1207'></a><a href='#f1207' class='c015'><sup>[1207]</sup></a> but gives
+additional details in another connection,<a id='r1208'></a><a href='#f1208' class='c015'><sup>[1208]</sup></a>where he tells us that
+Paradise was the seat of the first of the four universal monarchies,
+that of Adam; that it was so called because of its delights, for
+“delight” is the meaning of the word “Eden,” and that the Garden
+makes a spot of marvelous deliciousness, separated from our
+inhabited earth by a long tract of land and sea and elevated so
+high that it reaches the sphere of the moon, so high that the
+waters of the Deluge failed to disturb it.<a id='r1209'></a><a href='#f1209' class='c015'><sup>[1209]</sup></a> Peter Lombard explained
+why it is thought that Paradise is in the East:<a id='r1210'></a><a href='#f1210' class='c015'><sup>[1210]</sup></a> Scripture,
+he said, teaches us that God made man outside of Paradise and
+placed him ready-fashioned in the Garden of Delights which had
+been planted by the divine power at the beginning of time (<i>a
+principio</i>). In an old translation, Peter explained, instead of
+this phrase, <i>a principio</i>, the words <i>ad Orientem</i> were given, and
+consequently the earlier translator would have had us believe
+that Paradise was to be found in the eastern parts of the earth.
+Peter added that a long stretch of land and sea cut Paradise off
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_262'>262</span>from the regions inhabited by men and that it was situated on a
+height touching the circle of the moon’s orbit, whence it came
+about that the waters of the Deluge could not penetrate thither.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>It was generally agreed that Paradise is in Asia,<a id='r1211'></a><a href='#f1211' class='c015'><sup>[1211]</sup></a> although this
+was not a universal belief. Hermann the Dalmatian in 1143
+asserted that there was “no mean opinion” that Paradise lies
+beyond “Amphitrites,” the ocean which encircles the earth from
+north to south, and that indications of its presence had been
+found both to eastward and to westward.<a id='r1212'></a><a href='#f1212' class='c015'><sup>[1212]</sup></a> Gervase said that
+it could be forcibly argued that the Garden lies beyond the Torrid
+Zone and is inaccessible to man, though he did not commit
+himself either for or against this theory.<a id='r1213'></a><a href='#f1213' class='c015'><sup>[1213]</sup></a> Robert Grosseteste
+speaks of theologians who would place Paradise under the equator.<a id='r1214'></a><a href='#f1214' class='c015'><sup>[1214]</sup></a>
+Otto of Freising’s words<a id='r1215'></a><a href='#f1215' class='c015'><sup>[1215]</sup></a> also seem to imply indirectly
+that the Garden is not in Asia, for Otto tells us that Alexander
+the Great conquered the entire Orient from Scythia to the ends
+of the earth. The same idea may be gathered from the <i>De situ
+terrarum</i>,<a id='r1216'></a><a href='#f1216' class='c015'><sup>[1216]</sup></a> which places the Seres and not Paradise in the farthest
+East, and also from the cycle of romances of Alexander, which
+relate how the Macedonian hero conquered all those Oriental
+regions where Paradise was usually supposed to be. The <i>mappaemundi</i>
+of Henry of Mayence<a id='r1217'></a><a href='#f1217' class='c015'><sup>[1217]</sup></a> and of Lambert of St. Omer<a id='r1218'></a><a href='#f1218' class='c015'><sup>[1218]</sup></a>
+place Paradise on an island beyond the easternmost limits of the
+habitable world; but St. Brandan found the Saint’s Land of
+Promise (probably no other than Paradise) far out in the Western
+Ocean.<a id='r1219'></a><a href='#f1219' class='c015'><sup>[1219]</sup></a> As a matter of fact there was no uniformity of opinion
+regarding the geographical position of the Happy Land: St.
+Augustine, whose works were read during our period, had even
+gone so far as to state that Paradise had no real existence at all
+but was merely an allegorical conception.<a id='r1220'></a><a href='#f1220' class='c015'><sup>[1220]</sup></a> A child is not worried
+about the latitude and longitude of fairyland, and the average
+man of the Middle Ages was just as little worried about the
+exact whereabouts of the Garden of Eden.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Nevertheless, in one version of the Romance of Alexander a
+logical outcome of the conqueror’s travels in the Far East was
+recognized. In the <i>Iter ad Paradisum</i><a id='r1221'></a><a href='#f1221' class='c015'><sup>[1221]</sup></a> Alexander is actually
+brought to the gates of Paradise. When he had subjugated
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_263'>263</span>India he came to a broad river which he understood to be the
+Ganges; embarking with five hundred men on a ship that happened
+to be at hand, he arrived at the end of a month before an
+immense city surrounded by a wall on all sides. Here, after
+various adventures, he learned from a Jew that this city was the
+place where the souls of the just were sojourning until the Last
+Judgment or, in other words, that it was the Terrestrial Paradise.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Journeys to Paradise</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The <i>Iter ad Paradisum</i> and the various versions of the legend
+of St. Brandan’s voyage are examples of a type of story very
+common in the Middle Ages, the story of actual journeys to
+Paradise by mortal men.<a id='r1222'></a><a href='#f1222' class='c015'><sup>[1222]</sup></a> Among these we should include the
+account of the visit there of Adam’s son, Seth, who brought back
+seeds from the tree of knowledge which were planted in Adam’s
+mouth after the latter’s death; the seeds ultimately sprouted
+into a great tree, the wood of which was used to make Christ’s
+cross.<a id='r1223'></a><a href='#f1223' class='c015'><sup>[1223]</sup></a> Tales were told of the sojourns of pious monks in
+Paradise and of how on their return to the homes of men they
+found that what had seemed only three days in the Garden of
+Delights was in reality a period of three hundred years. Godfrey
+of Viterbo in his <i>Pantheon</i><a id='r1224'></a><a href='#f1224' class='c015'><sup>[1224]</sup></a> relates a tale of a hundred
+brothers who, like St. Brandan, made widespread explorations
+in the ocean before coming to Paradise, a golden mountain redolent
+with wonderful odors and adorned with an image of the
+Virgin and Child. Another story, dating from an earlier time
+but undoubtedly well known during our period, was that of the
+fabulous St. Macarius.<a id='r1225'></a><a href='#f1225' class='c015'><sup>[1225]</sup></a> Three brothers from a convent between
+the Tigris and Euphrates set out to find the place where “the
+earth joins the sky.” After crossing Persia they entered India—a
+land of wonders, of cynocephali and of pygmies, of serpents
+and of darkness. Here they came upon the altars set up by
+Alexander the Great to mark the limits of his wanderings,<a id='r1226'></a><a href='#f1226' class='c015'><sup>[1226]</sup></a> and
+beyond them reached miraculous countries filled with giants and
+birds that talked. At last, about twenty miles from the Terrestrial
+Paradise, they found Macarius, a man of hoary age, dwelling
+in a cave on friendly terms with two lions. Macarius told them
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_264'>264</span>a romantic story, in the course of which he described the wonders
+of Paradise but, alas, emphasized the fact that this long-sought-for
+garden was absolutely inaccessible to human beings.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Rivers of Paradise</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The account of the four rivers of Paradise, like other passages
+in Scripture, was interpreted both allegorically and literally. In
+the religious art of our period these streams were often depicted in
+stone, glass, or miniature as symbolizing the four evangelists
+spreading the gospel throughout the world.<a id='r1227'></a><a href='#f1227' class='c015'><sup>[1227]</sup></a> Neckam, after
+mentioning Paradise and the rivers, goes on to explain that, just
+as the world is watered by the four streams, so “by the gift of
+the Holy Ghost the garden of the Holy Church is irrigated by the
+four virtues, Justice, Temperance, Fortitude, and Prudence.”<a id='r1228'></a><a href='#f1228' class='c015'><sup>[1228]</sup></a>
+Literal interpretation of the passage, on the other hand, would
+present difficulties to the modern hydrographer, but these difficulties
+were easily overcome in the Middle Ages by appeal to the
+familiar theory of subterranean watercourses.<a id='r1229'></a><a href='#f1229' class='c015'><sup>[1229]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i>,<a id='r1230'></a><a href='#f1230' class='c015'><sup>[1230]</sup></a> copying from Isidore,<a id='r1231'></a><a href='#f1231' class='c015'><sup>[1231]</sup></a>
+makes the four rivers disappear into the ground, whence they
+spring forth in lands far distant; and some of the maps of our
+period represent all four rivers as rising from a central source
+within the Garden and vanishing into the earth at its walls or
+not far beyond. The Psalter map,<a id='r1232'></a><a href='#f1232' class='c015'><sup>[1232]</sup></a> on the other hand, shows
+no less than five rivers issuing from an aperture leading out of
+Paradise and spreading out like a fan over the interior of Asia.
+Abelard<a id='r1233'></a><a href='#f1233' class='c015'><sup>[1233]</sup></a> explains carefully that if we interpret the Bible correctly
+there can be but one river within Paradise, that this divides
+into four outside of the Garden, and that the names given to each
+of the four are applied to those parts only “which flow from their
+sources to the sea.” We may assume that he refers here to the
+portions of the rivers between points where they issue from their
+subterranean passages and their mouths. Some writers would
+seem to imply, Abelard continues, that we cannot take literally
+the words of the Bible because the sources of some of the four
+streams are known and those of others are not. But, he asks,
+may not those streams, whose sources are supposedly known, in
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_265'>265</span>reality arise elsewhere far away and pass through numerous
+countries before issuing forth to the knowledge of mankind?
+There is no question but that this is the case with many streams,
+as is shown, he adds, by the statement in Boethius’ <i>De consolatione
+philosophiae</i> (a famous work of the sixth century much
+read throughout the Middle Ages) that “the Tigris and the
+Euphrates spring from one source.”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>One version of the legend of Prester John informs us that the
+four rivers of Paradise all arise in a spring in the mountains of
+India and water the two Indias.<a id='r1234'></a><a href='#f1234' class='c015'><sup>[1234]</sup></a> Like most rivers of Prester
+John’s realm, they give forth quantities of gold and precious
+stones at regular intervals three times a year.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Discussion of the individual characteristics of each of the four
+rivers falls more logically with the treatment of the ideas concerning
+the countries through which they flow and will be reserved
+until later. In most of the geographical works of our
+period, however, the rivers receive special consideration immediately
+after the remarks on Paradise and before the description
+of the regions of Asia. Their unusual origin and character,
+as described in Scripture, entitled them to particular distinction:
+they were holy streams to Jew and Christian alike. It is, then,
+a peculiarly eloquent commentary on the paganism of Bernard
+Sylvester to find that he mentions and describes the Euphrates,
+Tigris, and Nile in his <i>De mundi universitate</i><a id='r1235'></a><a href='#f1235' class='c015'><sup>[1235]</sup></a> without referring
+to Paradise in connection with any of these three streams. To
+his thinking they would seem to have occupied no higher or
+holier place among streams than Tiber, Rhone, or Seine.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>ASIA</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>There are no more absorbing chapters in the history of geography
+than those connected with the growth of European knowledge
+of Asia in antiquity and during the Middle Ages <a id='r1236'></a><a href='#f1236' class='c015'><sup>[1236]</sup></a> and with
+its converse, the growth of Oriental knowledge of the Occident.<a id='r1237'></a><a href='#f1237' class='c015'><sup>[1237]</sup></a>
+Of late years the historical and archeological investigations of
+Albert von Le Coq, Sir Aurel Stein, Edouard Chavannes, Paul
+Pelliot, and Albert Herrmann have thrown a flood of light on the
+connections that existed in the earlier medieval period between
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_266'>266</span>eastern and western Asia. While these early connections may
+have brought some vague information regarding the Far East to
+the Byzantine world, they probably exerted almost no influence
+upon the conceptions of Asia prevalent in Western Europe before
+the middle of the thirteenth century.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Opening of Asia in the Thirteenth Century</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Relations between the Far East and Far West, however, were
+profoundly modified by certain events that took place during the
+first half of the thirteenth century. As a result of these events,
+Farther Asia for the first time in history was opened to Occidental
+travelers. Beginning with the year 1245 no inconsiderable
+number of European missionaries and traders made their way
+overland through the hitherto unknown heart of the continent
+and penetrated to the mysterious region of Cathay (China) at
+the ultimate point of the world. For somewhat more than a
+century the veil of the Extreme Orient was drawn aside, but
+drawn aside only again to be closed when the disruption of the
+Mongol empires and the rise of the Ottoman Turks barred the
+overland routes. It remained for Portuguese and Spanish seafarers
+of the great age of maritime exploration to rediscover the
+Far East. The history of the earlier relations of eastern and
+western Asia and of the opening of that continent in the thirteenth
+and fourteenth centuries, however, falls outside our province and
+cannot be discussed in detail in the present volume. A few
+words, nevertheless, must be said on this subject in order that the
+traditional geographical lore of Asia in our period may be seen in
+its proper perspective.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Mongol Conquests</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The events that led to the overland journeys sprang from the
+establishment of what was probably the most extensive military
+empire the world has ever known.<a id='r1238'></a><a href='#f1238' class='c015'><sup>[1238]</sup></a> Toward the end of the
+twelfth century, Temujin, chief of a small tribe dwelling near the
+headwaters of the Amur, consolidated his dominion over the
+neighboring Mongol peoples of the steppes north and northwest
+of China. Proclaimed “Chinkkis Khan” (Jenghiz Khan), or
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_267'>267</span>“Inflexible Emperor,” in 1206, he soon conquered northern
+China and turned his hordes to the west; Turkestan was subjugated,
+Persia was invaded, and in 1222–1224 a detachment
+overran southern Russia in the course of a great whirlwind raid
+that completely encircled the Caspian Sea. Jenghiz Khan died
+in 1227, but under his successors the wave of conquest swept still
+farther westward. Toward the close of the thirties the steppes
+of Russia were again overwhelmed, in 1240 Poland was devastated,
+and the Christian army of Henry of Silesia was defeated in
+1241 at Liegnitz, near Breslau. Meanwhile another Mongol
+army was ravaging Hungary and had even driven the king of
+that country to seek refuge in an island off the Dalmatian coast.
+Relief to the stricken people of Central Europe came, however, in
+1243 when news of the death of the Great Khan caused the
+invaders to withdraw to the plains of Russia, there to maintain
+their hold for many centuries to come.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>These visitations of the Tatars, as the Mongols were called,
+took Europe unaware. “Barely a rumour” of the invasion of
+Russia in 1222 had “reached western Europe,” writes Rockhill,<a id='r1239'></a><a href='#f1239' class='c015'><sup>[1239]</sup></a>
+“and contemporary writers have left us but few brief references
+to it.” The first full description of the Tatars is given in Matthew
+Paris’ <i>Chronica maiora</i><a id='r1240'></a><a href='#f1240' class='c015'><sup>[1240]</sup></a> for the date 1240, the following
+extracts of which, as translated by Rockhill, are worth quoting:
+“That the joys of mortal men be not enduring, nor worldly
+happiness long lasting without lamentations, in this same year
+(i.e. 1240) a detestable nation of Satan, to wit, the countless army
+of the Tartars, broke loose from its mountain-environed home,
+and piercing the solid rocks (of the Caucasus), poured forth like
+devils from the Tartarus, so that they are rightly called Tartari
+or Tartarians. Swarming like locusts over the face of the earth,
+they have brought terrible devastation to the eastern parts (of
+Europe), laying it waste with fire and carnage.... They
+are inhuman and beastly, rather monsters than men, thirsting
+for and drinking blood, tearing and devouring the flesh of dogs
+and men, dressed in ox-hides, armed with plates of iron, short and
+stout, thickset, strong, invincible, indefatigable, their backs
+unprotected, their breasts covered with armour.... They
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_268'>268</span>are without human laws, know no comforts, are more ferocious
+than lions or bears, have boats made of ox-hides, which ten or
+twelve of them own in common: they are able to swim or to
+manage a boat, so that they can cross the largest and swiftest
+rivers without let or hindrance, drinking turbid or muddy water
+when blood fails them (as beverage).... They know no
+other language than their own, which no one else knows; for until
+now there has been no access to them, nor did they go forth (from
+their own country);&#160;... They wander about with their
+flocks and their wives, who are taught to fight like men....
+It is believed that these Tartars, of cursed memory, are of the
+ten tribes who, having forsaken the Mosaic law, followed after
+the golden calves, and whom Alexander the Macedonian endeavoured
+at first to shut up in the rugged mountains of the Caspians
+with bitumen-covered rocks.<a id='r1241'></a><a href='#f1241' class='c015'><sup>[1241]</sup></a> When he saw that the undertaking
+exceeded the power of man, he invoked the might of the
+God of Israel, and the tops of the mountains came together, and
+an inaccessible and impassable place was made.... It is
+written in sacred history that they shall come out toward the end
+of the world, and shall make a great slaughter of men. There
+arises, however, a doubt whether the Tartars now coming from
+there be really they, for they do not use the Hebrew tongue,
+neither do they know the laws of Moses, nor have they laws, nor
+are they governed by them....”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Despite the impression of extreme ferocity reflected in this
+passage, after the warlike ardor of conquest had somewhat subsided,
+the Mongols showed themselves not intolerant in their
+attitude toward strangers and not unreceptive of foreign influence.
+The immediate result of their withdrawal from Hungary
+to Russia and the consequent removal of the direct menace to
+Central Europe was the dispatch of Christian ecclesiastics as
+ambassadors to the Mongol lords. Rumors had come to Europe
+that these nomads from the Far East were monotheists, and hope
+sprang up that they might be converted to Roman Catholic
+Christianity and used to offset the reviving Moslem power menacing
+the Christian states of the Holy Land.<a id='r1242'></a><a href='#f1242' class='c015'><sup>[1242]</sup></a> The origin of the
+rumors which gave rise to this elusive hope is to be sought in the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_269'>269</span>fact that the Nestorian form of Christianity had been firmly
+established among some of the Mongol tribes north of the Great
+Wall of China and was represented even in their ruling dynasty.
+Furthermore, these rumors seemed to confirm and be confirmed
+by the reports that had been in circulation since the twelfth
+century of the existence of a great Christian kingdom of Prester
+John in the remote interior of Asia.<a id='r1243'></a><a href='#f1243' class='c015'><sup>[1243]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Thirteenth-Century Journeys</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The journeys of the diplomatic missions sent out by Pope
+Innocent IV and by Louis IX, King of France, in 1245 and the
+years immediately following have often been described.<a id='r1244'></a><a href='#f1244' class='c015'><sup>[1244]</sup></a> The
+Pope’s envoy, John of Pian de Carpine,<a id='r1245'></a><a href='#f1245' class='c015'><sup>[1245]</sup></a> and Louis’ representative,
+William of Rubruck,<a id='r1246'></a><a href='#f1246' class='c015'><sup>[1246]</sup></a> reached the Mongol capital at
+Karakorum, near Lake Baikal, and on their return wrote graphic
+narratives of their journeys, which have been preserved and
+which give full account of the Tatars and their customs. Many
+of the observations made by John of Pian de Carpine and by
+Simon of St. Quentin (who took part in an expedition under
+Friar Ascelin, or Anselm, sent by the Pope to a Mongol ruler in
+Persia in 1247) are included in the <i>Speculum historiale</i> of Vincent
+of Beauvais.<a id='r1247'></a><a href='#f1247' class='c015'><sup>[1247]</sup></a> The geographical information acquired by Rubruck,
+although it was ignored by other writers of the period,
+found its way to Roger Bacon, who incorporated much of it in
+the <i>Opus majus</i>.<a id='r1248'></a><a href='#f1248' class='c015'><sup>[1248]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The way shown by Pian de Carpine and Rubruck was soon
+followed by Nicolo and Maffeo Polo, whose incentive was commercial,
+and by their far more famous son and nephew, Marco.<a id='r1249'></a><a href='#f1249' class='c015'><sup>[1249]</sup></a>
+Marco Polo’s amazing wanderings were succeeded by the journeys
+of others, among them the wonderful missionary enterprises of
+John of Monte Corvino, Riccold of Monte Croce, and Orderic of
+Pordenone. The story of these and other travels of the period,<a id='r1250'></a><a href='#f1250' class='c015'><sup>[1250]</sup></a>
+fascinatingly told in the third volume of Beazley’s <i>Dawn of Modern
+Geography</i>, falls far beyond the limits of our subject. Suffice
+it to remark, however, that the wanderings of the adventurous
+traders and friars were generally forgotten in the West during the
+centuries that followed and were largely ignored, even in the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_270'>270</span>literature of the time itself. Marco Polo was branded as an
+impostor, and the traditional lore of eastern Asia that had come
+down from the days of the Roman Empire, together with its
+accretions of legend and romance, was held to be more worthy of
+credence than the observations of eyewitnesses. We must now
+turn to this traditional lore as expressed in the writings of the
+time of the Crusades.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Great Mountain System of Asia</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Asia, the author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i><a id='r1251'></a><a href='#f1251' class='c015'><sup>[1251]</sup></a> tells us, quoting
+from Isidore,<a id='r1252'></a><a href='#f1252' class='c015'><sup>[1252]</sup></a> derived its name from a queen of that name.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The great system of mountains which runs eastward through
+the heart of the continent—the Caucasus, the ranges of northern
+Persia, the Hindu Kush, the Himalayas—was well known to the
+Greek geographers, and the men of our time had acquired some
+hazy notions about it through reading Orosius and Isidore.<a id='r1253'></a><a href='#f1253' class='c015'><sup>[1253]</sup></a>
+Gervase of Tilbury,<a id='r1254'></a><a href='#f1254' class='c015'><sup>[1254]</sup></a> copying Orosius,<a id='r1255'></a><a href='#f1255' class='c015'><sup>[1255]</sup></a> tells how the Caucasus,
+joined by the “Imabus” (Imaus), divides India from Scythia
+and extends the entire length of Asia as far east as the Seric
+Ocean, though bearing different names in its eastern parts.
+Several of the maps show a straight range of mountains running
+east and west across the continent and labeled with various
+names (Taurus, Caucasus, Ceraunius, Paropamisus).<a id='r1256'></a><a href='#f1256' class='c015'><sup>[1256]</sup></a> The
+Jerome map<a id='r1257'></a><a href='#f1257' class='c015'><sup>[1257]</sup></a> reveals, on the other hand, many mountains in
+Asia but does not make them continuous.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>According to the <i>De imagine mundi</i>, the Caucasus divides the
+countries of southern from those of northern Asia. Among the
+former were India, Parthia, Mesopotamia, and Palestine, reaching
+in a straight line from the Far East to the Mediterranean.<a id='r1258'></a><a href='#f1258' class='c015'><sup>[1258]</sup></a>
+Egypt, which was regarded as belonging to Asia by the Greek
+geographers and by Isidore, was held to adjoin Palestine on the
+west, and to be part of this southern tier of countries. North of
+the Caucasus were the lands of the Seres, Bactria, Hyrcania, and
+Scythia, in the east, and in western Asia, Armenia, the country
+of Mount Ararat, Cappadocia (“where mares conceive through
+the wind alone and give birth to foals that live only three years”),
+and finally Asia Minor, almost completely surrounded by the sea.<a id='r1259'></a><a href='#f1259' class='c015'><sup>[1259]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_271'>271</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Land of the “Seres”</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>At the eastern end of Asia, Gervase, following the Roman
+geographers, had placed the Seres on the shores of an ocean named
+after them.<a id='r1260'></a><a href='#f1260' class='c015'><sup>[1260]</sup></a> “Seres” was a classical designation of the people
+of China in so far as that country was the terminus of the overland
+route toward the Far East described by Pliny and Ptolemy.
+Beyond vast solitudes, the former had said,<a id='r1261'></a><a href='#f1261' class='c015'><sup>[1261]</sup></a> you come to this
+remote land, where the people comb silk from the trees; though
+they carry on an extensive trade in this commodity, they avoid
+all personal dealings with strangers (whose commercial morality
+must have been high) by leaving the silk on the banks of streams
+to be picked up by those who wish to procure it. Solinus <a id='r1262'></a><a href='#f1262' class='c015'><sup>[1262]</sup></a>
+copied Pliny’s account, but Isidore,<a id='r1263'></a><a href='#f1263' class='c015'><sup>[1263]</sup></a> followed by the author of
+the <i>De imagine mundi</i>,<a id='r1264'></a><a href='#f1264' class='c015'><sup>[1264]</sup></a> gives us less detail, merely stating that
+Seres is a city of the East, from which were named the Seric
+region, the people, and a kind of cloth. Pausanias first among
+classical writers had understood that silk comes from a worm.
+The silk manufacture was introduced into the Byzantine Empire
+in 552 A.&#160;D., and it may well be from Byzantine sources that
+there originated the more or less correct understanding of its
+production revealed in the <i>Letter of Prester John</i>,<a id='r1265'></a><a href='#f1265' class='c015'><sup>[1265]</sup></a> where we are
+informed that the salamander is a worm which makes a sort of
+capsule (<i>pellicula</i>) around him, “as do the other worms that make
+silk.”</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>China</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>If the land of the Seres lay at the end of the overland route
+eastward, the sea route ended, according to the <i>Periplus of the
+Erythraean Sea</i>, at the land of “Thin” (China), and according
+to Ptolemy’s <i>Geography</i> at the country of the “Sinae.”<a id='r1266'></a><a href='#f1266' class='c015'><sup>[1266]</sup></a> Here
+we have the first use in the West of the word “China,” knowledge
+of which had probably reached the Occident through Arabic
+channels, though not until the sixteenth century was it recognized
+that the land of the “Seres” (Cathay) and “China” were
+the same.<a id='r1267'></a><a href='#f1267' class='c015'><sup>[1267]</sup></a> An indication of the Ptolemaic “Sinae” is found in
+Plato of Tivoli’s translation of Al-Battānī’s <i>Astronomy</i>:<a id='r1268'></a><a href='#f1268' class='c015'><sup>[1268]</sup></a> here a
+branch of the Indian Ocean is described as reaching to the furthest
+point of India where lies “Thiema” (China).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_272'>272</span>Benjamin of Tudela also speaks of the country of “Zin,” or
+China, in the uttermost East near the reputed Sea of Nikpa,
+where violent and stormy winds blow—possibly the typhoons of
+Far Eastern waters. Ships carried into this sea by the winds
+stick fast there; their supplies of food give out, and the crews often
+die of starvation. In order to avoid this fate, some of the men,
+armed with knives, throw themselves into the sea and are carried
+to shore in the talons of an enormous bird, the griffon. By slaying
+the griffon with their knives they are able to escape.<a id='r1269'></a><a href='#f1269' class='c015'><sup>[1269]</sup></a> This
+story reminds us, on the one hand, of Western reports of the congealed
+sea<a id='r1270'></a><a href='#f1270' class='c015'><sup>[1270]</sup></a> and, on the other, of Arabic tales of the Rukh, which
+reappear in Marco Polo’s travels.<a id='r1271'></a><a href='#f1271' class='c015'><sup>[1271]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>India</span></h5>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Subdivisions</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>More abundant and somewhat more accurate information was
+to be had regarding India. This name was applied loosely to
+cover all of Farther Asia: the anonymous report of the visit of
+the Patriarch John of India to Rome in 1122 calls India the ultimate
+border of the world. The Pseudo-Abdias<a id='r1272'></a><a href='#f1272' class='c015'><sup>[1272]</sup></a> had quoted
+“certain historiographers” as asserting that there are three
+Indias, the first facing Ethiopia, the second facing the country of
+the Medes, and the third occupying the end of the earth, with the
+realm of darkness on one side and the ocean on the other. The
+threefold division of India was found on many of the maps.<a id='r1273'></a><a href='#f1273' class='c015'><sup>[1273]</sup></a>
+It was adopted by Ordericus Vitalis in his <i>Historia ecclesiastica</i>.<a id='r1274'></a><a href='#f1274' class='c015'><sup>[1274]</sup></a>
+It undoubtedly inspired the declaration in the <i>Letter of Prester
+John</i><a id='r1275'></a><a href='#f1275' class='c015'><sup>[1275]</sup></a> that that potentate rules over the “three Indias,” and
+probably with it in mind Gervase of Tilbury<a id='r1276'></a><a href='#f1276' class='c015'><sup>[1276]</sup></a> spoke of “India
+superior,” where St. Bartholomew, “India inferior,” where St.
+Thomas, and “India meridiana,” where St. Matthew preached.
+On the other hand, there is evidence of a twofold division of India
+in the <i>Elysaeus</i><a id='r1277'></a><a href='#f1277' class='c015'><sup>[1277]</sup></a> account of Prester John’s kingdom. The
+broad and loose medieval usage of the term “India” is especially
+well shown in the <i>Image du monde</i>, where it comprises not only
+what we now know as Hindustan but also Persia.<a id='r1278'></a><a href='#f1278' class='c015'><sup>[1278]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Limiting ourselves to the narrower definition of India, the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_273'>273</span>tract between the Himalayas and the ocean, let us see what was
+believed to exist there.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Facts Known About India</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>A few facts were known, many half-facts, and a great many
+more fables. This knowledge and misinformation was based to
+a very large extent on classical authority, for little new had
+been learned about these parts of the world since the days of
+Pliny. First let us examine the facts and half-facts.<a id='r1279'></a><a href='#f1279' class='c015'><sup>[1279]</sup></a> It was
+known that much of India lies beyond the tropic so that the
+shadows fall south in summer and north in winter. It was
+known that a giant range of mountains encloses India on the
+north, and perhaps there was a hint of familiarity with the
+Himalayan forests in the old story of trees so lofty that they
+touch the skies. It was likewise known that the Ganges takes
+its rise in the mountains to the north and is joined by many
+streams. According to Isidore, who was followed by the <i>De
+imagine mundi</i>, Peter Abelard, Gervase of Tilbury, Peter Comestor,
+and a host of other plagiarizers,<a id='r1280'></a><a href='#f1280' class='c015'><sup>[1280]</sup></a> the Ganges is no other
+than the Pison, one of the rivers of Paradise, which springs from
+Mount Orcobares and flows eastward to the ocean. Peter
+Comestor explains<a id='r1281'></a><a href='#f1281' class='c015'><sup>[1281]</sup></a> that “Phison” may mean “flock,” because
+ten rivers join to make this stream,<a id='r1282'></a><a href='#f1282' class='c015'><sup>[1282]</sup></a> an interpretation in
+which we see perhaps a reflection of the true characteristics of
+the great stream of India, so strikingly different from the other
+three “rivers of Paradise” by reason of its multitude of tributaries.
+The same idea, or possibly even a suggestion of the
+Ganges delta with its many outlets, is found in the <i>Letter of Prester
+John</i><a id='r1283'></a><a href='#f1283' class='c015'><sup>[1283]</sup></a> where the river Ydonus is mentioned as one of the
+streams of Paradise, flowing across a pagan province of the realm
+of the great Christian potentate and spreading its branches
+throughout the entire area. The “Ydonus” doubtless means
+the Pison, or Ganges. It was also known in the time we are
+studying that there are other mighty rivers of India, among them
+the Indus, sweeping into the ocean.<a id='r1284'></a><a href='#f1284' class='c015'><sup>[1284]</sup></a> Likewise it was appreciated
+that India supports an immense population and enormous
+riches; that many of the people are Brahmins—though little
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_274'>274</span>enough was understood about their religion; and that some of
+them practiced the custom of suttee, which prescribed that wives
+burn themselves on the funeral pyres of their husbands.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Benjamin of Tudela acquired (probably in Mesopotamia)
+some information about Khulam, or Quilon, a great medieval
+seaport on the Malabar coast. He comments briefly on the
+honesty and dark complexions of the natives, the intense heat
+of the summer, the practices connected with the cultivation of
+pepper, the customs of embalming the dead, and the superstitions
+of sun worship.<a id='r1285'></a><a href='#f1285' class='c015'><sup>[1285]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Marvels of India</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>But India was above all else a land of marvels (Fig. 8). Here
+were pygmies who fight with storks and giants who combat with
+griffons; here were “gymnosophists” who contemplate the sun
+all day, standing in the hot rays first on one leg and then on the
+other; here were men with feet turned backward and eight toes
+on each foot; <i>cynocephali</i>, or men with dogs’ heads and claws,
+who bark and snarl; people whose women give birth to but one
+child and that one with white hair; races whose hair is white in
+youth but turns dark with age; one-eyed men; people who shade
+themselves from the sun by lying on their backs and holding up a
+single huge foot (<i>skiapodes</i>); persons who live on the smell of
+food alone; headless men with eyes in their stomachs; forest
+peoples with hairy bodies, dogs’ teeth, and terrific voices; and a
+variety of horrible non-human monsters combining the parts of
+several animals.<a id='r1286'></a><a href='#f1286' class='c015'><sup>[1286]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>These marvels and more still are related by nearly all the
+Western writers of our period who concern themselves with
+India and the Orient. They originated, as we have seen, early
+in classical times. Collected by Ctesias,<a id='r1287'></a><a href='#f1287' class='c015'><sup>[1287]</sup></a> Pliny, Solinus and
+others, they were passed on to our age, when we find them faithfully
+retold by the author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i>, by Gervase
+of Tilbury, by Rudolf of Hohen-Ems,<a id='r1288'></a><a href='#f1288' class='c015'><sup>[1288]</sup></a> and in the <i>Image du
+monde</i>. They made their way into the Romance of Alexander
+as exemplified by the <i>Pseudo-Callisthenes</i> and the <i>Letter from
+Alexander to Aristotle</i>. In short, the “marvels of India” were a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_275'>275</span>stock feature of medieval geography.<a id='r1289'></a><a href='#f1289' class='c015'><sup>[1289]</sup></a> They figure on maps
+and in miniatures and even in architectural sculpture—a <i>skiapod</i>
+helps adorn the façade of Sens cathedral.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Two mythological personages and one historical character, the
+story of whose exploits became mythological in the Middle Ages,
+were supposed to have visited India. These were Bacchus
+(Liber Pater), Hercules, and Alexander the Great. The Altar
+of Liber and the Column of Hercules are shown on the Psalter
+map in the region between the Red Sea and Paradise.<a id='r1290'></a><a href='#f1290' class='c015'><sup>[1290]</sup></a> On the
+Jerome map of Palestine two columns mark the ultimate limits
+of the journeys of Alexander and of Hercules.<a id='r1291'></a><a href='#f1291' class='c015'><sup>[1291]</sup></a> <i>The Letter of
+Alexander to Aristotle</i> mentions the miraculous trees of the sun
+and moon, which spoke oracular words to the Macedonian conqueror
+and figured widely in the medieval geography of the Far
+East, appearing prominently on many of the maps.<a id='r1292'></a><a href='#f1292' class='c015'><sup>[1292]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Legend of St. Thomas in India</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Though classical antiquity was the main source of medieval
+knowledge and fancy concerning India, it was not the only
+source. The mysterious Ophir, whence came the gold and jewels
+of Solomon, was placed in India on the Lambert map <a id='r1293'></a><a href='#f1293' class='c015'><sup>[1293]</sup></a> and on
+the Jerome map of the world.<a id='r1294'></a><a href='#f1294' class='c015'><sup>[1294]</sup></a> There also early came into existence
+a well-rooted idea that this country was the home of a
+large and flourishing Christian colony. The origins of the latter
+belief are to be found in reports which had filtered through to
+Europe at an early date of St. Thomas the Apostle’s preaching
+of the gospel in India and of the existence of Nestorian Christianity
+in southern Hindustan.<a id='r1295'></a><a href='#f1295' class='c015'><sup>[1295]</sup></a> The story of St. Thomas contains
+some elements of geographical interest.<a id='r1296'></a><a href='#f1296' class='c015'><sup>[1296]</sup></a> Christ was said
+to have sold Thomas to the merchant Habban in order that he
+might be taken to India to convert the people. Once arrived
+there by ship, having landed at a port of Sandaruk, or Andrapolis,
+he succeeded in gaining for the Christian religion the king,
+Gundophorus, and his brothers. The saint built for the king a
+palace in heaven. According to the original story, this palace
+was not a real structure but merely the symbol of a heavenly
+habitation for the monarch. As the legend was subsequently
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_276'>276</span>developed, St. Thomas was represented as an architect whom
+Gundophorus summoned to his court to build an actual dwelling,
+and one of the miracles by which the saint succeeded in converting
+the Indian potentate to Christianity was his almost instantaneous
+construction of the palace. The legend then proceeds
+to relate how St. Thomas was conducted by one Siphorius to the
+kingdom of a certain Mazdeus, of his martyrdom at the hands of
+the latter, and of the subsequent removal of his body to Edessa in
+Syria.</p>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id003'>
+<a href='images/i_276_hr.jpg'><img src='images/i_276.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p><span class='sc'>Fig. 8</span>—Two sections from the Hereford map to illustrate the marvels of India. (From the reproduction accompanying Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iv, 1896.)<br>  <br>  In this first section are shown, among others, a <i>skiapod</i>, or sunshade-footed man (to the left), and <i>cynocephali</i>, or men with dogs’ heads.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id003'>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_277'>277</span>
+<a href='images/i_277_hr.jpg'><img src='images/i_277.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p><span class='sc'>Fig. 8</span> (second section)—In this section is shown a <i>mantichora</i>, or beast with a man’s head and a lion’s body.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_278'>278</span>The stories of St. Thomas and St. Bartholomew were often
+retold during our period, notably, for instance, in the <i>Historia
+ecclesiastica</i> of Ordericus Vitalis.<a id='r1297'></a><a href='#f1297' class='c015'><sup>[1297]</sup></a> The Osma Beatus map<a id='r1298'></a><a href='#f1298' class='c015'><sup>[1298]</sup></a>
+shows heads representing the twelve apostles in the various countries
+of the world; that of St. Thomas is placed in India (see
+Fig. 4, p. 123, above). The unknown writer of the <i>Letter of
+Prester John</i> was undoubtedly familiar with the legend of St.
+Thomas, because he makes Prester John’s palace correspond exactly
+to the palace built by the saint.<a id='r1299'></a><a href='#f1299' class='c015'><sup>[1299]</sup></a> This legend was a favorite
+subject for representation in the sculptures of cathedrals and
+stained glass windows of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.<a id='r1300'></a><a href='#f1300' class='c015'><sup>[1300]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Visit of Patriarch John of India to Rome</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Belief in the existence of a large Christian population in Asia
+was reënforced by an obscure event that took place in Rome in
+1122. We have an anonymous account<a id='r1301'></a><a href='#f1301' class='c015'><sup>[1301]</sup></a> of the visit of a certain
+Patriarch John of India in that year and of the stupendous sensation
+which it created in the Roman curia and throughout the
+whole of Italy. The narrator informs us that in the course of
+countless ages no native was ever known to have come from those
+distant and barbaric Oriental regions, nor had any one ever before
+been seen in Italy who had actually been there.<a id='r1302'></a><a href='#f1302' class='c015'><sup>[1302]</sup></a> The purpose
+of the patriarch’s visit to the West originally was to procure
+at Byzantium the pallium and the confirmation of his office,
+which he had recently assumed on the death of his predecessor.
+At Byzantium, however, being told that Rome was in reality the
+capital of the world,<a id='r1303'></a><a href='#f1303' class='c015'><sup>[1303]</sup></a> he proceeded thither along with some
+homeward-bound Roman ambassadors and while in Rome gave a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_279'>279</span>lecture about his native country before the papal curia. The
+principal city, he said, was Hulna, on the river Pison, one of
+the four rivers of Paradise; the city was of huge size, surrounded
+by gigantic walls and inhabited by faithful Christians. Outside
+the walls there was a mountain encircled by a very deep lake and
+on the top of the mountain was situated the Church of St.
+Thomas. Surrounding the lake were twelve monasteries erected
+in honor of the twelve apostles. The Church of St. Thomas was
+inaccessible except once a year, when the waters of the lake disappeared,
+allowing pilgrims to approach. The Patriarch John
+then went on to explain in considerable detail the marvels and
+miracles connected with the church.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We should be inclined—and justifiably—to reject the story of
+Patriarch John’s visit as wholly fanciful, did it not seem to be
+confirmed by a letter<a id='r1304'></a><a href='#f1304' class='c015'><sup>[1304]</sup></a> to a certain Count Thomas written by
+Odo, abbot of St. Remi in Rheims (1118–1151), who happened to
+be in Rome at the time John was there. The report of Odo
+about this event was probably not derived from the anonymous
+account, from which it differs in several minor details. Among
+other matters, according to Odo, John speaks of a river, not a
+lake, surrounding the shrine of St. Thomas and of how its waters
+diminished as a result of drought and became passable to a boy of
+seven years during eight days before and eight days after the
+festival of the apostle. The whole clergy and (Christian) people
+of India were said to gather here on this occasion.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We shall see shortly that these stories contributed to the formation
+of the curious medieval belief in the existence of a great
+Christian kingdom in the heart of Asia. First, however, we
+must consider what notions were current regarding the seas and
+islands to the south of India and the vast tracts to the northward
+beyond the Himalayan barrier.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Indian Ocean</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>A very brilliant feature on the maps of our period is the Red
+Sea, almost invariably colored red. This name was given to the
+entire Indian Ocean, and the red color was applied to the Persian
+Gulf as well as to the “Arabian Gulf,” or Red Sea proper. The
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_280'>280</span>name “Indian Ocean” was also occasionally used, as, for example,
+on the Jerome map of the East.<a id='r1305'></a><a href='#f1305' class='c015'><sup>[1305]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The Greeks had acquired some fairly correct information about
+the northwestern shores of the Indian Ocean and had heard vague
+rumors of the great peninsula and islands east and south of India:
+Malaya, Ceylon, Sumatra. Confused reports of the geography
+of Taprobane, or Ceylon, are found in classical works as far back
+as the time of the expedition of Alexander. Pliny, Solinus,
+Ptolemy, and others described Taprobane in some detail but
+exaggerated its dimensions to enormous proportions. Pomponius
+Mela had spoken of the islands of Chryse, lying off the
+eastern promontory of Asia, and Argyre, off the mouth of the
+Ganges. Perhaps these represented some vague knowledge of the
+Andamans or Nicobars or the Malay Peninsula; and certainly we
+recognize the last-named in the Aurea Chersonesus of Ptolemy.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Islands of the Indian Ocean</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Some relics of this classical knowledge of Indian seas and isles
+was retained in the Middle Ages. Isidore<a id='r1306'></a><a href='#f1306' class='c015'><sup>[1306]</sup></a> had spoken of
+“Chrisa” and “Argare” as full of gold and silver and perpetually
+blooming flowers, with mountains of gold guarded by dragons
+and griffons. This account found its way into the <i>De imagine
+mundi</i><a id='r1307'></a><a href='#f1307' class='c015'><sup>[1307]</sup></a> and was copied by Gervase of Tilbury;<a id='r1308'></a><a href='#f1308' class='c015'><sup>[1308]</sup></a> the islands
+themselves, together with the “Island of the Sun” of Pliny, Mela,
+Solinus, and others, figured on many contemporary maps.<a id='r1309'></a><a href='#f1309' class='c015'><sup>[1309]</sup></a>
+Orosius had said that in Taprobane there were ten cities.<a id='r1310'></a><a href='#f1310' class='c015'><sup>[1310]</sup></a> Isidore,
+whom Gervase of Tilbury copied, added that the dimensions
+of the island were 875 by 625 miles, that it has two summers
+and two winters each year, and that the vegetation always remains
+green.<a id='r1311'></a><a href='#f1311' class='c015'><sup>[1311]</sup></a> Solinus had described<a id='r1312'></a><a href='#f1312' class='c015'><sup>[1312]</sup></a> Taprobane as being
+divided in two by a river; one half, he said, was full of wild beasts,
+but the other was inhabited by men. This division of the island
+is perpetuated on the Henry of Mayence,<a id='r1313'></a><a href='#f1313' class='c015'><sup>[1313]</sup></a> Jerome,<a id='r1314'></a><a href='#f1314' class='c015'><sup>[1314]</sup></a> Hereford,<a id='r1315'></a><a href='#f1315' class='c015'><sup>[1315]</sup></a>
+and Ebstorf maps.<a id='r1316'></a><a href='#f1316' class='c015'><sup>[1316]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Al-Battānī on the Indian Ocean</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The geographical chapter in Al-Battānī’s <i>Astronomy</i>, probably
+compiled from a redaction of Ptolemy’s <i>Geography</i> and translated
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_281'>281</span>by Plato of Tivoli in our period, gave a description of the seas of
+the world.<a id='r1317'></a><a href='#f1317' class='c015'><sup>[1317]</sup></a> The Indian Ocean, Al-Battānī said, extends from
+the land of the negroes to the extreme limits of India, a distance
+of 8000 miles. Its width was 2200 miles, of which 1900 (Plato of
+Tivoli mistakenly translated this 3900) reach south of the equator.
+What lands lay beyond are not specified. From this sea four
+gulfs run into the land: first the Barbaric Sea, which extends into
+the “land of the negroes,” or Ethiopia, and may be the Gulf of
+Aden or possibly even Mozambique Channel; second, the Green
+Sea (Mare Viride), or our Red Sea, which reaches towards Hyla
+(Ailah?); third, the Persian Gulf (Mare Persicum); and, fourth,
+a second Green Sea, running out to the east towards China
+(“Thinae”) and representing the Bay of Bengal or possibly the
+China Sea. In the Indian Ocean there are some 1370 islands,
+among them a very large one called “Tibiariae” (Taprobane), or
+Sarandib (Ceylon), opposite the eastern coast of India, 3000 miles
+in circumference, full of great mountains and rivers, quantities of
+rubies and hyacinths, and surrounded by fifty-nine lesser isles.
+The traditional account of the many isles of the Indian seas so
+persistent in Arabic literature arose unquestionably from familiarity
+with the vast Malay Archipelago or at least with its
+western portion. On the other hand, whether we may assume,
+as some have done, that the exaggerated classical and Arabic
+estimates of the size of Ceylon had their origin in rumors of
+the existence of Australia<a id='r1318'></a><a href='#f1318' class='c015'><sup>[1318]</sup></a> is an obscure problem which we
+cannot attempt here to solve.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Scythia and Central Asia</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>North of the mountain barrier enclosing India lay lands about
+which Western medieval knowledge was equally vague. “Upper
+Scythia, stretching from the Caspian Sea to the Seric Ocean and
+southward to the Caucasus, includes much habitable land but
+also much that is sterile: gold and gems abound there, but men
+avoid them on account of the griffons. Lower Scythia adjoins
+Hyrcania, so called from the Hyrcanian Forest, where a marvelous
+bird is found whose plumage glows in the dark. Iranea, or
+Iran, is next to Scythia on the west: a region of nomads who
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_282'>282</span>wander widely because of the sterility of the soil and who are
+horrible and ferocious (<i>portentuosi ac truces</i>), eaters of human
+flesh and drinkers of human blood.” In about these terms the
+author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i> and Gervase of Tilbury, borrowing
+from Isidore,<a id='r1319'></a><a href='#f1319' class='c015'><sup>[1319]</sup></a> summed up very nearly all that was known of
+Central Asia before the great overland journeys of the thirteenth
+century to which brief reference has already been made.<a id='r1320'></a><a href='#f1320' class='c015'><sup>[1320]</sup></a>
+Several of the maps show large rivers—Araxes, Oxus, Oscorus,
+and even Acheron, the stream of Tartarus—rising in the Caucasus
+and flowing northward into the Caspian.<a id='r1321'></a><a href='#f1321' class='c015'><sup>[1321]</sup></a> The latter, in accordance
+with the usual classical tradition, is represented as a
+gulf of the encircling Ocean Stream.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Benjamin of Tudela on Central Asia</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Benjamin of Tudela, who himself journeyed at least as far east
+as Baghdad, had opportunities for gaining information about
+Central and Northern Asia more favorable than those of his less
+traveled contemporaries. Samarkand he mentions briefly as a
+“great city on the confines of Persia” inhabited by 50,000 Jews.
+“Thence,” he adds, “it is four days’ journey to Tibet, the country
+in whose forests the musk is found” (Adler’s translation).<a id='r1322'></a><a href='#f1322' class='c015'><sup>[1322]</sup></a> He
+quotes the reports of Persian Jews that four of the lost ten tribes
+of Israel dwell in the mountains of Naisabur (in eastern Persia).
+These people were said to be independent and to dwell in a broad
+tract of land twenty days’ journey in extent, with cities and large
+villages among the mountains.<a id='r1323'></a><a href='#f1323' class='c015'><sup>[1323]</sup></a> Others associated the lost
+tribes with the abhorrent hordes of Gog and Magog.<a id='r1324'></a><a href='#f1324' class='c015'><sup>[1324]</sup></a> Benjamin
+goes on to tell us that these Jews were in league with the
+“Kufar-al-Turak, who worship the wind and live in the wilderness
+and who do not eat bread nor drink wine but live on raw,
+uncooked meat. They have no noses, and in lieu thereof they
+have two small holes through which they breathe” (Adler’s
+translation).<a id='r1325'></a><a href='#f1325' class='c015'><sup>[1325]</sup></a> He relates the confused story of wars between
+these undeniably Turanian tribes of the steppes of Turkestan and
+the “King of Persia” (the Seljuk Sultan, Sanjar), events which
+perhaps gave rise to a legend that became widespread in twelfth-century
+Europe and to which we must now turn.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_283'>283</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Prester John</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>The legend was the romantic story that in these far regions
+there lay a vast and powerful Christian kingdom ruled by a
+mighty potentate, Prester John. This tradition was the most
+important contribution of our period to regional geography, for,
+false as it was, it long persisted, became an integral part of late
+medieval geographical theory, and exerted in subsequent centuries
+a powerful influence on the course of exploration. The
+thirteenth-century Oriental travelers were constantly on the
+lookout for Prester John’s kingdom and, when it finally became
+obvious that there was no such kingdom in Asia, Prester John
+was transferred to Africa, where he was sought for by the Portuguese
+navigators of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. How
+did this strange legend come into existence, and what did it
+contribute to Western notions of Asia?</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Origins of the Legend</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Various elements seem to have given rise to it. Perhaps
+rumors of the existence of a Christian nation in Abyssinia may at
+a very early period have fostered belief in the existence of a great
+Christian potentate in Asia. India in Asia and Ethiopia in
+Africa were often confused both in antiquity and during the
+Middle Ages. Furthermore, the story of the visit of the Indian
+archbishop or patriarch, already referred to, encouraged belief
+in a numerous Asiatic Christian population. Some of the elements
+of the patriarch’s report became an integral part of one of
+the twelfth-century versions of the story of Prester John.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Then again, we have echoes of actual events in the East in
+Benjamin of Tudela’s <i>Itinerary</i>, as we have just seen, and in
+Otto of Freising’s <i>Chronicon</i>. Otto relates<a id='r1326'></a><a href='#f1326' class='c015'><sup>[1326]</sup></a> that in 1145 the
+bishop of Gabala in Syria had come to Viterbo to report to Pope
+Eugenius III, among other things, the fall of Edessa. Here
+Otto met the bishop, and what he learned is recorded in the
+<i>Chronicon</i>. This was to the effect that, not very long before, a
+certain John, king and priest, who dwelt in the Far East beyond
+Persia and Armenia and who, together with his tribe (<i>gens</i>), was
+a Christian, waged war with the Samiards (Saniards), two
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_284'>284</span>brothers who were kings of the Medes and Persians. John
+captured Ecbatana, the capital of the Samiards’ realm, defeated
+the brothers in battle, and put them to flight. He then proceeded
+to advance to the aid of the church at Jerusalem but was
+hindered from going very far by the river Tigris. Turning
+northwards in hope that the river would freeze over and thereby
+enable him to cross, he was finally constrained, after several
+years had elapsed, to give up the enterprise because continued
+warm weather prevented ice from forming. This John, Otto
+added, was said to have come of very ancient lineage, in fact, to
+have been one of the progeny of the Magi. The tribes under his
+command were perhaps the same as the “Kufar-al-Turak” of
+Benjamin of Tudela.<a id='r1327'></a><a href='#f1327' class='c015'><sup>[1327]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Though the attempt has been made to identify the Christian
+potentate of the legend with a chieftain of the Caucasus,<a id='r1328'></a><a href='#f1328' class='c015'><sup>[1328]</sup></a> the
+weight of evidence would seem to favor belief that the story in
+its more specific thirteenth-century form grew out of rumors of
+some Christian Mongol lord of Central Asia.<a id='r1329'></a><a href='#f1329' class='c015'><sup>[1329]</sup></a> It is certain
+that the Nestorian form of Christianity was strongly represented
+in Central Asia during this period and that two powerful tribes
+of these distant regions, the Keraïts and the Onguts, formed outposts
+of this faith. But, as Pelliot writes, “whatever may have
+been the origin of the famous legend of Prester John,&#160;...
+it was to a prince of the Keraïts that the tradition was applied
+during the first half of the thirteenth century. All the Keraïts
+spoken of in the history of the Mongol dynasty seem to have
+been Christians; in any case this is true of the majority of them.
+In fact it was through marriage with Keraït princesses that
+Christianity penetrated even into the family of Jenghiz Khan.”<a id='r1330'></a><a href='#f1330' class='c015'><sup>[1330]</sup></a>
+Many of these Asiatic Christians bore Christian names preserved
+in Chinese forms, such as Yao-su-mu for Joseph or K’wo-li-ki-ssö
+for George.<a id='r1331'></a><a href='#f1331' class='c015'><sup>[1331]</sup></a> We learn from Marco Polo and other thirteenth-century
+travelers that Mongol princes often submitted to baptism,
+though this was probably done out of indifference to religion
+rather than as the expression of any deep-seated convictions.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>On such slender foundations as the report in Otto’s <i>Chronicon</i>
+or the anonymous account of the visit of the Patriarch John to
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_285'>285</span>Rome or on other rumors of events in the heart of Asia of which
+no record has been preserved, there was erected an elaborate,
+detailed, and wholly fanciful series of descriptions of Prester
+John and his realm, embellished by borrowings from the Romance
+of Alexander, from the legend of St. Thomas, and from that world
+of fable which constituted the medieval European conception of
+the Orient.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Prester John’s Kingdom As Described in His “Letter”</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The most important description of Prester John’s kingdom is
+contained in the famous <i>Letter</i>, addressed in some manuscripts
+to Manuel, the Byzantine Emperor, in others to Frederick, the
+Roman Emperor; in still others, to the Pope. In this letter,<a id='r1332'></a><a href='#f1332' class='c015'><sup>[1332]</sup></a>
+the earliest version of which dates from before 1177, John tells
+that he is superior in wealth and power to all the kings of the
+world. His realm includes the three Indias and St. Thomas’
+shrine. It extends across the desert of Babylon to the tower of
+Babel and contains seventy-two provinces, each ruled over by a
+king. Prester John is lord of the Amazons and Brahmins. In
+one direction his territory reaches out four months’ journey. In
+the other, no one can tell how far. “Only if you could count
+the stars of the heaven and the sands of the sea would you be
+able to form an estimate of our dominion and our power.” Many
+are the extraordinary features of this realm which abounds in
+milk and honey: here is one of the rivers of Paradise; here are
+streams that give forth gold and jewels; here pepper is gathered;
+here is the fountain of youth; and here a mysterious sea of sand
+fed by a river of rocks, beyond which dwell the ten tribes of the
+Jews, who, although they have their own kings, are nevertheless
+subject to the mighty Christian ruler. In one of the provinces
+near the torrid zone the salamander thrives, a “worm” which
+cannot live without fire and which makes a chrysalis about himself
+as do the silkworms (an interesting and unexpected bit of
+natural history embedded in the midst of fable). Prester John
+takes particular delight in expatiating on the enormous wealth
+of his country, on the virtues of its inhabitants—for among them
+there are neither liars nor adulterers nor indeed vice or crime of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_286'>286</span>any description—and on their clemency and Christian piety.
+Every year the king makes a pilgrimage with his army across the
+serpent-infested Babylonian desert to the shrine of the prophet
+Daniel. A large part of the <i>Letter</i> is taken up with a minute
+description of the royal palace—exactly like that which St.
+Thomas built for the King Gundophorus, of the king’s household,
+the grandees who wait upon him, the officials of the kingdom,
+etc., etc. In an early Latin version of the <i>Letter</i>, written probably
+in England, we are informed that there are people from all
+countries of the world at Prester John’s court;<a id='r1333'></a><a href='#f1333' class='c015'><sup>[1333]</sup></a> among the
+personal servants of the king there are Englishmen who wait
+upon him at table. No less than eleven thousand Englishmen
+are in his bodyguard, and every Englishman who comes to the
+court, whether clerk or knight, is invested with the order of
+knighthood. The French and Italian versions of the <i>Letter</i>,
+which were probably translated from this Latin text, substitute
+“François” and “Franceschi” for “Anglici.”</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Alliance With Prester John Desired</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>During the thirteenth century it was the vain hope of the Popes
+and of the Christian kings of Europe to gain the alliance of some
+great power in the East—either the Mongols or Prester John—as
+an offset to Turkish encroachments on the Crusaders’ frontiers.<a id='r1334'></a><a href='#f1334' class='c015'><sup>[1334]</sup></a>
+Perhaps we may detect the beginnings of this policy in
+a letter of Pope Alexander III (1177) to John, “Magnificus rex
+Indorum sacerdotum sanctissimus.”<a id='r1335'></a><a href='#f1335' class='c015'><sup>[1335]</sup></a> The Pope informs the
+great king that he has heard of his piety through a certain Master
+Philip, papal physician, who had held conversation with distinguished
+and honorable persons of his realm. Consequently
+Alexander was sending this Philip to expound to him the tenets
+of Western Christianity and to convert him to the true Catholic
+faith. It seems probable that Alexander was acquainted with
+the supposed letter of Prester John to the Byzantine Emperor,
+though there is also strong probability that he had confused the
+stories of the Asiatic Prester John with reports regarding the
+Christian kingdom of Abyssinia—a source of much confusion at
+a later period than ours.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_287'>287</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Gog and Magog</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>The northern part of Asia was the reputed seat of the terrible
+tribes of Gog and Magog, whose eruption at the Last Day was
+destined to bring about the destruction of the human race. We
+have seen that Biblical prophecies were combined with the story
+of Alexander the Great’s enclosing of these tribes behind great
+walls. The legend appears in our period under various forms.
+Most of the maps show Gog and Magog, usually surrounded by
+a wall; some add disparaging epithets, such as “gens immunda.”
+Matthew Paris on his map of Palestine indicates in the north
+the walls whereby King Alexander the Great shut in Gog and
+Magog and states in the explanatory legend that from this same
+direction came the Tatars.<a id='r1336'></a><a href='#f1336' class='c015'><sup>[1336]</sup></a> In the <i>De imagine mundi</i><a id='r1337'></a><a href='#f1337' class='c015'><sup>[1337]</sup></a> we
+find a simple statement that between the Caspian Mountains
+and the sea of that name dwelt those tribes who had been walled
+in by Alexander the Great, Gog and Magog, the fiercest of all
+peoples, eaters of the raw flesh of wild beasts and of human
+beings. The Moslems had placed Gog and Magog in the farthest
+corner of northeastern Asia: and in John of Seville’s translation
+of Al-Farghānī’s <i>Astronomy</i> we find the land of Gog at the easternmost
+extremity of the sixth and seventh “climates” (those
+farthest north).<a id='r1338'></a><a href='#f1338' class='c015'><sup>[1338]</sup></a> Lambert li Tors speaks in the Romance of
+Alexander of “Gos et Magos” among the vassals of Porus:
+though they came forth with four hundred thousand men, Alexander,
+after he had defeated Porus, chased them back into the
+defiles of the mountains, where he shut them in with a great wall.<a id='r1339'></a><a href='#f1339' class='c015'><sup>[1339]</sup></a>
+In a later part of the Romance, the subdivision of Alexander’s
+kingdom at his death is explained: to Antigonus was given Syria
+and Persia as far as Mount Tus, together with the duty of standing
+guard over Gog and Magog.<a id='r1340'></a><a href='#f1340' class='c015'><sup>[1340]</sup></a> Otto of Freising also mentions
+these tribes.<a id='r1341'></a><a href='#f1341' class='c015'><sup>[1341]</sup></a> He derived his information from Frutolf’s
+<i>Chronica</i>,<a id='r1342'></a><a href='#f1342' class='c015'><sup>[1342]</sup></a> whence, in turn, it had come from the version of the
+Romance of Alexander known as the <i>Historia de praeliis</i>. In
+the days of Heraclius, Otto says, the “Agareni” (Saracens)
+devastated the lands of the empire and destroyed part of the
+army of Heraclius. In revenge the latter opened the Caspian
+Gates and let out those most savage tribes, which Alexander the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_288'>288</span>Great had enclosed along the Caspian Sea on account of their
+heinousness, and inaugurated a war against the Saracens. By
+night, as a punishment sent by the Deity for this sacrilegious
+act, fifty-two thousand of Heraclius’ army were struck down by
+lightning, and, as a result of this terrible visitation, Heraclius
+himself died in the twenty-seventh year of his reign.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>There were many variations of the legend of Gog and Magog.
+Elsewhere in Otto of Freising’s <i>Chronicon</i><a id='r1343'></a><a href='#f1343' class='c015'><sup>[1343]</sup></a> we find an
+account, taken from Orosius, of the way in which Artaxerxes
+forced many of the Jews to dwell in Hyrcania near the Caspian
+Sea. It was believed that these people had multiplied greatly,<a id='r1344'></a><a href='#f1344' class='c015'><sup>[1344]</sup></a>
+and they were expected to burst forth on the world in the days
+of Antichrist. Though not here expressly called Gog and Magog,
+the connection is plain; and Godfrey of Viterbo relates how
+Alexander enclosed Gog and Magog, the “eleven [<i>sic</i>] tribes of
+the Jews.”<a id='r1345'></a><a href='#f1345' class='c015'><sup>[1345]</sup></a> We have already quoted<a id='r1346'></a><a href='#f1346' class='c015'><sup>[1346]</sup></a> Matthew Paris’
+description of the Tatars who, he said, might be the same as the
+tribes whom Alexander enclosed—the ten tribes of Israel.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Western Asia</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>When we turn from the remote parts of the Orient to Western
+Asia we find ourselves in regions much better known to the Western
+world, though the traditional geography of these regions,
+founded on classical and Biblical authority, persisted in encyclopedic
+writings hardly influenced at all by the contacts that in
+reality had been established. The <i>De imagine mundi</i>, Gervase
+of Tilbury’s <i>Otia imperialia</i>, and other similar works add little to
+what Isidore and Orosius had written. Between the Indus and
+Tigris lie many countries, Arachosia, Parthia, Assyria, Persia,
+Media, all forming a harsh and mountainous tract called in
+Scripture “India” but more generally known as Parthia. Fire
+had been discovered in Persia.<a id='r1347'></a><a href='#f1347' class='c015'><sup>[1347]</sup></a> The Tigris, so called because
+it is as swift as a tiger, rises from a common source with the
+Euphrates in the mountains of Armenia.<a id='r1348'></a><a href='#f1348' class='c015'><sup>[1348]</sup></a> Thence the two
+rivers separate, leaving a long space between them known as
+Mesopotamia; the Tigris encircles Assyria and empties into the
+Dead Sea! Peter Comestor and the author of the <i>De imagine
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_289'>289</span>mundi</i> accepted the views of Isidore regarding the source of the
+Tigris in the highlands of Armenia,<a id='r1349'></a><a href='#f1349' class='c015'><sup>[1349]</sup></a> but the latter adds to the
+already prevailing confusion by stating that both rivers of Mesopotamia
+debouch into the Mediterranean Sea. Gervase, on the
+other hand, corrects the error of the author of the <i>De imagine
+mundi</i> by making them flow into the Red Sea (or Indian
+Ocean),<a id='r1350'></a><a href='#f1350' class='c015'><sup>[1350]</sup></a> as was depicted on most maps.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Mesopotamia</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Mesopotamia was said to be famous as the site of Nineveh and
+of Chaldea, where astronomy was discovered;<a id='r1351'></a><a href='#f1351' class='c015'><sup>[1351]</sup></a> and Gervase of
+Tilbury dilates on the immense size of the walls of Babylon.<a id='r1352'></a><a href='#f1352' class='c015'><sup>[1352]</sup></a>
+Regarding Babylon, it is refreshing to find in Otto of Freising’s
+<i>Chronicon</i> some really up-to-date information which he had derived
+from Frutolf.<a id='r1353'></a><a href='#f1353' class='c015'><sup>[1353]</sup></a> In the first place, he makes a careful distinction
+between Babylon and Cairo, to which the name of Babylon
+was commonly given. “Old Babylon,” he added, “as we
+learn from reliable men from across the seas, is partly inhabited
+at the present day and now called Baldach [Baghdad]. Part,
+however, as you would expect from the words of prophecy, is a
+desert waste extending for ten miles as far as the tower of Babel.
+The part which is inhabited and called Baldach is very large and
+populous.” He explains that here is the seat of the greatest
+priest of the Persians, whom they call “Caliph,” and who holds
+in some respects a position among these pagans parallel to that
+which the Pope at Rome holds among Christians.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>With Baghdad we have at last come to a city that was actually
+visited and described during our period by Western Europeans
+whose descriptions have come down to us. The Jewish travelers,
+Benjamin of Tudela and Petachia of Ratisbon, appear to have
+sojourned in the Mesopotamian city in the seventh and ninth
+decades of the twelfth century respectively.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Benjamin of Tudela on Baghdad</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Benjamin’s personal familiarity with Baghdad saved him from
+making Frutolf’s and Otto’s mistake of confusing the Abbasid capital
+with old Babylon. We gather from Benjamin’s <i>Itinerary</i> that
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_290'>290</span>the latter is three days’ journey distant and that “the ruins of the
+palace of Nebuchadnezzar are still to be seen there, but people are
+afraid to enter them on account of serpents and scorpions” (Adler’s
+translation).<a id='r1354'></a><a href='#f1354' class='c015'><sup>[1354]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Baghdad, Benjamin writes (our quotations are from Adler’s
+translation), “is on the River Tigris,” which “divides the metropolis
+in two parts.” The city “is twenty miles in circumference,
+situated in a land of palms, gardens, and plantations, the like of
+which is not to be found in the whole land of Shinar. People come
+thither with merchandise from all lands. Wise men live there,
+philosophers who know all manner of wisdom, and magicians expert
+in all manner of witchcraft.”<a id='r1355'></a><a href='#f1355' class='c015'><sup>[1355]</sup></a> Benjamin was particularly
+interested in the Caliph, of whose palace, park, family, and widespread
+authority he writes in no little detail and in highly commendatory
+terms,<a id='r1356'></a><a href='#f1356' class='c015'><sup>[1356]</sup></a> for it seems that the Caliphs were more tolerant
+toward the Jews than were most Christian monarchs of the age.
+Besides treating of the Caliph, Benjamin tells about the “Head of
+the Captivity,” another powerful ruler whose headquarters were
+Baghdad and in whom the Caliph had vested authority over all
+the Jewish communities throughout the eastern Moslem world.
+A descendant of David, King of Israel, he was a man of great dignity
+and rank, held high in the esteem of the Mohammedans. His
+power extended “over all the communities of Shinar, Persia, Khurasan,
+and Sheba, which is El-Yemen, and Diyar Kalach (Bekr)
+and the land of Aram Naharaim (Mesopotamia) and over the
+dwellers in the mountains of Ararat and the land of the Alans,
+which is a land surrounded by mountains and has no outlet except
+by the iron gates which Alexander made but which were afterwards
+broken. Here are the people called Alani. His authority
+extends also over the land of Siberia [Sikbia?] and the communities
+in the land of Togarmim<a id='r1357'></a><a href='#f1357' class='c015'><sup>[1357]</sup></a> unto the mountains of Asveh and
+the land of Gurgan, the inhabitants of which are called Gurganim
+who dwell by the river Gihon (Oxus?); and these are the Girgashites
+who follow the Christian religion. Further it extends to the gates
+of Samarkand, the land of Tibet, and the land of India. In respect
+of all these countries the Head of the Captivity gives the
+communities power to appoint Rabbis and Ministers who come
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_291'>291</span>unto him to be consecrated and to receive his authority. They
+bring him offerings and gifts from the ends of the earth.”<a id='r1358'></a><a href='#f1358' class='c015'><sup>[1358]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Whether or not Benjamin was personally presented to the Head
+of the Captivity we are not informed. In any case he undoubtedly
+came into contact at Baghdad with Jews from all over Central and
+Western Asia and from them was able to gather those details regarding
+the Jewish communities which form such an important
+and interesting part of his <i>Itinerary</i>. Most striking in this connection
+are the data which he furnishes us about the Jews of
+Arabia.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Benjamin of Tudela on Arabia</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The interior of that great peninsula until recently has remained
+very vaguely known to Western Christians, and in the Middle
+Ages there reigned almost complete ignorance regarding it. Gervase
+of Tilbury tells us (from Orosius) that Arabia lies between
+two seas and is the country of Mount Sinai, of the Queen of Sheba,
+and of frankincense.<a id='r1359'></a><a href='#f1359' class='c015'><sup>[1359]</sup></a> Beyond this and a few details about the
+Bedouins picked up by the Crusaders, nothing was known.
+Hence the information which Benjamin gives on the Jewish communities
+is of exceptional importance. If we may trust his figures,
+it would seem that there was at this time a large Jewish population
+both in Yemen and farther north. Benjamin’s conception
+of the geography of the peninsula, however, is remarkably confused.
+He tells us that at a distance of twenty-one days’ journey
+through the deserts from Hillah in Mesopotamia one comes to the
+land of Saba, or El-Yemen. Here he places the great Jewish cities
+of Tanai, Tilmas, Teima, and Kheibar. Neither Tilmas nor
+Tanai have been definitely identified. To the former Benjamin
+assigned a population of 100,000 Jews; to the latter, with the district
+surrounding, a population of no less than 300,000 Jews.
+They may represent Jewish settlements in Yemen, though Benjamin’s
+statement that Tilmas is only three days from Kheibar
+would seem to preclude this possibility. Tanai, on the other
+hand, has been thought to be Sanaa. Kheibar (to which Benjamin
+assigns 50,000 Jews) and Teima have long been well-known
+towns of northern Arabia not far from Medina. Now inhabited
+by half-breed negroes, these places were the centers of a Jewish
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_292'>292</span>population from before the times of Mohammed until as late as
+the sixteenth century.<a id='r1360'></a><a href='#f1360' class='c015'><sup>[1360]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Ina totally different connection Benjamin refers to Jews of the
+“land of Aden,” which he believed to be part of India, taking India
+to include southern Arabia and Ethiopia. Their country he
+describes as mountainous. The Jewish element in the population,
+he adds, “are not under the yoke of the Gentiles but possess
+castles on the summits of the mountains from which they make
+descents into the plain country called Libya, which is a Christian
+empire” (Adler’s translation).<a id='r1361'></a><a href='#f1361' class='c015'><sup>[1361]</sup></a> This is indeed confusing. If
+by Libya Abyssinia is meant—which is likely, for Abyssinia was a
+Christian kingdom from very early times—it seems peculiar that
+Benjamin makes no mention of the Red Sea intervening between
+the land of Aden in Arabia Felix and the African coasts which
+would have to be crossed by Jews of the Aden highlands in making
+war on the Abyssinians. Possibly Benjamin, like Marco Polo a
+century later, conceived of Aden as lying in Africa.<a id='r1362'></a><a href='#f1362' class='c015'><sup>[1362]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Syria and Palestine</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Unlike all the rest of Asia, Syria and Palestine were well known
+at first hand to many European Christians. Yet, in writing
+about them, the makers of compilations like the <i>De imagine mundi</i>
+and the <i>Otia imperialia</i> were content to do little more than copy
+Isidore’s dry catalogue of the names of places rendered famous
+through Scriptural associations.<a id='r1363'></a><a href='#f1363' class='c015'><sup>[1363]</sup></a> The Dead Sea with its sinister
+neighborhood was the only natural feature of this part of the
+world which seems to have made a strong enough appeal to the
+imagination of these writers to impel them to add anything to
+what Isidore had said long before.<a id='r1364'></a><a href='#f1364' class='c015'><sup>[1364]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Geographical Knowledge Enlarged by the Crusades</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>On the other hand, the Levantine countries were familiar
+through the journeys of Western travelers, though their observations
+were not incorporated into the works of the scholarly compilers.
+Many were the motives that induced men of the West to
+visit the Nearer East. Religious enthusiasm and the desire for
+commercial gain, however, were paramount. The Crusades
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_293'>293</span>contributed more than any great series of events between the time
+of Claudius Ptolemy and the middle of the thirteenth century to
+the broadening of man’s geographical horizon, and, with it, the
+broadening of the whole range of human activity. We cannot attempt
+to discuss these wider aspects of the Crusading movement
+in any detail, but a few words must be said about the dissemination
+of regional knowledge that resulted from it. Feudal nobility,
+soldiers, pilgrims, and adventurers of all sorts and from all
+parts of the West were joined by Italian merchants in the great
+enterprise, the object of which was not only to redeem the holy
+places from the infidel but also to profit from the Levantine trade.
+Men of all ranks and callings, coming from every part of Christendom,
+made their way by land and sea to the Holy Land. Peasant,
+serf, and petty townsman, as well as powerful noble and church
+dignitary, were torn from old and familiar environments to wander
+through countries about which they had hitherto known next to
+nothing. In some cases the stories of their travels and adventures
+were preserved in chronicles and poems, but in most no permanent
+record was left. Nevertheless, the geographical knowledge
+of the average man was widened to an extent which we can
+scarcely appreciate at the present day. Before the Crusades
+communities throughout the greater part of Europe had lived
+very much to themselves, in limited contact with the outside
+world; but by the year 1200 it is safe to infer that practically
+every town and village of France, England, Germany, and Italy
+held someone who had visited the East and was not unready to
+tell about what he had seen there and on his way out and back.
+Just as the War of 1914–1918 has taught the world much European
+geography, so the Crusades taught all classes of Europe
+about the Holy Land and the routes thither. But the Crusades
+did more than give the people a wider knowledge of places: they
+brought them into contact with new customs, new religions, new
+ideals and modes of life, as well as with new types of landscape and
+terrain. All this tended to displace men from habitual and local
+modes of thought; Europe became more cosmopolitan, and the
+way was prepared for that profound change in man’s entire attitude
+towards life which we now call the Renaissance.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_294'>294</span>
+  <h6 class='c014'><i>Occidental Population of the Levant</i></h6>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>We can merely hint at these general results of the extension of
+geographical contact with the Levantine world and turn to the
+more specific problem of the limits to which Western penetration
+was actually pushed. The Occidental population of the states
+established after the First Crusade along the eastern border of
+the Mediterranean was composed primarily of the Frankish nobility
+and soldiery and of Italian traders.<a id='r1365'></a><a href='#f1365' class='c015'><sup>[1365]</sup></a> The former had established
+themselves in castles and garrisons, from which they ruled
+over widespread manorial estates tilled by native Syrians. The
+traders occupied large foreign quarters in such commercial centers
+as Acre, Jaffa, Ascalon, Tyre, and Tripoli on the coasts, and in the
+interior at Jerusalem. Trading privileges and the right to build
+up commercial colonies in the towns were granted to Genoese,
+Pisans, Venetians, and others in return for services rendered the
+Crusading armies by the Italian navies in the conquest of the coast
+towns and in the transportation of military forces. Through the
+reports brought back to Europe by returning soldiers, adventurers,
+and merchants, Syria and Palestine became more widely and
+accurately known in the West than most parts of Europe itself.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>European Occupation of Syria</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>First-hand acquaintance with the Levant, however, did not,
+either in the twelfth or in the thirteenth century, necessarily lead
+to first-hand acquaintance with the neighboring countries that
+still lay under the domination of the Turk. At the time of its
+greatest extent the Kingdom of Jerusalem reached eastward to the
+edge of the desert plateau beyond the Jordan and Dead Sea and
+southward to Ailah on the Gulf of Akaba. Northeastward the
+upper Tigris marked the frontier of the County of Edessa. Beyond
+these restricted borders lay Saracen territory into which
+traders from the West did not dare to venture. Southern Mesopotamia
+was virtually <i>terra incognita</i>; and the men who held the
+small garrison posts along the eastern border of the states of the
+Crusaders were not prone to undertake rash enterprises in the
+enemy’s country.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The danger of such enterprises is illustrated by the fate of a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_295'>295</span>Christian naval expedition sent down the Red Sea from Akaba in
+1182–1183.<a id='r1366'></a><a href='#f1366' class='c015'><sup>[1366]</sup></a> A small fleet, fitted out by Reynauld of Châtillon,
+lord of the castle of Kerak beyond the Jordan, succeeded in getting
+almost as far as Yembo, the port of Medina. We are not told of
+its true purpose by the Arabic historians, who alone seem to have
+recorded this adventure, though the Arabs certainly believed
+that the Crusaders were bent upon plundering the tomb of the
+prophet at Medina. Perhaps its leaders harbored a fanatic hope
+of attacking the holy cities of Islam. At all events, the navy of
+Saladin, hastily summoned from Egypt, soon overtook and defeated
+the little squadron at Haura, and those of the Crusaders
+who escaped ashore were either killed by the Bedouins or sold into
+slavery.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>But though, with a few exceptions, Europeans themselves did
+not go beyond these bounds of the Crusaders’ states, commercial
+relations were established with the more eastern regions.<a id='r1367'></a><a href='#f1367' class='c015'><sup>[1367]</sup></a> Antioch
+and Laodicea were the termini of two trade routes from Aleppo,
+whence came merchants from Rakka on the Euphrates and
+ultimately from Mesopotamia, Persia, and Central Asia. Asiatic
+goods were also sold at a great open fair in the Hauran country, at
+one time in the territory of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and undoubtedly
+frequented by Westerners. And the harbors of the
+kingdom were the <i>entrepôts</i> of an extensive traffic from Arabia
+Felix and India by the Red Sea and across the Isthmus of Suez.
+At all of these points the Italians established connections with the
+Oriental merchants and learned from them much about Oriental
+lands and their products.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Asia Minor</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>During the early thirteenth century Asia Minor also became
+familiar ground to the men of the West.<a id='r1368'></a><a href='#f1368' class='c015'><sup>[1368]</sup></a> The establishment of
+the Latin Empire at Constantinople in 1204 during the Fourth
+Crusade was mainly responsible for this; but even before the close
+of the twelfth century the Venetians had become preponderant
+from a commercial point of view in the districts that had hitherto
+formed parts of the Byzantine Empire, and after 1204 they were
+in a position to conclude advantageous treaties with their Anatolian
+neighbors, Greek, Seljuk, and Armenian. Venetian merchants
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_296'>296</span>were to be seen in the important towns and along the highways
+of the peninsula. Italians, with Provençaux in their train,
+exploited the trade of the small Christian kingdom of Little
+Armenia (the ancient Cilicia) and penetrated from the Mediterranean
+into and across the Seljuk sultanate of Iconium, whose
+rulers were disposed to look with fairly friendly eyes on the
+Frankish trader. Even the Empire of Nicaea, a small remnant
+of the Greek dominions which had managed to preserve its
+independence after the Fourth Crusade, was constrained in 1219
+to grant extensive trading privileges to the Venetians.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Western Asia As Described by the Crusaders</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>The knowledge of Western Asia acquired in these various ways
+was naturally enough reflected in the works of the historians,
+chroniclers, and poets of the Crusades, many of whom had themselves
+visited the places they describe. Their fresh and realistic
+accounts contrast strikingly with the sort of geographical writings
+we have so far been discussing in this chapter. From Dreesbach’s
+study of the Orient as described in the early French Crusading
+literature we may gain a concise idea of the sort of thing that
+impressed itself on the mind of the Occidental.<a id='r1369'></a><a href='#f1369' class='c015'><sup>[1369]</sup></a> His impressions
+of climate and landscape need not detain us here, as they have
+already been explained in early chapters.<a id='r1370'></a><a href='#f1370' class='c015'><sup>[1370]</sup></a> Of the natural resources,
+the wealth of the fruits of Syria, grapes, figs, pomegranates,
+almonds, olives, and locusts, were often the subject of wonder
+and admiration, and William of Tyre speaks enthusiastically
+of the great sugar plantations at Sur.<a id='r1371'></a><a href='#f1371' class='c015'><sup>[1371]</sup></a> Of the animals,<a id='r1372'></a><a href='#f1372' class='c015'><sup>[1372]</sup></a> the
+Arab horse and the camel attracted most attention; and the usefulness
+of the latter was known both as a beast of burden and as a
+swift traveler through the desert. A lively sketch of a man
+leading a camel laden with a large cask figures prominently on
+one variant of the Matthew Paris map of Palestine, and a legend
+reads: “Here abound camels, buffaloes (<i>bubali</i>), mules, and asses,
+which are used by the merchants trading between the peoples of
+the Orient and of the Occident.”<a id='r1373'></a><a href='#f1373' class='c015'><sup>[1373]</sup></a> Bears and lions, serpents and
+tarantulas, and carrier pigeons also invited notice; and the
+mosquito is mentioned by Ambroise, who says that though very
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_297'>297</span>small it has a terribly poisonous bite, bad enough to make every
+one, old and young alike, appear to be leprous:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c017'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“Que chescons, vielz ou damoisels,</div>
+      <div class='line'>Sembloit a estre tut mesels.”<a id='r1374'></a><a href='#f1374' class='c015'><sup>[1374]</sup></a></div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'>Concerning the people<a id='r1375'></a><a href='#f1375' class='c015'><sup>[1375]</sup></a> of the Levant we find that the distinction
+between the nomadic desert-dwelling Bedouins and the
+bearded turban-wearing Saracens (townsfolk) was well understood.
+The Bedouins—contrary to their present reputation—were
+looked down upon as cowards in battle, and William of
+Tyre relates with some disgust that it was their custom to hang
+about on the outskirts of a fight until they saw which side was
+going to win and then to join the victors.<a id='r1376'></a><a href='#f1376' class='c015'><sup>[1376]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In commenting on the religion<a id='r1377'></a><a href='#f1377' class='c015'><sup>[1377]</sup></a> of the Saracens the medieval
+Christians made the fundamental error of supposing that Islam
+is an idolatrous cult and that Mohammed was worshipped as a
+god. Nevertheless they were far from inaccurate in their remarks
+on the various customs, habits, and minor beliefs of the
+Moslems, on such matters, for example, as the pilgrimage to
+Mecca, the prohibited eating of pork and drinking of wine, the
+importance of ablutions, polygamy, and the customs of divorce.
+William of Tyre describes<a id='r1378'></a><a href='#f1378' class='c015'><sup>[1378]</sup></a> the division of the Mohammedans into
+two great groups, Shiah and Sunni, and explains how the former
+held that Ali (“Haly”) was the only true prophet and the latter
+that Mohammed was the one messenger of God. Baghdad was
+referred to as the seat of the great “apostle” of the Saracens, or
+caliph, whom William of Tyre spoke of as a sovereign prince and
+chieftain whom all must obey; Cairo in Egypt was recognized as
+the capital of the caliphs of the rival Shiah persuasion.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Benjamin of Tudela also acquired some fairly clear ideas of
+Islam during his visits to Baghdad and to Egypt. He states that
+the Abbasid Caliph at Baghdad “is head of the Mohammedan
+religion, and all the kings of Islam obey him” and likens his position
+to that of the Christian Pope.<a id='r1379'></a><a href='#f1379' class='c015'><sup>[1379]</sup></a> In writing about Cairo he
+tells us that the subjects of the Emir were followers of Ali (hence
+Shiites), that they rose against the Abbasid Caliph of Baghdad,
+and that a lasting feud was kept up between the two factions.<a id='r1380'></a><a href='#f1380' class='c015'><sup>[1380]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_298'>298</span>Particular terror was inspired in the hearts of the Crusaders by
+that strange sect of Assassins,<a id='r1381'></a><a href='#f1381' class='c015'><sup>[1381]</sup></a> whose principal seat was at
+Alamut in Persia, the stronghold of the notorious Old Man of the
+Mountain, though most of the Crusaders mistakenly thought that
+the outlying fortress of Massiat in Syria was the abode of the Old
+Man. William of Tyre dilates<a id='r1382'></a><a href='#f1382' class='c015'><sup>[1382]</sup></a> on the treachery and murderous
+nature of this people; and in Ambroise’s <i>Estoire</i> we find<a id='r1383'></a><a href='#f1383' class='c015'><sup>[1383]</sup></a> a vivid
+account of how the children of the Assassins were brought up to
+do the bidding of the Old Man in every detail and in particular to
+bring about the murder of his enemies.<a id='r1384'></a><a href='#f1384' class='c015'><sup>[1384]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>AFRICA</i></h4>
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Egypt As Part of Asia</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Both the author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i> and Gervase of
+Tilbury include an account of Egypt with their descriptions of the
+countries of Asia. They then take up the remainder of Asia and
+Europe before finally returning to Africa toward the close of the
+geographical parts of their books. This order of treatment, which
+accorded with classical traditions, usually included Egypt with
+Asia or at least, as in the <i>De imagine mundi</i>, made the Nile rather
+than the Red Sea the boundary between Asia and Africa.<a id='r1385'></a><a href='#f1385' class='c015'><sup>[1385]</sup></a>
+Certainly from an historical and cultural point of view Egypt has
+been more closely related to the Asiatic than to the African continent,
+even though geographically it forms a portion of the
+latter.<a id='r1386'></a><a href='#f1386' class='c015'><sup>[1386]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The description of Egypt in the <i>Otia imperialia</i><a id='r1387'></a><a href='#f1387' class='c015'><sup>[1387]</sup></a> was copied
+in large part from the <i>De imagine mundi</i>,<a id='r1388'></a><a href='#f1388' class='c015'><sup>[1388]</sup></a> and this in turn had
+closely followed the words of Isidore.<a id='r1389'></a><a href='#f1389' class='c015'><sup>[1389]</sup></a> It ran somewhat as follows.
+Surrounded by the course of the Nile, which forms a
+letter <i>delta</i>,<a id='r1390'></a><a href='#f1390' class='c015'><sup>[1390]</sup></a> Lower Egypt comprises five thousand country
+estates; these are not watered by rainfall but by the floods of the
+river alone, for the skies of Egypt are never obscured by clouds.
+The capital of Egypt is Babylon (Cairo), built by Cambyses.
+Close to Thebes—a city founded by Cadmus, Agenor’s son and
+founder of Boeotian Thebes as well—are vast solitudes where there
+used to dwell a great company of hermits. The <i>De imagine
+mundi</i> speaks of the island of Meroë and of Syene on the tropic in
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_299'>299</span>Upper Egypt, the latter famous for the well built there by the
+philosophers, into which the sun shines directly in the month of
+June.<a id='r1391'></a><a href='#f1391' class='c015'><sup>[1391]</sup></a> The Jerome map of Palestine also shows Egypt in
+considerable detail, one of the most important features being the
+lighthouse at Alexandria.<a id='r1392'></a><a href='#f1392' class='c015'><sup>[1392]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Descriptions of Egypt</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Egypt, like the Holy Land, was frequently visited by Western
+merchants throughout our entire period. Benjamin of Tudela
+testifies to the enormous trade carried on there with the West.
+Alexandria was the principal port whence the spices and luxuries
+of the Far East were transshipped to Europe. Benjamin spoke
+with high appreciation of the wide straight streets of the city and
+of the architectural beauty of its buildings. He was much impressed
+by the swarm of merchants from all over the world who
+congregated in its streets and markets.<a id='r1393'></a><a href='#f1393' class='c015'><sup>[1393]</sup></a> William of Tyre enlarged
+on the commercial importance of the great port and explained
+that the peppers, spices, ointments, drugs, lectuaries,
+precious stones, and silks of the Orient were brought first to Aden
+on the Red Sea and thence transported direct to Alexandria. He
+pointed out that Alexandria was also important as the meeting
+place of the river and maritime trades, and he gave a description
+of the local topography of the city.<a id='r1394'></a><a href='#f1394' class='c015'><sup>[1394]</sup></a> Merchants from various
+Occidental nations and city states of Italy had <i>fondachi</i>, or trading
+stations, in this cosmopolitan metropolis, which was, as
+Schaube says, more subjected to European influences than any
+other city of Islam.<a id='r1395'></a><a href='#f1395' class='c015'><sup>[1395]</sup></a> The Church endeavored to place severe restrictions
+on commerce with the infidel, in particular by the prohibition
+of the importation into Egypt of wood and iron, two materials
+of vital importance to the Saracens and much in demand.
+The restrictions, however, were disregarded, and trade flourished
+between Southern Europe and Egypt throughout nearly the entire
+twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, except for a short interruption
+at the time of the Third Crusade. In 1215–1216 there
+were said to be no fewer than three thousand Frankish merchants
+in Alexandria.<a id='r1396'></a><a href='#f1396' class='c015'><sup>[1396]</sup></a> Egypt was the objective of the Crusaders of the
+Fifth Crusade, who seized and held the city of Damietta from
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_300'>300</span>1219 to 1221, and again under Louis IX of France, who held it
+from 1248 to 1249; but in the interval between these two Crusades
+the Emperor Frederick II was on friendly and even intimate
+terms with the sultans.<a id='r1397'></a><a href='#f1397' class='c015'><sup>[1397]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>William of Tyre, who knew Egypt at first hand, gives a vivid
+picture of the fertile strip of country, hemmed in on either side by
+two deserts “in which the land is so burned and sterile that it supports
+no herb and no manner of tree, except where the river Nile
+waters the ground when it is in flood; in these parts alone a great
+abundance of wheat can grow.”<a id='r1398'></a><a href='#f1398' class='c015'><sup>[1398]</sup></a> He speaks of the flood of the
+Nile, between the months of June and September, and how it
+leaves a rich deposit of silt; of the palm gardens like a forest along
+the banks of the stream; and of the extensive orchards of fruit
+trees in the neighborhood of Alexandria.<a id='r1399'></a><a href='#f1399' class='c015'><sup>[1399]</sup></a> He also fully describes
+the caliph’s palace at Cairo and the Mamelukes, or sultan’s
+bodyguard, recruited from the children of captured enemies.<a id='r1400'></a><a href='#f1400' class='c015'><sup>[1400]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Benjamin of Tudela also marveled at the agricultural wealth
+of the flood plain of the Nile. The river alone, he said, irrigates
+and fertilizes the land, for “no rain falls, neither is ice or snow ever
+seen” (Adler’s translation). Among other curiosities he described
+the Nilometer, which measured the height of the flood
+waters, and he gave details regarding the agricultural crops and
+fruits. Benjamin quoted the correct explanation of the flood:
+“The Egyptians say that up the river, in the land of Al-Habash
+(Abyssinia), which is the land of Havilah, much rain descends at
+the time of the rising of the river, and this abundance of rain
+causes the river to rise and to cover the surface of the land” (Adler’s
+translation).<a id='r1401'></a><a href='#f1401' class='c015'><sup>[1401]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Africa West of Egypt</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>To the west of Egypt, according to the <i>De imagine mundi</i>, lies
+Africa, stretching from the Nile to the ocean. Here in order are
+the provinces of Libya, named from a queen of that name; Cyrenaica,
+called from the city of Cyrene; Pentapolis, from the five
+cities of Berenice, Arsinoë, Ptolemaïs, Apollonia, and Cyrene;
+Tripolis, from the three cities of Occasa, Berete, and Leptis Magna;
+Heusis, containing the site of Carthage; Getulia; Numidia, with
+Hippo, the home of St. Augustine; and Mauretania.<a id='r1402'></a><a href='#f1402' class='c015'><sup>[1402]</sup></a> The two
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_301'>301</span>Syrtes (Major and Minor), or shallow bays of the north coast of
+Africa, are shown on the Henry of Mayence map immediately to
+the west of Egypt.<a id='r1403'></a><a href='#f1403' class='c015'><sup>[1403]</sup></a> In the extreme west of Africa the <i>De imagine
+mundi</i>, with characteristic confusion, places Gades (Cadiz),
+from which the adjacent sea is called the Sea of Gades; and, on the
+borders of the ocean, Mount Atlas, a mountain of immense
+height, named after Atlas, once a king of Africa.<a id='r1404'></a><a href='#f1404' class='c015'><sup>[1404]</sup></a> These mountains
+also appear prominently on the St. Sever Beatus map as a
+long range running parallel to the Atlantic<a id='r1405'></a><a href='#f1405' class='c015'><sup>[1405]</sup></a> (see Fig. 2, p. 69,
+above). Other maps of the same group<a id='r1406'></a><a href='#f1406' class='c015'><sup>[1406]</sup></a> show two great peaks
+on the western coast of Africa, which seem to represent a confusion
+of the Atlas Mountains with the famous Pillars of Hercules.
+A legend on the St. Sever Beatus map in the neighborhood of
+Tangier (Tingi) draws attention to the fact that “this region
+produces monkeys and ostriches,”<a id='r1407'></a><a href='#f1407' class='c015'><sup>[1407]</sup></a> true certainly at the present
+day in regard to the former.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the fourth and fifth decades of the twelfth century the
+Norman king of Sicily, Roger II, the patron of Edrisi, conquered
+many of the seaport towns along what is now the coast of Tunis;
+and, though the Latins were expelled from this region by the
+powerful Moroccan dynasty of the Almohads,<a id='r1408'></a><a href='#f1408' class='c015'><sup>[1408]</sup></a> who during the
+following decade came to supersede the Almoravids in the domination
+over North Africa and Spain, close commercial relations
+were maintained between the northern and southern coasts of
+the Mediterranean Sea throughout the century and a half with
+which we are concerned.<a id='r1409'></a><a href='#f1409' class='c015'><sup>[1409]</sup></a> The Genoese held the foremost
+place in the North African trade; but Pisan, Venetian, Massiliot,
+and Catalan merchants also frequented the markets of the seaboard
+towns. Under the Almohads, Ceuta and Bugia were
+important <i>entrepôts</i> of Genoese trade; and when the Almohad
+dominions split up in the early years of the thirteenth century
+(1212–1238), these two towns fell into the hands of Genoa.<a id='r1410'></a><a href='#f1410' class='c015'><sup>[1410]</sup></a>
+Genoese fleets also ventured through the Strait of Gibraltar and
+not only tapped the commerce of the western coasts of the Iberian
+Peninsula but penetrated as far as Saleh on the Moroccan shore.
+Christians also found their way in various capacities into the
+interior of Maghreb, as the Moslems termed these western territories
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_302'>302</span>of Islam. During the Crusading epoch many Christians
+were taken captive in the wars in Spain and by pirates on the
+high seas; most of these were sold into slavery in the markets of
+the sea ports of Morocco, Algeria, and Tunis and sent to drag
+out lives of suffering in the towns of the interior. Towards the
+close of the twelfth century a Christian religious order was
+formed for the purpose of ameliorating the sufferings of the
+captives and of bringing about their redemption by exchange
+with Moslem captives held in Christendom.<a id='r1411'></a><a href='#f1411' class='c015'><sup>[1411]</sup></a> We have evidence
+that these “Redemptorists,” and the Franciscan and Dominican
+friars who were soon to follow them in the same work and who
+also served as ministers of the Christian religion to the European
+merchants engaged in business in Moslem countries, were not at
+all inhospitably received.<a id='r1412'></a><a href='#f1412' class='c015'><sup>[1412]</sup></a> Their work was facilitated by almost
+uniformly friendly relations between the papacy and the
+rulers of Morocco, and the number of Christians in this part of
+the world became so great by the fourth decade of the thirteenth
+century that an episcopal see was established in Fez (1233),
+subsequently to be removed to Morocco City.<a id='r1413'></a><a href='#f1413' class='c015'><sup>[1413]</sup></a> Another tie
+between Morocco and the Latin West was created by the maintenance
+at the court of the Almohads and their successors of a
+mercenary force composed for the most part of Spanish Christians
+from Catalonia and Aragon.<a id='r1414'></a><a href='#f1414' class='c015'><sup>[1414]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>On certain of the Beatus maps a “sandy desert” is shown between
+Egypt, western Africa, and Ethiopia;<a id='r1415'></a><a href='#f1415' class='c015'><sup>[1415]</sup></a> and on the Psalter
+map it appears as a well-defined strip of territory labeled “sandy and
+sterile land.”<a id='r1416'></a><a href='#f1416' class='c015'><sup>[1416]</sup></a> This of course is no other than the Sahara,<a id='r1417'></a><a href='#f1417' class='c015'><sup>[1417]</sup></a>
+of which little or nothing was known, except that the Henry of
+Mayence map shows,<a id='r1418'></a><a href='#f1418' class='c015'><sup>[1418]</sup></a> far back in the desert, the Temple of
+Jupiter (Ammon), in the oasis of that name, known since antiquity,
+and the St. Sever Beatus map represents certain immense
+<i>salinae</i>, or salt pits (the two squares west of the Nile on Fig. 2,
+p. 69, above), said to wax and wane with the moon.<a id='r1419'></a><a href='#f1419' class='c015'><sup>[1419]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Ethiopia</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>South of Egypt and the Sahara lies Ethiopia. In the minds
+of medieval writers this name was not restricted to the region
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_303'>303</span>beyond Upper Egypt but was applied to the entire southern
+part of the known world, just as “India” sometimes was applied
+to the entire Far East. Indeed, from early classical times
+Ethiopia had itself been confused with India, and some of the
+writers whose works we are studying believed that the two regions
+were coterminous.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Nearly all the maps of the period carried the extremities of
+Ethiopia far to the east and minimized the size of the Red Sea
+and Indian Ocean in such a way as to bring Central Africa within
+no great distance of India. On the Jerome map of Palestine two
+tracts called “India Egyptii” and “India Ethiopie” were placed
+along the shores of the Red Sea opposite the mouths of the
+Indus.<a id='r1420'></a><a href='#f1420' class='c015'><sup>[1420]</sup></a> Gervase of Tilbury speaks of three peoples inhabiting
+Ethiopia: the Hesperi in the west, the Garamantes in the center,
+and the “Indians” in the east,<a id='r1421'></a><a href='#f1421' class='c015'><sup>[1421]</sup></a> and adds that there are one
+hundred and twenty provinces “from India into Ethiopia.”<a id='r1422'></a><a href='#f1422' class='c015'><sup>[1422]</sup></a>
+The <i>De imagine mundi</i> places Saba, the city of the Queen of
+Sheba, in the easterly part of Ethiopia.<a id='r1423'></a><a href='#f1423' class='c015'><sup>[1423]</sup></a> It was conceded that
+Ethiopia is terribly hot on account of the proximity of the sun
+and that the soil there for the most part is dry and desert.
+Gervase speaks of the mighty Mount Climax of Ptolemy,
+Orosius, and other ancient writers in the midst of Ethiopia, a
+home of bearded women and similar marvels.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Some of the Beatus maps designate Ethiopia as a country
+“where there are races horrible on account of their strange faces
+and monstrous appearance. It extends as far as the borders of
+Egypt. It also abounds in wild beasts and serpents; and precious
+stones, cinnamon, and balsam are found there.”<a id='r1424'></a><a href='#f1424' class='c015'><sup>[1424]</sup></a> In fact, all
+remote parts of the world were made the habitats of marvels in
+the Middle Ages, and few parts of the known world were more
+remote than Ethiopia. In addition, the intimate connection
+between India and Ethiopia, which had persisted in the minds of
+men throughout so many ages, seems to have brought about a
+transference thither of many of those marvels and monsters that
+originally had been placed in the Far East. A most entertaining
+example of the peopling of Ethiopia by monstrous creatures is
+provided by the Psalter map and by the Ebstorf map of a period
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_304'>304</span>later than ours.<a id='r1425'></a><a href='#f1425' class='c015'><sup>[1425]</sup></a> On these the entire shore of the equatorial
+ocean along the southern border of the known world is lined with
+men that are tongueless, earless, noseless, or men that have four
+eyes or mouths and eyes on their breasts, and with cannibals,
+<i>cynocephali</i>, snake-eating troglodytes, and the like.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Sources of the Nile</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The main interest in Ethiopia, however, lay in the fact that
+from this country comes that great river the problem of whose
+sources has puzzled mankind from the earliest ages down nearly
+to our own day. In classical times three theories had prevailed
+concerning the headwaters of the Nile.<a id='r1426'></a><a href='#f1426' class='c015'><sup>[1426]</sup></a> The correct theory,
+that of Eratosthenes and of Ptolemy, that the river rises in
+Ethiopia itself but far to the south, met with no recognition in
+our period. The second theory placed the sources in India and
+was closely allied with the very old belief that tended to confuse
+Ethiopia itself with India and can be traced back to Homeric or
+even pre-Homeric times.<a id='r1427'></a><a href='#f1427' class='c015'><sup>[1427]</sup></a> The third theory, which probably
+originated in vague rumors that reached the Carthaginians and
+later the Romans and still later the Moslems, of the eastward-flowing
+course of a great river south of the Sahara (a river which
+we now know to be the Niger), placed the headwaters of the Nile
+either in a great lake or else in the Atlas Mountains in western
+Africa close to the ocean.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Traces of each of the last two theories are to be found in the
+writings of our period. According to the accepted interpretation
+of Scripture, the Nile was the same as the Gihon, one of the four
+rivers of Paradise, and its ultimate source must therefore have
+been in the east, where Paradise was nearly always thought to be.
+It is also possible that early Christian monks in Abyssinia may
+have learned of the course of certain of the eastern tributaries of
+the Atbara which rise close to the Red Sea, and this information,
+in the devious course of its transmission to Western Europe, may
+have been confused in such a way as to foster belief that one of
+these minor streams was the headwaters of the main river itself.<a id='r1428'></a><a href='#f1428' class='c015'><sup>[1428]</sup></a>
+In any case, Orosius,<a id='r1429'></a><a href='#f1429' class='c015'><sup>[1429]</sup></a> whose words were copied by Gervase of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_305'>305</span>Tilbury,<a id='r1430'></a><a href='#f1430' class='c015'><sup>[1430]</sup></a> made the Nile spring from the ground near Mossylon
+Emporium on the shores of the Red Sea and, after flowing westward
+for some distance, turn north to enter Egypt. But he also
+said that other authorities state that the river rises far in the
+west and that, after an underground course through the sands and
+thence through a great lake, it runs eastward across the Ethiopian
+desert even as far as the ocean and then turns to the left into
+Egypt. In any case, he adds, it is true that there is a large
+river which has exactly such a source and produces all the
+monsters that the Nile does. The barbarians who dwell near
+its source call this latter river the Dara, but other natives
+name it the Nuchul. The Dara is mentioned by Pliny and
+the Nuchul by Mela; perhaps they represent a reminiscence
+of the generally eastward-flowing Niger. Orosius suggested
+that this river, coming from the west, may well contribute by
+an underground channel to the westward-flowing stream that
+springs from the earth near the Red Sea. Isidore seems to
+have derived from Orosius the idea of a West African origin
+of the Nile, its disappearance under ground, and subsequent
+emergence on the shores of the Red Sea and thence of its
+encircling of Ethiopia before flowing down into Egypt,<a id='r1431'></a><a href='#f1431' class='c015'><sup>[1431]</sup></a> and
+in this idea he was followed by the author of the <i>De imagine
+mundi</i>.<a id='r1432'></a><a href='#f1432' class='c015'><sup>[1432]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Orosius’ and Isidore’s theories are graphically represented on
+the maps. Several of the Beatus maps simply show the river
+springing from mountains in the western part of the continent
+and swinging east and north into the Mediterranean.<a id='r1433'></a><a href='#f1433' class='c015'><sup>[1433]</sup></a> The
+symbols and legends on the St. Sever Beatus<a id='r1434'></a><a href='#f1434' class='c015'><sup>[1434]</sup></a> indicate (see Fig.
+2, p. 69, above) that the river originates in the neighborhood
+of the Atlas Mountains; thence, passing beneath the sands, it
+expands into a vast lake, whence it flows toward the east through
+an immense swamp, like the Maeotic Swamp, but surrounded by
+mountains. After this it turns to the left, envelops the Isle of
+Meroë, and flows down into Egypt. Other maps, like the Cotton,
+Henry of Mayence (inset on Fig. 6, p. 245, above), and
+Jerome map of Palestine are even more faithful to the Orosian
+description. The sources of the Nile proper are shown near
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_306'>306</span>the Red Sea in the eastern part of Ethiopia, but another large
+river is also depicted, coming from the far west near the Atlas
+range and emptying into a large lake not far from the sources
+of the Nile, with which the lake may communicate. The Cotton
+map<a id='r1435'></a><a href='#f1435' class='c015'><sup>[1435]</sup></a> splits this river into two sections and calls the upper
+section “Dara” and the lower “Fluvius Nilus.” On the Jerome
+map of Palestine<a id='r1436'></a><a href='#f1436' class='c015'><sup>[1436]</sup></a> it is called “Nuchul” and made to flow into
+a lake of the same name. Henry of Mayence<a id='r1437'></a><a href='#f1437' class='c015'><sup>[1437]</sup></a> names it “fl.
+Gion.”</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Traditional View of Central Africa</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>As a matter of fact, no new information about Central Africa
+was brought to light during our entire period or had been during
+many centuries before, and no new theories were propounded.
+Old and hackneyed notions were handed down from one writer to
+another. Simar, in a recent admirable study of the geographical
+ideas regarding Central Africa in antiquity and in the Middle
+Ages, trenchantly sums up the whole matter with the following
+words, which might equally well be applied to ideas regarding
+many other parts of the world: “These meager notions soon became
+stereotyped and were repeated by the scholars of the Middle
+Ages, who vied with each other in their unalterable ardor. From
+Martianus Capella in the fourth century to Honorius of Autun
+[here the author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i> is meant] in the twelfth,
+passing by Macrobius, Priscian, Saint Avitus, Gregory of Tours,
+Jornandes, the Venerable Bede, Raban Maur, Dicuil, Alfred the
+Great, Alfric, Adelbold, Richer, Asaph, Hermann Contractus,
+Robert of St. Martin of Auxerre, Otto of Freising, Hugh of St.
+Victor, and even, later, the historian Joinville, men copied Solinus,
+Orosius, and Isidore and adopted like them a round <i>oikoumene</i>
+separated from the <i>terra incognita</i> by an impassable equatorial
+ocean, the uninhabitability of the torrid zone, the limit of Africa
+this side of the equator, the sources of the Nile in Mauretania,
+its course through Ethiopia from west to east, its ultimate
+origin in the Terrestrial Paradise situated to the east of India,
+and its submarine course as far as its emergence in the western
+part of Libya.”<a id='r1438'></a><a href='#f1438' class='c015'><sup>[1438]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_307'>307</span>
+  <h4 class='c014'><i>THE MEDITERRANEAN SEA</i></h4>
+</div>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Name “Mediterranean”</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>To the great chain of inland seas that lies between Africa, Asia,
+and Europe the Romans had applied the name of <i>mare internum</i>
+or <i>mare nostrum</i>. Solinus was probably the first to describe these
+as mediterranean seas, and Isidore the first to convert the term
+“mediterranean” into a proper name.<a id='r1439'></a><a href='#f1439' class='c015'><sup>[1439]</sup></a> The authority of Isidore
+was sufficient to make this designation familiar to future ages; and
+it was used by the author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i> and by Gervase
+of Tilbury with the same connotation that it enjoys at the present
+day.<a id='r1440'></a><a href='#f1440' class='c015'><sup>[1440]</sup></a> The term, however, was not firmly established in popular
+use in our period and is conspicuously absent from most of the
+maps, which as a rule either give no name at all for the sea as a
+whole or else employ some vague designation like <i>mare nostrum</i>
+or <i>mare magnum</i>.<a id='r1441'></a><a href='#f1441' class='c015'><sup>[1441]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Gervase of Tilbury says<a id='r1442'></a><a href='#f1442' class='c015'><sup>[1442]</sup></a> that the Mediterranean is shaped
+like a letter Y with two branches, a longer one extending from the
+entrance (Strait of Gibraltar) to the Hellespont, and a shorter one
+forming the Sea of Alexandria or of Syria. This comparison
+suggests that Gervase must have had before him a typical medieval
+map of the world with east at the top. More detailed is the
+account of the Mediterranean in Plato of Tivoli’s translation of
+Al-Battānī’s <i>Astronomy</i>.<a id='r1443'></a><a href='#f1443' class='c015'><sup>[1443]</sup></a> Here the “Roman Sea” is described
+as extending a distance of 5000 miles [!] from the Isle of Gadir
+(Cadiz) to Tyre and Sidon; it has various branches, one running
+off towards the Narbonnese, one called Adriatic, another called
+Pontus; and it contains a total of one hundred and sixty-two inhabited
+islands, of which five are especially noteworthy on account
+of their size.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Mediterranean During the Crusades</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>During the Crusades the Mediterranean served as one of the
+main highways from the West to the Holy Land, and hence the
+men of Europe were enabled to learn much of its waters and
+coasts. Though the principal armies of the First Crusade had
+proceeded overland, in the years that followed the establishment
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_308'>308</span>of the states of the Crusaders there was constant coming and
+going by sea between the Levant and the ports of Italy, France,
+and England. The sea route was the way taken by the armies of
+Philip Augustus and Richard Coeur-de-Lion in 1190; by the
+cosmopolitan army that captured Constantinople in 1204; by
+Frederick II and the ill-starred expedition of St. Louis to
+Egypt; as well as by innumerable pilgrims, soldiers, merchants,
+and other individuals unconnected with any definite Crusading
+enterprise.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Instructions for Navigation in the Mediterranean</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Perhaps the most attractive account of the Mediterranean
+derived from the literature of the Crusaders is to be found in the
+chronicles and histories recording the expedition of Richard
+Coeur-de-Lion. The <i>Gesta regis Ricardi</i>, mistakenly attributed
+to Benedict of Peterborough, and the <i>Chronica</i> of Roger of
+Hoveden contain descriptions of routes and coasts, parts of
+which were undoubtedly drawn from manuals of navigation.
+Here we find much the same sort of data that at the present
+time is incorporated in our Coast Pilot books, a combination of
+practical advice to sailors with useful and interesting information
+about the waters, islands, and shores. Great care is taken to
+inform the navigator of the best and most practicable routes for
+him to follow. For example, two ways are mentioned of going
+from Marseilles to Acre, one through the open sea and the other
+near the coast.<a id='r1444'></a><a href='#f1444' class='c015'><sup>[1444]</sup></a> If the wind is favorable you can proceed by
+the first, leaving Sardinia and Sicily out of sight to the left,
+though you must constantly be on your guard against running
+too far to the right and falling afoul of the barbarian shores.<a id='r1445'></a><a href='#f1445' class='c015'><sup>[1445]</sup></a>
+With a good breeze this journey can be made in fifteen days,<a id='r1446'></a><a href='#f1446' class='c015'><sup>[1446]</sup></a>
+and vessels are safer on it from the menace of pirates than when
+they follow the coastwise route. On the other hand, the navigation
+is more difficult, and under no circumstances should this
+route be attempted by galleys, which might easily be sunk if a
+storm should come up. In the account of the coastwise route
+various menaces and dangers to ships are carefully pointed out.
+For instance, off the coast of Greece, about twenty miles from
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_309'>309</span>land and fifty from Modon, there is a low round rock called Triffar;
+and in order to avoid it ships are warned not to stand too far
+out to sea. West-bound vessels, however, are advised, instead of
+passing through the channels between “Chefeline” (Cephalonia),
+“Fale de Campar” (Ithaca), and the neighboring islands to keep
+out to sea, placing these islands on the right. Navigators are
+cautioned to beware of a sand bar in Corfu harbor with only four
+and a half <i>ulnae</i> of water upon it. The dangers of the narrow
+and crooked channel between Corfu and the mainland make it advisable
+for vessels en route to Italy to avoid taking this passage
+and, by steering out to sea, to leave Corfu on the right. The harbor
+of Karentet (Santa Quaranta) is said to be a fine one, except
+for submerged reefs at the entrance and extending under about
+half of its area; the best approach for ships is not far from the
+Corfu side.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We find also many full and practical details regarding the distances
+between various points along the coasts, the width of
+straits, the length of islands; the names of seaport towns and now
+and then their products and other distinguishing features are
+mentioned, for example, the fact that Marseilles has an excellent
+harbor surrounded on all sides by hills, or that Almeria in Spain is
+far-famed for its manufacture of silk. Prominent landmarks are
+carefully pointed out: great mountains making promontories on
+the coast of Spain, sand banks, the mouths of rivers (like the
+Ebro, or the Salef in Asia Minor, “in which Frederick Barbarossa
+was drowned and from the neighborhood of the sources of which
+the three wise men were said to have come”), the high peaks in
+the interior of Crete, or the volcanoes of Sicily and the Lipari
+Isles. Marine life, such as the flying fish of the waters near Corsica
+and Sardinia as well as less credible monstrosities of the Gulf
+of Satalia on the southern coast of Asia Minor, also seems to have
+aroused the curiosity of the navigator and chronicler.<a id='r1447'></a><a href='#f1447' class='c015'><sup>[1447]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Islands of the Mediterranean</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Most medieval maps show the islands of the Mediterranean
+scattered about with scant respect for their actual locations and
+relative sizes. The Guido map of the world, for instance, indicates
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_310'>310</span>but one island by name in the entire Mediterranean, and
+that is “Baleares.”<a id='r1448'></a><a href='#f1448' class='c015'><sup>[1448]</sup></a> The most important islands are fairly well
+represented on the St. Sever Beatus<a id='r1449'></a><a href='#f1449' class='c015'><sup>[1449]</sup></a> (Fig. 2, p. 69, above),
+but the draftsman of the Osma Beatus did not have room enough
+for Tenedos and Rhodes in the Mediterranean (Fig. 4, p. 123,
+above), and hence placed then in the circumambient ocean to the
+east of Taprobane!<a id='r1450'></a><a href='#f1450' class='c015'><sup>[1450]</sup></a> In the <i>De imagine mundi</i> and in the <i>Otia
+imperialia</i> the islands are described in a dull and catalogue-like
+manner from the data given by Orosius and other classical authorities.<a id='r1451'></a><a href='#f1451' class='c015'><sup>[1451]</sup></a>
+The accounts of the Mediterranean in the chronicles
+which we have just been discussing also add little beside
+scattering details on Corfu and Cyprus and a significant observation
+that, owing to the danger from pirates, a large number of the
+islands of the Greek archipelago had been deserted by their inhabitants.<a id='r1452'></a><a href='#f1452' class='c015'><sup>[1452]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Guy of Bazoches, who journeyed overseas with the Crusaders
+to Syria in 1190, told in a letter to his nephews<a id='r1453'></a><a href='#f1453' class='c015'><sup>[1453]</sup></a> that on the
+third morning out from Marseilles they were in sight of Corsica
+and the many and varied inlets and promontories of its broken
+coast. The following day Sardinia was visible, likewise on the
+left. Sardinia, Guy wrote, might almost have been called free
+from poisonous serpents, were it not for one variety, the <i>solifuga</i>,
+which took the place of all the others, since the poisonous virulence
+of all serpents was concentrated in this one. Besides this there
+was a violently poisonous plant in Sardinia. On the other hand,
+these pests were compensated for by the presence of hot springs in
+several parts of the island which prevailed against the <i>solifuga</i> and
+were good for broken bones and for the eyes. We have already
+spoken<a id='r1454'></a><a href='#f1454' class='c015'><sup>[1454]</sup></a> of Guy’s description of Sicily, which was reached soon
+after Sardinia was left behind. From Sicily Guy came to Crete,
+“a famous island and once powerful with a hundred cities.”
+Crete was blessed with an absence of all kinds of serpents,
+though the place of serpents was taken by a small animal called a
+<i>spalangius</i>, the bite of which was deadly. In the sea where Crete
+lay were the Cyclades, forming a circle around Delos, and Cyprus,
+more pleasing to the eye because of the richness of its fields, the
+delights of its vineyards, and its far-famed fertility.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_311'>311</span>
+  <h6 class='c014'><i>Sicily</i></h6>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>The critical position of Sicily on the routes between East and
+West and North and South, its peculiar volcanic phenomena, as
+well as the establishment of a Norman kingdom there, brought
+that island to the attention of the outside world.<a id='r1455'></a><a href='#f1455' class='c015'><sup>[1455]</sup></a> Sicily came
+inevitably to figure in the poetry and legend of the period both in
+France and in the isle itself. The song of Roland and the Breton
+cycle of legends of King Arthur were sung and related on Sicilian
+soil, and echoes of these popular romances found their way into
+the Latin literature of our age. One story had it that the peers of
+Charlemagne had passed through Sicily on their return from
+Jerusalem and had named mountains after Roland and Oliver.
+Godfrey of Viterbo wrote: “There stands a great mountain which
+was called Roland and another similarly called Oliver, and these
+names were applied by the bold dukes as memorials.”<a id='r1456'></a><a href='#f1456' class='c015'><sup>[1456]</sup></a> Gervase
+of Tilbury was inclined to treat skeptically the report of how, in
+his own day, King Arthur, said to have been enclosed within
+Mongibel (Etna), had appeared miraculously on the outside of the
+mountain.<a id='r1457'></a><a href='#f1457' class='c015'><sup>[1457]</sup></a> King Arthur also was associated in a French poem,
+<i>Florian et Florete</i>, with a distinctively Sicilian fairy, Morgain—who
+gave her name to the <i>fata morgana</i>, or mirage, over the
+Strait of Messina, and with Mongibel, an abode of supernatural
+beings. French poets writing of Sicily from far away often revealed
+an amazing ignorance of the geography of the isle, as is
+well shown by the <i>Dolopathos</i> of Jean of Haute Seille, in which not
+only is the city of Mantua placed in Sicily but the insular character
+of the latter is entirely overlooked.<a id='r1458'></a><a href='#f1458' class='c015'><sup>[1458]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The travelers Conrad of Querfurt and Guy of Bazoches both
+discuss the phenomena of Etna<a id='r1459'></a><a href='#f1459' class='c015'><sup>[1459]</sup></a> and Scylla and Charybdis and
+refer to the stories of Arethusa and of the rape of Proserpina.<a id='r1460'></a><a href='#f1460' class='c015'><sup>[1460]</sup></a>
+Conrad identifies Taormina with the home of the minotaur.<a id='r1461'></a><a href='#f1461' class='c015'><sup>[1461]</sup></a>
+These twelfth-century travelers were well read in the classical
+mythology of the places they chose to visit.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>With this mythical lore of the Mediterranean island should be
+contrasted a few excellent and graphic accounts given by eyewitnesses.
+The troubadour Ambroise, who sings of the expedition
+of Richard Coeur-de-Lion, tells us something of the contemporary
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_312'>312</span>population of Messina, consisting of Lombards, “Griffons”
+(or Greeks), and “persons of Saracen extraction.”<a id='r1462'></a><a href='#f1462' class='c015'><sup>[1462]</sup></a> The latter,
+he complained, treated the French pilgrims abominably, insulting
+them with evil gestures, calling them dogs, and acting in an
+especially objectionable manner when the Frenchmen tried to
+take liberties with the Saracens’ wives, a naïve admission not to
+the credit of the Frenchmen. We have already alluded to the
+graphic descriptions of Etna in the letters of Guy of Bazoches and
+in the second redaction of the <i>Image du monde</i>.<a id='r1463'></a><a href='#f1463' class='c015'><sup>[1463]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>EUROPE</i></h4>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Northeastern Europe</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Eastern and northeastern Europe were quite as shadowy and
+unfamiliar to the men of the West during our period as Central
+Asia or the heart of Africa. Classical tradition had placed in the
+northern part of Europe a range of mountains not far from the
+Ocean Stream, the Rhipaeans—perhaps an echo of some very
+early acquaintance with the Urals.<a id='r1464'></a><a href='#f1464' class='c015'><sup>[1464]</sup></a> Between these and the
+Ocean, so Gervase of Tilbury<a id='r1465'></a><a href='#f1465' class='c015'><sup>[1465]</sup></a> affirmed, there was a land in the
+vicinity of the “septentrional” circle (called thus from the “seven
+stars” and known to the Greeks as the “Arctic circle”) so cold as
+to be constantly frozen and uninhabitable. Another tradition
+dating back to remote antiquity placed the Hyperboreans far
+north in a region of temperate climate. Robert Grosseteste and
+Roger Bacon tried to prove that such a climate might be produced
+by the character of the mountains at very high latitudes.<a id='r1466'></a><a href='#f1466' class='c015'><sup>[1466]</sup></a> The
+rivers of Scythia, among them the Lentulus and the Tanaïs (Don),
+were said to have their sources in the Rhipaean Mountains, and of
+these the Tanaïs, which was the largest, after flowing past the
+altar of Augustus, constantly poured an immense volume of water
+into the Euxine (Black Sea) near Theodosia.<a id='r1467'></a><a href='#f1467' class='c015'><sup>[1467]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Russia</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>More recent information about Russia had been acquired by
+men of the West, though it had not been widely disseminated.
+In regard to northern Russia the Northmen were in possession of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_313'>313</span>much valuable knowledge. We have already mentioned their
+adventurous voyagings in the Baltic and around the North Cape
+into the White Sea to a region which they had called Biarma.<a id='r1468'></a><a href='#f1468' class='c015'><sup>[1468]</sup></a>
+There is evidence that their trade with Biarmaland was maintained
+throughout our period, although only three actual voyages
+after the tenth century are recorded: one in 1090, one in 1217, and
+one in 1222.<a id='r1469'></a><a href='#f1469' class='c015'><sup>[1469]</sup></a> A member of the expedition of 1217, however,
+crossed Russia to the Black Sea and penetrated ultimately to the
+Holy Land before returning to Norway.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Of southern Russia and the northern coasts of the Black Sea
+some slight knowledge had undoubtedly filtered into the West
+through the medium of the Italian merchants. Though Genoese,
+Pisans, and Venetians penetrated these regions in the twelfth
+century,<a id='r1470'></a><a href='#f1470' class='c015'><sup>[1470]</sup></a> the great expansion of Occidental commerce into the
+steppes and thence into the heart of Asia came only after the
+establishment of the Latin Empire in Constantinople in 1204 and
+after the conquest of the Ukraine and Crimea by the Mongols,
+whose relatively tolerant rule was favorable to the presence of
+European colonies and mercantile enterprise. Otto of Freising
+mentions the tribes dwelling to the north and east of Hungary on
+the plains of Russia, Petchenegs and Komans, devourers of raw
+and foul meats, such as those of horses and cats—tribes who inhabited
+a land which, though rich in game, had never felt the
+plow or rake.<a id='r1471'></a><a href='#f1471' class='c015'><sup>[1471]</sup></a> The Komans were also spoken of by Robert de
+Clari (died 1216) in his <i>Prise de Constantinople</i> as a tent-dwelling
+folk, living on cattle, cheese, and milk and possessed of large
+herds of horses.<a id='r1472'></a><a href='#f1472' class='c015'><sup>[1472]</sup></a> We have already quoted from Matthew
+Paris’ graphic description of the Mongols,<a id='r1473'></a><a href='#f1473' class='c015'><sup>[1473]</sup></a> who swept into
+Russia in 1222–1224 and later, in 1240–1243, menaced Central
+Europe itself.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Poland</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Northwest of these tribes lay Poland, of which Ragewin gave
+a brief description in his continuation of Otto’s <i>Gesta Friderici</i>.<a id='r1474'></a><a href='#f1474' class='c015'><sup>[1474]</sup></a>
+Dwelling in a country bounded by the Oder on the west, the
+Vistula on the east, the Ruthenians and the Scythian Ocean on
+the north, and the Bohemian Forest on the south, the Poles, he
+tells us, are well protected by the character of the land on which
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_314'>314</span>they live. They are almost a barbaric people and are very quick
+to fight, partly because of their own inherent ferocity but partly
+too because of contact with more ferocious neighbors on the
+shores of the sea that washes their coasts.<a id='r1475'></a><a href='#f1475' class='c015'><sup>[1475]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Slavic Europe As Described by Benjamin of Tudela and Petachia of Ratisbon</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The Hebrew travelers Benjamin of Tudela and Petachia of
+Ratisbon also wrote of Slavic Europe, the former from hearsay,
+the latter from personal observation. Benjamin stated that
+Russia was “a great empire stretching from the gate of Prague
+to the gates of Kieff, the large city which is at the extremity of
+that Empire. It is a land of mountains and forests, where there
+are to be found animals called <i>vair</i> [a species of marten], ermine,
+and sable”<a id='r1476'></a><a href='#f1476' class='c015'><sup>[1476]</sup></a> (Adler’s translation). It seems that Benjamin
+would include in Russia much of Bohemia, Galicia, and Poland,
+together with the Carpathian Mountains. Petachia, who
+traversed Russia, Caucasia, and Armenia on his way from
+Prague to Baghdad, was one of the few Occidental travelers of
+the Middle Ages who ventured into the land of the steppes before
+the overland journeys of John of Pian de Carpine, William of
+Rubruck,<a id='r1477'></a><a href='#f1477' class='c015'><sup>[1477]</sup></a> and others to the Mongol court during the middle
+and closing years of the thirteenth century. Petachia commented
+on the absence of mountains in Russia. He described
+accurately the tent-dwellers of Kedar, or the Ukraine (Petchenegs
+and Komans), noting especially the horsehide rafts on which they
+cross the great rivers; their diet of rice and millet boiled in milk
+and of raw flesh which they warm under the saddles of their
+horses; their custom of drinking from vessels of copper cast in the
+shape of a human face; their government in the hands of princes
+and nobles rather than of kings. He gave some details about
+that portion of the Sea of Azov now known as the Putrid Sea,
+telling us that when the wind blows from its foul surface in the
+direction of the Black Sea it causes the death of many people!<a id='r1478'></a><a href='#f1478' class='c015'><sup>[1478]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Hungary</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>With Pannonia, or Hungary, Western Europe was in much
+more intimate contact than with Russia and Poland. Gervase
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_315'>315</span>of Tilbury, to be sure, adds little to what Orosius had told about
+this country,<a id='r1479'></a><a href='#f1479' class='c015'><sup>[1479]</sup></a> but in Otto of Freising’s <i>Gesta Friderici</i> there is a
+description of both land and people.<a id='r1480'></a><a href='#f1480' class='c015'><sup>[1480]</sup></a> Otto writes that Pannonia
+is enclosed by woods and mountains, particularly by the
+range of the Apennines (<i>sic</i>); it forms a wide and well-watered
+plain, fed by springs and rivers; there are a great many woods
+stocked with game of every variety, and the land abounds in
+fields so rich and fertile that they can be likened either to the
+Paradise of God or else to Egypt. The aspect of the country is
+beautiful but rendered so rather by nature itself than by the
+work of man, for, owing to the barbaric state of civilization in
+which the people remain, walls and buildings are very rare.
+Boundaries are marked by the courses of great rivers and not by
+woods and hills. The names which Otto assigns to the borders
+of Pannonia have a distinctly modern sound, contrasting with
+the classical geographic nomenclature used by Gervase for all
+this part of the world. “Eastward, where the famous river
+Sawa (Save) is received by the Danube, Pannonia borders on
+Bulgaria; westward on Moravia and the eastern marches of the
+Teutons; southward on Croatia, Dalmatia, Hystria (Istria), or
+Carinthia; and northward on Boemia (Bohemia), Polimia (Poland),
+Ruthenia, etc.; to the northeast are the Pecenati (Petchenegs)
+and Falones (Komans), and to the southeast is Rama.”
+Otto also describes rather fully the tent-dwellers of the Hungarian
+plain. The country, he says, has suffered much through the
+invasions of barbarians, and hence no wonder it remains a land
+where the people are of rough speech and little culture. First
+the Huns overran this region, then the Avars, eaters of raw and
+unclean meat, and finally the Hungarians from Scythia. The
+latter have deep-set eyes, are ugly and small, wild and barbaric
+in speech and customs; and one is constrained to wonder at the
+injustice of fate, or, even more, at the patience of God, for giving
+such a beautiful country to such a monstrous folk. Otto then
+adds further details about the customs of the people: their
+deliberation in council, their unlimited obedience to the tyrannical
+and arbitrary authority of their kings, the rigid requirements
+of their military system. Their dwellings in the villages
+and towns are primitive to an extreme, the houses nearly always
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_316'>316</span>built of reeds, rarely of wood, and almost never of stone. As a
+matter of fact, the majority of the people lived both winter and
+summer in tents.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Relations between France and Hungary were fairly close in the
+twelfth century.<a id='r1481'></a><a href='#f1481' class='c015'><sup>[1481]</sup></a> Intermarriages between members of the
+reigning houses had induced many of the Hungarian nobles to imitate
+French manners and customs. French teaching monks
+and military orders (Templars and Hospitalers) had established
+themselves in the Danubian plain before the close of the century,
+and during the Crusades many Frenchmen found occasion to visit
+the eastern kingdom in one capacity or another.<a id='r1482'></a><a href='#f1482' class='c015'><sup>[1482]</sup></a> In the thirteenth
+century the Gallic colonies in Hungary became even more
+numerous than previously, and French merchants and architects
+were well known among the Magyars.<a id='r1483'></a><a href='#f1483' class='c015'><sup>[1483]</sup></a> Conversely, this French
+infiltration led to the dissemination of some knowledge of Hungary
+in France and to frequent mention of that country in the
+<i>chansons de geste</i>, though the phrase “to go to Hungary” was held
+to be synonymous with visiting any extremely distant and unknown
+region.<a id='r1484'></a><a href='#f1484' class='c015'><sup>[1484]</sup></a> It was not in the nature of the <i>chansons de geste</i>
+to supply detailed geographical information, least of all about a
+remote country; and consequently the presence of any testimony
+at all of a geographical nature in them justifies our belief that the
+troubadours knew more of Hungary than their songs at first glance
+would seem to indicate. We are told that among the products of
+the Magyar kingdom were horses, mules, and donkeys, which
+were exported to France; that the gold of Hungary was well
+known in the West; and that there were many cities in this realm,
+though only one of these, Striguus, is mentioned by name.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Balkan Peninsula</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Quite characteristically, in dealing with Hungary and the Balkan
+Peninsula, such writers as the author of the <i>De imagine
+mundi</i><a id='r1485'></a><a href='#f1485' class='c015'><sup>[1485]</sup></a> and Gervase of Tilbury <a id='r1486'></a><a href='#f1486' class='c015'><sup>[1486]</sup></a> merely copied from Isidore
+and Orosius, who in turn had derived their knowledge from
+much earlier sources. The accounts of this part of Europe in
+these standard authorities of our period, though fairly full, were
+nearly a thousand years out of date. Even so, it comes as
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_317'>317</span>something of a shock to find that on the Jerome map of the East,
+drawn as late as 1150, a legend near the Ister (Danube) informs
+us that in this locality “the pygmies fight with the cranes.”<a id='r1487'></a><a href='#f1487' class='c015'><sup>[1487]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>More recent information seems to have been gathered by Arnold
+of Lübeck. In the <i>Chronica Slavorum</i><a id='r1488'></a><a href='#f1488' class='c015'><sup>[1488]</sup></a> he speaks of a city
+of Ravenelle,<a id='r1489'></a><a href='#f1489' class='c015'><sup>[1489]</sup></a> where the river Ravana flows into the Morava.
+This city, he says, lies in the midst of a wood, and its inhabitants
+are called Servi. They are sons of the devil, heathens, ravenous
+for meat, and worthy of their name, for they are the slaves of all
+low and foul passions and live like beasts but are even wilder than
+beasts. In such uncomplimentary terms Arnold describes the
+ancestors of the modern Serbians and adds that they were subjects
+of the kings of the Greeks, i. e. the Byzantine emperors.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In regard to the Balkan Peninsula as well as to Hungary, however,
+much knowledge had undoubtedly been gained through the
+Crusaders. The main route from the West to Constantinople by
+way of the Morava and Maritsa valleys was taken in the First Crusade
+by Godfrey of Bouillon; in the Second by Louis VII and Conrad
+III (1147); and, in the Third, Frederick Barbarossa followed it
+as far as Adrianople, whence he made his way into Asia Minor
+through Gallipoli and across the Dardanelles. Other leaders of
+the First Crusade had traveled overland from the Adriatic at
+Durazzo and Avlona to Thessalonica and thence eastward along
+the shore to the Bosporus. During the Fourth Crusade the
+Latin fleet coasted Dalmatia, Greece, and the Archipelago; and
+the founding of the Latin Empire, with its petty Frankish principalities
+in Greece and among the isles, inevitably established a
+connection between those parts of the world and Europe beyond
+the Alps.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Knowledge of Balkan countries was also derived from trade as
+well as from the enterprise of the Crusaders. In the twelfth century,
+Occidental colonies were to be found in practically all the
+important cities of the Byzantine Empire. Heyd in his <i>Histoire
+du commerce du Levant</i><a id='r1490'></a><a href='#f1490' class='c015'><sup>[1490]</sup></a> gives a summary of the evidence on this
+subject, which shows that before the Fourth Crusade (1203–1204)
+there were in existence colonies, mostly of Italians from Genoa,
+Venice, and Pisa. Thessalonica harbored in its foreign quarter
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_318'>318</span>not only Italians, but Spaniards, Portuguese, and French. As
+commerce went mainly by sea, an important traffic had sprung
+up among the islands of the Archipelago and especially between
+Euboea, Crete, Rhodes, Lemnos, and the West, though prior to
+the Fourth Crusade Western merchants avoided penetrating the
+interior of Greece.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Constantinople</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Constantinople was a great meeting place of merchants from all
+quarters of the known world and consequently a very important
+center for the dispersal of geographical knowledge. During the
+twelfth century Pisan, Venetian, and Genoese colonies flourished
+together there unharmoniously and vied with each other for trade
+privileges, but after 1204 the Venetians had matters very much
+in their own hands. Eustathius, archbishop of Thessalonica,
+says<a id='r1491'></a><a href='#f1491' class='c015'><sup>[1491]</sup></a> that in 1180 there were no fewer than 60,000 Latins in
+Constantinople and that the majority of these were Italians.
+Benjamin of Tudela<a id='r1492'></a><a href='#f1492' class='c015'><sup>[1492]</sup></a> and other writers also tell of merchants here
+from Babylon, Mesopotamia, Media, Persia, Armenia, Iberia (in
+the Caucasus), Egypt, Palestine, Russia, Hungary, the country of
+the Petchenegs, Bulgaria, Spain, France, and Germany, though
+the Latins were by all odds the most numerous among this multitude.
+After the establishment of the Latin Empire in 1204 we
+hear of the presence of Provençaux, Spaniards, citizens of Ancona,
+and even Danes and English,<a id='r1493'></a><a href='#f1493' class='c015'><sup>[1493]</sup></a> though the latter were probably
+mercenaries rather than traders. With this motley population
+Constantinople was preëminently the great cosmopolitan city of
+the world and as such served as a vast clearing house for geographical
+information brought thither from all four corners of the
+earth.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Benjamin of Tudela described the Constantinople of his day in
+graphic terms,<a id='r1494'></a><a href='#f1494' class='c015'><sup>[1494]</sup></a> alluding especially to the busy activity of its
+merchants, the costly magnificence of its buildings (notably the
+Church of Santa Sophia and the Palace of Blachernae), as well as
+to the wealth of its Greek inhabitants, who “go clothed in garments
+of silk with gold embroidery and ride horses and look like
+princes” (Adler’s translation). He was impressed by the great
+shows given annually on Christmas Day at the Hippodrome, the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_319'>319</span>like of which were to be seen in no other land; here, in accord with
+the old Roman custom, lions, leopards, bears, and wild asses were
+made to engage in combat. The Jews of Constantinople were
+segregated in the quarter of Pera, where their condition was very
+miserable, and they were subjected to many indignities. “Yet,”
+Benjamin adds, “the Jews are rich and good, kindly and charitable,
+and bear their lot with cheerfulness.”</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Italy</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Otto of Freising’s <i>Gesta Friderici</i><a id='r1495'></a><a href='#f1495' class='c015'><sup>[1495]</sup></a> probably contains one of the
+best general descriptions of Italy dating from the time of the
+Crusades.<a id='r1496'></a><a href='#f1496' class='c015'><sup>[1496]</sup></a> Otto says that the Italian peninsula as a whole is
+divided into three parts. The districts that once constituted the
+Roman <i>colonia</i> form <i>ulterior Italia</i>, which consists of Venetia,
+Emilia, and Liguria, with Aquileia, Ravenna, and Milan respectively
+as capitals. The part “within” the Apennines, where Rome
+and Tuscany are situated, is known as <i>interior Italia</i>. Beyond
+these mountains (to the south) are the fields from which Campania
+derives its name. This part of the peninsula extends as far
+as the Faro, or strait cutting off Sicily from the mainland—Sicily
+itself being counted with Sardinia and other neighboring
+isles as a part of Italy—and is known as <i>citerior Italia</i>, or Magna
+Graecia. In Otto’s day this third portion was more commonly
+called Apulia or Calabria. In conclusion Otto adds that some
+authorities preferred to divide Italy into two parts only, <i>ulterior</i>
+and <i>citerior</i>, the latter consisting of the above-mentioned middle
+and southern districts together.<a id='r1497'></a><a href='#f1497' class='c015'><sup>[1497]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Otto waxes particularly enthusiastic about Northern Italy, a
+region which he conceived of as bordered or hedged in by the high
+and craggy ranges of the Apennines and “Pyrenean” (<i>sic</i>) Alps,
+stretching out in either direction, enclosing the region in their
+midst. Like a “garden of delights” (the term frequently used to
+describe Paradise), this district is bounded by the Pyrenean Alps
+on the north, the Apennines (vulgarly called Mount Bardo) on
+the south, the Tyrrhenian Sea on the west, and the Adriatic on
+the east. Watered by the course of the great river Po, or Eridanus
+(which topographers considered one of the three most
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_320'>320</span>famous streams of Europe, says Otto), and by other rivers, blessed
+with a rich soil and a temperate climate, this land is most fertile in
+grain, in the vine and olive, and produces such a variety of fruit
+trees—especially chestnuts, figs, and olives—that it resembles an
+immense grove.<a id='r1498'></a><a href='#f1498' class='c015'><sup>[1498]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>To the world beyond the Alps, Lombardy was the best-known
+part of Italy. Godfrey of Viterbo<a id='r1499'></a><a href='#f1499' class='c015'><sup>[1499]</sup></a> dilates on its immense
+potential strength, with thirty cities, the equal of any one of
+which could scarcely be found elsewhere in the world. The
+population of Lombardy is thicker than the hair on a woman’s
+head, and rare are the times when a ship cannot be seen on the
+Po. Otto of Freising<a id='r1500'></a><a href='#f1500' class='c015'><sup>[1500]</sup></a> gives an account of the Lombard invasion
+of Northern Italy, of the founding of Milan and its neighboring
+cities, and of the free government and liberal democratic
+institutions of the Italian city states.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Gunther of Pairis amplified and made more picturesque Otto of
+Freising’s description of Italy, but it is doubtful whether he added
+any observations resulting from first-hand acquaintance with the
+peninsula. Whatever the sources from which he derived his descriptions
+of Lombardy and Apulia—his own imagination, personal
+experience, the inspiration of classical poetry, or the <i>Gesta
+Friderici</i>—if we compare them, we find that the differences between
+the inhabitants of the northern and southern parts of the
+peninsula were fully appreciated in the twelfth century. The
+Lombards, Gunther says,<a id='r1501'></a><a href='#f1501' class='c015'><sup>[1501]</sup></a> are a keen, skillful, and active people,
+foresighted in counsel, expert in justice, strong in body and
+spirit, full of life and handsome to look upon, with light, supple
+bodies that give them great powers of endurance, economical and
+always moderate in eating and drinking, masters of their hands
+and mouths, honorable in every business transaction, mighty in
+the arts and always eagerly striving for the new. Lovers of freedom
+and ready to face death for freedom’s sake, these people have
+never been willing to submit to kings.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Apulia in the south, Gunther goes on to say, is also a fair
+country, rich in all the blessings of this earth:<a id='r1502'></a><a href='#f1502' class='c015'><sup>[1502]</sup></a> fruit trees,
+vineyards, pasture lands, towns and cities, all of which make a
+gloriously beautiful prospect. But what a contrast its people
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_321'>321</span>present to the Lombards, dirty, lazy, weak, good-for-nothing
+idlers that they are!</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Rome</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Rome must have been in a sad state of decay and dilapidation,
+if we can place any trust in the picturesque accounts of the city
+given by Otto and Gunther.<a id='r1503'></a><a href='#f1503' class='c015'><sup>[1503]</sup></a> From our period there also dates
+a little booklet on the topography and monuments of Rome, which
+exerted wide influence and enjoyed great popularity during the
+thirteenth and later centuries. This work, the <i>Mirabilia urbis
+Romae</i>, contains a discourse on the antiquities and architecture of
+the Eternal City. It is in three parts. Part One treats of “the
+foundation of Rome and of her chief monuments, with chapters on
+the town walls, gates, arches, hills, baths, palaces, theaters,
+bridges, cemeteries, places where the saints suffered martyrdom,”
+and so on; Part Two contains “divers histories touching certain
+famous places and images in Rome,” that is legends of both classical
+and Christian origin; and Part Three is a “perambulation of
+the city,” like Baedeker in its fullness of topographical and architectural
+detail. Though this book is a dry catalogue, its very existence
+and popularity are significant of the fact that antiquities
+aroused interest in the twelfth century and that the archeological
+tourist was not altogether a product of the days of the Renaissance.
+Gregorovius, the historian of medieval Rome, says of the
+<i>Mirabilia</i>: “In this curious composition&#160;... Roman archeology,
+which has now attained such appalling proportions, puts
+forth its earliest shoots in a naïve and barbarous form and in a
+Latin as ruinous as its subject.”<a id='r1504'></a><a href='#f1504' class='c015'><sup>[1504]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Another contemporary writer on Roman monuments, an unknown
+Master Gregory, includes a description of six out of the
+seven wonders of the world in his short tract on the marvels of the
+Eternal City!<a id='r1505'></a><a href='#f1505' class='c015'><sup>[1505]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Antiquities</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>In a letter of the traveler Conrad of Querfurt describing a journey
+through Italy<a id='r1506'></a><a href='#f1506' class='c015'><sup>[1506]</sup></a> we also find a strongly antiquarian interest
+in evidence. Conrad’s primary concern was for the mythological
+and historical associations of the places he visited, and he took a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_322'>322</span>genuine tourist’s pride in being able to say that he had seen with
+his own eyes spots made famous by the poets. His route carried
+him over the Alps to Mantua, thence down the length of the peninsula
+to the Strait of Messina and into Sicily. He tells us that
+he would have been amazed at the smallness of the famous Rubicon
+and that such a paltry stream could have presented any kind
+of obstacle to Caesar, had not a native informed him that in
+rainy weather the river was much wider. In the vicinity of Naples
+he noted, besides the baths of Virgil at Baiae, certain natural
+features: Mount “Veseus” (Vesuvius), which every ten years
+sends out flames and stinking ashes, and the subterranean passages
+under Monte Barbaro. Calabria, he says, is a rough and
+trackless country through which it is necessary to pass in order to
+reach Sicily.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Spain</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Gervase of Tilbury<a id='r1507'></a><a href='#f1507' class='c015'><sup>[1507]</sup></a> adds little besides a list of the archiepiscopal
+sees and their suffragans to the dry details which Orosius<a id='r1508'></a><a href='#f1508' class='c015'><sup>[1508]</sup></a>
+and the <i>De imagine mundi</i><a id='r1509'></a><a href='#f1509' class='c015'><sup>[1509]</sup></a> had furnished concerning Spain.
+In the <i>Chronica</i><a id='r1510'></a><a href='#f1510' class='c015'><sup>[1510]</sup></a> of Roger of Hoveden the story of the passage
+of Richard Coeur-de-Lion’s fleet around the coasts of the Iberian
+Peninsula was the occasion for a discussion of the geography of
+that part of the world, together with a list of the towns of the
+coast. Roger<a id='r1511'></a><a href='#f1511' class='c015'><sup>[1511]</sup></a> enumerates the bishoprics of Spain and, in his
+description of Castile, mentions Toledo as the seat of the primate,
+under whom there were twenty-one bishops. He says that there
+were two hundred castles in Castile and, furthermore, that Castile
+contained a mountain from which were taken daily many
+thousand camel-loads of earth. No matter how big an excavation
+was made, if rain fell it was always filled up again on the following
+day. This earth was sold in the surrounding countries
+for washing the heads and garments of Christians and pagans
+alike. Roger also is careful to bring out the distinction between
+Christian Spain, consisting of Navarre, Castile, Portugal, Aragon,
+and the “lands of the kings of St. James” (Leon), on the one hand,
+and Saracenic Spain, comprising the kingdoms of Cordova,
+“Gahang” (Jaén), Murcia, and Valencia, on the other.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_323'>323</span>
+  <h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Alps</span></h5>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Otto of Freising asserted that the Alps and Apennines join
+near Tortona,<a id='r1512'></a><a href='#f1512' class='c015'><sup>[1512]</sup></a> though he was not inclined to dispute a prevalent
+belief that these two mountain systems form in effect one continuous
+range.<a id='r1513'></a><a href='#f1513' class='c015'><sup>[1513]</sup></a> In order to demonstrate this, he says people
+assert that, as viewed from the deck of a vessel lying off Genoa,
+the two systems appear to be continuous and to constitute the
+same mountain range and that, according to Isidore, Pannonia
+was enclosed by the Apennines, from which it took its name. He
+argues that the portion of the Apennines which encloses Pannonia
+certainly cannot be the same as that part which is to be
+found in peninsular Italy and is there called Mount Bardo, but
+must be a continuation of the “Pyrenean Alps.”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The Alps themselves not only are a great, wall-like barrier—broken,
+to be sure, by relatively low breaches—between Italy
+and the North, but themselves constitute a broad band of territory
+which until comparatively recent times has been difficult
+of access and during the Middle Ages was for the most part
+virtually <i>terra incognita</i> to the outside world. The existence of
+thickly populated centers of civilized life on either side had,
+however, long before our age led to familiarity with the main
+routes through the mountains. There were four or five motives
+which induced men to cross the Alps in the Middle Ages. Ecclesiastics
+traversed them when bound to and from Rome on
+official missions. German emperors en route to Italy to be
+crowned and to attempt to regulate Italian affairs led their
+armies over their defiles. Pilgrims and Crusaders toiled painfully
+through their passes towards Rome and the East; and merchants
+brought their wares across the snows back and forth from the
+busy cities of Northern Italy. Taking it all in all, there must
+have been a large number of men scattered throughout Germany,
+France, England, and the Scandinavian countries who were
+acquainted with the appearance of Alpine scenery and the
+difficulties of Alpine travel. Between 1100 and 1250 seven
+emperors made no less than thirty-nine journeys over Alpine
+passes.<a id='r1514'></a><a href='#f1514' class='c015'><sup>[1514]</sup></a> The size of their armies varied greatly. The numbers
+given for the immense concourse (30,000) which Henry V is said
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_324'>324</span>to have mustered in 1110 at Roncaglia after conducting them
+through the mountains were undoubtedly exaggerated.<a id='r1515'></a><a href='#f1515' class='c015'><sup>[1515]</sup></a> At all
+events, the army was so great that Henry had to divide it and
+send part over the Brenner Pass and part over the Great St.
+Bernard. The numbers of Frederick Barbarossa’s armies probably
+ranged from 10,000 to 15,000. The time of year chosen for
+undertaking the journey by those among the medieval travelers
+who were free to make their own plans—notably the pilgrims—was
+usually the month of August. Albert of Stade near Hamburg,
+writing in his chronicle early in the thirteenth century,
+says that the journey should be undertaken “about the middle
+of August, since the air is then temperate, the roads dry, there is
+no excess of water, the days are sufficiently long for traveling
+and the nights for rest, and you will find at this time the storehouses
+full of fresh fruits.”<a id='r1516'></a><a href='#f1516' class='c015'><sup>[1516]</sup></a> Political exigencies, however,
+forced the emperors to conduct their hosts across at all seasons
+and under all conditions of weather.<a id='r1517'></a><a href='#f1517' class='c015'><sup>[1517]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Of the many Transalpine routes, the Mont Cenis, Great St.
+Bernard, Septimer, and Brenner were the most frequented during
+our period. These were the passes over which trade flowed back
+and forth between Italy and the North.<a id='r1518'></a><a href='#f1518' class='c015'><sup>[1518]</sup></a> English and North
+German pilgrims made frequent use of the Mont Cenis route
+because it offered an easy way, a long and simple ascent to and
+descent from the crest of the ridge, and no subsidiary passes to
+surmount.<a id='r1519'></a><a href='#f1519' class='c015'><sup>[1519]</sup></a> Pilgrims from Iceland, though they also used the
+Mont Cenis, seem to have preferred the Great St. Bernard;<a id='r1520'></a><a href='#f1520' class='c015'><sup>[1520]</sup></a>
+but when bound for the Holy Land they would sometimes
+traverse the Carnic Alps and embark from Venice.<a id='r1521'></a><a href='#f1521' class='c015'><sup>[1521]</sup></a> The
+Brenner Pass was, of course, most used by the Germans and
+formed the grand highway of the imperial expeditions. Out of
+the thirty-nine imperial crossings between 1100 and 1250 nearly
+half were made by the Brenner, four by the Great St. Bernard,
+six by the Septimer, three by the Mont Cenis, two by the Lukmanier,
+and six by other passes.<a id='r1522'></a><a href='#f1522' class='c015'><sup>[1522]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Use of Terms “Transalpine” and “Cisalpine”</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In classical times the terms <i>trans Alpes</i> and <i>transalpinus</i>
+always referred to Gaul, Germany, and regions north of the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_325'>325</span>mountains, for these countries were beyond the Alps as viewed
+from Italy. This usage was continued in the Middle Ages by
+writers who themselves dwelt north of the Alps, and we find in
+our period that Otto of Freising speaks of Germany as <i>trans
+Alpes</i> and of Italy as <i>cis Alpes</i>.<a id='r1523'></a><a href='#f1523' class='c015'><sup>[1523]</sup></a> Ragewin, Otto’s continuator,
+wrote more avowedly from the Germanic point of view and on
+several occasions refers to Italy as <i>trans Alpes</i>.<a id='r1524'></a><a href='#f1524' class='c015'><sup>[1524]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'>“<span class='sc'>Alemannia</span>”</h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The name “Alemannia” as applied to the whole of Germany
+was also in use in our period, although in the opinion of Otto it
+ought not to have been so used. Otto says that the city of
+Turegum (Zurich) is situated on a lake from which the river
+Lemannus flows and that from this river the province of Swabia
+is sometimes called Alemannia. “From this circumstance, some
+have come to think that the whole Teutonic land is called ‘Alemannia,’
+whereas this province only [i.e. Swabia] should be
+called Alemannia, and its inhabitants only should be spoken of
+as ‘Alemanni.’”<a id='r1525'></a><a href='#f1525' class='c015'><sup>[1525]</sup></a> The question of the true etymology of the
+word Alemanni is one that lies beyond our field.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Germany</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Though the author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i><a id='r1526'></a><a href='#f1526' class='c015'><sup>[1526]</sup></a> follows Isidore
+and classical tradition in dividing Germany into two parts,
+“Germania superior” and “Germania inferior,” in the description
+of this part of the world he departs from his usual slavish habit of
+copying the words of Isidore and actually gives us a little information
+derived from a later source or, perhaps, even representing the
+result of personal and original observation. “Germania superior,”
+he says, extends between the Danube and the Alps and westward
+to the Rhine. Called also Rhaetia, it is the land in which
+the Danube takes its rise (a river which, enlarged by the junction
+of sixty great streams, discharges its waters into the Pontic Sea
+through seven mouths, as does the Nile). Suevia (Swabia), Alemannia
+(so called from Lake Leman), and Noricum (or Bavaria),
+in which is the city of Ratisbon, are all parts of “Germania superior.”
+It would almost seem as if the author of the <i>De imagine
+mundi</i> goes out of his way to mention Ratisbon, a fact that has
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_326'>326</span>been cited<a id='r1527'></a><a href='#f1527' class='c015'><sup>[1527]</sup></a> as evidence (very slender evidence, it is true) that
+he may have been a native of this city or was at least personally
+acquainted with Germany. He carefully refrained from placing
+Isidore’s marvelous bird with luminous plumage in the Hercynian
+Forest, but removed it to Hyrcania in Central Asia, which seems
+to show that he was skeptical about the possibility of such a bird
+being found in Germany.<a id='r1528'></a><a href='#f1528' class='c015'><sup>[1528]</sup></a> Yet, though less lacking in originality
+than other parts of the work, the chapters on Germany in the <i>De
+imagine mundi</i> can hardly stand comparison with the information
+to be found in Otto of Freising’s <i>Gesta Friderici</i> and in Gunther
+of Pairis’ <i>Ligurinus</i>, both of which bespeak undeniable personal
+familiarity with the country. We have already noticed Otto’s
+description of the local topography in the vicinity of Freising.<a id='r1529'></a><a href='#f1529' class='c015'><sup>[1529]</sup></a>
+Elsewhere he mentions such matters as the good hunting and
+fishing in the neighborhood of Worms, enjoyed by the Italian
+princes who came over the Alps to take part in a diet held
+there.<a id='r1530'></a><a href='#f1530' class='c015'><sup>[1530]</sup></a> This territory, he said, was divided by the Rhine, with
+Gaul on one bank and the confines of Germany on the other. On
+the Gallic side stood the Vosges and Ardennes; on the German,
+forests of considerable extent, which to Otto’s day retained their
+barbaric place names (“barbara adhuc nomina retinentes”).
+Godfrey of Viterbo<a id='r1531'></a><a href='#f1531' class='c015'><sup>[1531]</sup></a> also enlarges on the beauties of the region
+about Worms, the wealth and numbers of its population, the
+fields and the fish-filled streams which water them, flowing down
+from wooded places.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Gunther’s description of the Main, Rhine, and Moselle country
+show that he probably was better acquainted with this district
+than with any of the other territories described in his poem.<a id='r1532'></a><a href='#f1532' class='c015'><sup>[1532]</sup></a>
+He cites, among specific details concerning Mayence, the fact that
+the city is situated on the Rhine a few leagues below the junction
+of the Main with that stream and not at the junction, as had
+usually been stated previously.<a id='r1533'></a><a href='#f1533' class='c015'><sup>[1533]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Hildegard of Bingen includes in her <i>Subtilitates</i><a id='r1534'></a><a href='#f1534' class='c015'><sup>[1534]</sup></a> remarks
+about the rivers of her native country, with cautions regarding
+their use. Her introductory statement in this connection, that
+the sea sends forth rivers by which the land is irrigated as is the
+human body by the blood in the veins, should be interpreted in the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_327'>327</span>sense we have already explained in Chapter VIII.<a id='r1535'></a><a href='#f1535' class='c015'><sup>[1535]</sup></a> She writes
+of the Seh (possibly the Selz, a stream that flows into the Rhine
+near Bingen), Rhine, Main, Danube, Moselle, Glan, Nahe, and
+other rivers, repeating in each case the assertion that the river
+arises from the sea. The bed of the Seh and its sands, she says,
+are polluted like a swamp because the stream rises and falls with
+the storms. Its waters should not be taken raw, nor even cooked
+in food, for, since they come from the foam of the sea, they are
+bad for the digestion and generally unsanitary. The Rhine is
+clear and flows through sandy country; but its water, when drunk
+unboiled, causes noxious blue fluids in the body. The sands of
+the Danube are clean and beautiful, its waters clear and harsh but
+not very good for drinking; the waters of the Main are insipid
+(<i>pinguis</i>); those of the Moselle light and transparent; and so on.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We find in the German chronicles of the time of the Crusades
+and of the century immediately preceding, some detailed notices
+about the northern parts of Germany and the shores of the Baltic
+not to be found in earlier works. In the middle of the eleventh
+century Adam of Bremen had described Saxony as a generally
+flat, low region of roughly triangular shape, lying between the
+lower Elbe and Rhine.<a id='r1536'></a><a href='#f1536' class='c015'><sup>[1536]</sup></a> The rivers Elbe and Oder, he said, rise
+near each other in the forested mountains of Moravia but flow
+off in opposite directions, the former to the northern sea, the latter
+to the Scythian swamp, or Baltic.<a id='r1537'></a><a href='#f1537' class='c015'><sup>[1537]</sup></a> Saxo Grammaticus in the
+geographical introduction to his <i>Gesta Danorum</i> gives some fairly
+full remarks on the configuration of the German Baltic coast and
+on the peninsulas and islands of Denmark. The latter country,
+he says, is so intersected and broken by arms and channels of the
+sea that it contains few continuous tracts of land of any great
+size.<a id='r1538'></a><a href='#f1538' class='c015'><sup>[1538]</sup></a> Frisia Minor, adjacent to Denmark, is so low that it is
+often swept by violent storms and inundations which ruin the
+fields and destroy the houses.<a id='r1539'></a><a href='#f1539' class='c015'><sup>[1539]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Baltic Regions</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Adam of Bremen’s foremost interest was not Germany, however,
+but the Scandinavian North and the wilder and little-known
+lands beyond the Elbe, into which the frontier of Teutonic
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_328'>328</span>civilization was at this time gradually being pushed eastward.
+Adam mentions Jumna,<a id='r1540'></a><a href='#f1540' class='c015'><sup>[1540]</sup></a> at the mouth of the Oder, a great
+commercial city and gathering place of heathens and Greeks,
+and adds that according to some authorities Jumna was the largest
+city in Europe.<a id='r1541'></a><a href='#f1541' class='c015'><sup>[1541]</sup></a> Farther east lay various nations of Slavonia—Pomeranians
+and Prussians—and beyond them other “islands,”
+Samland, Kurland, and “Ehstland” (Esthonia), peopled by
+heathens. Traveling still more remotely in this direction one
+came to Russia and the fabulous regions of the North. Adam
+speaks well of the Prussians,<a id='r1542'></a><a href='#f1542' class='c015'><sup>[1542]</sup></a> for though heathen, he said, they
+were good men, ready to come to the aid of ships beset by pirates
+or in danger from the sea. Blue-eyed, with red skins and thick
+hair, eaters of horseflesh and drinkers of mare’s blood, they
+dwell in the midst of almost impenetrable swamps. Helmold, a
+chronicler of the twelfth century, copies extensively from Adam
+but adds many details regarding the religion and customs of the
+Slavs and, in particular, describes their worship of a great idol
+of the God Svantevith.<a id='r1543'></a><a href='#f1543' class='c015'><sup>[1543]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Saxo Grammaticus was better informed than Adam on the
+countries bordering upon the southern and southeastern coasts
+of the Baltic, and about them he supplies more or less extensive
+details.<a id='r1544'></a><a href='#f1544' class='c015'><sup>[1544]</sup></a> Though the Greeks and Romans alike had believed
+that on the north of Germany lies the ocean, in the midst of
+which are various islands—including Scandia and Scandinavia,
+about which little was known—they certainly had no adequate
+conception of the peninsular nature of Norway and Sweden.
+In the ninth century Einhard had described the Baltic as a bay,
+and Adam of Bremen quoted Einhard to this effect<a id='r1545'></a><a href='#f1545' class='c015'><sup>[1545]</sup></a> and it is
+also possible that Adam may have learned something of the Gulf
+of Bothnia.<a id='r1546'></a><a href='#f1546' class='c015'><sup>[1546]</sup></a> Adam, however, had no clear knowledge of the
+geography of this part of the world for “he speaks of the countries
+of the North as islands, and he seems to draw no sharp
+distinction between island and peninsula.”<a id='r1547'></a><a href='#f1547' class='c015'><sup>[1547]</sup></a> Saxo, on the other
+hand, writing over a century later, harbored no doubts whatever
+of the peninsular character of Scandinavia. He maintained
+that the sea swings around the north side of Norway and with
+constantly increasing breadth ends finally in a curved shore.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_329'>329</span>This sea was here called by the ancients Gandvic (the White
+Sea). A narrow isthmus separates Gandvic from the sea to the
+south (the Baltic), and if the isthmus did not exist, Saxo said,
+Norway and Sweden would be an island.<a id='r1548'></a><a href='#f1548' class='c015'><sup>[1548]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Scandinavia</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Adam of Bremen enjoyed peculiar opportunities for gathering
+information about the lands immediately to the north of Denmark
+through his association with archbishop Adalbert of Bremen.<a id='r1549'></a><a href='#f1549' class='c015'><sup>[1549]</sup></a>
+Beyond Denmark, he wrote, a new world was opened
+up. Norway, he believed, extended northward to the limits of
+the known world, to the Rhipaean Mountains.<a id='r1550'></a><a href='#f1550' class='c015'><sup>[1550]</sup></a> Through a
+second of his patrons, King Svend Estridsson of Denmark, who
+had spent no less than twelve years in these parts, Adam was
+enabled to learn something of the remote land of Sweden: a
+rich country, the principal towns of which were Birka and
+Upsala, the latter possessing a heathen temple, the scene of
+human sacrifices. Northward of Sweden were regions inhabited
+by tribes of Finns of marvelous swiftness of foot. These so-called
+“Finns”—probably in reality Lapps—are frequently
+mentioned in medieval literature on Scandinavia and the North.<a id='r1551'></a><a href='#f1551' class='c015'><sup>[1551]</sup></a>
+They are sometimes called “Scritefinns,” “Skritofinns,” or
+“Skridfinns.” Saxo Grammaticus spoke of them as great hunters
+who can climb over the rocky crags of the mountains to the very
+summits.<a id='r1552'></a><a href='#f1552' class='c015'><sup>[1552]</sup></a> In the <i>Historia Norwegiae</i> we are told that they
+“fasten smoothed pieces of wood [literally, balks, stakes] under
+their feet, which appliances they call ‘ondrer,’ and, while the
+deer [i.e. reindeer] gallop along carrying their wives and children
+over the deep snow and precipitous mountains, they dash on
+more swiftly than the birds” (Nansen’s translation).<a id='r1553'></a><a href='#f1553' class='c015'><sup>[1553]</sup></a> Here we
+have one of the earliest accounts of the use of skis.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Beyond the Finns Adam of Bremen placed the realm of fable
+that encircled the medieval world,<a id='r1554'></a><a href='#f1554' class='c015'><sup>[1554]</sup></a> where were to be found a
+race of dwarfs and bearded women inhabiting the Rhipaean
+Mountains; where were also Amazons, Cyclopes, and monsters
+like those which other writers of our age placed in the heart of
+Asia or of Africa.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_330'>330</span>Adam of Bremen, Saxo Grammaticus, and the author of the
+<i>Historia Norwegiae</i>, though they included much that is fanciful
+in their geographical chapters, also provided reliable data
+regarding the peoples of the North. Ragewin, on the other
+hand, in the continuation of the <i>Gesta Friderici</i>, and Gunther of
+Pairis give an account which undoubtedly represented a more
+usual idea of these people in the minds of Western Europeans.
+These northern folk aroused Ragewin’s disgust, for, he said,
+they devour each other in time of famine. Owing to perpetual
+frosts, agriculture is impossible in their country, and their lives
+consequently are given over to hunting and killing. Well
+versed in the arts of piracy, these treacherous tribes infest the
+shores and isles of the ocean, Hibernia, Britain, Denmark, and
+other coasts.<a id='r1555'></a><a href='#f1555' class='c015'><sup>[1555]</sup></a> Gunther in the <i>Ligurinus</i><a id='r1556'></a><a href='#f1556' class='c015'><sup>[1556]</sup></a> enlarges and amplifies
+this uncomplimentary description by drawing on his own
+imagination. He says that the inhabitants of the isles of the
+“Scythian Sea” are strong in the arm but weak in the head.
+They neither plow a soil made sterile by the perpetual cold nor
+harrow their uncultivated fields. Neither do they couple the
+vine to the elm, nor gather in the fruits of the trees, autumn’s
+gifts, but seek their food by the chase and by frequent forays
+and grow old in piracy on the tireless waves of the sea. And
+when long privation aggravates a famine—horrible to relate and
+scarce to be believed, though report would have it so!—these
+miserable creatures bite and lacerate their own limbs. Father
+does not know enough to spare his son, nor brother his brother,
+and the daughter finds refreshment by devouring the boiled body
+of her mother!</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We certainly must not take this effusion as a literally exact
+account of the customs of the Scandinavians at a time when
+they were far from being sunk in the abject state of savagery
+which Gunther pictures; but it shows the terror which the Vikings
+had instilled into the consciousness of Europe and also the very
+vague and hazy kind of reports which an intelligent German of
+the twelfth century received in regard to regions not very distant
+from his home. Furthermore, it is not at all improbable that the
+story of cannibalism among these people may have arisen from an
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_331'>331</span>actually existing practice of human sacrifice coupled with cannibalistic
+rites at an earlier date.<a id='r1557'></a><a href='#f1557' class='c015'><sup>[1557]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>France</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Otto of Freising regarded the Rhine as the boundary between
+Germany and Gaul. Though he had studied at Paris, he used
+Orosius as the main source for the description of Gaul in his
+<i>Chronicon</i><a id='r1558'></a><a href='#f1558' class='c015'><sup>[1558]</sup></a> and discussed the various parts of this country and
+the proper manner in which it ought to be subdivided in a way
+that reminds us of Caesar. Authorities, he said, declare that
+there are two main subdivisions; Gallia Cisalpina and Gallia
+Transalpina. The former lies in Italy between the Po and the
+Alps; the latter—our France—in turn may be divided into three
+parts (the three parts made famous by Caesar), Belgian, Lugdunensian,
+and Aquitanian. Otto then proceeds to a dry and
+technical discussion of how these parts should be properly
+grouped in relation to an ill-defined Celtic Gaul.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Paris</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>More full of color than the pedantic discussion of Otto is a
+picturesque description of the Paris of the last half of the twelfth
+century in one of the letters of Guy of Bazoches.<a id='r1559'></a><a href='#f1559' class='c015'><sup>[1559]</sup></a> “The
+city,” Guy writes, “lies in the lap of a delightful valley crowned
+on both sides by hills which Ceres and Bacchus make beautiful,
+striving with one another in their eagerness. The Seine, by no
+means a humble stream among a host of rivers, takes its rise in
+the east and in mid-course divides its proud current into two
+branches, thus making an island out of the center of the city.
+Two suburbs stretch forth on either side, and even the lesser of
+these arouses the envy of many an envious town which it surpasses.
+Connecting each suburb with the island is a bridge of
+stone, the name of which is derived from the amount of traffic
+that falls to its lot. The bridge facing the north, the sea, and
+England is styled the ‘great bridge’ and the one which faces the
+Loire on the opposite side is called the ‘little bridge.’” The
+so-called great bridge—</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c017'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'><span class='pageno' id='Page_332'>332</span>“Densely crowded with a wealthy, bargaining throng,</div>
+    </div>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>       ·       ·       ·       ·       ·</div>
+    </div>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>Swarms with boats, groans under riches, overflows</div>
+      <div class='line'>With merchandise: for lo! there is nowhere its equal!”</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c018'>The little bridge, on the other hand, is given over to walkers,
+strollers, and disputers of logic. On the narrow strip of land that
+forms the island the royal palace towers up to lofty heights and
+audaciously overlooks with its shoulders the roofs of the whole
+city. Reverence for it is commanded not so much by the marvelous
+structure of the building as by the noble authority of its
+rule.</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c017'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“This is that house, the glory of the Franks, whose</div>
+      <div class='line'>Praises the eternal centuries will sing.</div>
+      <div class='line'>This is that house which holds in its power</div>
+      <div class='line'>Gaul mighty in war, Flanders magnificent in wealth.</div>
+      <div class='line'>This is that house whose scepter the Burgundian,</div>
+      <div class='line'>Whose mandate the Norman, and whose arms the Briton fears.”</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c018'>The description of Paris closes with a tribute to the island, from
+ancient times the home of philosophy and of the seven sisters—the
+liberal arts.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Alsace</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Godfrey of Viterbo seems to have known something of Alsace,
+whose attractions and beauties he highly praised.<a id='r1560'></a><a href='#f1560' class='c015'><sup>[1560]</sup></a> The Rhine,
+he said, is enlivened with shipping. Flowing into Alsace from
+Basel it laves with its waters wide fields through varied stretches
+of landscape and traverses a rich countryside. To cross this
+region takes a traveler three beautiful days’ journey, and such
+vineyards as flourish there the poet sees nowhere else in the world,
+and the grainfields are marvelous in their fertility. It is a land
+that can be aptly compared with “Liguria” (Lombardy), for in
+like manner it is naturally defended by rivers and mountains.
+The Lord, in his special love for Alsace, had made its plain stand
+preëminent in beauty among the plains of the world. The
+population is extremely numerous, and so great are the riches of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_333'>333</span>the people that England and Denmark look thither for markets.
+Dominating the whole country is the city of Argentina (Strasburg),
+through which flows the river Ill, rushing to pour forth
+its water into the Rhine.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Southern France</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>We find various passages in the <i>Otia imperialia</i> of Gervase of
+Tilbury revealing his familiarity with the south of France. On
+two different occasions Gervase speaks of the three mouths of the
+Rhone, which enclose the Sucades (or Sicades) Islands, “commonly
+called the Camargae.”<a id='r1561'></a><a href='#f1561' class='c015'><sup>[1561]</sup></a> The earth here is rich in salt
+of a high quality, and the region as a whole is incomparable for its
+sea and pond fishing, for the hunting of game and birds, and for
+its pastures.<a id='r1562'></a><a href='#f1562' class='c015'><sup>[1562]</sup></a> Orosius<a id='r1563'></a><a href='#f1563' class='c015'><sup>[1563]</sup></a> and Isidore<a id='r1564'></a><a href='#f1564' class='c015'><sup>[1564]</sup></a> had mentioned the
+Sicades, undoubtedly having in mind the Stoechades of the
+ancient geographers, or what are now either the Iles d’Hyères or
+else, possibly, the small islets just outside the harbor of Marseilles.
+Gervase, on the other hand, identifies them undeniably
+with the flat alluvial islands of the Rhone delta, the largest of
+which is now called Camargue, as in Gervase’s day. He also
+mentions the famous church of Saints Martha and Mary Magdalene
+on this isle, then, as at present, a much frequented shrine
+of pilgrimage.<a id='r1565'></a><a href='#f1565' class='c015'><sup>[1565]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Gervase knew something of the Narbonnese.<a id='r1566'></a><a href='#f1566' class='c015'><sup>[1566]</sup></a> On the authority
+of the <i>De imagine mundi</i><a id='r1567'></a><a href='#f1567' class='c015'><sup>[1567]</sup></a> he states that this province
+was called <i>togata</i> because of the length of the togas worn there,
+but adds that the description was no longer apt, because in his
+time the natives wore shorter garments.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Concerning Provence, Gervase made observations intended to
+impress on the Emperor Otto some idea of the strategic importance
+of this territory to his empire.<a id='r1568'></a><a href='#f1568' class='c015'><sup>[1568]</sup></a> We have here an example
+of medieval political and strategic geography, based in this case
+not on classical authority but on what the writer actually had
+observed and thought. The argument, curiously enough, arose
+out of the discussion we have already mentioned<a id='r1569'></a><a href='#f1569' class='c015'><sup>[1569]</sup></a> of the effects
+of the <i>mistral</i> on the character of the people of the lower Rhone
+valley. Gervase concluded that not only does the atmosphere
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_334'>334</span>exert an influence on everything upon which it bears down but
+also that every weight, whether material or spiritual, affects in
+some manner the objects upon which it rests. This led him to
+warn Otto that it would be advisable to moderate his <i>imperium</i>
+over Provence in order to propitiate the people. This should be
+done because the strategic position of that country—the old
+Kingdom of Arles—is of such nature that it might prove either a
+great menace or else a great benefit to the unity of the empire.
+Though admirably situated to threaten France, Gervase explained
+that Provence is subject to easy invasion by land from
+Spain, by sea from Africa, or across the Alpine passes from Italy.
+The character of the people, furthermore, makes it particularly
+important that they should be handled with circumspection.
+The Provençaux are shrewd in council and effective in whatever
+enterprise they undertake but false to their promises and without
+military strength; owing to their poverty largely dependent on
+charity (<i>pro sua paupertate in cibando larga</i>); insidious in
+crime (<i>nocenda</i>); but calm in the face of trouble. If they
+have a stable ruler whom they honor, no race is more quickly
+turned by good impulses, but no other race is more prone to evil
+when not blessed by such a ruler. In addition, their land is
+worth holding for its own sake, fruitful as it is above all countries
+in its seas, fish, meats, and all kinds of hunting, precious stones,
+swamps, lakes, mountains, rivers, springs and groves, and delicious
+in its woods and pastures.<a id='r1570'></a><a href='#f1570' class='c015'><sup>[1570]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><i>ISLANDS OF THE ATLANTIC OCEAN</i></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The Romans had discovered the Canary and Madeira groups
+and, owing to the mild climate and favorable conditions, had
+associated them with the “Islands of the Blest” of Greek mythology
+and hence had come to call them the “Fortunate Isles.”
+In the Middle Ages these isles passed again into the realm of the
+unknown, though their memory lingered on to adorn the Western
+Ocean on the Beatus maps, together with more fabulous isles and
+to serve as the datum point for the western prime meridian.
+The Cape Verde group and the Azores were utterly unknown.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_335'>335</span>On most of the maps of the world of our period the islands are
+arbitrarily squeezed within narrow confines of the encircling
+ocean, and no attempt is made to represent them in their relative
+positions or to indicate their distinctive shapes. On the St.
+Sever Beatus map<a id='r1571'></a><a href='#f1571' class='c015'><sup>[1571]</sup></a> all islands are shaped like sausages (see
+Fig. 2, p. 69, above), whether in the Mediterranean or in the
+ocean. Ireland lies off the coast of Spain and is designated as
+“Insula Hibernia ab Scotorum gentibus colitur;” Britain, separated
+from the coasts of Frisia, Gaul, Aquitania, and Gascony
+by an “Oceanus Britannicus,” is said to be 800 miles long by 200
+broad—figures taken from Orosius,<a id='r1572'></a><a href='#f1572' class='c015'><sup>[1572]</sup></a> who got them from Pliny.<a id='r1573'></a><a href='#f1573' class='c015'><sup>[1573]</sup></a>
+Five cities are equally spaced from north to south, London,
+Lincoln, Wroxeter, Seaton, and “Condeaco” (?). Indeed,
+among the maps of the world the only one which represents the
+British Isles in recognizable outline is the Cotton,<a id='r1574'></a><a href='#f1574' class='c015'><sup>[1574]</sup></a> and this
+probably dates from long before our period. Here we may note,
+in pleasing contrast to the absurdities we find elsewhere, such
+features as the westward extension of Cornwall and Devon and
+of Scotland; Ireland in its correct position and approximately its
+correct size; the Orkneys to the north of Scotland, and even
+Man and the Scilly Isles.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>British Isles</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The medieval reader of the <i>De imagine mundi</i> could certainly
+have gained no very accurate impression from the chapter devoted
+to the British Isles. This is worth translation in order to
+demonstrate the utter futility and antiquated character of this
+much-quoted and at one time, perhaps, unduly popular work:<a id='r1575'></a><a href='#f1575' class='c015'><sup>[1575]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>“Over against Spain toward the setting sun are the following
+islands in the ocean: Britain, England, Hibernia, Thanet—the
+earth of which, wherever it may be carried, will destroy serpents—the
+thirty-three Orkneys on the Arctic Circle where the solstice
+occurs, Scotia and Chile (Thule)....” This is all the
+<i>De imagine mundi</i> tells us of the British Isles!</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>For more ample data we must look to such native authorities
+as Giraldus Cambrensis, Alexander Neckam, Gervase of Tilbury,
+Matthew Paris, and the various British historians and chroniclers.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_336'>336</span>Gervase of Tilbury adds some details from Geoffrey of Monmouth
+to the brief notices which he took from Orosius on the
+dimensions of Britannia Major.<a id='r1576'></a><a href='#f1576' class='c015'><sup>[1576]</sup></a> His account, though not
+thoroughly up-to-date in any sense of the term, is fuller and less
+misleading than that of the <i>De imagine mundi</i>; and we certainly
+do not gain from it any impression like the one we derive from
+the latter work, that Britain, England, and Scotland are three
+distinct islands. Geoffrey of Monmouth had told how Great
+Britain—as distinguished from Britannia Minor, or Armorica
+(Brittany) on the Gallic side of the Britannic sea—was divided
+in ancient times into four parts: Cornwall (Cornubia) to the west;
+Cambria, called vulgarly Wallia, to the north of this; Albania,
+called also Scotia, in the far north; and Loegria, or Loegrino,
+called also Anglia, in the middle and south; and that the rivers
+dividing these provinces were the Waja (Wye), Sabrinus (Severn),
+Boecura (?), and Deia (Dee).</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Cities of Britain</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Alexander Neckam, in the <i>De laudibus divinae sapientiae</i>, also
+regales us with a rambling poetical description of the marvels of
+Britain and of its principal cities.<a id='r1577'></a><a href='#f1577' class='c015'><sup>[1577]</sup></a> Fame, he says, rejoices in
+placing Exeter before all other cities: but as for himself he would
+give New Troy (London) the first place, on account of its glory,
+wealth, customs, charm, and situation. The walls of London, he
+adds, would be worthy to hold a Helen. Among other famous
+cities he mentions Winchester, known in early times for its
+wealth, and also Canterbury, York, Lincoln, Durham (famous for
+its associations with the Venerable Bede), Gloucester, Verolamia
+(St. Albans), where took place the martyrdom of St. Alban, and
+Colchester. In the same poem Neckam discourses on the
+streams of England and Ireland when discussing the principal
+rivers of the world.<a id='r1578'></a><a href='#f1578' class='c015'><sup>[1578]</sup></a> In connection with the Thames, he retells
+the mythological story of the founding of London. The Severn,
+he says, delights in the cities of Worcester and Gloucester on its
+banks, and its waters are augmented by those of the Usk. He
+points out that Britain contains several streams named Avon
+besides the one upon which Bath stands; that the Trent sends its
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_337'>337</span>fish to London; and that the Humber, unsafe for shipping on account
+of its tides, disdains to see a city but flows through the
+open fields.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Giraldus Cambrensis on Ireland and Wales</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Gervase of Tilbury and Alexander Neckam give us more or less
+hackneyed and stereotyped descriptions of the British Isles. Far
+greater originality is revealed in the works of Giraldus Cambrensis.
+In many other connections we have spoken of the <i>Topographia
+Hiberniae</i> and <i>Descriptio Kambriae</i>, which are the most
+complete and satisfactory geographical descriptions of limited
+regions dating from our period. The introduction of a long series
+of fables into the treatise on Ireland tends to blind us to the merits
+of those parts of the work that have real scientific or historical
+value. In the beginning of the second “Distinctio” of the
+<i>Topographia Hiberniae</i>, Giraldus says that, as the prodigies of
+the East have long since been made familiar by the writings of
+diligent authors, he proposes to throw some light on the prodigies
+of the West. This he proceeds to do in a highly competent manner,
+wholly in keeping with the style of Solinus, that master
+among the “diligent authors” to whom he refers. The Englishman
+of the time who sat down with Giraldus’ work on Ireland
+before him gathered from it quite as much fabulous and fantastic
+lore as he could have gathered from the pages of Solinus, but in
+this case it was lore of countries near at hand. It would almost
+seem that Giraldus, like a novelist, deliberately set out to throw a
+glamour of romance over familiar scenes and places. But, however
+this may be, Giraldus, unlike his model, Solinus, was more
+than a mere spinner of yarns. His works show that in many respects
+he was a close and accurate, if not always critical, observer;
+and certainly he had a vivid and lively interest in nature
+and mankind.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Ireland</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Ireland, he writes, after Britain is the largest of islands. It
+lies one rather short day’s journey to the west of Wales. Between
+Ulster and Galloway in Scotland the intervening arm of the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_338'>338</span>sea narrows to about half its average width, and the promontories
+on either side can be seen across the straits in clear weather.
+South of Ireland, at three days’ sailing, is Spain; and northward
+at an equal distance, Iceland, the greatest of the northern isles.<a id='r1579'></a><a href='#f1579' class='c015'><sup>[1579]</sup></a>
+Cut off by the sea, Ireland is almost like another world and contains
+many phenomena not found elsewhere.<a id='r1580'></a><a href='#f1580' class='c015'><sup>[1580]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>After discussing in detail various earlier theories about the
+dimensions of Ireland—what Solinus, Orosius, Isidore, and Bede
+had said<a id='r1581'></a><a href='#f1581' class='c015'><sup>[1581]</sup></a>—Giraldus proceeds to give some observations of his
+own on the healthful qualities of the climate, the character of the
+terrain,<a id='r1582'></a><a href='#f1582' class='c015'><sup>[1582]</sup></a> and the fertility<a id='r1583'></a><a href='#f1583' class='c015'><sup>[1583]</sup></a> and products of the soil. Ireland is
+a land full of pastures and of rich meadows flowing with milk and
+honey; wine is drunk there, but, as there are no vineyards, it has
+to be imported from Poitou in exchange for ox-hides and the skins
+of other cattle and of wild beasts. Owing to the presence of a
+certain poisonous wild yew tree and also to the violence of the
+rainy winds, not nearly so many bees are kept in Ireland as one
+would expect.<a id='r1584'></a><a href='#f1584' class='c015'><sup>[1584]</sup></a> Giraldus also remarks that there are more
+lakes in Ireland than in any other country,<a id='r1585'></a><a href='#f1585' class='c015'><sup>[1585]</sup></a> a statement which,
+though perhaps not true literally, shows that he was aware of one
+of the differences, if not of the reasons for the difference, between
+glaciated and nonglaciated countries. These lakes and the rivers
+abound in fish, many of which are peculiar to the island.<a id='r1586'></a><a href='#f1586' class='c015'><sup>[1586]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Giraldus gives a legendary account of the clearing of the Irish
+forests in the days of Partholan,<a id='r1587'></a><a href='#f1587' class='c015'><sup>[1587]</sup></a> who was supposed to have
+come there only three hundred years after the Deluge. At that
+time the whole landscape—with the exception of a few mountains—was
+covered by an immense forest; and even in his own
+time, Giraldus adds, the area under cultivation was very restricted
+in comparison with the woodlands.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>His attitude toward the Irish people is neither sympathetic nor
+complimentary.<a id='r1588'></a><a href='#f1588' class='c015'><sup>[1588]</sup></a> A rude and inhospitable race, he says, they
+live like beasts and have scarcely advanced beyond a primitive
+pastoral stage of civilization. Their fields are used only to a
+limited extent for pastures, even less for raising of flowers, and
+less still for the sowing and cultivation of crops. What cultivated
+fields there are, are very poor; but this condition is the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_339'>339</span>fault of the farmers rather than the result of defects in the soil,
+which is extremely fertile. There are few fruit trees, the metallic
+veins of the country are not worked, and there are neither manufacturing,
+trade, nor mechanical arts. But the people are great
+musicians!<a id='r1589'></a><a href='#f1589' class='c015'><sup>[1589]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We ought not to place too much faith in the accuracy of this
+account of the Irish people. As Dimock points out in his introduction
+to the “Rolls Series” edition of the <i>Topographia</i>, Giraldus’
+acquaintance with them was in all probability limited to a
+few clergy and to those elements of the population who could
+still submit “to exist in degradation under the grinding rule of
+the English invaders.”<a id='r1590'></a><a href='#f1590' class='c015'><sup>[1590]</sup></a> Giraldus was also prejudiced by the
+feeling of contempt for a supposedly “inferior race” which
+nearly always results from the conquest of one people by another.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Though his travels in Ireland were not extensive, the Welshman
+had acquired a superficial and inexact acquaintance with
+the topographical features of the island and, in particular, with
+its river systems.<a id='r1591'></a><a href='#f1591' class='c015'><sup>[1591]</sup></a> The existence of nine principal rivers, he
+says, dates back to the earliest times, although more recently
+other streams of no less size had sprung into being. The Shannon
+is by far the most important. Rising in a large and beautiful
+lake which divides Munster from Connaught, it separates into
+two branches that run off in opposite directions. One turns
+south and, forming the border between the two parts of Munster,
+flows into “St. Brandan’s Sea.” The other divides Meath and
+Connaught from Ulster and after a winding course debouches
+into the Northern Ocean. The western quarter of the island is
+thus separated from the other parts by this “mediterranean
+river” (<i>mediterraneum flumen</i>) from sea to sea. Giraldus was
+accused in the seventeenth century by a violent Irishman<a id='r1592'></a><a href='#f1592' class='c015'><sup>[1592]</sup></a> of
+either “raving or dreaming” when he made the Shannon divide
+Ulster from Connaught. It has nevertheless been shown that,
+though the Welshman’s hydrographic theories were false, there
+was some justification for his mistaken statements. Certainly,
+from very near the headwaters of the Shannon other rivers flow
+away to the north, and a hasty observer might easily have believed
+them to arise from the same source.<a id='r1593'></a><a href='#f1593' class='c015'><sup>[1593]</sup></a></p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_340'>340</span>
+  <h6 class='c014'><i>Wales</i></h6>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Giraldus was far better acquainted with his native country,
+Wales, about which his two treatises give us much accurate
+information regarding the mountain ranges and river systems,
+the types of terrain, and the character and customs of the
+people. He brings out the contrast between North and South
+Wales.<a id='r1594'></a><a href='#f1594' class='c015'><sup>[1594]</sup></a> South Wales, he says, is pleasanter by reason of its
+flat plains, but North Wales is stronger in its defenses, more
+productive of powerful men, and also more fertile. Merioneth,
+however, and the land of Canani are the roughest and most
+inaccessible of all parts of Wales.<a id='r1595'></a><a href='#f1595' class='c015'><sup>[1595]</sup></a> The Welsh people dwell for
+the most part in sequestered isolation and not in cities, villages,
+or castles.<a id='r1596'></a><a href='#f1596' class='c015'><sup>[1596]</sup></a> Their houses are of the simplest construction.
+They possess neither gardens nor orchards, and the land is little
+used for aught else than pasturage. The inequalities and
+natural defensive strength of the ground make Wales a very
+difficult region to conquer.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The character of the topographic detail which Giraldus gives
+reveals his extensive personal acquaintance with the country.
+We have already had occasion to mention<a id='r1597'></a><a href='#f1597' class='c015'><sup>[1597]</sup></a> his graphic description
+of the mountains around the Lake of Brecknock, of the
+valley of Ewyas, of the quicksands and submerged forests along
+the southern coast, and of the pasturage on Snowdon. His
+knowledge of the Welsh rivers (Severn, Wye, Usk, Dee), the
+mountains in which they take their source, and their courses
+seaward was far more accurate than his knowledge of the streams
+of Ireland. Certainly among the works of our period there is
+none that vies with the <i>Descriptio Kambriae</i> either in richness
+and correctness of detail or in vividness of presentation.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We must say a few words about a chapter which Giraldus
+introduces on the dialects spoken in Wales,<a id='r1598'></a><a href='#f1598' class='c015'><sup>[1598]</sup></a> the only discussion
+of linguistic geography that the writer has found in
+the literature of the time.<a id='r1599'></a><a href='#f1599' class='c015'><sup>[1599]</sup></a> The Welshman points out that the
+British tongue spoken in North Wales is more delicate, beautiful,
+and generally more praiseworthy than that spoken elsewhere,
+because this region had been subjected to the intermixture of
+foreign peoples. The speech of Cardiganshire, however, though
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_341'>341</span>this province lies in the heart of South Wales, was also said to be
+very distinguished and praiseworthy. The natives of Cornwall
+and Brittany made use of tongues much alike and nearly always
+comprehensible to the Welsh, because originally the language
+of all these people was the same. Cornish and Breton, however,
+in so far as they were more lacking in delicacy and form than
+Welsh, approached more closely to the ancient British idiom.
+Similarly the English spoken in southern England, and especially
+in Devonshire, seemed to Giraldus to be far less correct and more
+archaic than the tongue of the northern parts of the island,
+which had been modified by the incursions of the Danes and
+Northmen. We thus see that Giraldus was broad-minded
+enough to grant that a language could be materially enriched
+by contact with alien speech and by the infusion of foreign
+expressions.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>William Fitzstephen on London</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Any discussion of the medieval geographical lore of the British
+Isles would be inadequate without some mention of a famous account
+of London that forms part of the preface of William Fitzstephen’s
+life of Thomas à Becket.<a id='r1600'></a><a href='#f1600' class='c015'><sup>[1600]</sup></a> The highly colored picture
+that William draws surpasses in superlatives Guy of Bazoches’
+contemporary description of Paris.<a id='r1601'></a><a href='#f1601' class='c015'><sup>[1601]</sup></a> Even in the twelfth century
+local pride might lead to the innocent exaggeration of merit.
+William tells us that “among the noble cities of the world celebrated
+by Fame, the city of London in the kingdom of the English
+is the one seat that pours out its fame more widely, sends to
+farther lands its wealth and trade, lifts its head higher than the
+rest.” He goes on to specify how fortunate is London in its
+mild climate, piety, fortifications, site, manners and customs, and
+the character of its citizens. London’s piety is shown by the
+presence not only of an episcopal church but of no less than thirteen
+“larger conventual churches besides one hundred and
+twenty-six lesser parish churches.” “Above all other citizens,”
+he says, “the citizens of London are regarded as conspicuous and
+noteworthy for handsomeness of manners and of dress, at table
+and in the way of speaking. The city matrons are true Sabine
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_342'>342</span>women.” The city is very well organized so that the different
+businesses are distributed in different quarters. In the suburbs
+are “spacious and beautiful gardens” “planted with trees.”
+To the north lie pastures and meadowland with streams flowing
+through them, “where the turning wheels of mills are put in
+motion with a cheerful sound.” “The tilled lands of the city
+are not barren gravel but fat plains of Asia that make crops
+luxuriant and fill their tillers’ barns with Ceres’ sheaves.”
+Nevertheless “very near lies a great forest with woodland pasture,
+coverts of wild animals, stags, fallow deer, boars, and wild bulls”
+(Morley’s translation).<a id='r1602'></a><a href='#f1602' class='c015'><sup>[1602]</sup></a> In the long account of the sports of
+the London youth with which William Fitzstephen closes we see
+that even at this early period the English were devoted to outdoor
+athletics and games. Besides shows and cockfights we are told in
+detail of ball games, gymnastics, wrestling, dancing, and more
+strenuous horseback exercises, sham battles, tourneys, and combats
+in the water with lances. In winter, when the “great fen
+or moor which waters the walls of the city on the north side” was
+frozen, boys and girls engaged in sports upon the ice. Nor
+were young people alone interested in athletics, for in the twelfth,
+as in the twentieth century, “the ancient and wealthy men of the
+town came forth to see the sport of the young men and to take
+part of the pleasure in beholding their agility” (Stow’s translation).<a id='r1603'></a><a href='#f1603' class='c015'><sup>[1603]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Matthew Paris’ Maps of Britain</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>If Giraldus Cambrensis’ treatises are the best descriptions of
+regional geography in the literature of our period, the best regional
+maps were also the work of a native of the British Isles.
+In their relative accuracy and fullness of detail, as well as in their
+freedom from servile dependence on acknowledged authorities,
+Matthew Paris’ three maps of Britain occupy a place by themselves
+in medieval cartography. By far the best way to gain an
+idea of what they are like is to examine them in reproduction<a id='r1604'></a><a href='#f1604' class='c015'><sup>[1604]</sup></a>
+(one herewith in Fig. 9). It will not be amiss, however, to point
+out a few significant details.</p>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id002'>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_343'>343</span>
+<a href='images/i_343_hr.jpg'><img src='images/i_343.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p><span class='sc'>Fig. 9</span>—One of the three maps of Britain by Matthew Paris, that on London Codex Claud. D VI, folio 8 vo. (From Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, fig. 23).</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'>On one map a legend in the middle informs us that “Britain,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_344'>344</span>which includes Scotia, Galloway, and Wales, is now called England.”<a id='r1605'></a><a href='#f1605' class='c015'><sup>[1605]</sup></a>
+Another legend on a different map gives the dimensions
+(800 miles in length from St. Michael in Cornwall to Caithness,
+and 300 miles from St. David’s to Dover)<a id='r1606'></a><a href='#f1606' class='c015'><sup>[1606]</sup></a> and says that
+there are two archiepiscopal and thirty-two episcopal sees. The
+outlines of the coasts are in general admirably shown, especially
+the west coast, with the westward-reaching promontories of
+Galloway, Wales, and Cornwall. The east coast is less satisfactory,
+for neither the indentation of the Wash nor the broad
+eastward projection of Norfolk appear, and by some confusion a
+point on the coast of Suffolk is taken as the southeastern corner
+of Britain, with the result that the Thames is shown as debouching
+into the English Channel. In the far north, the sketchy
+outlines of Scotland show that relatively little was known of this
+remote part of the island. Indeed, on two of the maps the Firths
+of Clyde and Forth join in such a way as to cut off “Scocia Ultramarina”
+from the remainder of Britain, with which it is connected
+by a bridge (see Fig. 9). The courses of the main rivers, Severn,
+Humber, Avon, Thames, on the whole are well delineated. A
+large tract in the east is labeled <i>mariscus</i> to designate the Fen
+country, and the mountains Snowdon, Plynlimon, and Cheviot
+appear in their correct positions.<a id='r1607'></a><a href='#f1607' class='c015'><sup>[1607]</sup></a> The northern Scottish Highlands
+are described by long legends as mountainous and woody
+regions which generate an uncultivated and pastoral people, inasmuch
+as a great part of this area is boggy and full of reeds.<a id='r1608'></a><a href='#f1608' class='c015'><sup>[1608]</sup></a>
+Argyll is a “trackless and watery district well adapted to cattle
+and pasturage,”<a id='r1609'></a><a href='#f1609' class='c015'><sup>[1609]</sup></a> and South Wales is spoken of in much the
+same terms.<a id='r1610'></a><a href='#f1610' class='c015'><sup>[1610]</sup></a> Among the islands off the coast we notice Sheppey,
+Thanet, Wight, possibly some of the Channel Islands, Portland
+Head, Scilly, Lundy, Anglesey, Man, Tiree, Iona, and, to the
+east of Scotland, the Orkneys.<a id='r1611'></a><a href='#f1611' class='c015'><sup>[1611]</sup></a> The Hebrides are conspicuously
+absent, and in their place a legend reads “immense and
+trackless sea.” A large number of cities are placed more or less
+in their proper positions, together with the names of counties
+and other territorial divisions; and finally the Roman walls from
+Forth to Clyde and from Carlisle to Newcastle make the most
+prominent feature among the works of man.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_345'>345</span>
+  <h6 class='c014'><i>Orkneys and Shetlands</i></h6>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Returning to Giraldus, we find that among the islands in the
+neighborhood of Britain he mentions Man, Mona (or Anglesey),
+the Orkneys, and the Shetlands. Man, he remarks, should be
+considered as belonging to Britain and not to Ireland. His
+criterion for so assigning it was the fact that its earth does not
+resemble the earth of Ireland in the property of killing venomous
+reptiles.<a id='r1612'></a><a href='#f1612' class='c015'><sup>[1612]</sup></a> The Orkneys and Shetlands,<a id='r1613'></a><a href='#f1613' class='c015'><sup>[1613]</sup></a> in the northern ocean
+beyond Ulster and Galloway, were subject to the Norwegian
+king, through whose piracy and prowess at sea they were held
+in submission even though geographically they lay nearer the
+coasts of other countries. Giraldus quotes Orosius and Isidore
+to the effect that, of the thirty-three Orkneys, thirteen were inhabited
+and twenty deserted, and he added that in his day, also,
+the greater part of these isles were uninhabited.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Iceland and Thule</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Giraldus writes of Iceland, three days’ sail to the north of
+Ireland, and gives a few details regarding its people.<a id='r1614'></a><a href='#f1614' class='c015'><sup>[1614]</sup></a> The
+speech of the Icelanders was brief and truthful and they rarely
+made oath; their king was the equivalent of a priest; and government
+was in the hands of a bishop. Though thunder and lightning
+were rare in this distant isle, there was another curse far
+more terrible: volcanic eruptions and lava flows.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Apparently Giraldus did not associate Iceland with the Thule
+of the ancients, an isle which he was at a loss to identify.<a id='r1615'></a><a href='#f1615' class='c015'><sup>[1615]</sup></a> In
+regard to the latter, he remarked that it was strange that this
+island, the nature of which was so well known to the Orientals,
+should remain unknown to the people of the West. After quoting
+what Solinus and Isidore had written about it, he added that no
+island familiar to the men of the Occident partook of the qualities
+which these writers attributed to Thule and that consequently it
+must either be fabulous—as well as famous, he naively remarks—or
+else hidden away in the far corners of the Boreal Ocean under
+the Arctic Pole.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The Emperor Frederick II in his treatise on falconry says
+that the gerfalcons come from a certain island between Norway
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_346'>346</span>and Gallandia (Greenland) called in Teutonic “Islandia,” which
+may be translated as “frozen” or “region of ice.”<a id='r1616'></a><a href='#f1616' class='c015'><sup>[1616]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>Iceland in Icelandic Literature</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>Long prior to the beginning of our period Iceland had become
+the home of an enterprising and cultivated Scandinavian people.
+From its shores pilgrims found their way to Italy and the Holy
+Land, and navigators sailed westward into the more mysterious
+recesses of the ocean. The Sagas give us data regarding these
+voyages and incidentally throw light on the geographical concepts
+in the minds of the Northern peoples concerning the seas
+and islands of the North. The <i>Ílendingabók</i> of Ari Frodhi,
+dating from shortly after 1134, tells of the first Norse visit to
+Iceland in 870 by Ingolf. Ari mentions it as significant that “at
+that time Iceland was clothed with forest from the mountains to
+the strand,” and that “there were Christian men here, whom the
+Norsemen called Papar” (Nansen’s translation).<a id='r1617'></a><a href='#f1617' class='c015'><sup>[1617]</sup></a> It was supposed
+that these men came from the British Isles because here
+were found Irish books, bells, and crooks. In the <i>Historia de
+antiquitate regum Norwagiensium</i> of the monk Theodricus we are
+told that certain merchants in the time of Harold Fairhair had
+sailed to the Faroes but were driven out to sea by storms and
+came “to a far distant land, which some think to have been the
+island of Thule; but I cannot either confirm or deny this, as I do
+not know the true state of the matter. They landed and wandered
+far and wide; but although they climbed mountains, they
+nowhere found trace of human habitation” (Nansen’s translation).<a id='r1618'></a><a href='#f1618' class='c015'><sup>[1618]</sup></a>
+In the <i>Historia Norwegiae</i>, dating probably from the
+thirteenth century, we are told that “next, to the west, comes the
+great island which by the Italians is called Ultima Tile; but now
+it is inhabited by a considerable multitude, while formerly it was
+waste land, and unknown to men, until the time of Harold
+Fairhair” (Nansen’s translation).<a id='r1619'></a><a href='#f1619' class='c015'><sup>[1619]</sup></a> In the <i>Landnámabók</i>, of
+about 1200, we have a vivid account of the first Norwegian discoverers’
+ascent of a high mountain in this remote land. They
+“looked around them, whether they could see smoke or any sign
+that the land was inhabited, and they saw nothing.... As
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_347'>347</span>they sailed from the land much snow fell upon the mountains,
+and therefore they called the land Snowland” (Nansen’s translation).<a id='r1620'></a><a href='#f1620' class='c015'><sup>[1620]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Greenland</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Greenland had been discovered about the year 900. In our
+period the southwestern coast had become the seat of two small
+settlements, the ruins of which may be seen at the present time.<a id='r1621'></a><a href='#f1621' class='c015'><sup>[1621]</sup></a>
+The population was not great (less than two thousand), and yet
+this far outpost of European civilization was large enough to be
+constituted an independent bishopric about the year 1110.
+From its settlements, certainly during and after the thirteenth
+century and probably in the course of our period as well, regular
+summer seal-hunting expeditions were made to the north along
+the coast, perhaps as far as Baffin’s Bay. The icebound east
+coast of Greenland, on the other hand, was avoided by the
+Scandinavian seafarers, although we read of frequent shipwrecks
+there. There is also a report of a seal-hunting trip to this coast
+made in 1129. From the mid-thirteenth century dates the
+work called the <i>King’s Mirror</i>, which gives us a vivid account of
+the ice floes and icebergs that beset the inhospitable eastern
+shore.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>“Now in that same sea [i.e. the Greenland Sea] there are yet
+many more marvels, even though they cannot be accounted for
+by witchcraft [skrimslum]. So soon as the greater part of the
+sea has been traversed, there is found such a mass of ice as I
+know not the like of anywhere else in the world. This ice [i.e.
+the ice-floes] is some of it as flat as if it had frozen on the sea
+itself, four or five cubits thick, and lies so far from land [i.e. from
+the east coast of Greenland] that men may have four or five days’
+journey across the ice [to land]. But this ice lies off the land
+rather to the northeast (landnorr) or north than to the south,
+southwest, or west; and therefore anyone wishing to make the
+land should sail round it [i.e. round Cape Farewell] in a southwesterly
+and westerly direction, until he is past the danger of
+[encountering] all this ice, and then sail thence to land. But it
+has constantly happened that men have tried to make the land
+too soon, and so have been involved in these ice-floes; and some
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_348'>348</span>have perished in them; but others again have got out, and we
+have seen some of these and heard their tales and reports....
+These ice-floes are strange in their nature; sometimes they lie as
+still as might be expected, separated by creeks or large fjords; but
+sometimes they move with as great rapidity as a ship with a fair
+wind, and when once they are under way they travel against the
+wind as often as with it. There are, indeed, some masses of ice
+in that sea of another shape, which the Greenlanders call ‘fall-jökla.’
+Their appearance is that of a high mountain rising out
+of the sea, and they do not unite themselves to other masses of
+ice, but keep apart” (Nansen’s translation).<a id='r1622'></a><a href='#f1622' class='c015'><sup>[1622]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Polar Seas</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In the boreal parts of the Atlantic the Northern writers of our
+period placed great whirlpools and fabulous countries peopled by
+monsters. Adam of Bremen tells of the explorations of certain
+noblemen of Friesland during the time of the predecessor of
+archbishop Adalbert of Bremen. Sailing beyond Iceland “towards
+the extreme axis of the north&#160;... they suddenly
+glided into the misty darkness of the stiffened ocean, which can
+scarcely be penetrated by the eye” (Nansen’s translation).<a id='r1623'></a><a href='#f1623' class='c015'><sup>[1623]</sup></a>
+Here they were caught by a terrible current and were almost
+sucked into the vortex of the deep, only to be thrown forth away
+from danger by a reverse tidal current. Thence they came to an
+island, fortified like a town, where they found a race of giants
+whom they called Cyclopes and from whom they barely were able
+to make their escape. Saxo Grammaticus, writing about 1200,
+tells of the voyage of a legendary King Gorm of Denmark and an
+Icelander Thorkill to an even more mysterious region called
+“Farther Biarmaland,” north of Norway.<a id='r1624'></a><a href='#f1624' class='c015'><sup>[1624]</sup></a> Here too were
+loathsome monsters, a river dividing the land of men from the
+land of spirits, and many other wonders. In the <i>Historia Norwegiae</i>
+we are also told of a fabulous coast in the North Atlantic
+upon which sailors had landed when on the way from Iceland to
+Norway. This country lay “between the Greenlanders and the
+Bjarmas,” and the sailors “asserted that they had found people
+of extraordinary size and the land of virgins [‘virginum terram’]
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_349'>349</span>who are said to conceive when they taste water. But Greenland
+is separated from these by ice-clad skerries [‘scopulis’]” (Nansen’s
+translation).<a id='r1625'></a><a href='#f1625' class='c015'><sup>[1625]</sup></a> Yet more full of color is another description
+in the same work. Beyond Norway “there is the very deep and
+northerly gulf which has in it Charybdis, Scylla, and unavoidable
+whirlpools; there are also ice-covered promontories which plunge
+into the sea immense masses of ice that have been increased by
+heaving floods and are frozen together by the winter cold; with
+these traders often collide against their will, when making for
+Greenland, and thus they suffer shipwreck and run into danger”
+(Nansen’s translation).<a id='r1626'></a><a href='#f1626' class='c015'><sup>[1626]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Possibly these accounts in the <i>Historia Norwegiae</i> refer to
+Svalbard, “the country of the cold coasts,” mentioned in the
+<i>Landnámabók</i>.<a id='r1627'></a><a href='#f1627' class='c015'><sup>[1627]</sup></a> The discovery of Svalbard was placed by the
+<i>Icelandic Annals</i> in  1194,<a id='r1628'></a><a href='#f1628' class='c015'><sup>[1628]</sup></a> and it may well be that sailors in that
+year were driven out of their course and landed on the inhospitable
+shores of Spitsbergen.<a id='r1629'></a><a href='#f1629' class='c015'><sup>[1629]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Wineland the Good</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>The voyages of Leif Ericsson and others to the coasts of America,
+though they had taken place over a century earlier, were
+doubtless remembered by the Icelanders of the period we are
+studying. Ari Frodhi in the <i>Íslendingabók</i>, written about 1134,
+refers to Wineland and to the Skraelings as if they were entirely
+familiar to his contemporaries.<a id='r1630'></a><a href='#f1630' class='c015'><sup>[1630]</sup></a> There is also a record in the
+<i>Icelandic Annals</i>, under the date 1121, that the Bishop Eric of
+Greenland actually sought Wineland, though we are not told
+whether his search was successful or whether he made any important
+discoveries in prosecuting it.<a id='r1631'></a><a href='#f1631' class='c015'><sup>[1631]</sup></a> The detailed stories of
+the Wineland voyages which were current in oral tradition during
+the eleventh century were undeniably put into written form long
+before 1250, although the versions in which we now have them,
+the <i>Saga of Eric the Red</i> and the <i>Flatey Book</i>, are of later date.<a id='r1632'></a><a href='#f1632' class='c015'><sup>[1632]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The true position of Wineland has for many years been a matter
+of acrimonious dispute among historians and geographers, but
+it is beyond our province to enter upon this controversy. On the
+other hand, it is of interest to point out that the Icelanders themselves
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_350'>350</span>or some of them, at least, must have believed that Wineland
+lay in relatively southern latitudes, for an Icelandic geographical
+description of the world,<a id='r1633'></a><a href='#f1633' class='c015'><sup>[1633]</sup></a> dating perhaps from our
+period, contains the following remark: Not far from Markland is
+“Wineland the Good, which some affirm extends from Africa;
+and, if this is so, an arm of the sea separates Wineland and Markland.”<a id='r1634'></a><a href='#f1634' class='c015'><sup>[1634]</sup></a>
+In Europe outside of the Scandinavian countries practically
+nothing was known of Wineland. The earliest mention
+of it is in the pages of Adam of Bremen’s description of the North,
+where we read the following brief passages: “Moreover he [King
+Svend Estridsson] spoke of an island in that ocean discovered by
+many, which is called Wineland, for the reason that vines grow
+wild there, which yield the best of wine. Moreover, that grain
+unsown grows there abundantly is not a fabulous fancy, but from
+the accounts of the Danes we know to be a fact” (Reeves’s translation).<a id='r1635'></a><a href='#f1635' class='c015'><sup>[1635]</sup></a>
+Ordericus Vitalis in his <i>Historia ecclesiastica</i> includes
+Wineland in a list of countries made subject to the king of the
+Norsemen but gives no details.<a id='r1636'></a><a href='#f1636' class='c015'><sup>[1636]</sup></a></p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Adam of Bremen or a later interpolator<a id='r1637'></a><a href='#f1637' class='c015'><sup>[1637]</sup></a> adds to the passage
+just quoted a description of the Northern Ocean, which he erroneously
+places beyond Wineland. He says: “Beyond this
+island, it is said that there is no habitable land in that ocean, but
+all those regions which are beyond are filled with unsupportable
+ice and boundless gloom, to which Marcian thus refers: ‘One
+day’s sail beyond Thile the sea is frozen.’ This was essayed not
+long since by that very enterprising Northmen’s prince, Harold,
+who explored the extent of the Northern Ocean with his ship but
+was scarcely able by retreating to escape in safety from the gulf’s
+enormous abyss, where before his eyes the vanishing bounds of
+earth were hidden in gloom” (Reeves’s translation).<a id='r1638'></a><a href='#f1638' class='c015'><sup>[1638]</sup></a></p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Fabulous Isles</span></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>Until modern times the Atlantic has been an ocean filled by the
+imaginations of the coast-dwelling peoples of the Old World with
+fabulous and fantastic isles. In the <i>De imagine mundi</i> we read
+of the Isle of the Gorgons and of the Hesperides,<a id='r1639'></a><a href='#f1639' class='c015'><sup>[1639]</sup></a> “among
+which was that great land described by Plato as having been
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_351'>351</span>submerged beneath that part of the sea now coagulated—an isle
+greater in extent even than Africa and Europe.” In this story
+we recognize the old legend of Atlantis which had been the subject
+of speculation and discussion ever since the time of Plato.
+The <i>De imagine mundi</i> then goes on to speak of “Perdita,” or
+the Lost Island, which far exceeded all the surrounding countries
+in the delightfulness and fertility of all things to be found therein.
+Though as a general rule unknown to man, this isle was sometimes
+to be found by hazard, though never found when looked for.
+Hence it was called “Perdita,” or “Lost.” To it St. Brandan
+was said to have gone in the course of his wanderings.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>St. Brandan’s Isles</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>For a full account of the islands visited by St. Brandan we must
+look to the famous narration of his voyages. Ernest Renan
+poetically characterizes this legend as follows: “In the midst of
+these dreams there appears with surprising truth a feeling for the
+picturesque in polar navigations: the transparence of the sea, the
+aspects of the ice floes and icebergs melting in the sun, the volcanic
+phenomena of Iceland, the playing of the cetaceans, the
+characteristic appearance of the fiords of Norway, the sudden
+fogs, the milklike sea, green islands covered with grass which
+overhangs into the waves....”<a id='r1640'></a><a href='#f1640' class='c015'><sup>[1640]</sup></a> In the most widely known
+Latin version, which was translated into English and French
+during our period,<a id='r1641'></a><a href='#f1641' class='c015'><sup>[1641]</sup></a> we are told<a id='r1642'></a><a href='#f1642' class='c015'><sup>[1642]</sup></a> that Brandan, the abbot of a
+large monastery in Munster, received information from a certain
+Barinthus of marvelous isles that the latter had visited in the
+western seas and in particular of the “Terra repromissionis sanctorum,”
+or Saints’ Land of Promise. Taking seven companions,
+the saint set out in a ship built especially for the voyage and
+wandered for seven years from one marvelous isle to another.
+After forty days’ sailing in a northerly direction they came to an
+islet, where they entered into a narrow harbor between high and
+precipitous rocks. This harbor mouth, just wide enough to admit
+a ship, was typical of the ragged western coasts of Ireland
+and Scotland and was doubtless suggested to the poet by some
+bleak cove among the rocks of St. Kilda or the Outer Hebrides.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_352'>352</span>After leaving the islet the wanderers reached an isle covered with
+sheep—perhaps a reminiscence of the Faroes, the sheep of which
+had long before been described by Dicuil.<a id='r1643'></a><a href='#f1643' class='c015'><sup>[1643]</sup></a> Beyond this they
+came to a smooth islet lacking verdure and with no sand upon it;
+this turned out to be a sea monster, which dived beneath the
+waves when the saint and his companions tried to light a fire
+upon its back. Their fortunate escape from the monster was
+followed by wanderings that brought them to an isle full of birds
+in such numbers and of such brilliant plumage that the voyagers
+could scarce see the branches of the trees. Some of the birds
+could talk; and one spoke words of prophecy foretelling the future
+course of Brandan’s journeys. Thence they came to yet another
+isle, where they entered a port with a narrow entrance and found
+a monastery; then to an isle with a fresh-water spring which put
+each brother to sleep for a period corresponding to the number of
+cups he drank. After that they made their way still farther
+north, where the sea was coagulated, and then returned to many
+of the isles already visited in the course of their earlier sailings
+and also to fresh marvels—seas of miraculous clearness, terrible
+volcanoes, Judas’s rock, the islet of Paul the hermit.<a id='r1644'></a><a href='#f1644' class='c015'><sup>[1644]</sup></a> Finally,
+after seven whole years, they attained a broad and spacious country
+full of trees bearing apples as if it were the autumn of the
+year, a land where no night was ever known. Here a youth
+greeted Brandan and said that this was the country for which he
+had been seeking. Then Brandan sailed back to Ireland, where
+he lived out the remainder of his earthly life, and, after his death,
+returned forthwith to this “land of promise of the saints,” or
+Paradise, which for so long had been his goal.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_353'>353</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>CHAPTER XIII<br> CONCLUSION</h3>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c010'>It now remains for us to give a brief résumé of the outstanding
+elements which constituted the geographical lore of the time
+of the Crusades and to draw a few generalizations from the
+mass of details that have been set forth in the foregoing pages.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><span class='sc'>The Outstanding Elements of the Geographical Lore of the Time of the Crusades</span></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The dangers of attempting to condense the geographical
+thought of a century and a half into the compass of a few pages
+are manifest, and yet some of the more significant ideas may perhaps
+be presented without running an undue risk of over-simplification.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>According to the orthodox view of the ecclesiastics, the world
+was created by an arbitrary act of God at a certain definite point
+of time. Under the influence of classical thought, writers of the
+Chartres group of the early twelfth century worked out theories
+of the Creation according to which, though the initiative was attributed
+to God’s act, the actual Works of the Six Days were
+ascribed to the unfolding of physical processes governed by the
+laws of nature. Such theories did not meet with general acceptance,
+though they were never wholly lost sight of. The ancient
+belief in an eternally existent, periodically re-formed universe
+was not given credence, though it was well known to the
+readers of the period with which we are concerned through classical
+works in their libraries and through translations from the
+Arabic.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>It was probably the opinion of most scholars that the universe
+is a sphere in which the four elements are arranged concentrically.
+Furthermore, nearly all scholars argued that the earth likewise is
+a sphere and that they were acquainted with convincing proofs
+of this. Standing immobile in the center of the universe, the
+earth was usually supposed to be a small body in proportion to
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_354'>354</span>the entire cosmos. The surface of our globe was divided into five
+zones, two temperate, two polar—uninhabitable on account of
+the intense cold—and an equatorial zone, uninhabitable by
+reason of heat. The habitability of the equatorial zone, however,
+was affirmed by a few writers conversant with Arabic literature.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>There was a great deal of speculation regarding the characteristics
+of those parts of the world which lay beyond the <i>oikoumene</i>,
+or quarter of the globe known to Europeans. The theories of
+Macrobius and of Martianus Capella, who had divided the earth’s
+surface into four equal parts by two encircling bands of ocean,
+strongly influenced the thought of many. Macrobius and
+Martianus Capella had also believed that all of these quarters of
+the earth were inhabited but that three of them were unknown to
+members of our human race, who could not visit them owing to
+the heat of the equatorial zone and the terrors of the ocean.
+Though this theory could not be reconciled with Christian teachings
+and was strongly controverted, it nevertheless persisted,
+and many of the writers of the Crusading age undoubtedly
+shared it.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Something was known of the atmosphere. William of Conches
+wrote of its decreased density and temperature with increased
+altitude. Rainfall was explained as the result of many causes,
+among them evaporation of sea water and condensation of water
+vapor in the air, and topographic influences on rainfall were
+recognized by Giraldus Cambrensis. The winds, defined as air
+in motion, were also occasionally ascribed to the influence of
+topography. William of Conches worked out an elaborate
+theory of a general circulation of the atmosphere produced by the
+circulation of ocean currents. The impressions made upon men
+by the climatic conditions of various parts of the earth found expression
+in many passages. The cold of the North was contrasted
+with the heat of the South, and Giraldus Cambrensis gives a
+colorful comparison of the damp climate of Ireland with the
+noxious dryness of the East.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The aqueous element was supposed to be divided into two
+parts, the waters above and the waters below the firmament.
+Theodoric of Chartres and William of Conches tried to explain
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_355'>355</span>the waters above the firmament on rational grounds; others were
+inclined to take the Biblical assertions absolutely literally. The
+waters below the firmament were believed to form one unit or
+congregation of waters, and an unceasing circulation was thought
+to be maintained from the seas and oceans through subterranean
+channels and cavities of the earth to the sources of streams. As
+to the seas themselves, many ingenious explanations were
+brought forward to account for their salinity. It was understood
+that the tides are caused by the moon, though subsidiary
+causes, such as whirlpools and ocean currents, were also adduced
+to explain them. The most interesting tidal studies of the period,
+made by Giraldus Cambrensis on the shores of the Irish Sea and
+Bristol Channel, were undoubtedly the results of careful synchronous
+observations of the times of high and low water in different
+localities. Something of the spirit of the North Atlantic is conveyed
+through the pages of the legend of St. Brandan. Of the
+waters of the lands, rainfall was not usually thought sufficient to
+account for the flow of rivers, which were supposed to be fed by
+underground channels from the seas. Springs, wells, and fountains
+attracted much attention, and many are the marvels related
+about them in the literature of the age. Giraldus Cambrensis
+describes marvelous lakes in Ireland, and strange tales
+were told of lakes of Italy, Spain, and elsewhere, which, together
+with the Dead Sea and volcanic craters, were objects of fear,
+because some men believed them to be ways of ingress to the
+infernal regions.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The lands of the earth’s surface were classified in various manners.
+The author of the <i>De imagine mundi</i> mentions no less than
+six types of land surface. Different regions were supposed to
+have different effects on life: Ireland was thought to be remarkably
+healthful, and its earth to have the property of destroying
+venomous reptiles; the East, Giraldus Cambrensis would have us
+believe, is a fountain of poisons. Many medieval writers had
+an eye for the spiritual and esthetic beauties of landscape, and
+picturesque descriptions of rich cultivated scenes are not rare.
+It is doubtful, however, to what extent the grandeur of wild nature
+and of mountains was appreciated. The great majority of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_356'>356</span>men certainly regarded mountains as grim and horrible. Mountain
+climbing was not indulged in for pleasure, though we have an
+account of an ascent of Etna in the <i>Image du monde</i>. On the
+other hand, there date from this age several extremely vivid
+descriptions of the hardships encountered during journeys over
+the Alps, one of which was made in midwinter. Alfred of Sareshel
+gives in a translation from the Arabic a clear account of
+geologic processes by which mountains were formed. Volcanoes
+impressed the men of the Middle Ages. The volcanic regions of
+southern Italy and Sicily and of Iceland are frequently described,
+and St. Brandan’s legend contains what can be nothing
+else than an account of a volcanic isle. Fiery mountains were
+associated in the popular mind with entrances to Hell. Scientific
+investigators usually attributed their fires to burning beds of
+sulphur and bitumen within the mountains or else to the outbursting
+of imprisoned winds. To the action of winds in subterranean
+caverns classical authorities had ascribed the cause of
+earthquakes, and this view was accepted throughout the Middle
+Ages. Other features of the land that attracted attention were
+the deserts of the East, vividly described by the historians of the
+Crusades and in the <i>Letter of Prester John</i>, and the fabulous islands
+of the sea, especially of the unknown Atlantic. Some
+peculiarities of the movement of ice in glaciers were noted by
+Saxo Grammaticus.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The influence of geographical environment on animals and on
+man was sometimes commented upon. Bernard Sylvester emphasizes
+the control of terrain over plant and animal life. Giraldus
+Cambrensis attributes the independence and audacity of the
+Welsh to the rugged character of their country. A fatalistic
+idea is expressed in the writings of Hugh of St. Victor and of Otto
+of Freising, to the effect that the course of science, empire, and
+civilization proceeds with the heavenly bodies across the surface
+of the earth from east to west and that, as it has reached the
+uttermost confines of the West, the power of the kingdom of the
+Franks is soon destined to disappear.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Within the field of astronomical geography several methods
+were known whereby latitudes may be determined, and also the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_357'>357</span>use of observations of eclipses for ascertaining longitude was
+understood. Figures indicating the positions of points in many
+parts of the known world had been introduced to Western
+knowledge through the Moslems. It seems likely, furthermore,
+that not only were the Arabic figures borrowed by the astrological
+writers of our age but also that a new series of observations was
+made by which the latitudes as well as the longitudes of several
+stations in Western Europe were found with no small degree of
+accuracy. These figures, however, were intended to serve as
+aids for astrologers and astronomers in making their calculations,
+and we have no evidence that they were put to geographical
+use.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The cartography shows little originality. It was in no way corrected
+or checked up with reference to astronomical observations.
+Most of the maps were based on earlier models, and it is perhaps
+possible to trace their origins back to maps of the Roman Empire.
+Cartographic accuracy was not the aim of the map maker
+of the time, and we are not justified in criticizing his maps in the
+light of modern standards. They should be regarded rather as
+diagrammatic approximations. A number of conventions were
+followed, the most important of which was the representation of
+the east at the top. The maps were vividly colored; and mountains,
+rivers, and the works of man were shown by pictorial
+symbols.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We may conceive of the regional geographic knowledge of the
+age as comprised within two concentric circles: a very broad outer
+circle, which includes all those lands of which knowledge had been
+derived at second hand through literary sources; and a smaller
+inner circle including those lands which were known at first hand
+through actual travel.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The outer circle took in to the east the land of the Seres, or
+China, and the lost Atlantis to the west; to the north the regions
+of the Hyperboreans and the semi-mythical Rhipaean Mountains;
+and to the south the Mons Climax of Ptolemy and the
+mysterious upper reaches of the Nile. Nearly all that lies between
+the two circles was a vague region of fancy and fable,
+though ideas that were more or less correct prevailed about some
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_358'>358</span>parts of Western Asia, familiar ground to the men of ancient
+Greece and Rome.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The inner circle included on the east the shores of the Black
+Sea and the Holy Land; on the south, the Mediterranean fringe of
+Africa; westward it was bounded by the Atlantic coast; north-westward,
+warped somewhat out of shape, it enclosed Iceland
+and even the icy coasts of Greenland. To the north, it ran
+through Scandinavia and the Baltic. Within these bounds there
+were many gaps that were still utterly unknown; but, in general,
+politics, pilgrimage, war, and commerce had familiarized the men
+of the West with most parts of this tract. It seems a small area
+indeed compared with what is now known of the world’s surface
+and small even compared with what Ptolemy and earlier Greeks
+had known. Only in the age that immediately follows ours was
+the circle enlarged, at first to the eastward by the great overland
+journeys of Marco Polo and the other Asiatic travelers of the late
+thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and then westward, southward,
+and northward during the Age of Discovery. Not until
+our own day has it at last come to comprise the entire earth.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Character of the Geographical Lore of the Time of the Crusades</span></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Men have always respected tradition and learning inherited
+from former ages, but in some periods dependence on earlier
+authority has been more unquestioning than in others. In the
+Middle Ages, especially, an immense mass of knowledge and
+belief was handed down from generation to generation.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A portion of this inherited mass of knowledge and belief constituted
+the recognized and orthodox geographical lore of the
+Crusading age. This body of teachings—to be sure, not altogether
+uniform or consistent—had been built largely on a foundation
+of Biblical and classical doctrine. The early Church Fathers,
+taking the Bible as their authority, had leveled destructive
+criticism against those ideas of the Greeks and Romans which
+appeared to go counter to Scriptural texts, but in the course of
+time reconciliation of ancient science with Christianity was
+partly achieved and, as a consequence, the accepted scientific
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_359'>359</span>lore of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries was only to a
+limited extent drawn from a literal interpretation of the Bible.
+Nevertheless, those theories of antiquity that were too diametrically
+hostile to the words of Scripture still remained tabooed,
+and, when Manegold, Peter Lombard, or Peter Comestor inveighed
+against belief in <i>hyle</i>, the Great Year, or the antipodes,
+they were merely echoing the arguments of their early Christian
+predecessors. Classical learning and Christian doctrine were
+sufficiently at one by the opening of the twelfth century to make
+it no longer heretical to believe in the sphericity of the earth, in
+the existence of antipodal regions (if not inhabitants), and in a
+physical explanation of many geographical processes that an
+earlier age might have ascribed to the direct intervention of the
+divine will.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The works of our period show all too plainly that they were
+written in a credulous age, for credulity is an inevitable concomitant
+of the undue respect for authority. Credulity and love
+of the marvelous—which is much the same thing—are in many
+ways the most characteristic and entertaining qualities of the
+geographical writers of the Middle Ages. Marvels of all kinds,
+located in all countries, are solemnly described as if they were
+truth. India, especially, was the scene of fabulous monsters and
+prodigies; but no country, no matter how well known, was wholly
+without them. Even the most serious writers mention them, and
+they enliven all the maps.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In contrast with this geography based on authority and tradition
+stood another great body of geographical lore derived not
+from books or tradition but from observation by eyewitnesses of
+the countries of the earth and the physical features of its surface.
+We may style this second body of geographical lore the “geography
+of observation.” It is represented almost universally in the
+literature of the period, for no writer was so completely immersed
+in the learning of the past that he failed altogether to respond to
+the world of his day. Even in the most learned works there are
+occasional passages drawn from contemporary observation; but
+it is especially in histories, chronicles, letters, and other less
+formal writings that the “geography of observation” finds unhampered
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_360'>360</span>expression. The latter are among the most illuminating
+documents of the age, for they reveal to us those things which
+above all interested the average man in the material world around
+him.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Measured by modern standards, this “geography of observation”
+is the only kind of geography that rests on a sound and
+scientific footing. Modern science rejects theories, however old
+and hallowed they may be, which cannot stand the test of an
+appeal to Nature herself. Precisely the opposite seems to have
+been the normal intellectual habit of the Middle Ages, when the
+prevailing tendency was if anything to put aside the evidence
+of Nature when contradicted by the classics, by the Church
+Fathers, or especially by the Bible. Logical impossibility or rational
+improbability did not usually bear much weight against a
+belief that had been approved by time.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>And yet there were in the age of the Crusades numerous exceptions
+to this general rule. Never has there been a time when
+a few fore-reaching and individualistic spirits have not tried to
+search and see and think for themselves, to confront older teachings
+with new, to criticize established beliefs in the light of observed
+facts and reason. In the ardent, enthusiastic society of
+the twelfth and thirteenth centuries there was no lack of such
+spirits. Among the writers on geographical subjects we need but
+recall the names of the scholars of Chartres: Theodoric, who undertook
+to explain the Creation according to physical principles
+and specifically excluded from his discussion all moral and allegorical
+interpretations of the text of Genesis; or William of
+Conches, who argued that we may avoid irrational deductions
+from Scripture by an appeal to our own reason and who maintained
+that the animals of the earth and also Adam and Eve
+were produced through the interaction of the elements of fire,
+earth, air, and water. And this critical, inventive attitude reappears
+in the thirteenth century in the work of such men as
+Robert Grosseteste, Roger Bacon, and even Albertus Magnus.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We gain a deeper and more sympathetic understanding of the
+devious workings of the human mind when we trace in the geographical
+lore of the Middle Ages the persistence of old ideas and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_361'>361</span>the transfer of prejudices and beliefs from age to age; but at best
+this is a disheartening study. On the other hand, there is always
+fascination in coming across oases of fresh observation and clear
+reason in the midst of the arid deserts of plagiarism that constitute
+so much of medieval literature. These oases mark the
+pathway of the history of science.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_363'>363</span>
+  <h2 class='c005'>NOTES</h2>
+</div>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_365'>365</span>
+  <h3 class='c012'>NOTES</h3>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>The numbers at the top of the inner margin of each page indicate on which pages of the text (pp. 1–361) the passages occur to which the notes on a given page refer.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>For the works here cited in abbreviated form refer to the Bibliography.
+Works not listed in the Bibliography (these are relatively few) are here
+given with their full titles.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>As a rule a work will be found in the Bibliography under its own author
+or, if anonymous, its own title. If not, the entry under which it will be
+found is generally here indicated. In the few cases where it is not the
+work should be looked for under the ancient or medieval author or title
+to which the work sought for relates.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Bible references and quotations throughout the present work, except
+where otherwise indicated, are based on the Douay and Rheims translation
+of the Vulgate.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'>NOTES<br> CHAPTER I<br> THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE ANCIENT WORLD</h4>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f2'>
+<p class='c013'><a href='#r2'>2</a>. The <i>De caelo et mundo</i> should not be confused with the <i>De mundo</i>
+(Περὶ κόσμου), a spurious work ascribed to Aristotle and dating from about
+100 B.&#160;C. See preface to E. S. Forster’s translation of the <i>De mundo</i> in
+the Oxford translation of the works of Aristotle, vol. iii, 1914.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f3'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r3'>3</a>. On the geography of Posidonius see below, p. 371, note 55, and also
+the two important recent studies: Wilhelm Capelle, <i>Die griechische
+Erdkunde und Posidonius</i>, in: Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische
+Altertum, Jahrgang 23, vol. liv, Leipzig, 1920, pp. 305–323, and Karl
+Reinhardt, <i>Poseidonios</i>, Munich, 1921, especially pp. 59–135 for the geography
+and pp. 135–176 for the meteorology.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f4'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r4'>4</a>. For a brief general outline of the main trend of Greek geography see
+Berger, <i>Geschichte</i>, 1903, Überblick, pp. 1–24. See also Bunbury,
+<i>Ancient Geogr.</i>, 1879; Tozer, <i>Ancient Geogr.</i>, 1897; Tillinghast, <i>Geogr.
+Knowl.</i>, 1889. An extensive recent treatment of ancient geography has
+come to the attention of the writer as this book is going to press:
+Gisinger’s article “Geographie” in <i>Paulys Real-Encyclopädie</i>, 1924.
+This contains many references to secondary works; it is particularly valuable
+as a synthesis of recent German research in the field.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f5'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r5'>5</a>. That Pliny’s <i>Natural History</i> was extensively read in the Middle
+Ages is proved by the large number of times its title appears in medieval
+library catalogues. For example, in twelfth-century French catalogues
+alone it occurs in no less than six different places; in German catalogues
+in five different places before the twelfth century. Though at first glance
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_366'>366</span>these figures do not appear large, when compared with similar figures for
+the works of other writers they show that, relatively speaking, Pliny was
+very popular. We are also confirmed in this opinion by the frequency of
+citations of Pliny (M. Manitius, <i>Philologisches</i>, 1892, pp. 59–60; idem,
+<i>Römische Prosaiker</i>, 1890, pp. 380–384). Furthermore, we have in manuscripts
+dating from the eighth century and onward a series of excerpts
+from Books II, III, IV, VI, and XVIII of the <i>Natural History</i>. These
+contain the outstanding geographical elements of Pliny’s work and attest
+to its great popularity (see Rück, <i>Auszüge</i>, 1888; idem, <i>Exzerpt</i>, 1902;
+idem, <i>Naturalis Historia</i>, 1898, pp. 203–318). On p. 287 of the <i>Exzerpt</i>
+Rück writes that the existence of these excerpts forms “a weighty literary-historical
+proof of the continued life of Pliny in later centuries.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f6'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r6'>6</a>. The <i>Collectanea</i> is mentioned in France in one catalogue from before
+the twelfth century, in five from the twelfth, and in four from the thirteenth.
+In Germany it is mentioned in six catalogues from before the
+twelfth century, in four from the twelfth, and in two from the thirteenth.
+It is also mentioned in catalogues of British and Italian libraries. Its
+popularity was equal to that of Pliny and was perhaps even greater
+(see M. Manitius, <i>Philologisches</i>, pp. 78–79).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f7'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r7'>7</a>. Columba (<i>Questione soliniana</i>, 1920) holds that the materials in
+Solinus’ <i>Collectanea</i> came in large part from a common source of Pliny’s
+<i>Natural History</i> and Pomponius Mela’s <i>Corographia</i>. This was a lost
+work which Columba styles <i>Corographia Varro-Sallustiana</i>. It was
+worked over (according to his theory) by an unknown compiler and
+reduced by Solinus into the form of a compendium, with borrowings here
+and there direct from Pliny. See note on Columba’s monograph in
+Bollettino della Reale Società Geografica Italiana, vol. lviii, Rome, 1921,
+p. 44.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f8'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r8'>8</a>. Seneca’s popularity as shown by the library catalogues was less than
+that of Pliny, though the <i>Quaestiones naturales</i> were read rather extensively
+in France in the twelfth century (M. Manitius, <i>Philologisches</i>, p. 42;
+idem, <i>Geschichte</i>, 1911, vol. i, p. 38).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f9'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r9'>9</a>. Capella merely followed the Latin tradition, which tended to restrict
+the field of geography and at the same time to limit the science of geometry
+to the art of measurements. The <i>De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii</i>
+served to pass on to the Middle Ages this attitude in regard to geography
+and geometry (Mori, <i>Misuraz. eratos.</i>, 1911, pp. 186–187; see also Haskins,
+<i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 89).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f10'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r10'>10</a>. M. Manitius, <i>Philologisches</i>, p. 112, informs us that, next to Virgil and
+the Vulgate, the <i>De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii</i> was the most popular
+book of the Middle Ages. References to copies of it are found in nearly
+all medieval library catalogues. See also Mori, <i>Misuraz. eratos.</i>, pp.
+388–391.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f11'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r11'>11</a>. Macrobius seems to have come next to Martianus Capella in popularity,
+particularly in the twelfth century, when his book finds mention
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_367'>367</span>more than a dozen times in the catalogues of both French and German
+libraries of the period. It was also read in Italy, Spain, and Great
+Britain. In the latter country there are five entries from the early
+thirteenth century (M. Manitius, <i>Philologisches</i>, p. 106).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f12'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r12'>12</a>. Aristotle, <i>De caelo</i>, I, 3; Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. i, 1913, p. 173.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f13'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r13'>13</a>. Aristotle, <i>Meteor.</i>, I, 2; Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 164.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f14'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r14'>14</a>. These ideas are developed in Plato’s <i>Timaeus</i> and in Aristotle’s
+<i>De generatione et corruptione</i>, II, 11. See Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, pp.
+164–169.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f15'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r15'>15</a>. Berosus in the third century before Christ described Chaldean
+theories regarding the Great Year (Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 69).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f16'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r16'>16</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, pp. 70–71.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f17'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r17'>17</a>. Notably Philolaus (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, p. 77).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f18'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r18'>18</a>. Seneca, <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, III, 28–29; Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 70.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f19'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r19'>19</a>. For example, Anaximander, Anaximenes, Heraclitus, Empedocles
+(Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, pp. 70–71, 167).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f20'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r20'>20</a>. Aristotle, <i>De caelo</i>, I, 10; <i>Meteor.</i>, I, 14, as interpreted by Duhem,
+<i>Système</i>, vol. i, pp. 167–168.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f21'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r21'>21</a>. Günther, <i>Apokatastasis</i>, 1916, p. 85.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f22'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r22'>22</a>. See E. S. McCartney, <i>Fossil Lore in Greek and Latin Literature</i>, in:
+Proceedings of the Michigan Academy of Science, Arts, and Letters, vol.
+iii, New York, 1924, pp. 23–38, especially pp. 37–38.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f23'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r23'>23</a>. Aristotle, <i>Meteor.</i>, I, 14; Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 167. In the
+important paper cited in note 20 above, Günther traces the development
+in antiquity and during the Middle Ages of (1) theories of astronomical
+periods and (2) theories of the <i>apokatastasis</i>, or restoration of the earth
+to its previous condition after destruction by fire or by water. He
+shows that the ancient and medieval philosophers conceived of a complete
+parallelism between these two sets of phenomena. It is, however,
+difficult to follow his argument that they failed to recognize any causal
+relation whatsoever between the astronomical periods and the <i>apokatastasis</i>,
+although it is doubtless true that no attempt was made to
+explain in detail the manner in which celestial circumstances operated
+to produce effects upon the earth.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f24'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r24'>24</a>. See Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. i, pp. 65–85, 275–297.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f25'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r25'>25</a>. Cumont, <i>After Life</i>, 1922, pp. 12–13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f26'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r26'>26</a>. Al-Masʿūdī and Al-Bīrūnī describe the theory as it prevailed in India
+(Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, pp. 67–69; vol. ii, pp. 213–220).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f27'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r27'>27</a>. Plato gives a formula from which it has been deduced that he believed
+the duration of the Great Year to be 760,000 terrestrial years. Aristotle
+explained that the figure could be found by determining the least common
+multiple of the periods of revolution of the various celestial bodies.
+Cicero calculated it at 12,954, and Macrobius at 15,000 years. See
+Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, pp. 84, 165, 283, 288.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f28'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r28'>28</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_368'>368</span>Ptolemy describes Hipparchus’ discovery of the precession of the
+equinoxes in the <i>Almagest</i>, VII, 2–3 (as cited by Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii,
+pp. 180–185).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f29'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r29'>29</a>. <i>Almagest</i>, VII, 2 (Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 185).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f30'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r30'>30</a>. Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, pp. 212–223.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f31'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r31'>31</a>. “... l’évolution de la science hellène révèle non pas l’existence
+de luttes perpétuelles pour ou contre la sphéricité mais au contraire un
+accord, en somme assez rapide, établi avant la fin du v<sup>e</sup> siècle entre les
+penseurs de toutes écoles” (Thalamas, <i>Géogr. d’Ératosthène</i>, 1921, p. 103;
+see also the same, p. 99, note 3).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f32'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r32'>32</a>. Berger thinks that Anaximander may well have believed in a
+spherical earth (<i>Geschichte</i>, 1903, p. 32, note 2, and p. 34); this opinion
+has not been accepted by recent students, who ascribe to Anaximander
+participation in the older doctrine of a disk-shaped earth (Stegmann,
+<i>Anschauungen</i>, 1913, pp. 14–15; Heidel, <i>Anaximander</i>, 1921, p. 246;
+Gisinger, “Geographie” in: <i>Paulys Real-Encyclopädie</i>, 1924, p. 543).
+See also below, p. 372, note 61.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f33'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r33'>33</a>. <i>Phaedo</i>, 109. Plato thought that the universe, as well as the earth,
+is a sphere because the sphere is the most perfect of forms (<i>Timaeus</i>,
+33). An obscure mathematical passage, <i>Timaeus</i>, 55, seems to liken
+the universe to a dodecahedron. See the <i>Dialogues</i>, Jowett’s transl.,
+1892, vol. iii, p. 363, and Boffito, <i>Leggenda</i>, 1903, p. 584.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f34'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r34'>34</a>. These proofs were worked out by Aristotle in two ways (<i>De caelo</i>, II,
+14). First he explained that physical laws require that the earth must
+be spherical; then he demonstrated that observation shows that it
+actually is a globe. Aristotle’s physics were built upon a theory that
+superficially has been compared with the Newtonian theory of gravitation,
+although fundamentally it is entirely different. A principal law of
+Aristotelian physics is that all heavy bodies seek the center of the universe,
+whereas Newton’s law is that all bodies, whether heavy or light,
+attract each other (see Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. i, p. 210). Aristotle (<i>De
+caelo</i>, II, 4) showed by mathematical argument that water, in obedience
+to his physical law, will, if unhindered, become a perfect sphere, with the
+center of the universe as its center, and that land, though it cannot become
+a perfect sphere owing to its rigidity, will tend to assume such a form.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>That the earth actually is a globe, the Stagirite maintained, is revealed
+by the circular shadow it casts upon the moon in an eclipse. Furthermore,
+a traveler journeying from north to south sees new constellations
+appear above the southern horizon and vice versa, constellations that
+could only be hidden from him at his starting point by the curvature of a
+spherical earth (Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. i, pp. 211–215).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Adrastias of Aphrodisias, one of the Peripatetic school, adduced proofs
+similar to those of Aristotle (Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, pp. 473–474), although
+he presented them with greater clarity. He showed by the argument
+of the appearance of new constellations to a traveler journeying
+north or south that the earth is convex from north to south. That it is
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_369'>369</span>also convex from east to west he proved from the observation that the
+same celestial body rises sooner in the eastern parts of the habitable world
+than it does in the western. This could be demonstrated by any eclipse
+of the moon: the eclipse appears at a later hour of the night and higher in
+the heavens to an observer in the east than it does to one in the west. As
+both observers see the same eclipse, it follows that the moon must in
+reality rise in the east before it rises farther west. If the earth were
+flat both observers would necessarily see the eclipse at the same hour of
+local time.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f35'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r35'>35</a>. <i>De motu corp. cael.</i>, I, 8 (as cited by Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. i, p. 471).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f36'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r36'>36</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 64. Both Cleomedes and Pliny demonstrated the
+sphericity of the sea by noting that mountains may be seen when the
+lower parts of the land are invisible and that shores become visible from
+the masthead of a ship before persons on deck can see them. Pliny
+(<i>op. cit.</i>, II, 65) had a theory to explain the sphericity of the sea that
+differed widely from that of Aristotle. The gist of this was that it is in
+the inherent nature of water to assume a spherical form. Traces of this
+view are to be found in the writings of Alexander Neckam in the thirteenth
+century. See below, p. 438, note 34.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f37'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r37'>37</a>. Ptolemy, <i>Almagest</i>, I, 4. Ptolemy’s proofs were similar to those of
+Aristotle and Adrastias (see above, note 33). He neglected arguments
+of the physical necessity of a globular earth (Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. i,
+p. 480).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f38'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r38'>38</a>. <i>De nupt. Phil. et Merc.</i>, VI, 590–598. Martianus Capella brought
+together and vigorously presented many of the arguments of his predecessors:
+that of Aristotle that the shadow of the earth on the moon is
+curved, the argument of the different appearance of the heavens in
+different latitudes, and the argument from the eclipses (see above, note
+33).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f39'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r39'>39</a>. On the heliocentric theory in antiquity see Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. i,
+pp. 399–426, and Heath, <i>Aristarchus</i>, 1913.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f40'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r40'>40</a>. Philolaus worked out an elaborate hypothesis which placed an
+immobile fire, the Hearth of the Universe, the seat of divinity, in the
+center of the cosmic system. Around this fire revolves our earth; an
+anti-earth counterbalances our earth on the opposite side of the fire, but
+man can never see either the Hearth or the anti-earth because he dwells
+on the side of our earth that is always turned outward from the center.
+See Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. i, pp. 11–21. Hicetas and Ecphantus modified
+the system of Philolaus by doing away with the anti-earth and placing
+our earth in the middle of the universe, enclosing the central fire within it.
+They accounted for day and night by a diurnal rotation of the earth
+around its axis (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, pp. 21–27).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f41'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r41'>41</a>. Some thought in antiquity that a passage in the <i>Timaeus</i>, 40, shows
+that Plato believed that the earth rotates on its axis; but this interpretation
+of the passage was disputed even in classical times, and other passages
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_370'>370</span>in Plato’s works seem to confirm us in holding that he thought that
+the earth stands immobile (Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. i, p. 86). It should be
+noted that though Plato placed the World Soul in the center of the earth
+and of the universe, he was also convinced that great fires exist in the
+earth’s interior. See above, p. 32.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f42'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r42'>42</a>. <i>Timaeus</i>, 34. See also Lutz, <i>Geographical Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 166–167.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f43'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r43'>43</a>. Aristotle’s abstruse reasoning about the immobility of the earth is
+interpreted by Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. i, pp. 219–230. Duhem clarifies the
+arguments of the Stagirite by resolving them into four main propositions:</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>(1) “The movement of the heavens requires the existence of an immovable
+body distinct from the heavens at the center of the universe”
+(Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. i, p. 220). Why such an immovable body is necessary
+is explained in <i>De caelo</i>, I, 8, and in <i>Physics</i>, IV, 4 (cited by Duhem,
+<i>Système</i>, vol. i, pp. 198–210, 221). Later writers and commentators
+confused Aristotle’s views here set forth with a theory which the philosopher—if
+he wrote it—presents in the <i>De motu animalium</i> and which is, in
+brief, as follows. “For every animal that moves there must be without it
+something immovable, but supporting itself upon which that which is
+moved moves. For were that something always to give way (as it does
+for mice walking in grain, or persons walking in sand) advance would be
+impossible, and neither would there be any walking unless the ground were
+to remain still” (<i>De motu anim.</i>, 2; translated by A. S. L. Farquharson in
+the <i>Works of Aristotle</i>, 1913, p. 698b). Although the writer of this
+passage expressly states that he does not intend this simple theory to be
+applied to the movements of the heaven in relation to the earth, it was,
+none the less, passed on by way of the Moslems to the West as an argument
+in favor of the immobility of the earth.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>(2) “Physical reasons prove that it is not possible for the earth to
+move” with a circular motion. The normal motion of the particles which
+compose the earth is in a straight line toward the earth’s center. Correspondingly
+“the movement which is natural to each part must also be
+natural to the whole, in such a way that the earth taken as a whole certainly
+has for its natural motion that movement in a straight line and
+directed toward the center which characterizes heavy bodies” (Duhem,
+<i>Système</i>, vol. i, p. 226). Any other movement, such as a movement of
+rotation, “being, then, constrained and unnatural&#160;... could not
+be eternal. But the order of the universe is eternal” (<i>De caelo</i>, II, 14;
+translated by J. L. Stocks in the <i>Works of Aristotle</i>, 1922, p. 296a).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>(3) “Experiments show that as a matter of fact the earth does not
+move at all.” If the earth moved “there would have to be passings and
+turnings of the fixed stars. Yet no such thing is observed” (<i>De caelo</i>, II,
+14; Stocks’s translation, p. 296b). In other words, if the earth moved one
+would expect to observe parallaxes of the fixed stars (Duhem, <i>Système</i>,
+vol. i, p. 227). “It is clear, then, that the earth must be at the center
+and immovable, not only for the reasons already given, but also because
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_371'>371</span>heavy bodies thrown quite straight upward return to the point from which
+they started, even if they are thrown to an infinite distance” (<i>De caelo</i>,
+II, 14; Stocks’s translation, p. 296b).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>(4) “Physics teaches us the cause of the immobility of the earth.” As
+all heavy bodies tend to seek the center of the universe, the various parts
+of the earth have arranged themselves around the center in such a manner
+that an equilibrium is established, and this equilibrium produces immobility
+(<i>De caelo</i>, II, 14, Stocks’s translation, p. 297a; Duhem, <i>Système</i>,
+vol. i, pp. 216, 228–229).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f44'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r44'>44</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f45'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r45'>45</a>. Ptolemy (<i>Almagest</i>, I, 7) discussed the immobility of the earth in much
+the same manner as Plato and Aristotle. From Aristotle he derived the
+argument of the heavy body thrown into the air. See above, note 42,
+paragraph (3) and Duhem <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, pp. 480–484.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f46'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r46'>46</a>. <i>De caelo</i>, II, 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f47'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r47'>47</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 108.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f48'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r48'>48</a>. <i>De architectura</i>, I, 6 (edited by F. Krohn, Leipzig (Teubner), 1912;
+English translation by M. H. Morgan, Cambridge, Mass., 1914).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f49'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r49'>49</a>. <i>De nupt. Phil. et Merc.</i>, VI, 596.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f50'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r50'>50</a>. <i>In som. Scip. comm.</i>, I, 20, 20.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f51'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r51'>51</a>. <i>De motu corp. cael.</i>, I, 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f52'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r52'>52</a>. See Thalamas, <i>Géogr. d’Ératosthène</i>, 1921, pp. 162–163. Konrad
+Miller, <i>Erdmessung</i>, 1919, pp. 5–6, argued that Eratosthenes calculated
+the circumference at 252,000 stades, not 250,000. Even if, as Cleomedes
+tells us, he calculated it at 250,000 stades, it seems probable that it was
+Eratosthenes himself and not some later scientist who arbitrarily raised
+it to 252,000 in order to obtain a figure divisible by 60 or perhaps by 360.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f53'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r53'>53</a>. <i>De motu corp. cael.</i>, I, 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f54'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r54'>54</a>. Strabo, <i>Geogr.</i>, II, 2 (edited by A. Meineke, 3 vols., Leipzig (Teubner),
+1904–1909; English translation by H. L. Jones, 2 vols., London,
+1917–1923); Berger, <i>Geschichte</i>, 1903, pp. 579–582.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f55'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r55'>55</a>. Thalamas, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 151.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f56'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r56'>56</a>. Miller, <i>Erdmessung</i>, pp. 12–14. For other possible explanations of
+Posidonius’ figures, see Berger, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 579–582, and Oscar Viedebantt,
+<i>Eratosthenes, Hipparchos, Poseidonios: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte
+des Erdmessungsproblems im Altertum</i>, in: Klio: Beiträge zur alten Geschichte,
+vol. xiv, Leipzig, 1914, pp. 208–256; idem, <i>Poseidonios, Marinos,
+Ptolemaios: Ein weiterer Beitrag zur Geschichte des Erdmessungsproblems im
+Altertum</i>, in: <i>ibid.</i>, vol. xvi, 1920, pp. 94–108.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f57'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r57'>57</a>. <i>De motu corp. cael.</i>, I, 10. See Thalamas’ clear and reasonable
+discussion of Eratosthenes’ measurement, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 128–164.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f58'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r58'>58</a>. <i>De nupt. Phil. et Merc.</i>, VI, 596. Capella’s account of Eratosthenes’
+measurement differs slightly from that of Cleomedes (Mori, <i>Misuraz.
+eratos.</i>, 1911, p. 584; Thalamas, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 140–141).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f59'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r59'>59</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f60'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r60'>60</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_372'>372</span>Thalamas, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 158–159.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f61'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r61'>61</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 170.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f62'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r62'>62</a>. See White, <i>Warfare</i>, 1920, vol. i, pp. 89–90. Lutz, <i>Geographical
+Studies</i>, 1924, p. 168, holds that “the fundamental notions of the Homeric
+poems, of Hesiod and Aeschylus regarding the earth [a disk surrounded
+by an ocean stream] are Babylonian in origin.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f63'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r63'>63</a>. Thales thought that the earth was created out of water (Norlind,
+<i>Problem</i>, 1918, p. 8).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f64'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r64'>64</a>. Berger, <i>Geschichte</i>, 1903, p. 285.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f65'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r65'>65</a>. Pliny gives details of explorations which he believed had proved the
+existence of connections between the Caspian Sea, the Atlantic, and the
+Indian Ocean (<i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 167).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f66'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r66'>66</a>. Probably the best treatment of the history of theories of the antipodes
+is to be found in Rainaud, <i>Le continent austral</i>, 1893.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f67'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r67'>67</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, II, 5. Pliny also thought that the polar and equatorial
+regions are uninhabitable, although he was aware of the fact that the
+northern boundary of the uninhabitable part of the equatorial regions
+must be well south of the Tropic of Cancer (<i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 68, 74, 76, 108).
+See also below, p. 377, note 172.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f68'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r68'>68</a>. <i>De caelo</i>, II, 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f69'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r69'>69</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, II, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f70'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r70'>70</a>. “Quantum est enim, quod ab ultimis litoribus Hispaniae usque ad
+Indos iacet? Paucissimorum dierum spatium, si navem suus ferat ventus
+implebit” (<i>Quaest. nat.</i>, I, praef., 13). Doubt has been expressed by
+critics as to whether or not Seneca had in mind a passage westward
+across the Atlantic. See Edward Channing, <i>A History of the United
+States</i>, vol. i, New York, 1905, p. 31. Strabo discussed Eratosthenes’
+views on the possibility of sailing from Spain to India in his <i>Geography</i>, I,
+64, 65. See Channing, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 30.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f71'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r71'>71</a>. See Tillinghast, <i>Geogr. Knowl.</i>, 1889, pp. 6–12; Berger, <i>Geschichte</i>,
+1903, p. 625; Norlind, <i>Problem</i>, 1918, <i>passim</i>, for discussions of the continental
+and oceanic theories in antiquity and in the Middle Ages. Roger
+Bacon (<i>Opus majus</i>, Bridges’ edit., vol. i, 1897, p. 290) states that
+“Ptolemaeus vero in libro de dispositione sphaerae vult quod fere sexta
+pars terrae est habitabilis propter aquam, et totum residuum est coopertum
+aqua.” That this should have been the opinion of Ptolemy is
+difficult to reconcile with his advocacy of unknown lands beyond the
+<i>oikoumene</i> enclosing the Indian and Atlantic Oceans (<i>Geogr.</i>, I, 17, 6; VII,
+3, 6; VII, 5, 2; see Berger, <i>Geschichte</i>, pp. 625, 627, 629).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f72'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r72'>72</a>. See above, p. 187.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f73'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r73'>73</a>. For a summary of Aristotle’s theories in regard to the elements, see
+Lippmann, <i>Chemisches</i>, 1910.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f74'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r74'>74</a>. Gilbert, <i>Meteorol. Theorien</i>, 1907.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f75'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r75'>75</a>. “Causas autem illi mutationis et inconstantiae alias terra praebet,
+cuius positiones, hoc et illo versae, magna ad aeris temperiem momenta
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_373'>373</span>sunt....” (<i>Quaest. nat.</i>, II, 11). Possibly “temperiem” should
+be translated “quality” rather than “temperature.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f76'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r76'>76</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, I, 4; I, 7; II, 4. See Lones, <i>Arist. Researches</i>, 1912, pp. 30–33.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f77'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r77'>77</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, I, 9–12. See also Lones, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 32–33, 42–45.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f78'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r78'>78</a>. See above, pp. 99–101, and below, p. 406, note 93.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f79'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r79'>79</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, V. See Gilbert, <i>Meteorol. Theorien</i>, 1907, pp. 537–539.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f80'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r80'>80</a>. Aristotle, <i>Meteor.</i>, II, 4–5; Seneca, <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, V, 7–14; Pliny,
+<i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 44.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f81'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r81'>81</a>. Capelle, <i>Berges- und Wolkenhöhen</i>, 1916, pp. 1–2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f82'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r82'>82</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 16–17, 28.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f83'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r83'>83</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 26–27.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f84'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r84'>84</a>. Posidonius understood, from observation of differences between the
+Indians and Ethiopians dwelling in the same latitude, that latitude was
+not the only determining element in the distribution of natural products
+and races of man but that other factors should also be given consideration
+(Berger, <i>Geschichte</i>, 1903, p. 557). Peschel, <i>Geschichte</i>, 1877, p. 226,
+wrote that in the Middle Ages Jordanus of Severac was the only man to
+recognize the fact that a meridian may mark the boundary between
+dissimilar areas of plant or of animal life. See, however, Giraldus Cambrensis’
+observations on this matter (see above, p. 177).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f85'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r85'>85</a>. For further discussion of ancient <i>climata</i>, see above, pp. 242–243.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f86'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r86'>86</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, III, 6; IVa, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f87'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r87'>87</a>. The voyage of Pytheas of Marseilles was the source of the greater
+part of ancient beliefs in regard to high northern latitudes.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f88'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r88'>88</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 78.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f89'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r89'>89</a>. <i>Octavius</i>, 18. Minutius Felix was a Roman advocate, probably a
+contemporary of Marcus Aurelius. His dialogue <i>Octavius</i> (edited by
+C. Halm in: <i>Corpus script. eccles. lat.</i>, vol. ii; also in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>,
+vol. iii, cols. 231–360) is a defense of Christianity.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f90'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r90'>90</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, II, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f91'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r91'>91</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, VI, 23.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f92'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r92'>92</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, II, 4–5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f93'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r93'>93</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, V, 18.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f94'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r94'>94</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 43–47.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f95'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r95'>95</a>. Modern meteorological studies would seem to show that the ancients
+were not far astray in associating the etesians of Greece with the monsoons
+of the Indian Ocean: “the etesiens [<i>sic</i>] are not local winds,
+due to limited and local causes; they belong to the great system of the
+proasiatic low pressure and are connected with the Indian monsoons”
+(J. S. Paraskévopoulos, <i>The Etesiens</i>, in: Monthly Weather Review, vol.
+50, Washington, D. C., 1922, p. 420).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f96'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r96'>96</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, III, 22.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f97'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r97'>97</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, II, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f98'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r98'>98</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 100.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f99'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r99'>99</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_374'>374</span><i>Meteor.</i>, II, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f100'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r100'>100</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 102.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f101'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r101'>101</a>. <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f102'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r102'>102</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, I, 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f103'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r103'>103</a>. The Coraxi inhabited the rugged coast where the Caucasus Mountains
+run parallel to the Euxine north of Colchis. Modern soundings
+show that the sea attains an average depth of 3000 feet within a dozen
+miles of the shore.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f104'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r104'>104</a>. Tillinghast, <i>Geogr. Knowl.</i>, 1889, p. 28.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f105'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r105'>105</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, II, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f106'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r106'>106</a>. <i>In som. Scip. comm.</i>, II, 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f107'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r107'>107</a>. Tozer, <i>Anc. Geogr.</i>, 1897, p. 185.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f108'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r108'>108</a>. Probably the best work on ancient and medieval tide theories is
+Almagià, <i>Dottrina</i>, 1905. See also Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. ii, 1914, pp.
+267–390. On the earliest Greek observations of the tides in the Mediterranean
+see Giorgio Pasquali, <cite>Ἄμπωτις und die ältesten Beobachtungen
+der Gezeiten im Mittelmeer</cite>, in: <i>Festschrift für Wackernagel</i>, Göttingen,
+1924, pp. 326–332 (not seen, title from review in: Rivista geografica
+italiana, voi. xxxi, Florence, 1924, pp. 86–88).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f109'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r109'>109</a>. Strabo, <i>Geogr.</i>, I, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f110'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r110'>110</a>. Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, pp. 269–271.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f111'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r111'>111</a>. Our knowledge of Posidonius’ theory of the tides, which was explained
+in a treatise on the ocean, is derived from extracts from this
+treatise given in Strabo, <i>Geogr.</i>, III, 5, and from a Latin translation of
+Priscian of Lydia’s <i>Solutiones</i> (citations from Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol.
+ii, p. 280).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f112'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r112'>112</a>. Strabo, <i>loc. cit.</i>, quotes Posidonius as stating that the ebb and flood
+are greatly increased at the time of the summer solstice, which, of course,
+is not so. Priscian, <i>op. cit.</i>, quaest. vi, gives a truer statement, that the
+greatest tides are those at the equinoxes (citations from Duhem, <i>Système</i>,
+vol. ii, p. 282).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f113'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r113'>113</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 97.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f114'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r114'>114</a>. Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. ii, p. 286.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f115'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r115'>115</a>. Pliny, <i>loc. cit.</i>, also notes that there may be local differences in the
+period of the tides in different estuaries, although he explains this by
+differences in the times of the rising of the stars rather than as resulting
+from the influence of the configuration of the coast.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f116'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r116'>116</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, III, 28.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f117'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r117'>117</a>. <i>In som. Scip. comm.</i>, II, 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f118'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r118'>118</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, II, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f119'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r119'>119</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 65.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f120'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r120'>120</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, I, 13; II, 8; Seneca, <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, III, 15; III, 26; VI, <i>passim</i>.
+See Gilbert, <i>Meteorol. Theorien</i>, 1907, pp. 399–402.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f121'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r121'>121</a>. Seneca, <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, III, 15. On the springs and fountains of the
+ancient world, many of which were believed to be the outlets of subterranean
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_375'>375</span>water courses, see J. R. Smith, <i>Springs and Wells in Greek and
+Roman Literature: Their Legends and Locations</i>, New York and London,
+1922 (on the Arethusa and Alpheus myth see pp. 669–672).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f122'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r122'>122</a>. Cumont, <i>After Life</i>, 1922, p. 78.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f123'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r123'>123</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 79.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f124'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r124'>124</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 80–81.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f125'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r125'>125</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 7–12.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f126'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r126'>126</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 87–89.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f127'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r127'>127</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 90.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f128'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r128'>128</a>. See above, p. 227, and below, p. 450, note 80.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f129'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r129'>129</a>. <i>Phaedo</i>, 112.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f130'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r130'>130</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, I, 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f131'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r131'>131</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, III, 9–10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f132'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r132'>132</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f133'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r133'>133</a>. See Capelle, <i>Berges- und Wolkenhöhen</i>, 1916, pp. 2–12, for a full discussion
+of the sources of Aristotle’s statements regarding the connection
+between mountains and the sources of rivers.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f134'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r134'>134</a>. Seneca, <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, III, 10. On Gregory’s theory see Kretschmer,
+<i>Phys. Erdk.</i>, 1889, p. 93.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f135'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r135'>135</a>. See Khvostov, <i>Istoriya</i>, 1907, pp. 53–56; Langenmaier, <i>Alte Kenntnis</i>,
+1916, <i>passim.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f136'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r136'>136</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, IV, <i>passim</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f137'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r137'>137</a>. These proofs were of two sorts: first, those which were intended to
+demonstrate the physical impossibility of there being any snow in Ethiopia;
+and, secondly, those which were intended to show that river floods
+actually known to be caused by melting snow do not come in midsummer
+but earlier in the year.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f138'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r138'>138</a>. See above, pp. 206–207.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f139'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r139'>139</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, V, 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f140'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r140'>140</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, II, 86–92.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f141'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r141'>141</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, II, 90. Plato describes the disappearance of Atlantis in the
+<i>Timaeus</i> and in the <i>Critias</i>; he states that the story came from an Egyptian
+priest at Sais (<i>Dialogues</i>, Jowett’s transl., 1892, vol. iii, pp. 429–433).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f142'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r142'>142</a>. <i>Phaedo</i>, III. On ancient and medieval theories regarding the
+interior of the earth, see Stegmann, <i>Anschauungen</i>, 1913, <i>passim</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f143'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r143'>143</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, II, 7–8. “Aristotle sums up his views of the causes of
+winds, earthquakes, lightning, and thunder towards the end of <i>Meteor.</i>,
+II, 9, where he says that they all are essentially the same, viz. a dry exhalation
+which produces earthquakes when operating within the earth,
+winds when operating about the surface of the earth, and lightning and
+thunder when operating among the clouds” (Lones, <i>Arist. Researches</i>,
+1912, p. 45).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f144'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r144'>144</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, VI, is devoted almost entirely to earthquakes.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f145'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r145'>145</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 79–80.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f146'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r146'>146</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, II, 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f147'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r147'>147</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_376'>376</span><i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 106.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f148'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r148'>148</a>. See especially Capelle, <i>Berges- und Wolkenhöhen</i>, 1916. See also
+below, p. 447, note 27a.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f149'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r149'>149</a>. <i>Meteor.</i>, I, 13; Capelle, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 3. See also Günther, <i>Optische
+Beweisung</i>, 1920, p. 374, note.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f150'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r150'>150</a>. “Dicaearchus, vir in primis eruditus, regum cura permensus montes,
+ex quibus altissimum prodidit Pelium MCCL passuum ratione perpendiculari”
+(<i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 65). Dicaearchus also wrote a treatise on the
+mountains of the Peloponnesus and of other parts of Greece. See
+Günther, <i>Bergbesteigungen</i>, 1896.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f151'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r151'>151</a>. Capelle, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 16.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f152'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r152'>152</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 17.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f153'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r153'>153</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 19–20. See also Thalamas, <i>Géogr. d’Ératosthène</i>, 1921,
+pp. 104–110.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f154'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r154'>154</a>. See above, p. 214.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f155'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r155'>155</a>. Capelle, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 24. For discussion of other figures regarding the
+heights of mountains as they were estimated in antiquity, see the same,
+pp. 30–31.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f156'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r156'>156</a>. Berger, <i>Geschichte</i>, 1903, p. 640.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f157'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r157'>157</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 407.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f158'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r158'>158</a>. Peschel, <i>Geschichte</i>, 1877, pp. 43–44.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f159'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r159'>159</a>. The sun and the moon appear to revolve around the earth every
+twenty-four hours more or less. If the same eclipse of the moon is seen
+at A (to the west of B) one hour earlier than at B, obviously the difference
+in longitude between A and B will be 1/24 of the circumference of the
+earth, or 15°.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f160'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r160'>160</a>. Berger, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 18, 468–476.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f161'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r161'>161</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 70.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f162'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r162'>162</a>. <i>Geogr.</i>, I, 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f163'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r163'>163</a>. A useful general history of ancient cartography (i. e. of the Egyptians,
+Hebrews, Babylonians, Assyrians, and Greeks), though sometimes
+misleading in details, is Cebrian, <i>Geschichte der Kartographie</i>, 1923.
+This includes an appendix by Joseph Fischer, <i>Ptolemaios als Kartograph</i>,
+pp. 113–129. See also Kubitschek’s important article “Karten” in
+<i>Paulys Real-Encyclopädie</i>, 1919.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f164'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r164'>164</a>. So called because it was discovered by Conrad Peutinger in 1507.
+Reproduced on two-thirds the scale of the original in colors by Konrad
+Miller in <i>Weltkarte des Castorius</i>, 1888; also a photographic reproduction
+by the Imperial Library, Vienna, 1888. See also more especially Miller,
+<i>Itin. rom.</i>, 1916. Miller (<i>Itin. rom.</i>, pp. xxvi-xxxvi) ascribes its composition
+to a certain Castorius of the fourth century of our era.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f165'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r165'>165</a>. The questions of whether or not Ptolemy drew maps to accompany
+the text of his <i>Geography</i>, whether or not the existing maps in Greek
+manuscripts and in printed fifteenth-century texts of Ptolemy’s <i>Geography</i>
+can really be ascribed to Ptolemy, and whether they are more, or
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_377'>377</span>less, authentic than the texts of the <i>Geography</i> are the subject of bitter
+controversies in the history of geography. For further discussion of
+this matter and for references to the literature dealing with it, see the
+works of Dinse, Schütte, Tudeer, and Fischer, cited in the Bibliography.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f166'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r166'>166</a>. See Detlefsen, <i>Ursprung</i>, 1906; Lessert, <i>L’oeuvre géogr.</i>, 1909.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f167'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r167'>167</a>. See Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. i, 1897, p. 379, note 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f168'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r168'>168</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. i, 1895, pp. 66–70, and vol. ii, 1895,
+<i>passim</i>; Beazley, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 378. The Roman maps would seem
+to be in turn related to Greek maps of the Eratosthenic school in general
+form and extent. Some of them showed, doubtless, in addition to the
+<i>orbis terrarum</i>, an austral continent beyond the equator (see below, p.
+385, note 58). While in a broad way we may accept Miller’s main conclusions
+that the cartography of imperial Rome exerted some influence
+over medieval cartography, it is not impossible that Miller is occasionally
+over-ingenious in his attempt to demonstrate specific relationships.
+See below, p. 458, note 17.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f169'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r169'>169</a>. These were the invention of Hipparchus (Avezac, <i>Projection</i>,
+1863, pp. 16–20). The stereographic projection, called planisphere, was
+described by Ptolemy in a treatise entitled <i>Planisphere</i> which was translated
+into Latin from the Arabic during the time of the Crusades. See
+below, p. 398, note 36.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f170'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r170'>170</a>. Eratosthenes placed Meroë at 10,000 stades south of Alexandria
+and the limit of the <i>oikoumene</i> at 3400 stades south of Meroë (Strabo,
+<i>Geogr.</i>, I, 4, 2). He placed the tropic at Syene 5000 stades south of
+Alexandria (Cleomedes, <i>De motu corp. cael.</i>, I, 10). Therefore the limit
+of the <i>oikoumene</i> according to Eratosthenes must have been 10,000 +
+3400 − 5000 = 8400 stades south of the tropic. As Eratosthenes reckoned
+the circumference of the earth at 252,000 stades (see above, p. 371,
+note 51), 1° must have contained 700 stades, and the limit of the <i>oikoumene</i>
+must have fallen in his opinion 8400 ÷ 700 = 12° south of the tropic,
+or at approximately latitude 11° 30′ N.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f171'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r171'>171</a>. See Barthold, <i>Erforschung des Orients</i>, 1913, p. 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f172'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r172'>172</a>. On ancient theories regarding the sources of the Nile see Khvostov,
+<i>Istoriya</i>, 1907, pp. 53–68, and Langenmaier, <i>Alte Kenntnis</i>, 1916, pp.
+1–144.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f173'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r173'>173</a>. Pliny says (<i>Hist. nat.</i>, II, 108) that the distance from the southernmost
+limits of the habitable world to Meroë in Ethiopia is 1000 Roman
+miles and that the distance by river from Syene, on the tropic, to Meroë
+was found by an expedition sent out by Nero to be 871 miles. If we make
+this arbitrarily 700 miles in order to take into account the windings of
+the river, we get a total of 1700 miles. In the same passage Pliny states
+that Eratosthenes found the circumference of the earth to be 252,000
+stades, or 31,500 Roman miles. The 1700 miles which represent the distance
+south of the tropic at which Pliny places the Ethiopian Ocean are
+therefore equivalent to 13,600 stades, and these, in turn, to 19³⁄₇° (see
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_378'>378</span>above, note 169, for method of calculating this figure). The southern
+limit of the <i>oikoumene</i> thus falls at about latitude 4° N. (23½°–19³⁄₇°).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f174'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r174'>174</a>. See Langenmaier, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 6–37, for the most recent and thorough
+attempt at an interpretation of the Ptolemaic geography of these parts
+of Africa.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f175'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r175'>175</a>. That Ptolemy’s knowledge of the Central African lake region was
+derived from the east coast of Africa rather than from the upper Nile
+valley is shown by Langenmaier, <i>op. cit.</i>, and by Khvostov, <i>Istoriya</i>,
+1907. pp. 65–66.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f176'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r176'>176</a>. “Nam Syene sub ipso tropico est, Meroe autem tribus milibus octingentis
+stadiis in perustam a Syene introrsum recedit, et ab illa usque ad
+terram cinnamoni feracem sunt stadia octingenta, et per haec omnia
+spatia perustae licet rari tamen vita fruuntur habitantes. Ultra vero
+jam inaccessum est propter nimium solis ardorem” (Macrobius, <i>In som.
+Scip. comm.</i>, II, 8, 3). In other words, the border of the habitable
+part of the world was placed by Macrobius 3800 + 800 = 4600 stades, or
+about 6½°, south of the tropic, that is to say at about latitude 17° N.</p>
+</div>
+
+<h4 class='c014'>NOTES<br> CHAPTER II<br> THE CONTRIBUTION OF WESTERN CHRISTENDOM BEFORE 1100 A.&#160;D.</h4>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f177'>
+<p class='c013'><a href='#r177'>177</a>. See above, pp. 41–42.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f178'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r178'>178</a>. On the geographical work of Byzantine writers, see Krumbacher,
+<i>Geschichte</i>, 1897, pp. 409–427. Krumbacher distinguishes between two
+types of Byzantine geographical treatise: (1) scientific or theoretical,
+and (2) practical. The first consists almost exclusively of commentaries
+on, redactions of, or compilations of excerpts from earlier Byzantine
+works. The second type includes lists of ecclesiastical sees or provinces,
+statistical lists for the use of government officials, itineraries, sailors’
+manuals, pilgrims’ handbooks, and the like. The <i>Christian Topography</i>
+of Cosmas Indicopleustes, with its fantastic description of the world, is
+of the first type. It was held in high favor and became a principal source
+of geographical “knowledge” among the Slavic people of the early Middle
+Ages (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 35).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>With the eleventh and twelfth centuries came a great literary revival
+at Constantinople. Michael Psellos (born 1018) besides being a poet
+was a prolific writer on philosophy, philology, history, law, and natural
+science. Among his works on the last-named subject were a series of
+essays on meteorology (<i>ibid.</i>, pp. 433–444, esp. bibliography, p. 442).
+Nikephoras Blemmydes (thirteenth century) also wrote on matters of
+geographical interest (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 448).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f179'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r179'>179</a>. See above, pp. 48 and 75.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f180'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r180'>180</a>. Levantine traders were present in no inconsiderable numbers along
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_379'>379</span>the main avenues of commerce and in the larger towns of Italy, France,
+and England. The introduction of monachism into the West may be in
+part attributed to contacts with the Orient maintained in the early Middle
+Ages. Among the marvelous legends transmitted from the Levant
+to the Occident were the stories of St. Thomas’ voyage to India and the
+Romance of Alexander (see above, pp. 49, 50, 73, 74, and also below, note
+8; see also Bréhier, <i>Les colonies</i>, 1903). On diplomatic and political relations
+between Constantinople and the West during the early Middle Ages,
+see A. Gasquet, <i>L’Empire byzantin et la monarchie franque</i>, Paris, 1888.
+On Greek settlements in Magna Graecia and their influence upon Occidental
+culture, see Pierre Batiffol, <i>L’Abbaye de Rossano</i>, Paris, 1891,
+Introduction.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f181'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r181'>181</a>. e. g. in: Müller(us), <i>Claudii Ptolemaei Geographia</i> (under “Ptolemy”
+in the Bibliography), atlas, 1901.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f182'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r182'>182</a>. e. g. St. Sever Beatus map, reproduction accompanying Miller,
+<i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. i, 1895 (our Fig. 2, p. 69, above).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f183'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r183'>183</a>. For example, those of Origen (second century) in the Eastern Church
+and of Ambrose (340–397) in the Western. On the hexaemeral exegesis
+see Zöckler, <i>Geschichte</i>, vol. i, 1877; Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. ii, 1914, pp.
+393–501; Robbins, <i>Hexaemeral Lit.</i>, 1912.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f184'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r184'>184</a>. Exodus, xxvi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f185'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r185'>185</a>. See above, pp. 72–73, 287–288.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f186'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r186'>186</a>. The Apocryphal Acts arose out of attempts of early heretical sects to
+provide apostolic authority for their beliefs. Ecclesiastical authorities
+complained most bitterly of a certain Manichaean, Lucius (or Leucius)
+Charinus, as the author of these documents. We do not possess any of
+Charinus’ writings in the original. The most important collection of
+Apocryphal Acts was probably made in the seventh century and was
+commonly, though mistakenly, ascribed to Abdias, said to have been one
+of the Apostles who established himself as the first bishop of Babylon.
+Pseudo-Abdias drew from Charinus for the Acts of Andrew and Matthew.
+See Rudolf Hoffman’s article on the New Testament Apocrypha in <i>Realenzyklopädie
+für protestantische Theologie und Kirche</i>, begründet von S. S.
+Herzog, 3rd edit., by Albert Hauck, vol. i, Leipzig, 1896, pp. 664–668.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The account of the Acts of St. Thomas in the Pseudo-Abdias version
+was probably originally composed in Syriac, translated later into Greek,
+and from Greek into Latin. From an analysis of the details of the story
+(particularly the plants and animals mentioned in it) Philipps concludes
+that the legend originated in the Euphrates valley and that St. Thomas
+was apostle of the Parthian empire and of India in the limited sense of
+that part of India which includes the Indus valley only (Philipps, <i>St.
+Thomas</i>, 1903). These conclusions are in the main borne out by Dahlmann
+in the latest and most satisfactory examination of the legend of
+St. Thomas. Dahlmann believes that within the story, to which many
+legendary elements became attached, may be found a kernel of fact.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_380'>380</span>He maintains that connections by sea were in existence in the first century
+after Christ between the Roman province of Syria and northern
+India and that by this route St. Thomas reached the court of Gundophorus,
+a Parthian king of the Kabul valley and of Peshawar. The second part
+of the story relates the martyrdom of Thomas at the court of a King
+Mazdai, or Mazdeus. Some have thought that the kingdom of Mazdeus
+may have been situated in southern India, where subsequently there grew
+up a large colony of Nestorian Christians who claimed that their church
+was founded by St. Thomas himself. What little evidence there is,
+Dahlmann believes, is against this identification. He holds that the
+death of Thomas occurred in northwestern India (Dahlmann, <i>Thomas-Legende</i>,
+1912, <i>passim</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f187'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r187'>187</a>. On the influence of the Bible in molding geographical theory and on
+the matter of interpretation, see Kretschmer, <i>Phys. Erdk.</i>, 1889, Einleitung,
+pp. 5–9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f188'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r188'>188</a>. The great exponents of the allegorical and mystical method of exegesis
+during the early centuries of our era were the scholars of Alexandria;
+the literal method was primarily that of the Antiochians and Syrians
+(<i>ibid.</i>, pp. 17–20).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f189'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r189'>189</a>. Literal interpretation led men like Lactantius to the belief that the
+earth is flat. The pilgrim Theodosius, about 530 A.&#160;D., described the
+hills near the River Jordan which skipped like lambs when Christ came
+down to be baptized and added that when he was there the hills still
+appeared to be jumping (Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. i, 1897, p. 102). Peter
+Alphonsi in the twelfth century accused earlier Jewish doctors of going to
+extremes in their literal interpretation of Scripture, even to the extent of
+taking literally the words of the Psalm: “Flumina plaudent manibus,
+montes exsultabunt” (Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clvii, col. 553).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Cosmas Indicopleustes’ fantastic system of the world, based on the
+account of the Tabernacle of the Lord, is a famous and striking example
+of literal interpretation carried to an extreme. Cosmas was led by the
+Biblical text (and by his own imagination) to maintain aggressively that
+the universe is shaped like a strong-box with a semi-cylindrical cover.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f190'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r190'>190</a>. “Cum credimus, nihil desideramus ultra credere. Hoc enim prius
+credimus, non esse quod ultra credere debeamus.” Quoted by Kretschmer,
+<i>Phys. Erdk.</i>, 1889, p. 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f191'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r191'>191</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 22.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f192'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r192'>192</a>. On Platonism among the Church Fathers, see Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. ii,
+1914, pp. 408–417. The combination of Neoplatonism with Christianity
+has been called Augustinianism (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, p. 417).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f193'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r193'>193</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 44–47.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f194'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r194'>194</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 62–64.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f195'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r195'>195</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 64–67.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f196'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r196'>196</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f197'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r197'>197</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 44–47. See <i>De div. nat.</i>, III, 33 (Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_381'>381</span>cxxii, col. 719). Stegmann, <i>Anschauungen</i>, 1913, p. 60, contrasts the
+speculative and critical mind of John Scot with the credulous spirit of
+Raban Maur, his contemporary.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f198'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r198'>198</a>. Mori, <i>Misuraz. eratos.</i>, 1911, p. 391.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f199'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r199'>199</a>. See Geidel, <i>Alfred der Grosse</i>, 1904.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f200'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r200'>200</a>. Aethicus of Istria was often confused in the Middle Ages with a so-called
+Julius Aethicus, who may have written a <i>Cosmographia</i> which probably
+dates from the sixth century and was edited in Riese, <i>Geogr. lat.
+min.</i>, 1878, pp. 71–103. See Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. i, 1897, pp. 355–362.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f201'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r201'>201</a>. The <i>Orbis descriptio</i> of Dionysius and Priscian’s Latin version of it
+were edited by Müller in <i>Geogr. graeci min.</i>, vol. ii, 1882, pp. 103–176,
+190–199.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f202'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r202'>202</a>. The unknown author most frequently cited is a Roman cosmographer
+of the name of Castorius. The citations, names, and extracts from
+Castorius correspond very closely to the legends on the Peutinger Table
+and have led Miller to the conclusion that the latter represents the work
+of Castorius. See Miller, <i>Weltkarte des Castorius</i>, 1888, pp. 36–47; the
+same, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. vi, 1898, pp. 36–37; the same, <i>Itin. rom.</i>,
+1916, pp. xxvi-xxxvi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f203'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r203'>203</a>. See above, p. 104.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f204'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r204'>204</a>. The various Latin versions of the Romance of Alexander were destined
+to exert much influence on the form which the legend was to assume
+in the twelfth century and later. The earliest version of the Latin
+<i>Pseudo-Callisthenes</i> was made in the fourth century of our era by Julius
+Valerius; but this was little read in later centuries, and only three manuscripts
+of it are now extant. The work upon which most of the medieval
+versions of the Romance were based was an <i>Epitoma</i>, or abridgment, of
+Julius Valerius’ translation, made perhaps in the ninth century. In
+addition to Valerius’ version and the <i>Epitoma</i>, we have a <i>Letter from
+Alexander to Aristotle</i> describing the marvels of India. Longer, though
+corresponding essentially to chapter 17 of the third book of Valerius, it
+did not form part of the <i>Epitoma</i>, but was widely circulated as an independent
+booklet. A correspondence between Alexander and Dindimus
+concerning the Brahmins is also found in a ninth-century Latin form,
+perhaps translated by Alcuin from a Greek original. See Meyer, <i>Alexandre
+le grand</i>, 1886, vol. ii, <i>passim</i>; Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. i,
+pp. 551–557.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the tenth century a wholly new version of the legend, also derived
+from the <i>Pseudo-Callisthenes</i>, appeared in the West. This was the
+<i>Historia de praeliis</i>, the Greek original of which was said to have been
+brought from Constantinople by a certain “Leo Archipresbyter” and
+translated by him into Latin. See Landgraf, <i>Die Vita Alexandri</i>, 1885,
+and Krumbacher, <i>Geschichte</i>, 1897, pp. 849–852.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f205'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r205'>205</a>. See below, p. 391, note 130.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f206'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r206'>206</a>. Much has been written on St. Brandan and his wanderings. The
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_382'>382</span><i>Peregrinatio Sancti Brandani abbatis</i>, or Latin version of the legend (also
+known as <i>Navigatio</i> or <i>Narratio</i>), the date of which is uncertain, was
+published by Schröder, <i>Sanct Brandan</i>, 1871. See also Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>,
+vol. i, 1897, pp. 230–240. More recent notable works dealing with Brandan’s
+voyages and with other fabulous tales of the Atlantic are Westropp,
+<i>Brasil</i>, 1912; Babcock, <i>St. Brendan’s Islands</i>, 1919; idem, <i>Legendary
+Islands</i>, 1922, pp. 34–49. That some of the stories of the St. Brandan
+legend were derived from Oriental sources (and not vice versa, as Schröder,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. xii-xiii, attempted to show) was demonstrated by De Goeje,
+<i>St. Brandan</i>, 1890.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f207'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r207'>207</a>. T. D. Hardy, <i>Descriptive Catalogue of Materials Relating to the Early
+History of Great Britain</i>, London, 1862, vol. i, p. 159, cites a ninth-century
+manuscript in the Vatican (Regin. Christinae, 217). Hardy mentions
+five twelfth-century and ten thirteenth-century manuscripts of the
+<i>Vita S. Brendani</i>. This life of St. Brandan was printed by Jubinal, <i>Saint
+Brendaines</i>, 1836.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f208'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r208'>208</a>. Beazley, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, 1897, pp. 186–188.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f209'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r209'>209</a>. See above, pp. 13–14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f210'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r210'>210</a>. See above, p. 13, and Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. ii, 1914, pp. 447–449.
+Bible references and quotations throughout the present work, except where
+otherwise indicated, are based on the Douay and Rheims translation of
+the Vulgate.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f211'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r211'>211</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 414. The similarities between the accounts of the Creation
+in the <i>Timaeus</i> and in Genesis were explained by ascribing to Plato
+knowledge of the Bible. Augustine was particularly struck by the
+resemblance of the Platonic and Scriptural doctrines. Peter Comestor
+in our period actually believed “that Plato read the Mosaic books in
+Egypt and confounded the spirit of God (Gen. i, 2) with the World Soul”
+(Robbins, <i>Hexaemeral Lit.</i>, 1912, pp. 12–13).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f212'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r212'>212</a>. Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, pp. 408, 454–460, 478–487.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f213'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r213'>213</a>. Augustine, <i>De civ. Dei</i>, XII, 13 (as cited by Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, pp.
+452–453).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f214'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r214'>214</a>. Περὶ ἀρχῶν, II, 3, 4–5 (as cited by Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 449).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f215'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r215'>215</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pp. 462–471.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f216'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r216'>216</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, p. 464. It must be pointed out, however, that the
+Neoplatonic, as distinguished from the Peripatetic philosophers, believed
+in a creation (see above, note 33), even though they denied that there
+was a commencement of the world! A discussion of the highly abstract
+classical and medieval theories of time and space would lead us too far
+astray from the field of geography. Suffice it to remark that subsequent
+medieval commentators on the hexaemeron in general followed Augustine,
+who adopted the Platonic doctrine that God created the universe
+and time simultaneously. Augustine said: “Procul dubio, non est
+mundus factus in tempore, sed cum tempore” (<i>De civ. Dei</i>, XI, 6, as cited
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_383'>383</span>by Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 467; Robbins, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 7, 65–66, 82–83).
+See below, p. 418, note 26.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f217'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r217'>217</a>. See above, p. 145.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f218'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r218'>218</a>. Zöckler, <i>Geschichte</i>, vol. i, 1877, is devoted in the main to this subject.
+On Bede, see the same, pp. 246–252. See also Robbins, <i>op. cit.</i>, <i>passim</i>.
+For a discussion of theological, as distinguished from physical, concepts
+of the Creation among the early Christians, see A. C. McGiffert, <i>The God
+of the Early Christians</i>, New York, 1924, pp. 146–176.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f219'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r219'>219</a>. White, <i>Warfare</i>, 1920, vol. i, pp. 89–90.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f220'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r220'>220</a>. Günther, <i>Kosmogr. Ansch.</i>, 1882, discusses the influence of Jewish
+gnosticism and Aristotelianism on scholastic geography. Most of the
+early Jews conceived of a flat earth covered by a concave heaven through
+a window in which the sun and moon pass out in the west, whence they
+return to the east around the outside of the firmament.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f221'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r221'>221</a>. Sura, ii, 20; clxxi, 18; clxxviii, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f222'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r222'>222</a>. From the King James version. One form of the Vulgate reads: “Qui
+sedet super gyrum terrae, et habitatores eius sunt quasi locustae: qui extendit
+velut nihilum caelos, et expandit eos sicut tabernaculum ad inhabitandum.”
+The last phrase reads in another form used by the Church
+Fathers: “qui statuit velut fornicem coelum, et extendit velut tentorium”
+(Marinelli, <i>Scritti minori</i>, vol. i, [1908?], p. 326, note 2). The King James
+version renders the spirit of the Latin more accurately than the Douay
+and Rheims version, in which the word <i>gyrum</i> is translated “globe.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f223'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r223'>223</a>. Marinelli, <i>La geogr.</i>, 1882, p. 534 (also in <i>Scritti minori</i>, vol. i, [1908?],
+pp. 325–326, where there is an important footnote by Carlo Errera).
+See also Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. i, p. 275, note 1, and pp. 328–332.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f224'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r224'>224</a>. Marinelli, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 538–546 (also in <i>Scritti minori</i>, vol. i, [1908?],
+pp. 332–343); Beazley, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 273–303.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f225'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r225'>225</a>. <i>Div. institut.</i>, III, 24 (as cited by Kretschmer, <i>Phys. Erdk.</i>, 1889, pp.
+37f.). Thorndike, however, believes that the “opposition of early Christian
+thought to natural science has been rather unduly exaggerated” and
+that Lactantius “should hardly be cited as typical of early Christian
+attitude in such matters” (<i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. i, p. 480).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f226'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r226'>226</a>. The question of exactly what the early medieval thinkers in the West
+thought on this subject has been acrimoniously discussed from opposite
+points of view by Catholic and Protestant scholars. In the seventies of
+the last century Schneid (<i>Erdrundung</i>, 1877) defended the science of the
+Middle Ages against the attacks of Protestants like Whewell, Draper,
+and Günther, who accused the early ecclesiastical writers of servile
+dependence upon the letter of Scripture. Schneid’s article is more
+particularly an indictment of another article of the same title by Siegmund
+Günther in: <i>Studien</i>, 1877–1879. Schneid believed that Günther,
+through insufficient acquaintance with the literature of the period, had
+been led to minimize the achievements and worth of patristic science.
+Augustine, declared Schneid, nowhere denied the sphericity of the earth,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_384'>384</span>and his mention of the antipodes shows that he was well acquainted with
+the theory. Isidore, Bede, Raban Maur, and Adam of Bremen, he maintained,
+were all firmly convinced that the earth is a sphere. While we
+may concede that Schneid was right in the case of Bede and Adam, that
+Isidore and Raban Maur held to the doctrine of a spherical earth is perhaps
+more doubtful. See below, note 51, and p. 385, note 53. Furthermore,
+it is a little difficult to understand Schneid’s contention (p. 436) that
+Cosmas did not deny the sphericity of the earth through religious obscurantism
+but rather on the grounds of practical experience. See also
+below, p. 386, note 64, and p. 424, note 100.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>More recently the Jesuit father, Reverend F. S. Betten, has contributed
+an article entitled <i>Knowledge of the Sphericity of the Earth During the
+Earlier Middle Ages</i> to the Catholic Historical Review, vol. iii (N. S.),
+Washington, D. C., 1923, pp. 74–90. In this he argues that “we have&#160;...
+at least one witness in every century to the tradition of the sphericity
+of the earth” (p. 86), and he cites as these witnesses Hilary of
+Poitiers (died 366), Ambrose of Milan (died 397), Augustine (died 430),
+Cassiodorus (died 575), and Isidore of Seville (died 636). Echoes of the
+Ptolemaic astronomy, to be sure, may be detected in the writings of these
+men. On the other hand, no one of them makes a clean-cut avowal of belief
+that the earth is a globe, and the passages quoted by Father Betten are not
+wholly irreconcilable with the doctrine of a flat earth. It is not enough,
+in dealing with the cosmographical opinions of the Church Fathers, to
+cite isolated remnants of classical science scattered through their works.
+Without taking into consideration all of a writer’s assertions regarding a
+specific topic one can hardly arrive at safe conclusions regarding his
+opinions on that topic. Father Betten puts much stock in Isidore’s
+supposed “faithful representation of the main tenets of Ptolemy’s theory”
+(<i>ibid.</i>, p. 84). On the other hand he makes no mention of passages in
+Isidore which may be reconciled only with belief in a flat earth (see below,
+notes 50, and 51). We venture to hold that we are not as yet in a
+position to make any definite pronouncements upon the cosmographical
+opinions of the other writers cited by Father Betten. Such pronouncements
+should be made only after thorough investigation of <i>all</i> that these
+writers stated bearing directly or indirectly on matters of cosmography.
+Such an investigation has not been made as yet. Is it not, however,
+probable that the theories of a flat earth elaborated by the Eastern
+Fathers (see above, p. 383, note 45), theories built upon the interpretation
+of Scripture, were at least as influential in molding the early medieval
+cosmology of the Occident as the then often discredited relics of Greek
+science?</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f227'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r227'>227</a>. Kretschmer, <i>Phys. Erdk.</i>, 1889, p. 50. See also the preceding note.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f228'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r228'>228</a>. <i>De nat. rer.</i>, 10. Why this passage should be interpreted to indicate
+belief in a flat earth is explained by Brehaut, <i>Isidore</i>, 1912, pp. 50–54.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f229'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r229'>229</a>. “The size of the sun is greater than that of the earth and so from the
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_385'>385</span>moment when it rises it appears equally to east and west at the same
+time” (<i>Etym.</i>, III, 47; translated by Brehaut, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 147). Gribaudi
+(<i>Isidoro</i>, 1905, p. 22) argued that Isidore of Seville held to the theory of
+sphericity.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f230'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r230'>230</a>. Bede, <i>De nat. rer.</i>, 46. Bede’s proof was derived from Pliny, <i>Hist.
+nat.</i>, II, 64.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f231'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r231'>231</a>. See Mori, <i>Misuraz. eratos.</i>, 1911, pp. 390–391. C. B. Jourdain (<i>Infl.
+Arist.</i>, 1861, pp. 6–7) maintained that Raban Maur (<i>De universo</i>, XII, 2)
+inscribed the circumference of the terrestrial globe in an ideal cube, the
+angles of which correspond to the four cardinal points. Nothing in
+the text, however, would justify our supposing that Raban Maur had in
+mind either a globe or a cube. On the contrary he was doubtless thinking
+of the <i>orbis terrarum</i> in the Roman sense (see below, note 58), that is to
+say, of the circle of the known lands. Peschel (<i>Geschichte</i>, 1877, p. 100,
+note 3) and Marinelli (<i>La geogr.</i>, 1882, p. 552, note 5; <i>Scritti minori</i>, vol. i,
+[1908?], p. 352, note 1) tried to interpret the passage to mean that Raban
+Maur held that the <i>orbis terrarum</i> was square. Bertolini (<i>I quattro
+angoli</i>, 1910, pp. 1439–1441), however, has demonstrated conclusively
+that the text in question indicates that he thought it was a circle.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f232'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r232'>232</a>. <i>De div. nat.</i>, III, 33, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxxii, cols. 716–718.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f233'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r233'>233</a>. <i>Gerberti opera</i>, Bubnov’s edit., 1899, p. 362. See the same, pp. 310–313,
+note 1, for discussion of the reasons why it is not the work of Gerbert.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f234'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r234'>234</a>. Kretschmer, <i>Phys. Erdk.</i>, 1889, p. 61.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f235'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r235'>235</a>. Santarem, <i>Essai</i>, vol. i, 1849, Introduction, pp. 1–56; Simar,
+<i>Afrique centrale</i>, 1912, <i>passim</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f236'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r236'>236</a>. The idea of antipodes in our modern sense of the term, as referring to
+regions on the opposite side of a spherical earth, came from the Greeks.
+Notably the doctrine of Crates of Mallos, it was adopted by Martianus
+Capella and Macrobius, who passed it on to the medieval West (see above,
+p. 18). Lactantius and Augustine argued against the possibility of such
+antipodes. The practical spirit of the Romans had not been interested in
+theoretical regions on the other side of the earth (see above, p. 10). Roman
+maps, we may infer, were usually circular and showed an ocean
+stream running around the <i>orbis terrarum</i>, or three known continents
+(Asia, Europe, Africa). Sometimes an unknown fourth continent beyond
+the impassable equatorial ocean was depicted (see Simar, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 150).
+These Roman maps probably formed the basis of many maps of the early
+Middle Ages. But during the Middle Ages, as has been the case with
+modern attempts to interpret these theories, true antipodes became confused
+with the fourth, or austral, continent, belief in which did not necessitate
+belief in a spherical world. Isidore was probably referring merely
+to the austral continent when he wrote: “Extra tres partes orbis, quarta
+pars trans Oceanum interior est in meridie quae solis ardore nobis incognita
+est, in cujus finibus antipodas fabulose inhabitare produntur”
+(<i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 5).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_386'>386</span>Arguing thus, Simar contends, in his brilliant study of Central African
+geography in antiquity and the Middle Ages, that medieval discussions of
+the antipodes referred to the austral continent and did not necessarily have
+anything to do with the question of belief in the sphericity of the earth.
+While this may be true, he gives, in the opinion of the writer, a misleading
+impression that the doctrine of a spherical earth met with scant favor
+in the West until as late as the twelfth century (Simar, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 157–158).
+He tends to ignore the important influence of Macrobius and of
+Martianus Capella in keeping alive from the time of the Carolingian
+Renaissance onward the doctrine that the earth is a globe. On the
+influence of Macrobius, see Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 62–71;
+and on Martianus Capella, see especially Mori, <i>Misuraz. eratos.</i>, 1911,
+pp. 390–391.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f237'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r237'>237</a>. <i>Div. instit.</i>, III, 24.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f238'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r238'>238</a>. <i>De civ. Dei</i>, XVI, 9. It should also be pointed out that Augustine
+(<i>loc. cit.</i>), in addition, objects to the possibility of there being inhabited
+antipodes on the purely rational grounds that it would be impossible for
+men to have reached such distant continents across the ocean. The
+Catholic father, P. Mandonnet (<i>Les idées cosmogr.</i>, 1893, p. 55), asserted
+that it was rather on the strength of physical argument than on that of
+Scriptural exegesis that Augustine based his opposition to antipodeans.
+At all events, Mandonnet admits that it was largely through Augustine’s
+immense prestige that the theory of the possibility of inhabited antipodes
+was excluded from general acceptance throughout the Middle Ages
+(<i>ibid.</i>, p. 56).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f239'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r239'>239</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, IX, 2. See Boffito, <i>Leggenda</i>, 1903, p. 592, note 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f240'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r240'>240</a>. <i>De temporum ratione</i>, 34.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f241'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r241'>241</a>. “Absit ut nos quisquam vel hoc contentisse abstruere, vel antipodarum
+fabulas recipere arbitretur, quae sunt fidei Christianae omnino
+contraria [<i>sic</i>]” (<i>Classicorum auctorum e vaticanis codicibus editorum series</i>,
+vol. iii, edited by A. Mai, Rome, 1831, p. 337). For John Scot Erigena
+on the antipodes and for other texts dealing with the subject see Rand,
+<i>Johannes Scottus</i>, 1906, pp. 20–23.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f242'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r242'>242</a>. Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. vi, col. 426; vol. xli, col. 487; <i>Mon. Germ.
+hist.</i>, <i>Script. rerum merovingicarum</i>, vol. vi, 1913, pp. 517–520. Much
+has been written on Virgil of Salzburg and his relations to the ecclesiastical
+authorities of his time. Protestants like Draper, Whewell, White, and
+Siegmund Günther have looked upon Virgil as more or less a martyr
+to the cause of freedom of thought. Catholics, on the other hand, have
+tried to demonstrate that Virgil cleared himself of the charge of heresy
+and that as a bishop he was able to carry on valuable work for the church.
+See Krabbo, <i>Bischof Virgil</i>, 1903, and Van der Linden, <i>Virgile de Salzbourg</i>,
+1914. The latter maintains that “contrairement à l’opinion reçue,
+Virgile de Salzbourg a été très probablement un simple commentateur
+et non un novateur.... Sa théorie, au lieu de marquer le début d’une
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_387'>387</span>ère de progrès dans les études cosmographiques, constitue l’un des derniers
+reflets de la culture classique avant la nuit du X<sup>e</sup> siècle” (critique of
+Van der Linden, <i>op. cit.</i>, in Isis: International Review Devoted to the
+History of Science and Civilization, vol. ii, Brussels, Sept. 1919, pp. 437–438).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f243'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r243'>243</a>. See Marinelli, <i>Scritti minori</i>, vol. i, [1908?], pp. 331–332, note 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f244'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r244'>244</a>. Zöckler, <i>Geschichte</i>, vol. i, 1877, p. 340. See also White, <i>Warfare</i>,
+1920, vol. i, pp. 106–107.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f245'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r245'>245</a>. “The influence of the Bible on the meteorological theories of the
+Church Fathers was very limited. Even when the attempt was made
+to hide the pagan influence in a Biblical shell, a close study reveals to us a
+truly pagan philosophical core” (Hoffmann, <i>Anschauungen</i>, 1907, p. 93).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f246'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r246'>246</a>. For texts of those parts of Isidore’s <i>De natura rerum</i> (chs. 32–41),
+Bede’s <i>De natura rerum</i> (chs. 25–36), and Raban Maur’s <i>De universo</i> (IX,
+17–20, 25–28) which deal with meteorology, see Hellmann, <i>Denkmäler</i>,
+1904, pp. 1–19.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f247'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r247'>247</a>. <i>Liber contra insulsam vulgi opinionem de grandine et tonitruis</i> (Poole,
+<i>Illustrations</i>, 1920, p. 36).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f248'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r248'>248</a>. Poole, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f249'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r249'>249</a>. See J. C. Frazer, <i>The Golden Bough</i>, Part I, <i>The Magic Art and the
+Evolution of Kings</i>, London, 1911, vol. i, pp. 244–331.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f250'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r250'>250</a>. Poole, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 37.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f251'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r251'>251</a>. For a discussion of various theories of the Church Fathers regarding
+the waters above the firmament, with references to the sources, see
+especially Hoffmann, <i>Anschauungen</i>, 1907, pp. 5–13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f252'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r252'>252</a>. Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. ii, 1914, p. 489.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f253'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r253'>253</a>. Zöckler, <i>Geschichte</i>, vol. i, 1877, pp. 63, 226; Werner, <i>Kosm. Wilhelm
+von Conches</i>, 1873, p. 322.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f254'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r254'>254</a>. On the subject of the waters, Augustine made a statement which
+typifies the medieval attitude towards the authority of Scripture:
+“Proinde cum de isto fonte quaerimus quomodo id quod dictum est,
+<i>ascendebat de terra, et irrigabat omnem faciem terrae</i>, non impossibile
+videatur; si ea quae diximus impossibilia cuiquam videatur, quaerat ipse
+aliud, quo tamen verax ista Scriptura monstretur, quae procul dubio
+verax est, etiamsi non monstretur” (<i>De Genesi ad litteram</i>, V, 9, in:
+<i>Corpus script. eccles. lat.</i>, vol. xxviii, sect. 3, pt. 1, p. 152). See also
+Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, pp. 491–494.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f255'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r255'>255</a>. <i>Hexaemeron</i>, II, 3, 9–11, in: <i>Corpus script. eccles. lat.</i>, vol. xxxii, sect.
+1, pt. 1, pp. 47–50.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f256'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r256'>256</a>. Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 489.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f257'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r257'>257</a>. This idea was expressed by Basil, Augustine, and by the author of the
+<i>De ordine creatorum liber</i>, a work sometimes attributed to Isidore (Migne,
+<i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. lxxxiii, cols. 920–921; Robbins, <i>Hexaemeral Lit.</i>, 1912, p. 69;
+Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, 1915, p. 15).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f258'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r258'>258</a>. This theory “avait été longuement exposée et discutée par Augustin
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_388'>388</span>l’Hibernais” (Duhem, <i>loc. cit.</i>). See also Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, 1915,
+pp. 12–13, and below, p. 432, note 27.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f259'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r259'>259</a>. <i>Hexaemeron</i>, I, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. xci, col. 20.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f260'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r260'>260</a>. “Abyssus profunditas aquarum, impenetrabilis, sive speluncae
+aquarum latentium, e quibus fontes et flumina procedunt; vel quae
+occulte subtereunt, unde et Abyssus dictus. Nam omnes aquae, sive
+torrentes per occultas venas ad matricem abyssum revertuntur” (<i>Etym.</i>,
+XIII, 20). In the text is given the translation of Brehaut, <i>Isidore</i>, 1912,
+p. 241.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f261'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r261'>261</a>. Kretschmer, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 91–105.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f262'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r262'>262</a>. <i>De Genesi ad litteram</i>, V, 9–10, in: <i>Corpus script. eccles. lat.</i>, vol. xxviii,
+sect. 3, pt. 1, pp. 152–154.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f263'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r263'>263</a>. Kretschmer, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 95.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f264'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r264'>264</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 93–94.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f265'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r265'>265</a>. Isidore, <i>De nat. rer.</i>, 43.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f266'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r266'>266</a>. Norlind, <i>Problem</i>, 1918, pp. 24–25.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f267'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r267'>267</a>. <i>De mens. orb. terr.</i>, Parthey’s edit., p. 76 (as cited by Kretschmer,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 106).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f268'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r268'>268</a>. <i>De nat. rer.</i>, 40.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f269'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r269'>269</a>. Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, 1914, p. 461.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f270'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r270'>270</a>. Augustine, <i>De civitate Dei</i>, V, 6, in: <i>Corpus script. eccles. lat.</i>, vol. xl,
+pt. 1, p. 218; Ambrose, <i>Hexaemeron</i>, IV, 7, 29–30, <i>ibid.</i>, vol. xxxii, sect. 1,
+pt. 1, pp. 134–136.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f271'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r271'>271</a>. Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 13–14. See Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol.
+xxxv, col. 2159.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f272'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r272'>272</a>. Bede, <i>De nat. rer.</i>, 39; <i>De temporum ratione</i>, 28–29.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f273'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r273'>273</a>. <i>Hist. gentis Langobard.</i>, I, 6; (Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 113–115).
+It has been thought that Paul the Deacon’s theory of the whirlpools was
+derived from Norse traditions, but Nansen suggests that it is just as probable
+that in this case “southern, originally classical ideas&#160;... have been
+localized in the Norse legends.” Virgil mentions a gulf of the sea “which
+sucks the water into itself and sends it up again.” Paul the Deacon
+speaks of whirlpools “not only in the north, and off the Hebrides, but
+also between Britain and Spain, and in the Strait of Messina.” With
+Adam of Bremen the whirlpool becomes “exclusively northern, and later
+still we shall get it even at the North Pole itself” (Nansen, <i>Northern
+Mists</i>, 1911, vol. i, p. 159).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f274'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r274'>274</a>. See above, pp. 192 and 194.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f275'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r275'>275</a>. Kretschmer, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 133–135.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f276'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r276'>276</a>. Isidore, <i>Etym.</i>, XIX, 6; <i>De nat. rer.</i>, 47 (as cited by Stegmann,
+<i>Anschauungen</i>, 1913, p. 29).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f277'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r277'>277</a>. Stegmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 15–20.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f278'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r278'>278</a>. See above, pp. 28 and 29.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f279'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r279'>279</a>. For data on the Biblical origins of ideas of Hell, for early medieval
+conceptions of Hell, and for references on these subjects, see Stegmann,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 20–27.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f280'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r280'>280</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_389'>389</span>See Geikie, <i>Love of Nature Among the Romans</i>, 1912.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f281'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r281'>281</a>. Ganzenmüller, <i>Naturgefühl</i>, 1914, pp. 9–10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f282'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r282'>282</a>. From Claudian’s <i>Epithalamium</i>, verses 1 ff., and <i>De nuptiis Honorii
+Augusti</i>, verse 49 (as cited by Ganzenmüller, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 10).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f283'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r283'>283</a>. Ganzenmüller, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f284'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r284'>284</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 17–19.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f285'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r285'>285</a>. Dr. R. P. Blake of Harvard, specialist in Russian and Caucasian
+history, has been kind enough to furnish the writer with the following
+references on the love of nature in the medieval Orient: Krachkovskii,
+<i>The Divan of Abu’l-Wāwā, a Hamdanid Poet of the Eleventh Century</i>, text,
+translation, introduction, and commentary, Academy of Sciences, Petrograd,
+1916 (in Russian); N. I. Marr, <i>Georgii Merchul, Zhitie sv. Grigorii
+Khandzt‘iiskago</i> (<i>George Merchul, Life of St. Gregory of Khandzt‘a</i>), text,
+translation, and introduction, with a diary of a journey to Klarjet’ia and
+Shavshet’ia, Teksti i Raziskaniya po Armyano-Gruzinskoi filologii (Texts
+and Studies in Armenian and Georgian Philology), vol. vii, Petrograd,
+1911; <i>Life of St. Serapion</i>, published by M. Janashvili K’artuli Mcerloba,
+in vol. ii of his <i>Georgian Literature</i>, Tiflis, 1909 (in Georgian). Latin
+translations of the two latter texts, which testify to the love of wild
+nature, have been published by the Bollandist, Paul Peeters, in: Analecta
+Bollandiana, vol. xxxvi-xxxvii, for 1917–1919, Brussels and Paris, 1922,
+pp. 159–309.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f286'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r286'>286</a>. Ganzenmüller, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 116–118.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f287'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r287'>287</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 161–162.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f288'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r288'>288</a>. <i>Liber de astrolabio</i>, 19, in: <i>Gerberti opera</i>, Bubnov’s edit., 1899, p. 142.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f289'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r289'>289</a>. See especially Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. vi, 1898; Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>,
+vol. i, 1897, pp. 387–391; Vidier, <i>Mappemonde de Théodulfe</i>, 1911, pp.
+289–292.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f290'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r290'>290</a>. See above, pp. 35–36.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f291'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r291'>291</a>. Among these are notably the crude Albi map dating from the eighth
+century (Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 57–59), the relatively accurate
+“Anglo-Saxon,” or “Cotton,” map dating probably from the mid-tenth
+but perhaps from as late as the twelfth century (Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii,
+p. 31; Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, p. 560), and a map drawn at Ripoll
+in Catalonia during the eleventh century (Vidier, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 293–305).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f292'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r292'>292</a>. Simar, <i>Afrique centrale</i>, 1912, pp. 159–169, classifies these early
+maps as follows:</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A. Maps derived from Roman representations of the <i>orbis terrarum</i>,
+or circle of known lands, and adapted to serve the immediate purpose of
+the cosmographer or historian whose works they were drawn to illustrate.
+To this group belong the Sallust maps, the T-O maps, and many maps
+in which the influence of Orosius appears to be predominant. Simar
+believes that he can detect evidences of Byzantine influence upon the
+latter, among which he includes the Albi and Cotton maps (see the
+preceding note), and, from the time of the Crusades, the maps of Guido
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_390'>390</span>(see above, p. 124), Henry of Mayence (see above, p. 124), and the “Jerome”
+maps (see above, pp. 125–126). To this group also belong the
+Psalter map, the Hereford and Ebstorf wall charts, and the maps in the
+Chronicle of Ralph Hygden (see above, p. 125)—all dating from the late
+thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>B. Maps which aim to show the earth in its cosmographical relations,
+“the lamentable débris of Greek cosmography.” To this group belong
+the Macrobian maps of the zones.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>AB. Maps in which the purpose is a combination of the two elements
+shown in the maps of classes A and B above. These show the <i>orbis
+terrarum</i> but add a fourth, uninhabitable part of the world beyond the
+equator. To this class belong the Beatus maps (see above, pp. 122–124),
+the <i>mappaemundi</i> in Lambert’s <i>Liber floridus</i> (see above, p. 124), (and,
+we may add, the Ripoll map described by Vidier, <i>op. cit.</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f293'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r293'>293</a>. Beazley, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, 1901, p. 625; Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, 1895,
+pp. 122–126.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f294'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r294'>294</a>. Beazley, <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 627–631; Miller, <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 116–122. T-O maps
+and maps of similar simple diagrammatic character accompany manuscripts
+of Isidore’s <i>Etymologiae</i> and show the division of the countries of
+the earth among the children of Noah.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f295'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r295'>295</a>. Beazley, <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 631–632; Miller, <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 110–115.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f296'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r296'>296</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, 1895.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f297'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r297'>297</a>. See Yule, <i>Cathay</i>, vol. i, 1915, preliminary essay; Beazley, <i>op. cit.</i>,
+vol. i, 1897, pp. 176–194.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f298'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r298'>298</a>. See Tiander, <i>Poyezdki</i>, 1906.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f299'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r299'>299</a>. See Coli, <i>Il paradiso terrestre dantesco</i>, 1897.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f300'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r300'>300</a>. This is taken from the King James version, which here follows the
+version of the Septuagint. Jerome translated the Hebrew as follows:
+“And the Lord God had planted a paradise of pleasure from the beginning.”
+Raban Maur pointed out the divergence between these two
+translations; likewise Peter Lombard in the twelfth century. See Coli,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 68, and also below, p. 462, note 35.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f301'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r301'>301</a>. “Post eosdem montes [i. e. Rhipaean Mountains] trans aquilonem
+Hyperborei, apud quos mundi axis continua motione torquetur, gens
+moribus prolixitate vitae, deorum cultu, aeris clementia, semenstri die,
+fine etiam habitationis humanae praedicanda” (<i>De nupt. Phil. et Merc.</i>,
+VI, 664). “... hinc Attagenus sinus Hyperboreis beatitate consimilis,
+quo incolae gratulantur qui circumactu vallium auras nesciunt pestilentes”
+(<i>ibid.</i>, VI, 693).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f302'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r302'>302</a>. See above, p. 63.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f303'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r303'>303</a>. Ganzenmüller, <i>Naturgefühl</i>, 1914, pp. 9–10, 87–88.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f304'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r304'>304</a>. Kretschmer, <i>Phys. Erdk.</i>, 1889, pp. 78–79.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f305'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r305'>305</a>. From the King James version (see above, note 122).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f306'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r306'>306</a>. On the river Pison see the description in Epiphanius, <i>Liber de XII
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_391'>391</span>gemmis rationalis summi sacerdotis Hebraeorum</i>, in: <i>Corpus script. eccles.
+lat.</i>, vol. xxxv, pt. 2, pp. 747–748.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>As this book is in press there has come to the writer’s attention Lutz’s
+interesting article, <i>Geographical Studies Among Babylonians and Egyptians</i>,
+1924, which shows that some of the cosmographical ideas prevalent
+in the Christian Middle Ages may be traced back to Babylonian origins.
+The origins of the belief in the four rivers of Paradise, for instance, is
+unquestionably to be sought for in Babylonian astrology and geography,
+two sciences closely allied. One group among the Babylonians held that
+the earth’s surface forms a quadrilateral, itself an exact counterpart of a
+portion of the firmament, Pegasus α-δ. “Andromeda&#160;... was
+identified with the Euphrates which flow’s south, while the Tigris was
+considered to flow parallel to the line between Pegasus α and δ. Two
+additional watercourses, which later tradition designated as Pison and
+Gihon, completed the watercourses around the trapezium. This view,
+however, must have gone back to a time when conditions as they existed
+in Babylonia were, <i>mutatis mutandis</i>, transferred to the sky; namely, it
+was ultimately based on the cultivated field surrounded by irrigation
+ditches” (<i>ibid.</i>, pp. 168–169).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f307'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r307'>307</a>. Kretschmer, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 80–91.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f308'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r308'>308</a>. On the legend of Gog and Magog see: Peschel, <i>Abhandlungen</i>, vol. i,
+1877, pp. 28–35; Lenormant, <i>Magog</i>, 1882; Marinelli, <i>Gog e Magog</i>,
+1882–1883 (also in <i>Scritti minori</i>, vol. i, [1908?], pp. 385–438); and Graf,
+<i>Roma</i>, vol. ii, 1883, Appendix, pp. 507–563.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f309'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r309'>309</a>. Lenormant, <i>Magog</i>, 1882, p. 10, note 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f310'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r310'>310</a>. Sura xxi, 95, 96; sura xviii. The latter sura describes the deeds of
+Alexander Dulkarnein, the two-horned—not Alexander the Great of
+Macedon but, according to Arabic tradition, an older Yemenic conqueror
+of the world (Peschel, <i>Abhandlungen</i>, vol. i, 1877, p. 30).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f311'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r311'>311</a>. Procopius, <i>De bello Persico</i>, I, 10 (complete works of Procopius
+edited by J. Haury, Leipzig, 1905).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f312'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r312'>312</a>. Sackur, <i>Sibyll. Texte</i>, 1898, p. 72.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f313'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r313'>313</a>. See above, p. 381, note 26. The connection of Alexander with Gog
+and Magog is found in the <i>Historia de praeliis</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f314'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r314'>314</a>. See above, p. 381, note 26.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f315'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r315'>315</a>. See above, p. 379, note 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f316'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r316'>316</a>. <i>Anglo-Saxon Chron.</i>, sub anno 883, in: “Rolls series” edit., no. 23,
+edited by Benjamin Thorpe, London, 1861, vol. i, pp. 150–153.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f317'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r317'>317</a>. Tiander, <i>Poyezdki</i>, 1906.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f318'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r318'>318</a>. See especially the works of E. Bauvois, F. Michel, P. Gaffarel, and
+T. Stephens, to which references are given in: Geographisches Jahrbuch,
+vol. xviii, Gotha, 1895, pp. 5–10. For a critical study, see Zimmer,
+<i>Früheste Berührungen</i>, 1891.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f319'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r319'>319</a>. <i>De mens. orb. terr.</i>, VII, 2, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f320'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r320'>320</a>. As is well known, the Icelandic discovery of America has been a
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_392'>392</span>subject of constant discussion throughout the last century. Innumerable
+and often incredible theories have been propounded in an attempt to
+identify the places mentioned in the Sagas, and a large library of books,
+articles, and pamphlets has come into being relating to this subject.
+The sole aim in the present work is to give as brief as possible a statement
+of what countries the Icelanders of the twelfth and early thirteenth
+centuries believed to lie to the southwest of Greenland.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The sources for the Icelandic discovery of America are collected in: Rafn,
+<i>Antiq. americanae</i>, 1837, and Supplement, 1841. Icelandic texts are
+there given with Danish and Latin translations. For English translations
+of the Wineland Voyages, see Reeves, <i>Wineland</i>, 1890. The best
+bibliography is Hermannsson, <i>Northmen</i>, 1909. For references to recent
+studies on the subject see Geographisches Jahrbuch, vol. xxxix (1919–1923),
+Gotha, 1924, p. 277.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f321'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r321'>321</a>. Reeves, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 11. In some Icelandic texts, <i>doegr</i> indicates
+twelve hours’ sailing, though it probably did not always have this meaning.
+See <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 173–174.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f322'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r322'>322</a>. The Wineland voyages are described in detail in the <i>Saga of Eric the
+Red</i> and in the <i>Flateyjarbók</i>, dating from the end of the thirteenth and
+early fourteenth centuries (Reeves, <i>op. cit.</i>, <i>passim</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<h4 class='c014'>NOTES<br> CHAPTER III<br> THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE MOSLEMS</h4>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f323'>
+<p class='c013'><a href='#r323'>323</a>. Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. ii, 1914, pp. 146–157.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f324'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r324'>324</a>. See above, pp. 98–102.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f325'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r325'>325</a>. On what follows concerning Moslem knowledge of Ptolemy’s <i>Almagest</i>
+see the introduction to Karl Manitius’ German translation of the <i>Almagest</i>,
+1912. See also Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 103–104.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f326'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r326'>326</a>. See above, p. 96.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f327'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r327'>327</a>. Al-Battānī’s <i>Astronomy</i>, Nallino’s edit., pt. i, 1903, pp. 166–167; pt. ii,
+1907, pp. 210–211; Al-Khwārizmī’s <i>Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ</i>, Nallino’s edit.,
+1894, p. 6. Ptolemy’s <i>Geography</i> was translated into Arabic at least
+three times: (1) by Ibn Khurdādhbeh not earlier than about 846–847 A.&#160;D.,
+but for private use alone; (2) by Yaʿqūb ibn Isḥāq al-Kindī, before 874
+A.&#160;D.; and (3) by Thābit ibn Qurra (826–901 A.&#160;D.).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f328'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r328'>328</a>. Al-Khwārizmī’s <i>Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ</i> and its origins are of interest to
+us in view of the fact that certain of the figures there given for latitude and
+longitude found their way into the <i>Toledo Tables</i>, which were translated
+into Latin and enjoyed wide use in the West during the twelfth century
+and later (see above, pp. 243–244). Various figures given in the <i>Kitāb
+ṣūrat al-arḍ</i> were quoted by later Mohammedan writers, among them the
+fourteenth-century geographer Abū-l-Fidā. These formed the basis of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_393'>393</span>the discussion of Al-Khwārizmī’s work in Lelewel’s <i>Géographie du moyen
+âge</i>, vol. i, 1852, pp. 21–29; epilogue, 1857, pp. 47–60. A manuscript of
+the <i>Ṣūrat al-arḍ</i>, the only one in existence, was discovered by Wilhelm
+Spitta in Cairo in 1878 and described by him in an article entitled <i>Die
+Geographie des Ptolemäus bei den Arabern</i>, 1882. Spitta’s article was
+completely superseded by Nallino’s more critical study (<i>Al-Ḫuwârizmî
+e il suo rifacimento</i>, 1894). Nallino shows that Lelewel’s theory, that
+the <i>Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ</i> is a translation of a work called <i>Oresmos</i> by a
+seventh-century Greek geographer, will not hold water. He suggested
+that the work was not a direct translation from Ptolemy but was composed
+to elucidate and explain a map which itself was compiled directly
+from a Greek, not Greco-Syrian, version of the <i>Geography</i>. The fact that
+Al-Khwārizmī’s figures in many cases diverge slightly from those of
+Ptolemy may be explained by the supposition that they were reconstructed
+from data given on a map, rather than copied from the text of Ptolemy’s
+<i>Geography</i>. Later and more thorough investigations into the <i>Kitāb ṣūrat
+al-arḍ</i> by Hans von Mžik confirm Nallino’s opinion that the treatise
+was based upon a map but show that the map itself must have been compiled
+from a Syrian text. Al-Khwārizmī’s work embodies the results of
+Moslem geographical calculations which had tended to correct Ptolemy’s
+overestimate of the length of the Mediterranean Sea (von Mzik,
+<i>Ptolemaeus</i>, 1915, pp. 152–176; idem, <i>Afrika</i>, 1916).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f329'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r329'>329</a>. The <i>Astronomy</i> contains: (1) in the preamble, a chapter describing the
+world, first the earth as a whole and then the various seas; (2) among the
+astronomical tables, a table of the latitudes and longitudes of places in the
+<i>oikoumene</i>. The geographical chapter was edited and translated into
+French by Reinaud in the introduction to his <i>Géogr. d’Aboulféda</i>, vol. i,
+1848 (pp. cclxxxiii-ccxc), and more recently into Latin by Nallino in his
+great edition of Al-Battānī’s <i>Astronomy</i>. Nallino contends that it was
+drawn from a much altered version of a Greco-Syrian Ptolemy and that
+Lelewel and Reinaud were mistaken in thinking that its origin was
+non-Ptolemaic.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Al-Battānī says that he drew on a certain <i>Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ</i> for his
+astronomical tables. This was not the work of the same title by Al-Khwārizmī
+(see the preceding note), though its author undoubtedly
+derived some of his data from Al-Khwārizmī’s <i>Kitāb</i> as well as from the
+Greco-Syrian version of Ptolemy (Al-Battānī’s <i>Astronomy</i>, Nallino’s
+edit., pt. ii, 1907, pp. 209–211).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f330'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r330'>330</a>. See above, pp. 97 and 244, and below, note 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f331'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r331'>331</a>. See Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 3–19.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f332'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r332'>332</a>. The standard work on Az-Zarqalī is Steinschneider, <i>Études sur
+Zarkali</i>, 1881–1887, which deals almost exclusively with manuscripts,
+texts, and translations.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f333'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r333'>333</a>. Steinschneider, <i>op. cit.</i>, in: Bollettino, vol. xx, 1887, p. 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f334'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r334'>334</a>. The writer has been unable to find that any detailed study has been
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_394'>394</span>made of the sources of the <i>Toledo Tables</i> and of the <i>Canons</i> of Az-Zarqalī.
+Though these Spanish works in their geographical aspects undoubtedly
+owe much to Al-Khwārizmī, the exact relationship between them is
+an unsolved problem. As is explained in Chapter X, p. 244, above,
+most of the Latin translations of the <i>Toledo Tables</i> dating from the twelfth
+century and later are accompanied by a list of geographical coördinates
+obviously copied from a similar list in the original Arabic and Hebrew
+texts of the <i>Tables</i>. So far as the writer is aware no manuscripts of the
+original Arabic list are known. Consequently, if this is true, we can
+obtain no precise information regarding the connection between the
+earlier Arabic figures and those known in the West in our period. A
+superficial comparison, however, of the Latin list with the figures in
+Al-Khwārizmī’s <i>Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ</i> suffices to show that there are many
+figures common to each and to establish the general thesis that the figures
+of the <i>Toledo Tables</i> are based on earlier Moslem figures, especially those
+of Al-Khwārizmī, which, in turn, were derived ultimately, though with
+many alterations, from Ptolemy’s <i>Geography</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f335'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r335'>335</a>. See above, pp. 97–98, and below, p. 400, note 45.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f336'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r336'>336</a>. Amari, <i>Musulmani di Sicilia</i>, vol. ii, 1858, ch. 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f337'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r337'>337</a>. This quotation is from the preface of Edrisi’s <i>Geography</i>, Jaubert’s
+translation (under Idrīsī in the Bibliography), p. xx.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f338'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r338'>338</a>. Dozy and De Goeje, <i>Description</i>, 1866 (under Idrīsī in the Bibliography),
+pp. ii, iv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f339'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r339'>339</a>. 1154 is the date given in Edrisi’s preface. See, however, note by
+G. Pardi in: Rivista geografica italiana, vol. xxiv, Florence, 1917, pp.
+380–382.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f340'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r340'>340</a>. De La Roncière, <i>Marine française</i>, vol. i, 1909, p. 136.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f341'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r341'>341</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 136–137.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f342'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r342'>342</a>. See above, p. 95.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f343'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r343'>343</a>. It is uncertain whether the original tables of Al-Khwārizmī were
+known as the <i>Little Sindhind</i> or whether this title was given to another
+related work by the same author. See Suter, <i>Astron. Tafeln</i>, 1914, p. viii
+(under Khwārizmī, Al-, in the Bibliography), and also Nallino, <i>Al-Ḫuwârizmî
+e il suo rifacimento</i>, 1894, p. 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f344'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r344'>344</a>. Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 45. This was published under the title
+<i>Introductorium in astronomiam</i> in Venice in 1506. See Duhem, <i>Système</i>,
+vol. iii, 1915, p. 174, note 6. This work was also translated by John of
+Seville (Haskins, <i>loc. cit.</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f345'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r345'>345</a>. Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, 1914, p. 226.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f346'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r346'>346</a>. See above, pp. 14–15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f347'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r347'>347</a>. Duhem, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 216.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f348'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r348'>348</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 218–220.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f349'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r349'>349</a>. See the German translation in Friedrich Dieterici’s <i>Die Philosophie
+der Araber im ix. und x. Jahrhundert n. Chr.</i>, vol. v, Leipzig, 1876.
+The “Brothers of Piety and Sincerity” made some noteworthy contributions
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_395'>395</span>to the science of geographical meteorology, but these were
+not passed on to the Western world. They understood, among other
+phenomena, the warming of the atmosphere by radiation from the earth’s
+surface and its connection with the angle of incidence of the sun’s rays;
+the influence of mountains upon precipitation; and the origin of springs
+and rivers (Hellmann, <i>Denkmäler</i>, 1904, pp. (18), 23–41).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f350'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r350'>350</a>. Dieterici, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 100.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f351'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r351'>351</a>. Gregorius’ edit., fol. 467 (367) (cited by Duhem, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 227).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f352'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r352'>352</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 369.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f353'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r353'>353</a>. <i>Introductorium</i>, III, 4–9 (cited by Duhem, <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 377–386).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f354'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r354'>354</a>. Calonymos’ edit. fol. 5 (cited by Duhem, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 154).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f355'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r355'>355</a>. Duhem, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 388, cites this chapter as: Averroes Cordubensis, <i>In
+Aristotelis Meteora expositio media</i>, II, 1. This work was published in
+Venice in 1488.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f356'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r356'>356</a>. Moses Maimonides, the great Jewish astrologer of the twelfth century,
+on the other hand, ascribed the causes of the tides wholly to the
+moon (Duhem, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 388).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f357'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r357'>357</a>. Ibn Yūnūs, Abū-l-Fidā, and other Moslem geographers tell how, in
+the time of the Caliph Al-Maʾmūn, geographers were instructed to carry
+out this measurement on the plain of Sinjār, north of the Euphrates, and
+also in Syria near Tadmor (Palmyra) and that their results gave 57, 56¼,
+56⅔, etc., Arabic miles for a degree. For translation of text of Ibn
+Yūnūs see <i>Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibl. Natle.</i>, vol. vii, Paris,
+An XII [1803–1804], pp. 94, 96 footnote (2); for Abū-l-Fidā see Reinaud,
+<i>Géogr. d’Aboulféda</i>, vol. ii, pt. i, 1848, p. 17. See also Miller, <i>Erdmessung</i>,
+1919, pp. 30–36, and Schoy, <i>Erdmessungen</i>, 1917, for other figures given
+by the Moslems and for a recent critical discussion of their measurement.
+Al-Bīrūnī describes a method of determining an arc of meridian by measuring
+the curvature of the earth from a mountain of known height. See
+Schoy, <i>Originalstudien aus “Al-Qânûn al-Masʿûdî,”</i> 1923, pp. 69–74.
+See also Carra de Vaux, <i>Penseurs de l’Islam</i>, vol ii, 1921, p. 30.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f358'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r358'>358</a>. Miller, Erdmessung, 1919, p. 33.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f359'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r359'>359</a>. See above, pp. 243–246. On Moslem methods of determining latitude
+see Schoy, <i>Polhöhenbestimmung</i>, 1911; the same, <i>Über eine arabische
+Methode, die geographische Breite aus der Höhe der Sonne im <span class='fss'>I.</span> Vertikal
+(“Höhe ohne Azimut”) zu bestimmen</i>, in: Annalen der Hydrographie und
+maritimen Meteorologie, vol. xlix, Hamburg, 1921, pp. 124–133; on
+longitudes, see the same, <i>Längenbestimmung</i>, 1915; <i>Originalstudien aus
+“Al-Qânûn al-Masʿûdî,”</i> 1923; <i>Geography of the Moslems</i>, 1924, pp. 265–267.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f360'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r360'>360</a>. See above, p. 244.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f361'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r361'>361</a>. See J. K. Wright, <i>Knowledge of Latitudes and Longitudes</i>, 1923, pp.
+89–91, and especially note (1) on p. 91.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f362'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r362'>362</a>. On Kang-Diz see Schoy, <i>Längenbestimmung</i>, 1915, pp. 47–48.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f363'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r363'>363</a>. Reinaud, <i>Géogr. d’Aboulféda</i>, vol. i, 1848, pp. ccxxxiii-ccxlvi.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_396'>396</span>Schoy, <i>Längenbestimmung</i>, 1915, pp. 45–57, discusses the question of the
+origins of the use of a central meridian for the measurement of longitude.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f364'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r364'>364</a>. See Schoy, <i>Geography of the Moslems</i>, 1924, for a general review
+of Arabic geography in the Middle Ages.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f365'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r365'>365</a>. Josef Marquart, <i>Osteuropäische und ostasiatische Streifzüge</i>, Leipzig,
+1903, gives much important material, with excerpts from texts and
+translations, regarding Moslem descriptions of Slavic, Magyar, and Russian
+peoples in the ninth and tenth centuries of our era. There is included
+(<i>ibid.</i>, pp. 206–270) an Arabic description of Constantinople, of
+the road thence to Rome, and of Rome itself.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f366'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r366'>366</a>. Marquart, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 102, 145.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f367'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r367'>367</a>. Though the great, formal Arabic geographical works were not known
+in the West in the Middle Ages, legendary lore of the Moslems influenced
+European legends. The story of St. Brandan, for instance, undeniably
+owes much to Moslem romance. See De Goeje, <i>St. Brandan</i>, 1890.</p>
+</div>
+
+<h4 class='c014'>NOTES<br> CHAPTER IV<br> THE SOURCES FOR THE PERIOD 1100–1250 A.&#160;D.</h4>
+
+<p class='c013'><i>Note: See the Bibliography for references to editions of the original sources
+mentioned in the text of this chapter.</i></p>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f368'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r368'>368</a>. De Wulf, <i>Medieval Philosophy</i>, 1909, p. 126.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f369'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r369'>369</a>. See above, pp. 2 and 52–53.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f370'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r370'>370</a>. Zöckler, <i>Geschichte</i>, vol. i, 1877, pp. 407–408.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f371'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r371'>371</a>. De Wulf, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 216–218.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f372'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r372'>372</a>. Hauréau, <i>Hugues de Saint-Victor</i>, 1886, p. vi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f373'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r373'>373</a>. Hauréau (<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 78–93) believed that these were all the work of
+Hugh.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f374'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r374'>374</a>. Another mystic of the early twelfth century was Rupert of Deutz,
+whose <i>De sancta trinitate et operibus eius</i> was written, according to Zöckler
+(<i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 393), about 1117.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f375'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r375'>375</a>. Some scholars, notably Singer, <i>Visions of Hildegard</i>, 1917, pp. 12–15,
+have cast doubt upon the genuineness of the <i>Subtilitates</i> and <i>Causae
+et curae</i>. See, however, Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, pp. 128–129.
+See also below, pp. 423–424, notes 91–93.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The <i>Causae et curae</i> is the only one of the works which cannot be dated
+with considerable accuracy (see Thorndike, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 127). The present
+writer, who has not studied the writings of Hildegard in any detail,
+hazards the following suggestion for what it is worth. Two passages in
+the <i>Causae et curae</i> can only be explained on the supposition that its
+author believed in a flat earth (see below, p. 425, note 101). Passages in
+the <i>Scivias</i> (written between 1141 and 1150) and in the <i>Liber divinorum
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_397'>397</span>operum</i> (written after 1163) speak explicitly of the earth as a globe (see
+below, p. 423, note 92). May it not be possible that the <i>Causae et curae</i>
+is an early work and that in the course of her subsequent life Hildegard
+gained a wider knowledge of current views of cosmology, which found
+their expression in the records of her visions?</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f376'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r376'>376</a>. Thorndike, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 131.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f377'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r377'>377</a>. See Masson, <i>Biblical Literature</i>, 1865.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f378'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r378'>378</a>. Clerval, <i>Écoles de Chartres</i>, 1895.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f379'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r379'>379</a>. The archives at Chartres show that a certain Bernard was <i>magister
+scholae</i> in 1119 and that a Bernard, chancellor in 1124, had been replaced
+by Gilbert de la Porrée in 1126 (C. V. Langlois, <i>Maître Bernard</i>, 1893,
+p. 242).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f380'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r380'>380</a>. “Perfectissimus inter Platonicos seculi nostri” (John of Salisbury,
+<i>Metalogicus</i>, iv, 35, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcix, col. 938). See also
+<i>Metalogicus</i>, I, 24, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, cols. 853–856.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f381'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r381'>381</a>. See above, p. 93.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f382'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r382'>382</a>. Hauréau, <i>Thierry de Chartres</i>, 1890, p. 50.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f383'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r383'>383</a>. Clerval, <i>Écoles de Chartres</i>, 1895, p. 172.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f384'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r384'>384</a>. Hauréau, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 52–70.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f385'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r385'>385</a>. Haskins, <i>Adelard</i>, 1911, pp. 491–498; <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 20–42.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f386'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r386'>386</a>. Duhem at the time of the publication of vol. iii of <i>Le système du
+monde</i>, 1915, knew the text of the <i>Quaestiones naturales</i> only at second
+hand. (On the uncertainty of the date of the <i>Quaestiones naturales</i> see
+Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 26–27.) Adelard was also the author of <i>De
+eodem et diverso</i>, written probably in his youth (before 1109).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f387'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r387'>387</a>. The <i>De eodem et diverso</i> indicates that Adelard had already visited
+Salerno and Sicily at the time that it was written. In the <i>Quaestiones
+naturales</i> he mentions Tarsus and Antioch as places where he had been
+(Haskins, <i>Adelard</i>, 1911, pp. 492–493; <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 26).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f388'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r388'>388</a>. See above, pp. 95–96.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f389'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r389'>389</a>. See above, p. 97.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f390'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r390'>390</a>. Poole, <i>The Masters</i>, 1920, p. 330.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f391'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r391'>391</a>. This work consists of two parts, <i>Megacosmus</i> and <i>Microcosmus</i>.
+For an analysis of it see <i>Histoire littéraire de la France</i>, vol. xii, Paris,
+1763, pp. 261–273, especially p. 267.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f392'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r392'>392</a>. The principal arguments against the identification of the two Bernards
+have been set forth by Hauréau (<i>Mémoire</i>, 1883, pp. 99–104),
+Clerval (<i>Écoles de Chartres</i>, 1895, pp. 158–163), and Sandys (<i>Hist. of
+Class. Schol.</i>, vol. i, 1921, p. 534, note 2). Hauréau and Clerval were
+followed by De Wulf, Duhem, and others. C. V. Langlois (<i>Maître
+Bernard</i>, 1893) championed the identification of the two. The most
+recent discussion of the problem, by R. L. Poole (<i>The Masters</i>, 1920),
+is convincing in so far as it demonstrates that the evidence now available
+tends to show that the two Bernards were not the same.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f393'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r393'>393</a>. Poole, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 333–335; Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, p. 92.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f394'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r394'>394</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_398'>398</span>Hauréau, <i>Singularités</i>, 1861, p. 249.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f395'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r395'>395</a>. This work, written some time before 1145—for at about this date
+William, in a treatise called <i>Dragmaticon philosophiae</i>, retracted certain
+heretical doctrines which he had expressed in it—has been falsely attributed
+to Bede, to William of Hirschau, and to Honorius of Autun
+(see Poole, <i>Illustrations</i>, 1920, pp. 338–352, and Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii,
+1915, pp. 90–93) and printed among the works of each of these. The
+text attributed to William of Hirschau was printed by Henricus Petrus at
+Basel in 1531 under the title <i>Philosophicarum et astronomicarum institutionum
+libri tres</i>; that attributed to Bede, under the title Περὶ διδαξέων
+<i>sive elementorum philosophiae libri IV</i>, in Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. xc, cols.
+1127–1182; and that attributed to Honorius, under the title <i>De philosophia
+mundi</i>, in Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. clxxii, cols. 39–102.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>On William of Conches as a scientist see especially Werner, <i>Kosm.
+Wilhelm von Conches</i>, 1873.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f396'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r396'>396</a>. See above, p. 143, and below, p. 419, note 38.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f397'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r397'>397</a>. See the preface to Thomas Wright’s edition of the works of Neckam,
+1863, pp. ix-xii, for a brief life of Alexander Neckam.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f398'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r398'>398</a>. On these and other works of Neckam, see Esposito, <i>Unpublished Poems</i>,
+1915, pp. 460–471.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f399'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r399'>399</a>. On translators from the Greek, see Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 141–241.
+Shortly after the middle of the twelfth century a certain Sicilian,
+Henricus Aristippus, brought from Constantinople a copy of a Greek
+text of Ptolemy’s <i>Almagest</i> as a present from the Byzantine Emperor
+for the Norman king, William I. Subsequently an anonymous medical
+student of Salerno made a Latin version of this work. Aristippus
+also distinguished himself at about the same time by turning into Latin
+from the Greek the fourth book of Aristotle’s <i>Meteorology</i> (Haskins and
+Lockwood, <i>Sicilian Translators</i>, 1910, pp. 75–102; Haskins, <i>Further
+Notes</i>, 1912—under Haskins and Lockwood in the Bibliography—pp.
+155–166; Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 155–168; on Aristippus’ translation
+of the fourth book of the <i>Meteorology</i>, see also below, p. 401, note 60). A
+second translation of the <i>Meteorology</i> was made from Greek into Latin
+before 1260 (see Grabmann, <i>Forschungen</i>, 1916, p. 182; Fobes, <i>Mediaeval
+Versions</i>, 1915, p. 297). Translations from the Greek of the <i>Physics</i>, <i>De
+caelo</i>, and <i>De generatione et corruptione</i> were also known by the early
+thirteenth century (Grabmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 178; Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924,
+pp. 149, 224, and 225, note 8).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f400'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r400'>400</a>. On translators from the Arabic, see Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 3–140.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f401'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r401'>401</a>. See above, p. 82.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f402'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r402'>402</a>. Haskins, <i>Adelard</i>, 1911, pp. 493–494; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 22–23.
+There are at least five manuscripts of Adelard’s translation.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f403'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r403'>403</a>. See Suter, <i>Astron. Tafeln</i>, 1914 (under Khwārizmī, Al-, in the Bibliography).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f404'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r404'>404</a>. This is indicated in the following note appended to a Latin translation
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_399'>399</span>of Ptolemy’s <i>Planisphere</i> made by Hermann the Dalmatian in 1143:
+“Quem locum a Ptolomeo minus diligenter perspectum cum Albateni
+miratur et Alchoarismus, quorum hunc quidem ope nostra Latium habet,
+illius vero comodissima translatione Roberti mei industria Latine
+orationis thesaurum accumulat nos discutiendi veri in libro nostro de
+circulis rationem damus” (<i>Ptolemaei opera omnia</i>, Heiberg’s edit., vol. ii:
+<i>Opera astronomica minora</i>, 1907, p. clxxxvii). Some have sought to
+ascribe this Latin translation of the <i>Planisphere</i> to Rudolph of Bruges, a
+disciple of Hermann. Reasons why it cannot be the work of Rudolph are
+given by A. A. Björnbo in: Bibliotheca mathematica, 3rd series, vol. iv,
+Stockholm, 1903, pp. 130–133. See also Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915,
+p. 173. The note quoted above shows that a certain Robert (undoubtedly
+Robert of Chester—or, of Retines—whom we know to have been an
+associate of Hermann) had translated Al-Battānī’s <i>Astronomy</i>. See also
+Suter, <i>Astron. Tafeln</i>, 1914 (under Khwārizmī, Al-, in the Bibliography),
+p. xiii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f405'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r405'>405</a>. It is probable that the author of the <i>Dialogus</i> was also the writer of
+certain astronomical works from about the same period. On Peter
+Alphonsi see Haskins, <i>Reception</i>, 1915, pp. 60–61; the same, <i>Studies</i>,
+1924, pp. 111–119.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f406'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r406'>406</a>. See above, p. 78. On the name “Johannes Hispanensis” see Duhem,
+<i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 177–179. Duhem gives the date of the
+translation as 1134. He was apparently unfamiliar with Bibliothèque
+Nationale MSS., fonds St. Victor, no. 848, which establishes the date
+as March 11, 1135, and with an article on the subject by Woepcke:
+<i>Notice</i>, 1862, pp. 116–117. John of Seville’s translation is found in many
+manuscripts and was printed at Nuremberg in 1537. John of Seville also
+translated Abū Maʿshar’s <i>The Great Book of the Introduction</i> (see Haskins,
+<i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 45).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f407'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r407'>407</a>. Gerard’s translation was entitled <i>Liber de aggregationibus scientiae
+stellarum</i> (Boncompagni, <i>Della vita</i>, 1851, fol. 442 (separate, pp. 58–59);
+Woepcke, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 118).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f408'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r408'>408</a>. On the date of Plato of Tivoli, see C. H. Haskins, <i>The Translations
+of Hugo Sanctelliensis</i>, in: Romanic Review, vol. ii, New York, 1911,
+p. 2, note 5. On Al-Battānī, see above, p. 78.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f409'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r409'>409</a>. Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 14704, fol. 110, col. a,
+to fol. 135vo. For the establishment of the date of these tables see
+Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 203–204, and Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924,
+pp. 96–98. The latter supplies the author’s name from a fifteenth-century
+manuscript in Oxford of which Duhem was ignorant.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f410'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r410'>410</a>. See above, p. 79.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f411'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r411'>411</a>. See above, p. 244.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f412'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r412'>412</a>. Steinschneider, <i>Études sur Zarkali</i>, 1881–1887, discusses the various
+versions of Az-Zarqalī’s <i>Canons</i> and of the <i>Toledo Tables</i>. The former
+were put into Hebrew, Spanish, Italian, and Latin; of the Latin versions,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_400'>400</span>the manuscripts are more numerous in England than elsewhere, but
+there are no fewer than nine in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris.
+The <i>Toledo Tables</i> probably did not become well known in the Latin
+West until the first half of the thirteenth century (see Duhem, <i>Système</i>,
+vol. iii, 1915, pp. 287–290), although they were probably known to Roger
+of Hereford (see Haskins, <i>Reception</i>, 1915, p. 66; the same, <i>Studies</i>, 1924,
+p. 95; and Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 520–521).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f413'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r413'>413</a>. Steinschneider (<i>op. cit.</i>, in: Bollettino, vol. xx, 1887, pp. 3–6) believed
+that there were two translations of the work of Az-Zarqalī because the
+manuscripts fall into two groups that differ markedly from each other.
+The manuscripts of one of these groups bear the name of Gerard of
+Cremona. Unfortunately, we lack confirmation of the attribution of this
+translation to Gerard in the list of seventy-four works of the great Cremonese
+discovered by Boncompagni in the Vatican (see Boncompagni,
+<i>Della vita</i>, 1851). Nevertheless it is highly probable that this list is
+incomplete, and there is no really good reason for supposing that Gerard
+was not the translator of the version in question.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f414'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r414'>414</a>. See above, p. 398, note 36.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f415'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r415'>415</a>. Haskins, <i>Reception</i>, 1915, p. 64; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 122.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f416'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r416'>416</a>. On the <i>De essentiis</i> see Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 48–49, 56–66. On
+pages 62–65 Haskins publishes for the first time the texts of two interesting
+geographical passages.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f417'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r417'>417</a>. Haskins, <i>Reception</i>, 1915, pp. 64–65; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 123.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f418'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r418'>418</a>. Haskins, <i>Reception</i>, 1915, p. 66; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 125; British
+Museum MSS., Arundel, no. 377.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f419'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r419'>419</a>. Haskins, <i>Reception</i>, 1915, pp. 67–68; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 126–127.
+On Daniel of Morley, see also Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, pp. 171–181.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f420'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r420'>420</a>. Duhem (<i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 219–223) shows, conclusively
+the writer believes, both from external and internal evidence, that this
+work was by the twelfth-century Gerard of Cremona and not by the
+thirteenth-century Gerard of Sabbionetta, with whom the former was
+often confused. Boncompagni in his important work on Gerard (cited
+above, p. 399, note 39) made the mistake of attributing the <i>Theorica
+planetarum</i> to Gerard of Sabbionetta, in which error he was followed by
+the writer of the article on Gerard of Cremona in the <i>Encyclopaedia
+Britannica</i>, 11th edit.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f421'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r421'>421</a>. See Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 104–110.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f422'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r422'>422</a>. Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 7272, fol. 60, col. a
+to fol. 67, col. d; Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 234.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f423'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r423'>423</a>. There is no modern critical edition of the <i>De sphaera</i>. Duhem
+(<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 239, note 4) cites seventeenth-century editions. The title
+of the fifteenth-century edition which has been used by the writer is
+given in the Bibliography.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f424'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r424'>424</a>. On the introduction of the writings of Aristotle to Western knowledge
+during the Middle Ages, see the modern works to which cross-references
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_401'>401</span>are given in the Bibliography under Aristotle. In the present work the
+attempt is merely made to indicate the dates at which those writings
+of Aristotle which contained materials of geographic importance became
+known in Western Europe.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f425'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r425'>425</a>. Steinschneider, <i>Europ. Übersetz.</i>, in: Sitzungsber., vol. cxlix, 1905,
+pp. 32, 42, 43. See also below, p. 402, note 61.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f426'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r426'>426</a>. Duhem, <i>Du temps</i>, 1909, pp. 163–178; idem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915,
+pp. 181–193.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f427'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r427'>427</a>. Grabmann (<i>Forschungen</i>, 1916, pp. 16–17) argues that “this ‘reflet
+de la <i>Physique</i> d’Aristote’ which Duhem sees is in no way demonstrated
+by actual citations of Aristotle” but that it results from a general similarity
+of thought and ideas only. Grabmann believes that Alan of Lille,
+who appears to have known Aristotle’s books on logic only, could not
+possibly have been ignorant of the <i>Physics</i> and <i>De caelo</i> if these two
+works had been known in the West before his time. While we may
+agree with Grabmann that it cannot be proved definitely that the
+Chartres scholars made direct use of Aristotle’s <i>Physics</i>, his arguments
+should not be interpreted to mean that the scholars of the Chartres
+school were altogether uninfluenced by Peripatetic physical doctrines.
+Schneider (<i>Abendländische Spekulation</i>, 1915), though he holds that
+Duhem was mistaken in his interpretation of William of Conches’
+views regarding the Peripatetic physics (see below, p. 418, note 28),
+supports the French savant in maintaining that there was in existence
+“a specific Aristotelian trend in astronomic and cosmologic
+thought” at this period and that Theodoric and Gilbert may not
+have been uninfluenced by it. He maintains that the latter may well
+have been familiar with Aristotelian theories introduced through new
+Oriental sources and suggests as evidence of the probability of this the
+connections established by Hermann the Dalmatian and Rudolph of
+Bruges between the Chartres scholars and the group of translators at
+Toledo. He even goes so far as to add (p. 40): “Nicht ausgeschlossen
+ist, dass ihnen [Theodoric and Gilbert] als solche indirekte Quellen für
+die Kenntnis der aristotelischen Naturphilosophie die kurz gefassten und
+verhältnissmässig leicht verständlichen Paraphrasen Avicennas zur
+<i>Physik</i> und zur <i>De caelo et mundo</i> des Aristoteles gedient haben.” See
+below, p. 419, note 32.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Aristotelian influence seems also to have been apparent in the <i>Quaestiones
+naturales</i> of Adelard of Bath (see above, p. 154–155, and below, p. 426,
+notes 110, 111). Adelard even cites “Aristoteles in phisicis et alii in tractatibus
+suis,” though Grabmann and Haskins claim that this reference is
+too indefinite to be used to identify any particular works of the Stagirite or
+to indicate first-hand acquaintance with them (Grabmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 16;
+Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 38–39).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f428'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r428'>428</a>. See Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, p. 87, for references on Gerard.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f429'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r429'>429</a>. A marginal note in a Nuremberg manuscript of the <i>Meteorology</i>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_402'>402</span>indicates that the first three books were translated by Gerard of Cremona
+from the Arabic, the fourth by Henricus Aristippus (see above, p. 398,
+note 32) from the Greek, and the last three chapters by Alfred the
+Englishman (Alfred of Sareshel) from the Latin. See V. Rose, in:
+Hermes: Zeitschrift für classische Philologie, vol. i, Berlin, 1866, p. 385.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Another translation of the <i>Meteorology</i> was done entirely from the
+Greek and is dated 1260. See Fobes, <i>Mediaeval Versions</i>, 1915, pp.
+297–314.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>It is very doubtful whether the fourth book is really the work of the
+Stagirite. Hammer-Jensen (<i>Das sogenannte IV. Buch</i>, 1915) attributes
+it to Strato, a Greek Peripatetic philosopher of the third century before
+Christ. The last three chapters (those translated from the Arabic
+by Alfred of Sareshel) were referred to as <i>Liber de congelatis</i> by their
+translator and in printed editions (see Bibliography under Alfred of
+Sareshel, II, below) were ascribed either to Avicenna or to Geber
+(see Baeumker, <i>Alfred von Sareshel</i>, 1913, p. 26, note 2, and Hammer-Jensen,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 131). These three chapters deal with: (1) the origins
+of stones, (2) the growth of mountains through earthquakes and through
+the influence of water and winds (see above, pp. 213–214), and (3)
+minerals.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Alfred of Sareshel was one of the most enthusiastic Aristotelians of
+the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. His <i>De motu cordis</i>
+“shows a wealth of Aristotelian citation such as we cannot find in any
+other Latin author of its time.” Alfred was active in introducing a
+knowledge of Aristotle’s natural science and metaphysics into England.
+See Haskins, <i>Reception</i>, 1915, pp. 68–69; the same, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 129.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f430'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r430'>430</a>. <i>De caelo et mundo</i> was the title usually applied in the Middle Ages
+to the treatise in four books known in the Greek as Περὶ οὐρανοῦ (<i>De
+caelo</i>). It does not include the <i>De mundo</i> referred to above, p. 365,
+note 1. In the earlier part of the twelfth century Avicenna’s version of
+the <i>De caelo et mundo</i> was translated into Latin by Dominicus Gondisalvi
+(Mandonnet, <i>Siger de Brabant</i>, vol. i, 1911, p. 15, note 1). The fifth
+book had been translated by Gerard of Cremona. On the work of Dominicus
+Gondisalvi and John of Seville (Johannes Hispanensis), see
+Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 177–183; Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923,
+vol. ii, pp. 73–82. Versions of the <i>De caelo</i> from the Greek were also
+in existence before 1200 (Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 149).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f431'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r431'>431</a>. On the manuscript list of the translations of Gerard of Cremona,
+see above, p. 400, note 45.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f432'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r432'>432</a>. Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, pp. 250–275; idem, <i>Science</i>, 1922,
+pp. 672, 684–686; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 276.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f433'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r433'>433</a>. See Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, pp. 268–270, and the same,
+<i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 292–294, for the Latin text of the questionnaire; the same,
+<i>Science</i>, 1922, pp. 689–691, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 266–267, for translation.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f434'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r434'>434</a>. Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, p. 270; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 294.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f435'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r435'>435</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_403'>403</span>In the same, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, pp. 272–275, and <i>Studies</i>, 1924,
+pp. 296–297, will be found the Latin text of the part dealing with hot
+springs and volcanoes.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f436'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r436'>436</a>. Stange, <i>Arnoldus Saxo</i>, 1885, pp. 26–31.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f437'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r437'>437</a>. Mandonnet, <i>Siger de Brabant</i>, vol. i, 1911, p. 17, note 1; Grabmann,
+<i>Forschungen</i>, 1916, p. 18.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f438'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r438'>438</a>. On Averroës, on his influence upon European thought, and on his
+various medieval adherents and opponents, see Renan, <i>Averroès</i>, 1866.
+As a general rule the great Dominican scholars of the thirteenth century
+(as Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas) were determined opponents
+of the Averroïstic theology and philosophy. The Franciscans, on the other
+hand, were more ready to adopt these heretical teachings.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f439'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r439'>439</a>. Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, p. 251.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f440'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r440'>440</a>. See below, p. 408, note 97.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f441'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r441'>441</a>. See especially C. V. Langlois, <i>La connaissance</i>, 1911, introduction.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f442'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r442'>442</a>. In the earliest printed editions the <i>De imagine mundi</i> is attributed
+to “Honorius Inclusus.” In an edition of 1497 we are told that the work
+is sometimes ascribed to St. Anselm and sometimes to Honorius Inclusus.
+For the first time in 1544 it was attributed to the well-known Honorius
+of Autun and included among his works. This was also done subsequently
+in Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxii, cols. 115–188. The attribution
+to Honorius of Autun was based on a note in the last chapter of that
+author’s <i>De luminaribus ecclesiae</i> which gives a list of his writings: among
+them <i>Imago mundi de dispositione mundi</i>. It can be shown, however,
+that this chapter was added to the <i>De luminaribus ecclesiae</i> by a later
+compiler, who may well have confused Honorius of Autun with Honorius
+Inclusus. On an extremely shaky foundation the German scholar,
+J. A. Endres, in his <i>Honorius Augustodunensis: Beitrag zur Geschichte
+des geistigen Lebens im 12. Jahrhundert</i>, Kempten and Munich, 1906,
+has erected a theory that the author was a German, who lived at Ratisbon.
+For the whole question, see the clear and just discussion by
+Duhem (<i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 24–31), who tends to favor the
+attribution of the work to the virtually unknown Honorius Inclusus
+and who says of the elaborate German argument: “Un loyal et modeste
+aveu d’ignorance ne vaudrait-il pas mieux que de tels raisonnements?”
+(<i>ibid.</i>, p. 31).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f443'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r443'>443</a>. “Hic nihil autem in eo pono, nisi majorum commendat traditio”
+(Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxii, cols. 119–120).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f444'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r444'>444</a>. For a full discussion of the <i>De imagine mundi</i>, its sources, and its
+influence upon future literature, see Doberentz, <i>Erd- und Völkerkunde</i>,
+1881–1882.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f445'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r445'>445</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, in: Zeitschrift, vol. xiii, 1881, p. 54.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f446'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r446'>446</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 41.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f447'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r447'>447</a>. In the prologue of the <i>Liber floridus</i> the author refers to himself as
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_404'>404</span>“Lambert, son of Onulph, canon of St. Omer.” See Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>,
+vol. clxiii, col. 1003.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f448'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r448'>448</a>. See Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 43–53.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f449'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r449'>449</a>. Six manuscripts of Guido’s work are known (Miller, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 54).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f450'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r450'>450</a>. Doberentz, <i>op. cit.</i>, in: Zeitschrift, vol. xii, 1880, pp. 392–393.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f451'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r451'>451</a>. Hellmann, <i>Denkmäler</i>, 1904, p. (23). Hellmann warns against
+confusion of the German <i>Lucidarius</i> and its translations, on the one hand,
+with the French popular encyclopedia <i>Lucidaire</i> and the English
+<i>Lucydary</i>, on the other. The two latter are not translations from the
+German but are independent works.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f452'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r452'>452</a>. Le Noble, <i>Notice</i>, 1839, p. 243. The only known manuscript of the
+<i>Hortus deliciarum</i>, which contained a large number of magnificent
+miniatures, was destroyed during the bombardment of Strasburg in
+1870. See, however, the edition of Straub and Keller, 1879–1899.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f453'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r453'>453</a>. The <i>Otia imperialia</i> is divided into three parts, or “decisiones.” The
+first deals with theological and cosmological questions and is in the main
+derived from Peter Comestor. The second treats of geography, and
+the third of “mirabilia uniuscuiusque provinciae, non omnia, sed ex
+omnibus aliqua.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f454'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r454'>454</a>. See Doberentz, <i>ibid.</i>, vol. xii, pp. 412–419. Miller implies that the
+general description of the geography of the world which Gervase of
+Tilbury gives at the beginning of Decis. II was taken from a map drawn
+by Gervase himself (<i>Itin. rom.</i>, 1916, p. xxxvii).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f455'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r455'>455</a>. Doberentz, <i>ibid.</i>, vol. xii, pp. 426–428.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f456'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r456'>456</a>. C. V. Langlois, <i>La connaissance</i>, 1911, pp. 49–113. On the sources
+of the <i>Image du monde</i>, see the works of Fant, Fritsche, and Le Clerc,
+referred to in the Bibliography under these names. The poem in the
+first redaction was divided into three main parts: first, the part dealing
+with cosmogony, in fourteen chapters; second, that dealing with geography,
+in eighteen chapters; third, that dealing with astronomy, in twenty-two
+chapters. The second part, on geography, follows the <i>De imagine
+mundi</i> very closely, with additions from Jacques de Vitry. Fritsche,
+<i>Untersuchung</i>, 1880, gives an analysis of the work chapter by chapter.
+The “mediocrity” of Fritsche’s book, which Langlois asserts, is illustrated
+by its author’s inability to identify the city of “Aaron”—obviously
+the world center, Arin (Fritsche, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 23).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f457'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r457'>457</a>. According to Prior (<i>L’Image du monde</i>, 1913) the first verse redaction
+dates from 1246. To this 4000 verses were later added, including a
+life of St. Brandan, an account of Seth’s visit to Paradise, and details of
+the author’s journey to Sicily and Syria and of his ascent of Mount Etna.
+The original poem with these additional parts constituted the second
+redaction, dating from 1248. A prose redaction was apparently composed
+on the basis of the first verse redaction but before the second verse
+redaction was made. See the discussion of the problem of dates by
+Prior, <i>op. cit.</i> (under “Image du Monde” in the Bibliography), pp. 7–9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f458'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r458'>458</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_405'>405</span>Three manuscripts of the poem contain the assertion that its author
+was one Gossouin of Metz; only one manuscript of the poem complete
+with all the additions, alterations, etc., of the second verse redaction
+mentions Walter of Metz as the author. C. V. Langlois (<i>op. cit.</i>, pp.
+63–65) believed that both verse redactions must have been the work of
+Gossouin; Prior (<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 12–15) that the first verse redaction and the
+prose form were the work of Gossouin and that the second verse redaction
+may well have been the work of Walter. Uncertainty still prevails
+regarding the whole matter.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f459'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r459'>459</a>. The <i>King’s Mirror</i> treats, among many other subjects, of the following
+matters of geographical interest: the moon, the ebb and flood, streams,
+climates, differences in the length of days and of summer and winter in
+northern Norway, marvels of India, marvels of Norway, snowshoes,
+Iceland, Greenland, whales, earthquakes and ice fields in Iceland, flora
+and fauna of Greenland, volcanic phenomena in Iceland and Sicily,
+subterranean fire in Iceland, the small extent of habitable land in Greenland,
+climatic phenomena, the northern lights and noises accompanying
+them, a cooler zone to the south of the hot equatorial zone where it is
+summer during our winter. This synopsis is based on portions of the
+<i>King’s Mirror</i> as given in translation in Nansen’s <i>In Northern Mists</i>,
+1911.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Another Icelandic geographical description of the world, which probably
+dates from our period, besides drawing on well-known earlier authorities,
+also gives some idea of the Icelandic conception of geography and
+furnishes details of the itinerary of a certain Abbot Nicholas to Rome and
+the Holy Land. See above, p. 115, and also, Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii,
+p. 237 and reference in note 1 regarding the identity of the author of this
+work, probably Abbot Nikulás Bergsson of Thverá (died 1159), though
+believed by Storm to be an Abbot Nikulás of Thingeyre. See also
+K. Kålund, <i>En islandsk vejviser for pilgrimme fra 12. århundrede</i>, in:
+Aarböger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, series 3, vol. iii, Copenhagen,
+1913, pp. 51–105.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f460'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r460'>460</a>. In addition to the general works discussed above, mention must be
+made of a geographical treatise of minor importance dating from our
+period. Book III of the <i>Tractatus excerptionum</i>, printed among the
+works of Hugh of St. Victor in Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxvii, cols. 209–216,
+is entitled <i>De situ terrarum</i>. This contains chapters on the three parts
+of the earth, on Asia, Africa, and Europe, on mountains, rivers, islands,
+and cities. Its attribution to Hugh of St. Victor is extremely doubtful.
+See Santarem, <i>Essai</i>, vol. i, 1849, p. 66, note 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f461'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r461'>461</a>. The monumental <i>Speculum mundi</i> of the Dominican, Vincent of
+Beauvais, which probably cannot have been written much before 1250, is
+divided into three parts: <i>Speculum naturale</i>, <i>Speculum doctrinale</i>, and
+<i>Speculum historiale</i>. There is no complete modern edition. Copies of
+incunabula and of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century editions are not
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_406'>406</span>rare. The work is a gigantic compilation drawn from a great multitude
+of sources, all of which were carefully indicated by the diligent compiler,
+together with additions by the compiler himself. Most novel from the
+geographical point of view are the data on Asia taken from Simon of
+St. Quentin and from John of Pian de Carpine, which are to be found in
+<i>Speculum historiale</i> (see above, pp. 269–270). <i>Speculum naturale</i> discusses
+the various features of the world in the order of their creation. It
+is in the nature of a vast commentary on the first chapter of Genesis.
+The following books are of especial geographical significance: II, consisting
+of metaphysical and theological material on the Creation; IV, dealing
+with the firmament, and the heavens; V, with meteorology; VI, with
+the waters; VII, with the lands; XXXIII, with regions habitable by
+man. The last is a typical cosmography, made up largely of fragments
+from Isidore, in which chapters are devoted to a discussion of the tripartite
+division of the earth, Asia and Paradise, India and its marvels,
+Asia Minor, Europe, Greece, other parts of Europe, Africa, the islands of
+the ocean which encircles the earth, the islands of the Mediterranean
+Sea, the Cyclades, etc.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f462'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r462'>462</a>. Most of Albertus Magnus’ (1193–1280) many and voluminous
+works, the greatest repertory of Aristotelian science of the Christian
+Middle Ages, constitute an immense paraphrase of and commentary on
+all the writings of Aristotle that were available in the mid-thirteenth
+century. Albert used many of the titles that were applied in the period
+to Aristotle’s works and the customary division into books and chapters.
+Of particular interest from the geographical point of view are: <i>De caelo et
+mundo</i> (Jammy edit., 1651, vol. ii); <i>Libri meteorum</i> (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii); <i>De
+natura locorum</i> (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. v), and <i>De proprietatibus elementorum</i> (<i>ibid.</i>,
+vol. v). Kretschmer, <i>Phys. Erdk.</i>, 1889, <i>passim</i>, and Werner, <i>Kosm.
+Wilhelm von Conches</i>, 1873, <i>passim</i>, give a fairly satisfactory general idea
+of the more important contributions of Albert to cosmology and physical
+geography.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the second book of the <i>De caelo et mundo</i> Albert declares that the
+earth is spherical because the particles which compose it are drawn toward
+the center of the universe and, in striving to attain that point, arrange
+themselves symmetrically in the form of a sphere. He gives as proofs of
+the sphericity of the earth arguments that were familiar to writers of
+antiquity (see above, p. 368, note 33).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In the <i>Libri meteorum</i> (<i>Meteorology</i>) much material will be found on
+the atmosphere, on the waters, and on earthquakes. Albert thought
+that the winds are caused by an earthy humor raised by the sun (Werner,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 351–352; compare this theory with the theory of Seneca and
+of William of Conches, pp. 171–172, above). He thought that the
+areas of the earth’s surface covered by water are much more extensive
+than those represented by land and that large rivers spring from great
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_407'>407</span>cavities in the interior of the earth. These cavities, he maintained,
+usually correspond in position to the major mountain ranges.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Points of physical geography are also treated at some length in the
+<i>De proprietatibus elementorum</i> (based upon the pseudo-Aristotelian work
+of the same title): hot springs, volcanoes, tides, the Deluge, the origin of
+mountains by earthquakes and by erosion. Albert expresses vigorous
+opposition to the theory of the periodic rotation of land and sea around
+the earth’s surface under astrological influences (see above, pp. 14 and
+83), but he believed, none the less, that the heavenly bodies through their
+varying motions and conjunctions may bring to bear powerful local
+changes in conditions of dampness and dryness which in turn may even
+produce interchanges of areas of land and sea. He refers to the discovery
+of the rudder of a great ship when a certain well was dug in muddy
+ground as evidence of gradual alterations in the relative level of land and
+sea (Kretschmer, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 125).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In a great many respects the <i>De natura locorum</i> is the most valuable
+of Albert’s books from the geographical point of view. Kretschmer goes
+so far as to declare that this work reveals to us in Albert the first great
+geographer since antiquity (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 139). Tractatus I treats, among
+other matters, of latitudes and longitudes, of the habitable and uninhabitable
+parts of the earth’s surface, and of climates. Albert denies
+the older view that the equatorial regions are totally uninhabitable on
+the ground that people were actually known to dwell therein. Moreover,
+he was inclined to the belief that the countries near the equator are more
+temperate and pleasant than those nearer the tropics (see above, p. 164).
+Albert’s “climatic observations in the <i>Liber de natura locorum</i> have at all
+times aroused undivided admiration, and we find in them the first attempt
+at a comparative geography” (Kretschmer, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 139). This
+applies more especially to his observations regarding the influences of
+mountains, seas, woods, and other topographic features upon climate.
+These would well repay careful comparison with the views of William of
+Conches upon the same topics (see above, p. 178). Tractatus III of the
+<i>De natura locorum</i> is a “cosmographia,” or description of the regions of
+the world, following the usual medieval scheme.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f463'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r463'>463</a>. Bartholomew Anglicus, author of the <i>De proprietatibus rerum</i>,
+“belonged probably to the circle of insular [British] clerics who were
+ardently interested in experimental researches and in natural history;
+of whom the encyclopedist Alexander Neckam was in a measure the
+precursor, and of whom the Franciscan Roger Bacon was the most
+illustrious representative” (C. V. Langlois, <i>La connaissance</i>, 1911, p. 117).
+It has so far been impossible accurately to determine the date of the
+<i>De proprietatibus rerum</i>, though it falls probably before the middle of the
+thirteenth century (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 118, note 2). This work was a compilation
+from many different sources and was intended for less educated readers.
+Book XI is devoted to the phenomena of the air, XIII to the waters,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_408'>408</span>XIV to the earth, and XV to a <i>mappamundi</i>, or description of the various
+“provinces” of the earth in alphabetical order. There is no modern
+edition. A summary of the contents will be found in C. V. Langlois,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 128–179, and a discussion of Bartholomew’s geography is
+given by Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, p. 424–429. Extracts from an
+English translation of Berthelet, 1535, are given in Steele, <i>Mediaeval
+Lore</i>, 1907 (under Bartholomew Anglicus in the Bibliography). The
+future influence of the work was very far-reaching, especially upon
+English literature of the Elizabethan period (see Steele, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 2–4;
+C. V. Langlois, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 126–127).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f464'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r464'>464</a>. The Florentine Brunetto Latino died in 1295. He composed his
+great <i>Livre du trésor</i> in French during a period of exile in France between
+1260 and 1266 (C. V. Langlois, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 328). This work met with a
+wide success. It is divided into three parts, the first of which is devoted
+to geography and cosmography. Much of the material here was derived
+ultimately from Solinus. The <i>Trésor</i> was edited by P. Chabaille in 1863,
+but a definitive critical edition has not yet appeared. For a criticism of
+Chabaille’s edition and for a summary of the contents of the first part,
+see C. V. Langlois, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 333–391.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f465'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r465'>465</a>. Among these must be mentioned the following:</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>1. An unpublished encyclopedia by an otherwise unknown Arnold
+the Saxon. This dates from between 1210 and 1250 and is preserved in
+a manuscript in Erfurt. Rose’s edition, 1875, pp. 447–454, gives a
+summary of the titles of chapters and prints the prologues of each book.
+Some idea of the character of the work may be gained from Stange’s
+dissertation and article, both listed in the Bibliography. The first
+book, entitled <i>De caelo et mundo</i>, and the fourth, <i>De virtute universali</i>,
+include data on physical geography, meteorology, earthquakes, the sea,
+rivers, hot springs, and mineralogy (Stange, <i>Arnoldus Saxo</i>, 1885, p.
+18) derived in part from Aristotle’s <i>Meteorology</i> (<i>ibid.</i> and Rose, <i>op. cit.</i>,
+p. 450). It has been claimed that Arnold the Saxon’s encyclopedia was
+used by Vincent of Beauvais, Albertus Magnus, and Bartholomew Anglicus,
+but this is probably erroneous (see Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, p.
+430).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>2. The <i>De natura rerum</i> of Thomas of Cantimpré, in twenty books,
+written between 1228 and 1244 and as yet unedited in a modern edition.
+Thomas’ work was especially popular in Germany (see C. V. Langlois,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 118, note 2; also Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, pp. 372–398).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>3. A work of encyclopedic scope entitled <i>Summa philosophiae</i>, which
+has erroneously been attributed to Robert Grosseteste but which cannot
+possibly date from before 1250 and may be as late as 1270. It contains
+chapters on meteorology, tides, and minerals. The full text is given in
+Baur, <i>Philos. Werke Grossetestes</i>, 1912, pp. 275–643, with a critical discussion
+of its authorship, pp. 126*-141*.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f466'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r466'>466</a>. Roger Bacon, one of the most original thinkers of the entire medieval
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_409'>409</span>period in matters of natural science, was the last of a series of Englishmen
+who devoted themselves to these interests. In this group may be counted
+Adelard of Bath and, at a much later date, Alexander Neckam, Alfred
+of Sareshel, Daniel of Morley, and Robert Grosseteste (see above, p. 407,
+note 94). For the last-named, whose teachings in many particulars he
+adopted and elaborated upon, Bacon had the highest admiration.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Born about 1210–1215, Roger Bacon became a Franciscan between
+1245 and 1250. His more important works were completed before 1266
+and were condemned as heretical in 1278. He died in the last decade of
+the century. See Bridges, <i>Life of Bacon</i>, 1914, and Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>,
+1923, vol. ii, pp. 616–691.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>From the geographical point of view beyond all question the most
+important of Bacon’s writings was the <i>Opus majus</i>, which sets forth his
+fundamental ideas in the realms of natural and physical science. Bridges’
+edition of this contains a full introduction and a detailed analysis of
+the text, chapter by chapter. The geographical material will be found
+in Part IV, on mathematical science. Distinctio ii of Part IV (Bridges’
+edit., vol. i, 1897, pp. 109–119) is devoted to the subject of rays of light and
+emanations from the heavenly bodies and to the problem of the sphericity
+of the universe. Elsewhere in Part IV the influences of the heavenly
+rays upon the earth, especially in respect to zones, tides, and the healthfulness
+of situations, are brought out. Bacon here is largely indebted to
+Robert Grosseteste (see above, pp. 163–165). These theories are also
+worked out in some detail in the chapters of Part V (on optics) devoted
+to the multiplication of species (Bridges’ edit., vol. ii, 1897, pp. 539–543;
+Werner, <i>Kosm. Roger Baco</i>, 1879, pp. 597–599).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The last portion of Part IV (Bridges’ edit., vol. i, 1897, pp. 175–404), not
+divided into chapters, is a treatment of two broad subjects:</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>1. The importance of mathematics in relation to theology. Under
+this heading, among other points, there is given an explanation of how
+mathematics aids us in acquiring knowledge of the heavens, of the
+location of Paradise and of Hell, of sacred geography (that is of the
+positions and physical conditions of places spoken of in Scripture),
+of geometry (here the influence of mountains in reflecting the sun’s rays
+is elucidated; see above, pp. 179–180; Werner, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 599; Duhem,
+<i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, p. 418), and of numbers (here are explained the
+size, distance, and relative magnitude of the heavenly bodies in relation
+to the earth and to the heavenly spheres).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>2. The influence of the heavens on things terrestrial (Bridges’ edit.,
+vol. i, 1897, pp. 286–403). According to Bacon geographic conditions
+are governed by astronomical and astrological forces. This part of the
+<i>Opus majus</i> shows first how the latter are effective in determining the
+conditions of habitability on the earth’s surface; it closes with a general
+description of the habitable earth (see especially Werner, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 545,
+note 4, and pp. 546–550, on Bacon’s astrological geography, and pp.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_410'>410</span>600–606, on Bacon’s regional geography). <i>Climata</i> and the practical
+utility of knowledge of geography and of climates to the missionary are
+discussed. The description of the habitable earth is particularly full
+for Egypt, the Holy Land, India, Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and
+Cathay. Much fresh material regarding the Mongols and the Far East
+was derived from Bacon’s contemporaries, the Franciscan travelers John
+of Pian de Carpine and William Rubruck (see above, pp. 269–270). Bacon
+dismisses the geography of Western Europe as too familiar to require
+special treatment.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Besides the <i>Opus majus</i>, Bacon’s <i>Communia naturalium</i> and commentary
+on the <i>Secretum secretorum</i> include a few passages of interest
+to us. In the former the finite character of the universe is explained
+(Oxford edit., fasc., iv, pp. 369–373; see also, <i>Opus tertium</i>, Brewer’s
+edit., pp. 140–141), together with some consideration of the dimensions
+of heaven and of earth (Oxford edit., fasc. iv, pp. 414–418). In the
+latter (a book of miscellaneous precepts for the guidance of human
+affairs, which was many times translated from the Arabic during the
+Middle Ages and which was altered, augmented, and edited by Bacon)
+there is material on astronomy, on the size and sphericity of the earth,
+and on the relative extent of land and sea (Oxford edit., fasc. v).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f467'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r467'>467</a>. Dante treats incidentally of the traditional geography and astronomy
+of his period in the <i>Convito</i> and in numerous references in the <i>Divine
+Comedy</i>. His sources were mainly Orosius, Isidore, Albertus Magnus,
+and Brunetto Latino (see Moore, <i>Studies in Dante: Third Series</i>, 1903, pp.
+110–111). A most interesting and original discussion of linguistic
+geography will be found in the <i>De vulgari eloquentia</i> (see Mori, <i>La geogr.</i>,
+1922, pp. 289–292; Andriani, <i>La carta dialettologica</i>, 1923, pp. 255–263).
+The <i>Quaestio de aqua et terra</i>, frequently ascribed to Dante, is of doubtful
+authenticity. Moore, <i>Studies in Dante: Second Series</i>, 1899, pp. 303–374,
+Shadwell in his edition of the <i>Quaestio de aqua et terra</i>, 1909, and Mori,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 285, hold it to be a genuine work of the poet; Boffito, <i>Intorno
+alla “Quaestio de aqua et terra,”</i> Memoria I, 1902, believed it to be spurious;
+serious objections to Boffito’s arguments, however, were raised by
+V. Biagi in a review of the former’s work (Bollettino della Società
+Dantesca, vol. x, Florence, 1903) with the “result that Boffito himself
+appears to be less resolved to maintain his thesis in his latest publication,
+<i>La “Quaestio de aqua et terra” di D. A., ed. principe del 1508 riprod. in
+facsimile, etc.</i>, Florence, 1905” (Marinelli, <i>Scritti minori</i>, vol. i, [1908?], p.
+196, note 3, p. 219, note 1). See also Arnold Norlind: <i>Dante som
+geograf och medeltidens behandling av frågan on vatten och land</i>, in:
+Ymer: Tidskrift utgiven av Svenska Sällskapet för Antropologi och
+Geografi, vol. xliv, Stockholm, 1924, pp. 260–278.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>For references to an edition of the text of Dante and to English translations
+of his various works see the Bibliography under Dante.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f468'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r468'>468</a>. For the latest and most authoritative study of Otto, his works and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_411'>411</span>his place among the literary men of the period, see Hofmeister, <i>Otto von
+Freisingen</i>, 1911–1912.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f469'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r469'>469</a>. The continuation to 1160 is surely, and that from 1160 to 1170
+possibly, the work of Ragewin, Otto’s pupil and notary (Potthast,
+<i>Wegweiser</i>, vol. ii, 1896, p. 886).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f470'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r470'>470</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, II, 13, 43. See Hofmeister, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 734.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f471'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r471'>471</a>. The genuineness of the <i>Ligurinus</i>, which had long been suspected
+of being an imposture, was established after 1870 by two scholars working
+simultaneously and independently, Pannenborg and Gaston Paris.
+Pannenborg, who at first thought that the author of this poem was an
+Italian, was subsequently converted to the opinion that he was a German
+by the arguments of Paris. In 1883 Pannenborg definitely established
+the thesis that the <i>Ligurinus</i> was the work of Gunther of Pairis. See
+Pannenborg, <i>Über den Ligurinus</i>, 1871; the same, <i>Magister Guntherus</i>,
+1873; the same, <i>Der Verfasser</i>, 1884; Gaston Paris, <i>Dissertation critique</i>,
+1872; Vulpinus, <i>Der Ligurinus</i>, 1889 (under Gunther of Pairis in the
+Bibliography), introduction.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f472'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r472'>472</a>. Pannenborg, <i>Über den Ligurinus</i>, 1871, p. 254.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f473'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r473'>473</a>. See, for example, the description of the spring, Bk. VI, lines 481–485.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f474'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r474'>474</a>. Gaston Paris, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 85–86.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f475'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r475'>475</a>. See below, p. 412, note 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f476'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r476'>476</a>. See Delaborde’s introduction to the <i>Philippis</i> in: <i>Oeuvres de Rigord</i>,
+vol. i, 1882, pp. lxxii-lxxiii (under William the Breton in the Bibliography).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f477'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r477'>477</a>. A thorough study of the geographical ideas expressed in the historical
+epics of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries would undoubtedly
+yield fruitful results.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f478'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r478'>478</a>. The Nearer East as pictured in the old French Crusading literature
+is discussed by Dreesbach, <i>Der Orient</i>, 1901.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f479'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r479'>479</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 69–73.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f480'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r480'>480</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 70.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f481'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r481'>481</a>. See preface to Stubbs’s edition of the works of Benedict of Peterborough,
+vol. i, 1867, pp. ix-lxvii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f482'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r482'>482</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, p. 122.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f483'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r483'>483</a>. <i>Chronica</i>, Stubbs’s edit., vol. iii, 1870, pp. 47–55.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f484'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r484'>484</a>. Dreesbach, <i>Der Orient</i>, 1901, pp. 73–75.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f485'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r485'>485</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 79–83.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f486'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r486'>486</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 88–89.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f487'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r487'>487</a>. See Hermannsson, <i>Bibl. Icelandic Sagas</i>, 1908; the same, <i>Northmen</i>,
+1909; the same, <i>Bibl. Sagas Kings</i>, 1910.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f488'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r488'>488</a>. See the same, <i>Bibl. Eddas</i>, 1920.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f489'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r489'>489</a>. On the <i>Saga of Eric the Red</i> and on the <i>Flateyjarbók</i>, see Reeves,
+<i>Wineland</i>, 1890, <i>passim</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f490'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r490'>490</a>. Virtually nothing is known of Ari Frodhi. The <i>Íslendingabók</i> was
+“written probably shortly after 1134” (Hermannsson, <i>Bibl. Icelandic
+Sagas</i>, 1908, p. 56).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f491'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r491'>491</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_412'>412</span>The discovery of Iceland is also described in a Latin work written
+by “Theodricus monachus,” probably toward the close of the twelfth
+century and bearing the title <i>Historia de antiquitate regum norwagiensium</i>.
+Nansen dates this work about 1180 (<i>Northern Mists</i>, 1911, vol. i, p. 254).
+See Hermannsson, <i>Bibl. Sagas Kings</i>, 1910, p. 67.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f492'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r492'>492</a>. Hermannsson, <i>Northmen</i>, 1909, pp. 5–6; Reeves, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 79–83.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f493'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r493'>493</a>. Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 263. The <i>Greenland Annals</i> were compiled
+by Björn Jonsson (1574–1656).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f494'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r494'>494</a>. Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, p. 517.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f495'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r495'>495</a>. This manuscript was discovered in Scotland in 1849. See Hermannsson,
+<i>Bibl. Sagas Kings</i>, 1910, p. 31.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f496'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r496'>496</a>. See above, pp. 49–50 and 73–74.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f497'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r497'>497</a>. The fundamental work on the Romance of Alexander during our
+period is Meyer, <i>Alexandre le Grand</i>, 1886.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f498'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r498'>498</a>. The <i>Historia de praeliis</i>, for instance, the tenth-century work of Leo
+Archipresbyter (see above, p. 381, note 26), was the text from which Frutolf
+of Michaelsberg derived the version of the Romance of Alexander which
+he inserted in his chronicle and which thus found its way to the chronicle
+of Otto of Freising (Meyer, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 39). That the chronicle
+from which Otto drew was by Frutolf and not by Ekkehard of Aura was
+shown by Bresslau, <i>Die Chroniken</i>, 1895.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f499'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r499'>499</a>. This probably dates from the beginning of the twelfth century
+(Meyer, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 49).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f500'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r500'>500</a>. On the sources of the <i>Alexandreis</i>, see Francke, <i>Geschichte</i>, 1879,
+pp. 89–107, and Giordano, <i>Alexandreis</i>, 1917, <i>passim</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f501'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r501'>501</a>. Meyer, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 69–101.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f502'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r502'>502</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 102–132.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f503'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r503'>503</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 133–253.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f504'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r504'>504</a>. Meyer, <i>loc. cit.</i>, has worked out the probable authorship and derivation
+of the various parts of the poem. He divides the work as a whole
+into four consecutive sections or “branches.” Of these the oldest is the
+third in order and is by Lambert li Tors; this branch contains those parts
+of the Romance which are concerned with Alexander’s adventures in the
+heart of Asia and in India; in fact those parts of the work which contain
+the majority of the elements of geographic interest. To this third branch,
+the first, second, and fourth were added at a later date. These were the
+work of Alexandre de Bernai and Pierre de St. Cloud. There are also a
+number of interpolations into the body of the poem which may not be
+attributed to any of the three writers named.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f505'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r505'>505</a>. This poem was entitled <i>Le Roman de toute chevalerie</i>. Meyer
+(<i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 275) knew of four manuscripts. In one of these, in
+Paris, the <i>Roman</i> is ascribed to Thomas of Kent, and in a manuscript in
+Cambridge it is attributed to Eustace of Kent—Meyer holding that the
+latter is correct. There is much of geographical interest in the poem.
+The following are some of the chapter headings of parts dealing with
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_413'>413</span>material of geographic significance (from a manuscript in Durham,
+Library of the Chapter of Durham, C. iv, 27b, as cited by Meyer, <i>op. cit.</i>,
+vol. i, pp. 177–190).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>“.i. Le proloug</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>\.ij. La descripcion del mond....”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>“.lxxxiiij. De genz de grant age en Inde.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>\.lxxxv. De Gangarides l’idle e de son poeple.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>\.lxxxvj. De Polibatre e de son poeple.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>\.lxxxvii. Del mont Malens le plus haut del mond.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>\.lxxxviij. De genz qe vivent de veneison et de pesson....”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>[Further details of races and marvels of India follow.]</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>“.cxlviij. De Gog et Magog qui mangerent la gent....”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>“.ccxxxij. Del pople qu’est apellés Serres et de lur dreiture.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f506'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r506'>506</a>. Zarncke, <i>Priester Johannes</i> (under Prester John in the Bibliography),
+in: Abhandl., vol. vii, 1879, pp. 832–846.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f507'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r507'>507</a>. Zarncke, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 878. In some manuscripts this <i>Letter</i> is said to
+be a Latin translation by Archbishop Christian of Mainz; Thorndike,
+however, observes that it seems “even in its earliest and briefest form
+without doubt a Western forgery and bears the marks of its Latin origin”
+(Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, vol. ii, 1923, p. 240).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f508'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r508'>508</a>. Edited by Zarncke, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 872–934.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f509'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r509'>509</a>. Zarncke, <i>op. cit.</i>, in: Abhandl., vol. viii, 1876, pp. 120–127.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f510'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r510'>510</a>. See Zarncke’s observations regarding the French text (Berichte, vol.
+xxix, 1877, p. 135) and his edition of the English text (Berichte, vol. xxx,
+1878, pp. 41–46). French, English, and Italian texts are addressed to the
+Emperor Frederick and not to Manuel.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f511'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r511'>511</a>. See above, p. 50; also pp. 381–382, notes 28, 29.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f512'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r512'>512</a>. Beazley (<i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 112–217) gives an excellent summary
+of the history of pilgrim travel throughout the Middle Ages, with
+a résumé of the most important sources. For the bibliography of this
+subject see especially Röhricht, <i>Bibliotheca</i>, 1890. For English translations
+of the pilgrims’ accounts of the Holy Land see the publications
+constituting <i>The Library of the Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society</i>, 1897 (see
+the Bibliography under Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f513'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r513'>513</a>. Beazley, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 139–155. See also Bibliography under Saewulf.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f514'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r514'>514</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 190–195. See also Bibliography under John of Würzburg.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f515'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r515'>515</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 195–199. See also Bibliography under Theoderic (Pilgrim).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f516'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r516'>516</a>. From internal evidence the itinerary of Abbot Nikulás can be shown
+to date from the twelfth century. See above, p. 405, note 90.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f517'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r517'>517</a>. Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, p. 184.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f518'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r518'>518</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 186–189. See also Bibliography under Fetellus.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f519'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r519'>519</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 203–207.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f520'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r520'>520</a>. See especially Ganzenmüller, <i>Naturgefühl</i>, 1914, pp. 202–216, for
+citations and translations (into German) of portions of letters which
+throw light on the medieval feeling for nature.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f521'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r521'>521</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_414'>414</span>Wattenbach, <i>Guido von Bazoches</i>, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in
+the Bibliography). Wattenbach (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 71) refers to a <i>Libellus de
+regionibus mundi</i> by Guy of Bazoches now in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale
+MSS., fonds latin, no. 4998.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f522'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r522'>522</a>. <i>Chronica Slavorum</i>, V, 19, in: <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol.
+xxi, pp. 192–196.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f523'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r523'>523</a>. See Carmoly, <i>Itinéraires</i>, 1847, pp. 115–168, for text and commentary
+on the itinerary of Samuel bar Simson, 1211, and pp. 171–216,
+for Jacob of Paris’ description of the holy tombs, 1258. The other
+itineraries in Carmoly’s volume fall in a period later than that covered
+by the present study.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f524'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r524'>524</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., 1907, p. xiii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f525'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r525'>525</a>. On Benjamin of Tudela, see Adler’s edition of the <i>Itinerary</i> and
+Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 224–264. For a useful general introduction
+to the geographical literature of the Jews, see Zunz, <i>Essay</i>, 1841.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>As the manuscript of this book is about to go to press there has come
+to the writer’s attention the brief note by Paul Borchardt, <i>L’itinéraire
+de Rabbi Benjamin de Tudèle</i>, 1924. Borchardt writes (p. 31): “En
+différents travaux j’ai prouvé que le célèbre Rabbi Benjamin ne
+mérite pas le reproche d’inexactitude, même en ce qui concerne la route
+de Chine.... J’espère prouver par ce qui suit que R. Benjamin mérite
+comme Marco Polo le nom d’un homme digne de foi.” References are
+given in footnote 1, p. 31, of Borchardt’s note to other studies by Borchardt
+relating to Benjamin. Unfortunately the present writer has been unable
+to consult these. The references follow as given by Borchardt: “Conférence
+de la Soc. d’Anthrop. de Munich: <i>Reiseweg des R. Benjamin von
+Tudela und des R. Petachia von Regensburg in Mesopotamien</i>, 3, III. 22.,
+<i>Karawanenstrassen in Arabien nach R. Benjamin von Tudela</i>, Anthropos
+Wien 1922/23 (4–6), p. 1066 ss., 1923/24 (1–3) et <i>Zur Frage der Falaschajuden
+in Abessinien</i>, Anthropos, Wien 1923/24 (1–3), carte.” See
+also below, p. 474, note 237a.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f526'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r526'>526</a>. Petachia of Ratisbon, <i>Travels</i>, Benisch and Ainsworth’s transl.,
+1856; Beazley, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 264–274.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f527'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r527'>527</a>. This poem is inserted at fol. 13 of Bibliothèque Nationale MSS.,
+fonds latin, nouvelles acquisitions, no. 299, in the midst of the <i>Speculum
+regum</i> of Godfrey of Viterbo. Delisle, its editor, explains why it should
+be attributed to Godfrey (<i>Littérature latine</i>, 1890, p. 41; listed under
+Godfrey of Viterbo in the Bibliography).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f528'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r528'>528</a>. .sp 1</p>
+<div class='lg-container-b c019'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“Praelia regnorum non hic, set fastus eorum</div>
+      <div class='line'>Scribitur, aut fluvius, orbes speciesque locorum</div>
+      <div class='line in2'>Aut series morum, norma colenda, forum.”</div>
+      <div class='line in16'>—<i>Denumeratio</i>, Delisle’s edit., p. 44.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f529'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r529'>529</a>. Stubbs’s edition of the works of Gervase of Canterbury, vol. i,
+1879, p. xxi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f530'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r530'>530</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_415'>415</span>On the dimensions of Britain he quotes from Henry of Huntingdon,
+<i>Historia Anglorum</i>, I.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f531'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r531'>531</a>. On the work of Giraldus as a whole see preface to vol. i (pp.
+i-xcv) of the Rolls Series edition (no. 21), London, 1861, and Lloyd,
+<i>History of Wales</i>, 1911, vol. i, pp. 554–564.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f532'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r532'>532</a>. <i>Giraldi Cambrensis opera</i> (Rolls Series No. 21), vol. i, edited by
+J. S. Brewer, London, 1861, Introduction, p. xl.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f533'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r533'>533</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. vi, edited by J. F. Dimock, London, 1867, pp. xlvi-xlvii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f534'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r534'>534</a>. In addition to the <i>Mirabilia</i>, there was written, probably in the
+twelfth century, a short tract by one Master Gregory, on the marvels
+of Rome, much of which was copied by Ranulph Higden in his <i>Polychronicon</i>.
+This appears to have been composed independently of the
+<i>Mirabilia</i>, although it deals with the same subject. The author may
+have been an Englishman. See James, <i>Magister Gregorius</i>, 1917 (under
+Gregory, Master, in the Bibliography), pp. 531–554.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f535'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r535'>535</a>. Miller’s <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. i, 1895, deals with the Beatus maps and
+is accompanied by a colored reproduction of the St. Sever Beatus map
+(our Fig. 2, p. 69). Vol. ii, 1895, is an atlas of photographic reproductions
+of the Beatus and other maps of the world of the period. Vol. iii,
+1895, contains explanatory text on the more important earlier maps,
+together with photographs and cuts. Vol. iv, 1896, and vol. v, 1896,
+are devoted to the Hereford and Ebstorf maps of the world from after
+our period, and vol. vi, 1898, to attempts at the reconstruction of lost
+<i>mappaemundi</i>. A word of caution is perhaps necessary against too
+ready acceptance of all of Miller’s theories regarding the connections
+between maps and the influence of one type upon others. See above,
+p. 377, note 167, and below, p. 458, note 17.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f536'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r536'>536</a>. Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 549–642.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f537'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r537'>537</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 123–126. On p. 124 Miller states that
+“in the manuscript of the <i>Magna de naturis philosophia</i> of William of
+Conches&#160;... in the Stuttgart Library, three maps are included, described
+by Santarem.” See Santarem, <i>Essai</i>, vol. iii, 1852, pp. 499–505.
+Beazley (<i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, p. 626), following Miller, also ascribes these
+maps to a manuscript of the <i>Magna de naturis philosophia</i>. The manuscript
+in question, however, is of no other work than William of Conches’
+<i>De philosophia mundi</i>, which Santarem (<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 499–500) ascribed
+wrongly to William of Hirschau (see above, p. 398, note 28). No manuscripts
+or copies of the <i>Magna de naturis philosophia</i> are extant, and Poole
+believes that if such a work ever existed it has been wrongly attributed to
+William of Conches (Poole, <i>Illustrations</i>, 1920, pp. 306–310).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f538'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r538'>538</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 126–128.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f539'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r539'>539</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 118–120.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f540'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r540'>540</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 110–115.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f541'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r541'>541</a>. See above, p. 68. See also Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, 1895, <i>passim</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f542'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r542'>542</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 43–53 and pl. 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f543'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r543'>543</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_416'>416</span>In this respect Lambert’s map resembles a <i>mappamundi</i> made in the
+eleventh century at Ripoll in Catalonia. On this interesting map see
+Vidier, <i>Mappemonde de Théodulfe</i>, 1911, pp. 285–315.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f544'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r544'>544</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 54–57.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f545'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r545'>545</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 21–29 and pl. 2; vol. ii, pl. 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f546'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r546'>546</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 71–73.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f547'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r547'>547</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 37–43 and pl. 3; vol. ii, pl. 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f548'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r548'>548</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 1–21 and pl. 1; vol. ii, pls. 11 and 12.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f549'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r549'>549</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 61–68.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f550'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r550'>550</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 68–94.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f551'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r551'>551</a>. Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, p. 585.</p>
+</div>
+
+<h4 class='c014'>NOTES<br> CHAPTER V<br> THE PLACE OF GEOGRAPHY IN THE MEDIEVAL CLASSIFICATION OF KNOWLEDGE</h4>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f552'>
+<p class='c013'><a href='#r552'>552</a>. Adam of Bremen, however, used the term “geography,” applying
+it to the fourth section of his <i>Gesta Hammenburgensis ecclesiae pontificum</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f553'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r553'>553</a>. Parker, <i>Seven Lib. Arts</i>, 1890, pp. 417–461.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f554'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r554'>554</a>. See above, p. 366, note 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f555'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r555'>555</a>. <i>Fons philosophiae</i>, Charma’s edit., 1868, Introduction, p. 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f556'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r556'>556</a>. <i>De eodem et diverso</i>, p. 28.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f557'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r557'>557</a>. “... qua ratione regulam omnibus saeculis perennam de terrae
+mensura habere posset” (<i>loc. cit.</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f558'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r558'>558</a>. “Subsequenter ergo orbem in partes, partes in provincias, provincias
+in regiones, regiones in loca, loca in territoria, territoria in agros, agros in
+centurias, centurias in iugera divisit” (<i>loc. cit.</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f559'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r559'>559</a>. <i>De nupt. Phil. et Merc.</i>, VI, 580, 587. See Mâle, <i>Religious Art</i>, 1913,
+p. 78.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f560'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r560'>560</a>. <i>Anticlaudianus</i>, III, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f561'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r561'>561</a>. Mâle, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 114.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f562'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r562'>562</a>. <i>De div. phil.</i>, pp. 115–116.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f563'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r563'>563</a>. “Tercia vero inquirit de terra, de eo quod ipsa inhabitatur et quod
+non habitatur; et ostenditur quantum est illud, quod inhabitatur et quot
+sunt partes eius magne, que sunt climata; et comprehendit habitaciones,
+quas contingit esse in unaquaque illarum in illa hora, et ubi sit locus
+cuiusque habitacionis, et ordinem eorum ex mundo; inquirit de eo, quod
+sequitur necessario ut accidat unicuique climatum habitacionum de
+revolucione mundi continenti totio et est revolucio diei et noctis propter
+situm terre in loco, in quo sunt sicut ortus et occasus et longitudo diei et
+noctis et brevitas et alia hiis similia” (<i>ibid.</i>). This passage, together with
+the greater part of the <i>De divisione philosophiae</i>, is drawn from Al-Fārābī’s
+book <i>On the Enumeration of the Sciences</i>. Al-Fārābī was a Moslem philosopher
+and Aristotelian of the tenth century. See Baur’s edition of the
+<i>De div. phil.</i>, 1903, pp. 160, 314.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f564'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r564'>564</a>. See H. O. Taylor, <i>The Mediaeval Mind: A History of the Development
+of Thought and Emotion in the Middle Ages</i>, 2 vols., New York,
+1914, vol. ii, pp. 312–313.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_417'>417</span>
+  <h4 class='c014'>NOTES<br> CHAPTER VI<br> COSMOGONY, COSMOLOGY, AND COSMOGRAPHY</h4>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f565'>
+<p class='c013'><a href='#r565'>565</a>. On this rational spirit, see C. B. Jourdain, <i>Dissertation</i>, 1838, pp. 20ff.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f566'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r566'>566</a>. Poole, <i>Illustrations</i>, 1920, p. 148.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f567'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r567'>567</a>. “... secundum physicam et ad litteram” (<i>De sex d. op.</i>, p. 52).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f568'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r568'>568</a>. “Causas ex quibus habeat mundus existere et temporum ordinem in
+quibus idem mundus conditus et ornatus est rationabiliter ostendit”
+(<i>ibid.</i>). See C. B. Jourdain, <i>loc. cit.</i> On Adelard’s rationalism, see the
+same, pp. 1O4ff.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f569'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r569'>569</a>. Hauréau, <i>Thierry de Chartres</i>, 1890, p. 51.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f570'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r570'>570</a>. Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 40–41.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f571'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r571'>571</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, ch. 6 in printed edit.; fol. 25v. in Bibliothèque Nationale
+MSS., fonds lat., no. 6415 (as cited by Haskins, <i>loc. cit.</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f572'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r572'>572</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, ch. 1 in printed edit.; fol. 24 in MS.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f573'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r573'>573</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, ch. 4 in printed edit.; fol. 25 in MS.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f574'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r574'>574</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, II, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f575'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r575'>575</a>. “... principium a magistro, sed perfectio debet esse ab ingenio”
+(<i>ibid.</i>, I, 21; quoted by Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, p. 99).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f576'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r576'>576</a>. <i>Entheticus</i>, 601–624, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcix, col. 978. See
+Ganzenmüller, <i>Naturgefühl</i>, 1914, p. 227.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f577'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r577'>577</a>. Translation from Moffat, <i>Complaint of Nature</i>, 1908 (in the Bibliography
+under Alan of Lille), p. 27. See also Ganzenmüller, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f578'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r578'>578</a>. See above, p. 223.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f579'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r579'>579</a>. <i>Historia Norwegiae</i>, Storm’s edit., p. 95.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f580'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r580'>580</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 96.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f581'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r581'>581</a>. Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, p. 69.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f582'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r582'>582</a>. <i>Symb. elect.</i>, II, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f583'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r583'>583</a>. <i>Topog. Hiber.</i>, I, 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f584'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r584'>584</a>. <i>De laud. div. sap.</i>, III, 97–98, 123–124. This point of view was also
+that of William the Breton, who, in more than one place in his <i>Philippis</i>,
+writes that it is enough for us to know the facts of such natural phenomena
+as tides, miraculous springs, and the like, but that the causes of them
+will forever remain hidden from men (<i>Philippis</i>, VI, 550–551; VIII,
+82–90; see above, pp. 193–194).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f585'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r585'>585</a>. Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, pp. 271–272; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924,
+p. 295.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f586'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r586'>586</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, pp. 885–890.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f587'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r587'>587</a>. See K. Werner, <i>Wilhelms von Auvergne Verhältniss zu den Platonikern
+des XII. Jahrhunderts</i>, in: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften
+in Wien, Sitzungsberichte, Philosophisch-historische Classe, vol. lxxiv,
+Vienna, 1873, pp. 119–172.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f588'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r588'>588</a>. <i>De mundi univ.</i>, I, <i>passim</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f589'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r589'>589</a>. <i>De sex d. op.</i>, pp. 52–54.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f590'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r590'>590</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_418'>418</span><i>ibid.</i>, p. 60.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f591'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r591'>591</a>. <i>Sententiae</i>, II, 12, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f592'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r592'>592</a>. Zöckler, <i>Geschichte</i>, vol. i, 1877, pp. 415–421.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f593'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r593'>593</a>. <i>Hist. schol.</i>, Gen. 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f594'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r594'>594</a>. Though Comestor here denies the teachings of Plato in regard to the
+existence of matter prior to the “Creation,” he adopted a traditional
+medieval view based on the <i>Timaeus</i> of Plato and given expression by
+Augustine: that God created time and the universe simultaneously (see
+above, p. 52). How these two conceptions were reconciled is shown by
+Daniel of Morley where he writes: “Primus mundus est in eternitate
+figuratus, secundus cum tempore creatus, tercius in tempore formatus”
+(<i>De philosophia</i>, Sudhoff’s edit., p. 8). (For Daniel of Morley’s views on
+hyle see Singer, <i>Daniel of Morley</i>, 1920, p. 267.) Essentially the same
+Platonic doctrine was shared by Hugh of Amiens, archbishop of Rouen,
+who wrote in his <i>Tractatio in hexaemeron</i> that God precedes the world by
+eternity, not by time (Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcii, col. 1249). The <i>De
+imagine mundi</i> (II, 1) applied the term <i>aevum</i> to God alone; <i>tempora aeterna</i>,
+beginning before the world and continuing with and after it, to the
+<i>architypus mundus</i> and to the angels; and <i>tempus</i> to the world (Robbins,
+<i>Hexaemeral Lit.</i>, 1912, p. 7, note 1).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f595'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r595'>595</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, I, 21.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f596'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r596'>596</a>. Bede and Hugh of St. Victor also held that the elements were thus
+segregated at the moment they were called into existence by God (Zöckler,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, 1877, pp. 248, 401).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>William of Conches argues specifically against the Aristotelian doctrine
+of a fifth element of which the heavenly bodies are composed (<i>Dragmaticon
+philosophiae</i>, III, 80–83, cited by Schneider, <i>Abendländische Spekulation</i>,
+1915, p. 40, note 1). Duhem (<i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 105, 194) saw
+in William’s <i>De philosophia mundi</i> what seemed to be a remarkable analogy
+between the ideas there expressed and those expressed by Aristotle
+in the fourth book of his <i>Physics</i>. Schneider (<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 40–42) points
+out that Duhem, through failure to take into account the passage in the
+<i>Dragmaticon</i> to which we have just referred, was led to think that William
+was actually a believer in the main theories set forth in the <i>Physics</i>. On
+the contrary, in referring to the elements in the <i>Dragmaticon</i> William
+merely adopted the traditional Platonic doctrine, and he went on to
+explain Aristotle’s theory of the fifth element and vigorously to denounce
+it. Though this shows that William may not have agreed with Aristotle
+in essentials, it would seem to be, nevertheless, an argument in favor of
+the existence of an Aristotelian trend of thought in William’s time. See
+above, p. 401, note 58.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f597'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r597'>597</a>. Though William denied the possibility of chaos preëxisting the
+“Creation,” he was none the less accused of heresy by Walter, prior
+of St. Victor in Paris during the last part of twelfth century, because of
+his failure to make it clear that God created everything out of nothing.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_419'>419</span>William’s atomic theories suggest the possibility of belief in his mind
+that matter in the form of atoms had coexisted with God and that at
+the so-called “Creation” God had merely organized and arranged these
+atoms. See Hauréau, <i>Singularités</i>, 1861, p. 258; Poole, <i>Illustrations</i>, 1920,
+pp. 300–301.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f598'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r598'>598</a>. <i>De sex d. op.</i>, p. 62.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f599'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r599'>599</a>. See above, pp. 15–16. Belief in the World Soul (<i>anima mundi</i>)
+was a doctrine of Platonism. Theodoric of Chartres (<i>De sex d. op.</i>,
+pp. 60–62), Bernard Sylvester (<i>De mundi univ.</i>, <i>passim</i>), and William
+of Conches (see Poole, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 151) shared it with Peter Abelard
+(Hauréau, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 253). The two latter, like Theodoric, identified
+this mysterious unifying conscious spirit of all things with the Holy
+Ghost and maintained that belief in the World Soul was not inconsistent
+with the Christian teaching that each individual has a personal soul of
+his own. The personal soul in some way was thought to be merged with
+and to form a portion of the World Soul. The theory of the World Soul,
+however, could not be purged of an heretical taint. At the very beginning
+of our period Manegold argued as vigorously against it (<i>Contra
+Wolfelmum Coloniensem opusculum</i>, 1–3) as he argued against the
+possibility of antipodeans (see above, p. 161). It was also severely
+condemned by other defenders of more old-fashioned and orthodox
+beliefs. Peter Comestor says, for example: “Hunc locum male intellexit
+Plato, dictum hoc putans de anima mundi” (<i>Hist. schol.</i>, Gen. 1, 2), and
+Peter Lombard’s whole treatment of the question of the Trinity in the
+<i>Sententiae</i> (II, 17) precludes the possibility of a World Soul. Peter
+Lombard specifically states that the soul of man is not of the same
+substance as the soul of God.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f600'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r600'>600</a>. Theodoric adduced various reasons for the rotary motion of the
+heavens and gave explanations of this phenomenon which so closely
+resembled the arguments given by Aristotle in his <i>De caelo</i> (I, 8; II, 3),
+<i>Physics</i> (IV, 4), and <i>De motu animalium</i> (II, 698b) (see above, p. 370,
+note 42) that Duhem was led by them to the opinion that the Chartres
+scholar must have had direct access to Arabic translations of versions of
+Aristotle. See above, p. 154, and p. 401, notes 57, 58.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f601'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r601'>601</a>. <i>De sex d. op.</i>, p. 54.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f602'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r602'>602</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 55.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f603'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r603'>603</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 57.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f604'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r604'>604</a>. See above, p. 141.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f605'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r605'>605</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, I, 23; Werner, <i>Kosm. Wilhelm von Conches</i>, 1873, p.
+320.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f606'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r606'>606</a>. This curious opinion is expressed in <i>De phil. mundi</i>, I, 23. William
+retracted it in the preface to the sixth book of his <i>Dragmaticon philosophiae</i>
+on the ground that it contradicts the Scriptural account according to
+which Eve was made from Adam’s rib. See above, p. 398, note 28.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f607'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r607'>607</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_420'>420</span><i>De civitate Dei</i>, XI, 33, in: <i>Corpus script. eccl. lat.</i>, vol. xl, pt. 1, pp.
+562–564. See also Zöckler, <i>Geschichte</i>, vol. i, 1877, p. 238.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f608'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r608'>608</a>. <i>Hexaemeron</i>, I, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. xci, cols. 17–18. See also
+Zöckler, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 247–248.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f609'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r609'>609</a>. <i>De sacramentis</i>, bk. I, pt. 1, ch. 11, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxvi,
+col. 195. See also Zöckler, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 401.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f610'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r610'>610</a>. <i>Hist. schol.</i>, Gen. 1, 3. See also Zöckler, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 417.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f611'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r611'>611</a>. So Rupert of Deutz, Arnold of Chartres, Hugh of Rouen (<i>ibid.</i>, pp.
+395, 405, 406).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f612'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r612'>612</a>. <i>Sententiae</i>, II, 13, 2–6. See also Zöckler, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 413–414.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f613'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r613'>613</a>. See Bauer, <i>Philos. Werke des Grosseteste</i>, 1912 (under Grosseteste in
+the Bibliography), p. 76*.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f614'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r614'>614</a>. <i>De luce seu de inchoatione formarum</i>, Baur’s edit., pp. 51–59.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f615'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r615'>615</a>. See Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 284–287, and vol. v, 1917,
+pp. 356–358.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f616'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r616'>616</a>. <i>De sex d. op.</i>, pp. 53–54.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f617'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r617'>617</a>. <i>Adnotat. elucidat. in Pentateuchon</i>, Gen. 6, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol.
+clxxv, cols. 34–37; <i>De sacramentis</i>, I, pt. 1, 1–16, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol.
+clxxvi, cols. 187–199. See also Zöckler, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 401.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f618'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r618'>618</a>. <i>De Genesi ad litteram</i>, V, 5, in Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. xxxiv, cols. 325–327.
+See also other passages in Augustine’s works cited in Zöckler, <i>op.
+cit.</i>, pp. 236–237.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f619'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r619'>619</a>. Zöckler, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 406.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f620'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r620'>620</a>. See above, p. 366, note 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f621'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r621'>621</a>. See above, p. 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f622'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r622'>622</a>. See above, p. 401, note 60.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f623'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r623'>623</a>. See above, p. 99.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f624'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r624'>624</a>. See above, p. 82.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f625'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r625'>625</a>. See above, p. 82.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f626'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r626'>626</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 19.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f627'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r627'>627</a>. Zöckler, <i>Geschichte</i>, vol. i, 1877, pp. 429–430. Averroës discussed
+the origin of matter in his commentary on Aristotle’s <i>Metaphysics</i>, XII
+(Renan, <i>Averroès</i>, 1866, pp. 108–115). On medieval opposition to the
+Averroïstic doctrine of the eternity of the world, see the same, pp. 258,
+274. On Michael Scot’s denial of this doctrine see Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>,
+1921–1922, pp. 260–261; the same, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 285.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f628'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r628'>628</a>. Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. v, 1917, p. 277.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f629'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r629'>629</a>. Notably in the <i>De finitate motus et temporis</i> and in the unpublished <i>Hexaemeron</i>;
+see Baur, <i>Philos. Werke des Grosseteste</i>, 1912 (under Grosseteste (under Grosseteste
+in the Bibliography), pp. 19*-24*—especially p. 23*—93*-95*, 101–106).
+Robert Grosseteste’s pupil, Roger Bacon, “believed that he was in a
+position to demonstrate by philosophical proofs that the world had a
+beginning; and besides he maintained that Aristotle never maintained a
+contrary doctrine” (Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. v, p. 402). Albertus Magnus,
+on the other hand, did not categorically deny the truth of the Aristotelian
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_421'>421</span>teaching, “but rather treated it as a theory that must be accepted from
+the philosophical point of view but rejected from the theological”
+(Zöckler, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 439). Bacon discussed this matter in an
+unpublished work now preserved in the Bibliothèque Municipale at
+Amiens, MS. no. 406, fol. 69, col. a; see Duhem, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, 1915, pp.
+260–277. Albertus Magnus discussed the same subject in <i>Summa theologiae</i>,
+pt. II, tract. 11, and in <i>De quattuor coaevis</i>, both cited by Zöckler, <i>op.
+cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 436.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f630'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r630'>630</a>. See the summary of the <i>De mundi univ.</i> in: <i>Histoire littéraire de la
+France</i>, vol. xii, Paris, 1763, pp. 267–269.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f631'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r631'>631</a>. See Anderson, <i>Younger Edda</i>, 1880 (under Snorri Sturluson, II, in the
+Bibliography).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f632'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r632'>632</a>. Ginungagap may be related to the great “northerly gulf” referred to
+above, p. 349.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f633'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r633'>633</a>. Quotation is here from Anderson’s paraphrase of the leading ideas of
+the <i>Edda</i> of Snorri Sturluson (Anderson, <i>op. cit.</i>, Preface, p. 5).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f634'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r634'>634</a>. <i>Quod homo sit minor mundus</i>, Baur’s edit., p. 59. See also Thorndike,
+<i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, p. 446.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f635'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r635'>635</a>. See above, pp. 213–214.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f636'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r636'>636</a>. Cumont, <i>After Life</i>, 1922, p. 12.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f637'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r637'>637</a>. See above, p. 185, and also below, p. 436, note 17.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f638'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r638'>638</a>. It is to be recalled that the <i>De mundi universitate</i> is divided into two
+books, <i>Megacosmus</i> and <i>Microcosmus</i>. See above, p. 146.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f639'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r639'>639</a>. There are marked analogies between the theory of the microcosm as
+expounded by Herrad and by Hildegard of Bingen. Singer believes that
+“the theory, in the form in which these writers present it, reached the upper
+Rhineland somewhere about the middle or latter half of the twelfth
+century” (Singer, <i>Visions of Saint Hildegard</i>, 1917, p. 20).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f640'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r640'>640</a>. See Singer, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 30–43, for a discussion of the theory of the macrocosm
+and microcosm according to Hildegard and for highly interesting
+reproductions of miniatures illustrating this theory. Singer, believing that
+the <i>Causae et curae</i> and <i>Subtilitates</i> are spurious (see above, p. 396, note 8),
+omits consideration of these works in this connection.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f641'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r641'>641</a>. “In creatione hominis de terra alia terra sumpta est, quae homo est,
+et omnia elementa ei serviebant, quia eum vivere sentiebant, et obviam
+omnibus conversationibus ejus cum illo operabantur et ipse cum illis”
+(<i>Subtilitates</i>, I, praefatio, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcvii, col. 1125).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f642'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r642'>642</a>. <i>Causae et curae</i>, I (Kaiser’s edit., p. 2).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f643'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r643'>643</a>. Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, vol. ii, 1923, pp. 153–154.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f644'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r644'>644</a>. <i>Subtilitates</i>, praef., in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. cxcvii, cols. 1125–1128.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f645'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r645'>645</a>. “Terram centrum idest punctum vocamus eo quod sit media in
+spera.” “Terra autem in medio celestris circuli per quem sol currit ut
+centro locata est” (Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 8865,
+fol. 55vo).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f646'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r646'>646</a>. Grosseteste, <i>De sphaera</i>, Baur’s edit., pp. 12–13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f647'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r647'>647</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_422'>422</span><i>Im. du monde</i>, I, 13. See above, p. 15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f648'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r648'>648</a>. John of Holywood, <i>De sphaera</i>, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f649'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r649'>649</a>. Translation of Al-Farghānī’s <i>Astronomy</i> by John of Seville (or Johannes
+Hispanensis, or John of Luna), Nuremberg edit., diff. iv, fol. 4ro.
+In the <i>De sphaera</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i>, John of Holywood stated that Ptolemy and
+all philosophers had declared that six signs and the middle of the heaven
+(<i>medietas caeli</i>)—by which he probably meant the celestial equator—were
+visible from any place whatsoever to which a man might go on the surface
+of the earth. If the earth were not at the center of the universe it
+would be impossible, he argued, to see the <i>medietas caeli</i> from those parts
+of the earth nearest the firmament: “aliquis existens in illa parte superficiei
+terrae quae magis accederet ad firmamentum non videret caeli
+medietatem.”</p>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id002'>
+<img src='images/i_422.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p>Fig. 10—Diagram to illustrate John of Holywood’s reasoning that the earth is in the center of the universe.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'>Figure 10 illustrates what appears to have been John’s line of reasoning
+as well as the flaws in it. With the earth in position I, not in the center
+of the universe, the celestial
+equator (<i>E-E′</i>) is invisible
+from all points between <i>x</i> and
+<i>y</i> through <i>N</i> (the north pole),
+<i>x</i> and <i>y</i> being points at which
+tangents <i>E-x</i> and <i>E′-y</i> touch
+the earth’s surface. If the
+earth is in the center of the
+universe and the sphere of
+the universe is incomparably
+great in relation to the size of
+the earth—something which
+John believed to be true (see
+above, p. 155)—the area between
+<i>x′</i> and <i>y′</i> will be reduced
+to a very small area
+around <i>N′</i>. John seems to
+have assumed that the universe
+is large enough to make
+this area negligible. Such an area must exist, nevertheless, with all but
+an infinitely great celestial sphere. But if the universe were of infinite
+dimensions, John’s entire argument based on the invisibility of <i>E-E′</i> from
+an earth not in the center would fall to the ground, for all points may
+be deemed the center of an infinite universe. See also below, p. 426,
+note 118.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Ptolemy’s <i>Almagest</i>, I, 4, contains an argument aimed to demonstrate
+why the earth must be at the center of the universe. John of Holywood’s
+reasoning is a confused attempt to condense the argument of Ptolemy
+into a short space.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f650'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r650'>650</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f651'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r651'>651</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_423'>423</span><i>ibid.</i>, I, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f652'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r652'>652</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 885.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f653'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r653'>653</a>. <i>Hist. schol.</i>, Gen. 1, 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f654'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r654'>654</a>. <i>Im. du monde</i>, I, 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f655'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r655'>655</a>. <i>Expos. in hex.</i>, cols. 735–736.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f656'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r656'>656</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, IV, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f657'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r657'>657</a>. Abelard (<i>loc. cit.</i>) and William of Conches (<i>loc. cit.</i>) compare the
+shell of the egg to the fire, the skin to the air, the white to the water, and
+the yolk to the earth. Daniel of Morley makes the same comparison, as
+follows: “Mundus vero ad similitudinem ovi factus est vel dispositus.
+Terra est in medio ut vitellum in ovo; circa hanc est aqua ut circa vitellum
+album; circa aquam aer ut panniculus continens album. Extra vero
+cetera concludens est ignis ad modum teste ovi” (<i>De philosophia</i>,
+Sudhoff’s edit., p. 20).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f658'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r658'>658</a>. Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, pp. 271–272; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924,
+pp. 295–296.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f659'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r659'>659</a>. “Et terra modica est et prope fundum firmamenti est, quod si in
+medio firmamenti esset, tunc eam oporteret maiorem esse et tunc etiam
+facile caderet et dirumperetur, si tantam amplitudinem aeris sub se
+haberet, quantam super se habet. Sed et ipsa ad meridiem quasi
+descensus montis est, unde etiam ibi maiorem calorem de sole habet,
+quia sol et firmamentum ipsi viciniora ibi sunt. Ad aquilonem vero
+alta est adversum poenas, et etiam ibi maius frigus est, quia nec firmamentum
+nec sol ibi prope terram sunt, sed quaedam maior amplitudo
+firmamenti” (<i>Causae et curae</i>, II, Kaiser’s edit., p. 49).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f660'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r660'>660</a>. <i>Liber div. op.</i>, pars I, visio II, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcvii, cols.
+751–755, 759–760. In a previous vision referred to in the passage just
+cited and described in <i>Scivias</i>, I, visio III (Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, col. 405),
+Hildegard saw the universe as an egg, in which the earth appeared as
+follows: “Et in medio istorum elementorum quidam arenosus globus
+plurimae magnitudinis erat; quem eadem elementa ita circumdederant,
+quod nec hac nec illac dilabi poterat. Sed dum interdum eadem elementa
+cum praedictis flatibus se invicem concuterent, eumdem globum sua
+fortitudine aliquantulum moveri. Et vidi inter aquilonem et orientem
+velut maximum montem, qui versus aquilonem multas tenebras et versus
+orientem multam lucem continebat; ita tamen quod nec lux illa ad
+tenebras, nec tenebrae ad lucem pertingere poterant.”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Singer in his <i>Visions of Saint Hildegard</i>, 1917, pp. 22–30, discusses
+Hildegard’s theories of the structure of the material universe as revealed
+in the records of her visions. Particularly striking are the colored
+illustrations taken from miniatures in manuscripts of her works. Singer
+asserts (p. 22) that “the concentric structure of the universe is a commonplace
+of mediaeval science, and is encountered, for instance, in the
+works of Bede, Isidore, Alexander of Neckam, Roger Bacon, Albertus
+Magnus, and Dante. To all these writers, however, the universe is
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_424'>424</span>spherical. The egg-shape is peculiar to Hildegard. Many of the
+<i>Mappaemundi</i> of the Beatus and other types exhibit the <i>surface</i> of the
+habitable earth itself as oval, and it was from such charts that Hildegard
+probably gained her conception of an oval universe. In her method of
+orientation also she follows these maps, placing east at the top of the
+page where we are accustomed to place the north.” This statement
+would seem to be misleading if it means that the comparison of the universe
+with an egg is peculiar to Hildegard. As is shown by the texts
+cited above, p. 151, and below, note 100, <i>ad fin.</i>, this comparison was a
+frequent one throughout our period. It does not, however, necessarily
+imply belief that the universe is shaped like an egg, but merely that its
+concentric structure corresponds with that of the egg. Furthermore, in
+the opinion of the present writer, the fact that the Beatus and other maps
+of the period show the surface of the habitable earth as an oval or rectangle
+should not necessarily be taken as meaning that the draftsmen of
+the maps believed that the earth was oval or rectangular. The maps
+were highly conventionalized, and their shape was often determined by
+the shape of the page upon which they were drawn. On the other hand,
+Hildegard in her Scivias unquestionably meant to describe an egg-shaped
+universe. Otherwise she would not have been so careful to point out
+at the opening of the <i>Liber divinorum operum</i> that in the earlier vision
+described in <i>Scivias</i> the universe had appeared as an egg whereas in the
+vision she was about to describe it appeared as a wheel.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f661'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r661'>661</a>. “In medio quoque aeris terra posita est, ita scilicet ut aer aequali
+mensura super terram, ac sub terra, et in utraque partes terrae sit”
+(<i>Liber div. op.</i>, pars I, visio IV, cap. 63).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Doubts have been thrown on the authenticity of the <i>Causae et curae</i>
+as a work of Hildegard (see above, p. 396, note 8). The three passages
+quoted in this and the two preceding notes show that in both phrasing
+and substance the passage from the <i>Causae et curae</i> bears marked
+resemblances to the passages from the two other known works of Hildegard,
+even though there is inconsistency in regard to the central issue
+relating to the position of the earth. If the <i>Causae et curae</i> were not
+written by Hildegard, it was assuredly the work of someone thoroughly
+familiar with her writings.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f662'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r662'>662</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f663'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r663'>663</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, IV, 2–3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f664'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r664'>664</a>. See above, p. 368, note 33.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f665'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r665'>665</a>. John of Holywood, <i>De sphaera</i>, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f666'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r666'>666</a>. Similar arguments are set forth in Robert Grosseteste’s <i>De sphaera</i>,
+Baur’s edit., p. 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f667'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r667'>667</a>. See Alexander Neckam, <i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 14, where much the same
+argument is given. Neckam adds that the roundness of drops of dew is
+proof of the inherent tendency of water to assume a spherical shape.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f668'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r668'>668</a>. The text upon which this accusation is based is from <i>Otia imper.</i>,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_425'>425</span>II, 2, where Gervase says: “Nos tamen assignantes orbis divisionem
+distributioni filiorum Noë, a quibus summa totius orbis coepit partitio,
+orbem totius terrae Oceani limbo circumseptum et quadratura statuimus
+secundum Pauli Orosii sententiam, eiusque tres partes Asiam, Europam
+et Africam nominamus.” This was interpreted by Daunou (<i>Discours</i>,
+1824, p. 120)—who was followed by Santarem (<i>Essai</i>, vol. i, 1848, p. 107),
+C. B. Jourdain (<i>Infl. d’ Arist.</i>, 1861, pp. 19–20), and others—as implying
+that Gervase believed the earth to be square. On the other hand, Lecoy
+de La Marche rallied to the defense of Gervase (<i>Connaiss. géogr.</i>, 1884,
+p. 208). He argued that the passage should be rendered thus: “Nous
+calculons, nous pensons, que le monde terrestre est entouré et encadré
+(<i>quadratum</i>) par une ceinture de mers” and that elsewhere Gervase
+asserts definitely that the earth is a sphere: “Forma eius (terrae) rotunda
+est ad modum pilae” (<i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 885). As a matter of fact
+Gervase was speaking of the universe and not of the earth when he made
+this comparison with a ball, and Lecoy de La Marche would have been
+more correct if he had inserted <i>mundi</i> after <i>eius</i> instead of <i>terrae</i>. It
+seems, nevertheless, that we are justified in rejecting the text first quoted
+as furnishing any sure evidence that Gervase believed the earth to be
+square, especially since he also adopted the old comparison of the universe
+to an egg (<i>Otia imper.</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i>) with which it would have been difficult,
+though not impossible, to reconcile a theory of a square earth. Gervase,
+however, had an uncritical mind. His work was in large measure one of
+compilation from the writings of others, and it would not be surprising to
+find contradictory statements in it. Quite as contradictory passages on
+the same subject occur in Isidore and in most medieval writings of a
+similar encyclopedic character. See above, p. 54. Lecoy de La Marche,
+it would seem, tried to do the impossible when he attempted to show that
+Gervase had clear and consistent ideas of a scientific nature.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>There is no question, however, but that belief in the sphericity of the
+earth was well grounded in the consciousness of many Western Europeans
+of the late twelfth century. Other evidence of this beside that already
+cited is furnished by the fact that in an ecstasy Alpis (or Alpäis) of Cudot,
+of the diocese of Sens, was said to have seen the entire world in the form of
+a globe, compact and united. The sun was larger than the earth; and the
+latter was suspended in the midst of the air like an egg surrounded by
+water on all sides (<i>Histoire littéraire de la France</i>, vol. ix, 1750, p. 155).
+This vision was much like those of Hildegard of Bingen; see above, p,
+423, note 92.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f669'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r669'>669</a>. <i>Causae et curae</i>, II; Kaiser’s edit., p. 49, quoted above, p. 423, note 91.
+The fact that Hildegard here states that if the earth were in the middle of
+the firmament it would have to be larger or else it would fall, would
+seem to necessitate belief in a flat earth contiguous with the firmament.
+The passage from <i>Causae et curae</i>, I, Kaiser’s edit., p. 23, translated
+above, pp. 183–184, would also seem to require the same belief.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f670'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r670'>670</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_426'>426</span>See above, p. 54.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f671'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r671'>671</a>. See passages quoted above, p. 423, notes 91 and 92.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f672'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r672'>672</a>. <i>Scivias</i>, I, visio III, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcvii, col. 405; <i>Liber
+div. op.</i>, pars I, visio II, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, cols. 751–755, 759–760; pars
+I, visio IV, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, col. 869.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f673'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r673'>673</a>. <i>De arca Noë myst.</i>, 14. For a similar text see Daniel of Morley’s
+<i>De philosophia</i>, Sudhoff’s edit., pp. 9–10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f674'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r674'>674</a>. See above, p. 369, notes 39 and 40.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f675'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r675'>675</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f676'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r676'>676</a>. <i>De sex d. op.</i>, p. 58.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f677'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r677'>677</a>. See above, p. 370, note 42; p. 401, note 58; p. 419, note 32.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f678'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r678'>678</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, 48 (49). Adelard’s arguments resemble those of
+Aristotle in the <i>De caelo</i>. See above, p. 370, note 42; p. 401, note 58.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f679'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r679'>679</a>. Similar Aristotelian arguments are to be found in Alexander
+Neckam’s <i>De nat. rer.</i>, I, 16. Neckam cites Aristotle as his authority.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f680'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r680'>680</a>. <i>De sphaera</i>, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f681'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r681'>681</a>. “Haec [i. e. terrae] centrum in medio mundi ut punctus in medio
+circuli aequaliter collocatur&#160;...” etc. (<i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 5). “Tanta
+est firmamenti quantitas ut ipsi totalis terra collata quasi punctum esse
+videatur” (Alexander Neckam, <i>De nat. rer.</i>, I, 5). Michael Scot, however,
+believed that “the distance to the extreme of the waters beneath
+the earth equals the distance to the moon” (Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>,
+1921–1922, p. 272; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 295–296).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f682'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r682'>682</a>. “Cum ergo corpus solis et terrae aequalia non sunt, quippe cum sit
+sol octies major quam terra, umbram terrae κυλίνδρος esse non potest”
+(<i>De phil. mundi</i>, II, 32).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f683'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r683'>683</a>. <i>Im. du monde</i>, I, 14. This is based on Neckam, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f684'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r684'>684</a>. <i>Im. du monde</i>, III, 16. Neckam (<i>De nat. rer.</i>, I, 8), with whose text
+the <i>Image du monde</i> here corresponds, borrowed from Ptolemy certain
+details in regard to the relative sizes of sun, earth, planets, and stars.
+The sun is by far the largest body in the universe, 166 and a fraction times
+larger than the earth. Next after the sun rank fifteen of the largest
+fixed stars; Jupiter ranks in the third place, Saturn in the fourth, the
+remainder of the fixed stars in the fifth, Mars in the sixth, the earth in the
+seventh, Venus in the eighth, the moon in the ninth, and Mercury in
+the tenth. See Ptolemy, <i>Almagest</i>, V, 16.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f685'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r685'>685</a>. <i>De sphaera</i>, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f686'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r686'>686</a>. “Item si intelligatur superficies plana super centrum terrae dividens
+eam in duo aequalia, et per consequens ipsum firmamentum, oculus
+igitur existens in centro terrae videret medietatem firmamenti; idemque
+existens in superficie terrae videret eandem medietatem. Ex his colligitur
+quod insensibilis est quantitas terrae quae est a superficie ad centrum et
+per consequens quantitas totius terrae insensibilis est respectu firmamenti”
+(<i>loc. cit.</i>).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>John of Holywood’s argument is here closely related to that employed
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_427'>427</span>by him to prove that the earth must be in the center of the universe as
+set forth above, p. 422, note 81. It would seem probable that by “an
+eye stationed in the center of the earth” he means an eye on a line between
+the center of the earth and the <i>medietas firmamenti</i>, and by “the
+same (eye) stationed on the surface of the earth” he means on the
+surface at a point where a line at right angles to the line from the center
+of the earth to the <i>medietas firmamenti</i> cuts the surface of the earth.
+Referring, then, to Figure 10, p. 422, above, let us assume that line
+<i>E-E′</i> represents the plane through the <i>medietas firmamenti</i> and the center
+of the earth (<i>C</i>). When the earth is at the center of the universe line
+<i>C-N′</i> will represent the line drawn at right angles to this plane. With
+a universe of infinite dimensions obviously <i>N′-E</i> and <i>N′-E′</i> would be
+parallel to <i>E-E′</i>, and the <i>medietas firmamenti</i> would be visible from <i>N′</i>.
+John assumes that the universe is so large in relation to the earth that the
+area around <i>N′</i> whence <i>E-E′</i> would be invisible is negligible.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f687'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r687'>687</a>. <i>Almagest</i>, I, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f688'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r688'>688</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f689'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r689'>689</a>. <i>Im. du monde</i>, III, 15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f690'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r690'>690</a>. <i>Liber floridus</i>, Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 8865,
+fol. 55vo. A note illustrating a diagram on the same page of the same
+manuscript gives 240,000 stades for the circumference, one of the two
+figures of Posidonius. See above, p. 16.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f691'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r691'>691</a>. <i>De sphaera</i>, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f692'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r692'>692</a>. See the various works referred to on pp. 95–98, above. Robert
+Grosseteste’s <i>De sphaera</i> includes a very clear discussion of the main
+elements of geocentric astronomy as taught in the early thirteenth century.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f693'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r693'>693</a>. See above, pp. 17–18.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f694'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r694'>694</a>. <i>De mundi univ.</i>, p. 17.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f695'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r695'>695</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f696'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r696'>696</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 892.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f697'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r697'>697</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIII, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f698'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r698'>698</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 2–3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f699'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r699'>699</a>. “Extra tres autem partes orbis, quarta pars trans oceanum interior
+est in meridie, quae solis ardore incognita nobis est. In cuius finibus antipodas
+fabulosae inhabitare produntur.” Text (not legible on our Fig. 2,
+p. 69) from Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. i, 1895, p. 58. See Isidore, <i>Etym.</i>,
+XIV, 5, 17. Gervase of Tilbury describes the austral continent in similar
+terms: “Porro inter mare rubrum et Oceanum plaga torrida est, propter
+calorem nobis incognita, in cuius finibus antipodes esse dicuntur” (<i>Otia
+imper.</i>, vol. ii, p. 760).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f700'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r700'>700</a>. See above, p. 385, note 58.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f701'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r701'>701</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 50.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f702'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r702'>702</a>. “Hic antipodes nostri habitant, sed noctem diversam diesque
+contrarios perferunt&#160;...” (<i>loc. cit.</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f703'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r703'>703</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_428'>428</span>See above, p. 185.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f704'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r704'>704</a>. <i>Microcosmus</i>, Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds St. Victor, no.
+738, fol. 18vo.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f705'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r705'>705</a>. <i>De sphaera</i>, Baur’s edit., pp. 24–25. Amphitrite is also discussed in
+the <i>Liber de essentiis</i> of Hermann the Dalmatian, dating from 1143, in a
+geographical passage published recently by Haskins (<i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp.
+62–64): “Hinc vero per Amphitritis sinus ab Athlante Libico Strixisque
+inflexu per littora Gaditana per confinia Thiles proprie Temiscirios campos
+e vicino portibus Caspiis usque ad Caucason et Ethiopici Gangis effluxus.”
+In another passage of the same work quoted by Haskins (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 64)
+Hermann indicates that in the latitude of Lisbon and Toledo eight
+equal land stages are the equivalent of 4° of longitude, that the width of
+Amphitrite is 44°, or the equivalent of eighty-eight equal land stages,
+and that there is an opinion that paradise lies beyond this ocean. “...
+spatium&#160;... dierum 44 que secundum quod ratio tribuit est dimidia
+latitudo Amphitritis, tota (totam) videlicet itineris terrestris equabilis
+dierum fere 88. Tantum ergo spatii vel etiam aliquanto plus que ratio
+hucusque transnatari prohibuit nondum audivimus nisi forte illa quam
+(que) exposuimus. In ea tamen parte non modica est opinio eam esse
+regionem quam paradisum vocant, cuius indicio sunt signa tam ab
+oriente quam ab occidente.” In this same passage Hermann states that
+Toledo is 62° west of Arin (see above, p. 86). One would therefore expect
+the width of Amphitrite to be 44° in order to bring to 90° the total
+distance from Arin to the prime meridian in the midst of Amphitrite
+(Haskins, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 64, note 202).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f706'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r706'>706</a>. <i>Im. du monde</i>, II, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f707'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r707'>707</a>. .sp 1</p>
+<div class='lg-container-b c019'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“Quid significat globus aureus, qui regum manibus gestatur?</div>
+      <div class='line in4'>Aureus ille globus pomum vel palla vocatur,</div>
+      <div class='line in4'>Unde figuratum mundum gestare putatur,</div>
+      <div class='line in6'>Quando coronatur, palla ferenda datur.</div>
+      <div class='line in4'>Significat mundum forma peribente rotundum,</div>
+      <div class='line in4'>Intus habet plenum terrestri pondere fundum,</div>
+      <div class='line in6'>Quem tenet archanum palla ferenda manu.</div>
+      <div class='line in4'>Hec fuit ex terris mundi collecta quaternis;</div>
+      <div class='line in4'>Ut foret imperii manibus gestenda supernis.</div>
+      <div class='line in6'>Hac tulit imperium Iulius arte suum.</div>
+      <div class='line in4'>Taliter hunc mundum gestat manus una rotundum,</div>
+      <div class='line in4'>Regius includit sic omnia climata pugnus,</div>
+      <div class='line in6'>Taliter omne quod est regia pompa tenet.”</div>
+      <div class='line in20'>—<i>Pantheon</i>, particula xxvi, 4; in: <i>Mon. Germ.</i></div>
+      <div class='line in20'><i>hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol. xxii, pp. 274–275; pars</div>
+      <div class='line in20'>19 in Herold’s edit., 1559, col. 620.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f708'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r708'>708</a>. Eugen Oberhummer, <i>Das britische Weltreich und die imperialistischen
+Staatenbildung früherer Zeit</i>, in: Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_429'>429</span>in Wien, vol. lxiii, 1920, pp. 108–109. See also Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>,
+vol. iii, 1895, pp. 129–131.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f709'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r709'>709</a>. .sp 1</p>
+<div class='lg-container-b c019'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“In den bûchen vant er ouch dô,</div>
+      <div class='line'>daz eine werlt wêre sô</div>
+      <div class='line'>gelegen under dirre erde:</div>
+      <div class='line'>swen ez hie naht werde,</div>
+      <div class='line'>daz ez danne dort tac sî.”</div>
+      <div class='line in12'>Schröder, <i>Sanct Brandan</i>, 1871, p. 51.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f710'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r710'>710</a>. <i>De nupt. Phil. et Merc.</i>, VI, 602–608.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f711'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r711'>711</a>. The word <i>antipodes</i> as we employ it at the present time refers
+rather to the <i>antichthones</i> of Capella. These terms, however, were not
+used with consistency by classical and medieval writers.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f712'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r712'>712</a>. <i>In som. Scip. com.</i>, II, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f713'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r713'>713</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, IV, 3. Alexander Neckam also did not deny
+the abstract possibility of the existence of antipodeans: “Nonne enim et
+antipodes sub pedibus nostris esse dicuntur. Si tamen philosophice
+loqui volueris, non magis sunt sub pedibus nostris quam nos sub pedibus
+eorum. Sed numquid de primis parentibus descenderunt antipodes?
+Secundum Augustinum non sunt antipodes, sed doctrinae causa aut
+figmenti ita dici solet” (<i>De nat. rer.</i>, pp. 159–160).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f714'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r714'>714</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 975.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f715'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r715'>715</a>. “Mira res a messibus subterraneis veniens hyemalia frigora videt
+in nostro haemispherio perseverare, quod utique solis absentiae ac
+vicariae praesentiae merito adscribendum duxi” (<i>loc. cit.</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f716'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r716'>716</a>. Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, pp. 64–65. For data relating to another
+attack on Macrobius’ cosmography preserved in a twelfth-century
+manuscript in Cambrai see Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 98–103.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f717'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r717'>717</a>. The Latin text of the passage of which this is a free paraphrase,
+runs as follows: “Suscepto enim semel, quatuor habitationes hominum
+esse, quorum ad se invicem nulla penitus possit esse per naturam commeandi
+licentia, dic age, quomodo verum erit, quod Sancta, &#38; Apostolica
+rationalibiliter confitetur Ecclesia, Salvatorem videlicet, per primos
+Patres ab ipsis, ut ita dicam, huius Mundi cunabulis praesignatum, &#38; a
+Patriarchis, &#38; Prophetis consequenter multifarie, &#38; multis evidentibus
+modis praefiguratum, tandem in plenitudine temporis, ineffabilibus
+humilitatis, &#38; caritatis suae operibus cognitum, ac clarificatum, in salutem
+totius humani generis advenisse, si tria hominum genera excepta
+sunt, quae praedictus Macrobius praeter hanc habitabilem, quam incolumus,
+secundum zonarum Coeli, &#38; terrae temperiem, posse esse persuadet,
+ad quae tantae salubritatis notitia pervenire non potuit? Ubi est, quod
+ille fidelis, quem invenit Dominus virum secundum cor suum, in spiritu
+veritatis clamat: ‘Ante conspectum gentium revelavit justitiam suam
+Deus.’ Et ibidem: ‘Videbunt omnes fines terrae salutare Dei nostri,’
+si aliqui fines terrae sunt ab hominibus inhabitati, ad quos sonus Prophetarum,
+&#38; Apostolorum nostrorum prohibente natura per inaccessibiles
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_430'>430</span>aquarum, frigorum, calorumve distantias transire nequivit?” (Manegold,
+<i>Opusculum</i>, Muratori’s edit., 1713, pp. 175–176.)</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f718'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r718'>718</a>. Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 14704, fol. 114vo. See
+also above, p. 96.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f719'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r719'>719</a>. <i>Dialogus</i>, I, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clvii, col. 547. Bibliothèque
+Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 10722, fol. 77ro, gives a diagram illustrating
+the eccentricity of the sun’s orbit. In accord with the Moslem
+cartographic tradition, south is at the top.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f720'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r720'>720</a>. Plato of Tivoli’s translation of Al-Bāttanī’s <i>Astronomy</i>, Bologna
+edit., 1645, p. 26 (from <i>Opus astron.</i>, 6, Nallino’s edit., pt. i, 1903, p. 14).
+Essentially the same ideas, though expressed in somewhat different
+terms, are to be found in the <i>Liber de essentiis</i> of Hermann the Dalmatian.
+See above, p. 400, note 48.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f721'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r721'>721</a>. <i>De lineis angulis</i>, etc., Baur’s edit., p. 64. Roger Bacon’s views
+on the influence of pyramidal rays as set forth in <i>Opus majus</i> (Bridges’
+edit., vol. i, 1897, pp. 117–143) are discussed in Werner, <i>Kosm. Roger Baco</i>,
+1879, pp. 597–600. Bacon’s indebtedness to Grosseteste, however, does
+not seem to be sufficiently emphasized by Werner. See above, pp. 179–180
+and p. 408, note 97.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f722'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r722'>722</a>. <i>De natura locorum</i>, Baur’s edit., pp. 66–67.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f723'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r723'>723</a>. <i>De sphaera</i>, Baur’s edit., pp. 20–24.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f724'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r724'>724</a>. <i>De natura locorum</i>, Baur’s edit., p. 69.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f725'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r725'>725</a>. Emmanuel de Martonne, <i>Traité de géographie physique</i>, 3rd edit.,
+Paris, 1920, p. 40.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f726'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r726'>726</a>. <i>De sphaera</i>, Baur’s edit., p. 25.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f727'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r727'>727</a>. <i>Opus majus</i>, Bridges’ edit., vol. i, 1897, p. 192. See Duhem, <i>Système</i>,
+vol. iii, 1915, pp. 416–419.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f728'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r728'>728</a>. <i>De natura locorum</i>, Baur’s edit., pp. 68–69.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f729'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r729'>729</a>. See above, pp. 179–180, and below, p. 431, note 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<h4 class='c014'>NOTES<br> CHAPTER VII<br> THE ATMOSPHERE</h4>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f730'>
+<p class='c013'><a href='#r730'>730</a>. Those parts of the <i>Dragmaticon philosophiae</i> and of the <i>De philosophia
+mundi</i> which deal with meteorology are conveniently available in Hellmann,
+<i>Denkmäler</i>, 1904, pp. 42–54, 69–75. See also the extensive
+discussion in Werner, <i>Kosm. Wilhelm von Conches</i>, 1873.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f731'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r731'>731</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, I, 21; III, 1; III, 14. See also Werner, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 318.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f732'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r732'>732</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, I, 21. See also Werner, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 316–317.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f733'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r733'>733</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, I, 17–21. See also Werner, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 313–315.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f734'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r734'>734</a>. These five regions were: (1) the celestial region, or sphere of the fixed
+stars; (2) the region of ether, which reaches from the sphere of the fixed
+stars down to that of the moon; (3) the upper air, clear and lucid; (4) the
+lower air, turbid and cloudy; and (5) the earth. (<i>De phil. mundi</i>, I, 16–21).
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_431'>431</span>See Werner, <i>loc. cit.</i>, for discussion of these ideas, of their derivation
+from Plato’s <i>Timaeus</i> and from later Platonists, and of the “demons”
+associated with each of the five regions.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f735'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r735'>735</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, IV, 5: III, 5, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f736'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r736'>736</a>. Robert Grosseteste believed that if you take into account the theoretical
+principles of the “pyramids” of rays alone (see above, pp. 163–164),
+mountain heights should be hotter than valleys because the pyramids
+striking the crests of mountains are shorter than those striking the floors
+of valleys (<i>De natura locorum</i>, Baur’s edit., p. 66). In other words,
+mountain summits theoretically ought to be warmer because they are
+nearer the sun. In the <i>De natura locorum</i> Robert explains that accidental
+circumstances frequently cause a reversal of these conditions in such a
+way that the heights may be dominated by cold. Among these accidental
+circumstances are the winds and also the fact that peaks rise to the
+“middle space of the air or of the sphere where there is the greatest cold
+(medium interstitium aeris vel sphaerae, ubi est maxima frigiditas).”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f737'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r737'>737</a>. “... calor non provenit ex corpore solari, sed ex reflexione et condensatione
+radiorum” (<i>De impressionibus elementorum</i>, Baur’s edit.,
+p. 88).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f738'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r738'>738</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 87–88.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f739'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r739'>739</a>. See above, p. 23.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f740'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r740'>740</a>. “Triplex est universa dimensio, in longum, latum, et altum. Quoniam
+igitur omnis corporis sedes in fundamento suo terra vero tocius
+mundi fundamentum, multo pocius mundane prolis ex substantia
+collecte sedem terram esse necesse est. Eius pars quedam a terra in
+altum crescit, alia vero super terram in altum elevatur tocius fomentum
+hic spiritus terreni vapores pinguedine crassus, sine quo nulla huius
+geniture vita per aliquot horarum spacia possibilis. Hic autem vapor,
+ut per altitudinem Olimpi concipit Aristotiles, a terre superficie non plus
+quam .xvi. stadiis exaltatur. Hic ergo terminus videtur in altum omnis
+nostre habitabilis. Videtur fortasse huius altitudinis mensura sumi
+posse vel per arcum yris que secundum Ipparci descriptionem ab ipsis
+nubibus usque in superficiem terre perveniat. Sed quoniam nec ipsa
+descriptio constans nec ipsius arcus ad semicirculum habitudo, propterea
+nos id cuilibet probandum relinquimus” (<i>Liber de essentiis</i>, text from
+Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 62, where variant readings from different manuscripts
+are given). Haskins points out that Aristotle (<i>Meteor.</i>, I, 13) omits
+Olympus from his list of the highest mountains.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f741'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r741'>741</a>. See above, p. 169, and below, p. 432, note 16.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f742'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r742'>742</a>. <i>Hist. schol.</i>, Gen. 34; copied in Gervase of Tilbury, <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol.
+i, p. 893.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f743'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r743'>743</a>. The origin of this story has not been traced by the present writer. It
+would certainly seem to be based on some actual knowledge of the physiological
+effects of lower air pressure at great heights.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>According to Benini (<i>Origine del Monte del Purgatorio</i>, 1917,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_432'>432</span>p. 1085) Dante (<i>Purgatorio</i>, XXVIII, 103–112; see also <i>Inferno</i>, IV, 26–28,
+149–150) held that the Mount of Purgatory reaches above the lower levels
+of the atmosphere, which are corrupted by the earth and where winds,
+clouds, rain, hail, and rainbows are to be found, into a realm of motionless
+air. The very summit of the mountain where the Terrestrial Paradise
+is situated is in a belt of air which moves from east to west with the
+motion of the ninth sphere.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f744'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r744'>744</a>. “Nos vero dicimus quod ille aer non spissatur, sed fumus humidus
+qui ex convallibus ascendit, ex frigiditate superiorum in nubes et nives
+constringitur” (<i>De phil. mundi</i>, IV, 5).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f745'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r745'>745</a>. <i>Dialogus</i>, IX, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clvii, col. 631.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f746'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r746'>746</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 4–8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f747'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r747'>747</a>. Of the water drawn up by the sun, the lighter or “more liquid”
+(liquidius) portions were supposed actually to have been turned into fire
+and in this way to have served as a replenishment for the solar fires.
+The coarser portions fell back to the earth. A blood rain was caused by
+great heat.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f748'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r748'>748</a>. See E. W. Gudger, <i>Rains of Fishes</i>, in: Natural History: The
+Journal of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. xxi, 1921,
+New York, pp. 607–619.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f749'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r749'>749</a>. <i>De sex d. op.</i>, p. 54.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f750'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r750'>750</a>. William of Conches follows Theodoric in this explanation of snow
+and hail (<i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 4, 8, 9). In the epic poem, <i>Philippis</i> (IX,
+672–682), of William the Breton there is a remarkable description of a
+nocturnal fog lying over the humid and fertile ground near Lille, so thick
+that a rider could scarcely discern the ears of his horse in front of him.
+William attributed the fog to damp vapors rising from beneath the
+muddy surface of the plain rather than to a more probable cause:
+the cooling and condensation of water vapor in the lower strata of the
+atmosphere as a result of active radiation from the earth’s surface.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f751'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r751'>751</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 6. On the miraculous production of rain, see above,
+pp. 203–204, and below, p. 433, note 31.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f752'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r752'>752</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 7 (cited by Werner, <i>Kosm. Wilhelm von Conches</i>,
+1873, p. 375). William discusses opposing views as to the end of the
+world, whether it will come by flood or by fire (see above, pp. 13–14).
+William himself was inclined to believe that it would be by fire.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f753'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r753'>753</a>. See above, p. 184.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f754'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r754'>754</a>. <i>Hist. schol.</i>, Gen. 34.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f755'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r755'>755</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 907. See below, p. 446, note 18.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f756'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r756'>756</a>. The presence of fossils on mountains was cited by early Christian
+writers as proof that the Deluge rose higher than the highest mountains.
+See references in E. S. McCartney, <i>Fossil Lore in Greek and Roman
+Literature</i>, in: Proceedings of the Michigan Academy of Science, Arts,
+and Letters, vol. iii, New York, 1924, pp. 23–38, references on p. 35.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f757'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r757'>757</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, pp. 893–894.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f758'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r758'>758</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_433'>433</span>“‘Non maledicam ultra terram, propter homines. Tempus sementis
+et messis, frigus et aestas, nox et dies requiescent.’ Forte nondum ita
+plene distincta erant tempora quatuor, quia nec usque ad diluvium
+aquae collectae fuerant in nubes” (<i>loc. cit.</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f759'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r759'>759</a>. <i>Liber div. op.</i>, pars III, visio VII, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcvii,
+col. 966. Quotation from Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, p. 136.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f760'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r760'>760</a>. On the supernatural production of storms and wind, and on the
+belief that they are caused by magic and by evil spirits in the air, see
+White, <i>Warfare</i>, 1920, vol. i, pp. 336–350; Hoffmann, <i>Anschauungen</i>,
+1907, PP· 85–91; and, especially, J. G. Frazer, <i>The Golden Bough</i>, Part I,
+<i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings</i>, London, 1911, vol. i, pp. 244–331.
+See also above, pp. 203–204 and 209.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A characteristic story of this sort is related in the <i>Gesta regis Ricardi</i>,
+falsely ascribed to Benedict of Peterborough. Here we are told that a
+huge black dragon raises waterspouts in the Gulf of Satalia on the south
+coast of Asia Minor. The author adds, however: “Quidem autem
+dicunt quod hoc non est draco sed sol qui attrahit aquas maris ad se,
+quod plus verum videtur” (<i>Gesta regis Ricardi</i>, vol. ii, p. 197). The
+author is also skeptical towards a fantastic story of how storms are
+produced in the same gulf by the rising to the surface of the head of an
+abortive child that had been thrown into its waters (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 196).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f761'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r761'>761</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 54.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f762'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r762'>762</a>. “Ventus&#160;... est&#160;... aer commotus et agitatus” (<i>Otia imper.</i>,
+vol. i, p. 889).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f763'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r763'>763</a>. “Est igitur ventus aer densus usque ad offensionem (quidem) motus.
+Esse enim venti genus aerem estimo” (<i>Quaest. nat.</i>, 59 (60)). On references
+to the <i>Quaestiones naturales</i>, see the Bibliography under Adelard
+of Bath.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f764'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r764'>764</a>. “Ventus igitur est aer in unam partem flans” (<i>Dragmaticon philosophiae</i>,
+in: Hellmann, <i>Denkmäler</i>, 1904, p. 42).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f765'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r765'>765</a>. <i>Liber div. op.</i>, pars I, visio II, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcvii, col.
+762; Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, p. 132.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f766'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r766'>766</a>. <i>Causae et curae</i>, I, Kaiser’s edit., p. 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f767'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r767'>767</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f768'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r768'>768</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f769'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r769'>769</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, 59 (60); quotation is from Gollancz’s translation, p. 145.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f770'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r770'>770</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 922.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f771'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r771'>771</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f772'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r772'>772</a>. See above, pp. 192–193.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f773'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r773'>773</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f774'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r774'>774</a>. Gilbert, <i>Meteorol. Theorien</i>, 1907, pp. 539–557.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f775'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r775'>775</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, V, 17.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f776'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r776'>776</a>. On the names of the winds in medieval French literature, see Frahm,
+<i>Das Meer</i>, 1914, pp. 78–82.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f777'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r777'>777</a>. <i>Liber floridus</i>, Ghent MS., fol. 24, as cited in Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol.
+clxiii, col. 1009.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f778'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r778'>778</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_434'>434</span>Einhard, the Frankish scholar, contemporary and biographer of
+Charlemagne, in his <i>Vita Caroli magni</i> so designates the winds (<i>Mon.
+Germ. hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol. ii, p. 459).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f779'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r779'>779</a>. Bertolini, <i>L’orologio</i>, 1916, p. 977.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f780'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r780'>780</a>. Cusa, <i>Denom. dei venti</i>, 1884, pp. 375–415.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f781'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r781'>781</a>. Alexander Neckam makes Boreas a bringer of hail and Auster a
+rainy wind (<i>De laud. div. sap.</i>, II, 85–92).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Bernard Sylvester writes:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c017'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“Obriguit Boreas, maduit Notus, Auster et Eurus:</div>
+      <div class='line'>Hic tempestates, ille serena facit.”</div>
+      <div class='line in32'>—<i>De mundi univ.</i>, p. 19.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'>Classical tradition, however, was apparently uniform in conceiving
+of Notus and Auster as the same. See table in Gilbert, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp.
+550–551. William of Conches describes Boreas as a dry, as well as cold,
+wind “because it drives the clouds before it toward the mid region of
+the earth.” But also, because of the very fact that it does so drive the
+clouds before it, it is a producer of rain along the borders of the torrid
+zone. “Siccus vero, quia nubes de hoc angulo terrae ad medium fugat,
+estque pluviosus juxta fines torridae zonae” (<i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 15).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f782'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r782'>782</a>. <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f783'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r783'>783</a>. .sp 1</p>
+<div class='lg-container-b c019'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“Arthous, Boreas, Boreae contrarius Auster,</div>
+      <div class='line in2'>Sol oriens Eurum, vespera dat Zephyrum.</div>
+      <div class='line'>Constringit Boreas, pluvius fert humidus Auster,</div>
+      <div class='line in2'>Clara dies Euro, flos alitur Zephyro.</div>
+      <div class='line'>Auctumno Boreas, aestati convenit Eurus;</div>
+      <div class='line in2'>Auster hyemsque madent; ver Zephyrusque tepent.”</div>
+      <div class='line in24'>—<i>Symbolum electorum</i>, II, 1.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'>See also Giraldus Cambrensis, <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 3, on Zephyr and Eurus,
+and I, 6, on Corus, the violent northwester which uproots or bends over
+trees in the west of Ireland. Corus was the favoring wind for voyagers
+from England to France, according to Willibald, an eighth century ecclesiastic,
+associate of Boniface, in his <i>Vita Bonifatii</i>, 5 (Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>,
+vol. lxxxix, col. 613). Alexander Neckam (<i>loc. cit.</i>) and Bernard Sylvester
+(<i>loc. cit.</i>) make Eurus a stormy wind. Neckam says that it disturbs the
+waters and is unwelcome to travelers; Zephyr, on the other hand, spreads
+the fields with flowers.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f784'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r784'>784</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 922.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f785'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r785'>785</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 972.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f786'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r786'>786</a>. Liebrecht, <i>Gervasius von Tilbury</i>, 1856, p. 112.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f787'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r787'>787</a>. <i>Historia</i>, XIX, 16 (in medieval French transl., edited by Paulin
+Paris, vol. ii, 1880, p. 275; see also Dreesbach, <i>Der Orient</i>, 1901, p. 29).
+Walter of Châtillon describes vividly the drought, whirlwinds, and sand
+storms of the Libyan desert (<i>Alexandreis</i>, III, 374). See Ganzenmüller,
+<i>Naturgefühl</i>, 1914, p. 201.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f788'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r788'>788</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 31.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f789'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r789'>789</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_435'>435</span><i>Collectanea</i>, Mommsen’s edit., p. 236, translated in: Nansen, <i>Northern
+Mists</i>, 1911, vol. i, p. 193.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f790'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r790'>790</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f791'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r791'>791</a>. Dreesbach, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 19–24.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f792'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r792'>792</a>. Ambroise, <i>Estoire de la guerre sainte</i>, verses 10610–10612, in: Gaston
+Paris’ edit., col. 284; see also the same, verses 6303–6306 (Paris’ edit.,
+col. 168), and Dreesbach, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 20. The last four words may be
+translated by “as is its wont.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f793'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r793'>793</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s transl., p. 81.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f794'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r794'>794</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 64.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f795'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r795'>795</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 38.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f796'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r796'>796</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, IV, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f797'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r797'>797</a>. <i>De prop. rerum</i>, XI, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f798'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r798'>798</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 33–40.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f799'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r799'>799</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 35.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f800'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r800'>800</a>. Schröder, <i>Sanct Brandan</i>, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+p. 22.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f801'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r801'>801</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 3, 6, etc.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f802'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r802'>802</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 33.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f803'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r803'>803</a>. See above, p. 167.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f804'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r804'>804</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, IV, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f805'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r805'>805</a>. <i>Ligurinus</i>, II, 61–66, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. ccxii, cols. 350–351.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f806'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r806'>806</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f807'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r807'>807</a>. <i>Itin. Kamb.</i>, I, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f808'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r808'>808</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f809'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r809'>809</a>. <i>De natura locorum</i>, Baur’s edit., pp. 68–69. See above, p. 165.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f810'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r810'>810</a>. <i>De natura locorum</i>, Baur’s edit., pp. 68–69.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f811'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r811'>811</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 912.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f812'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r812'>812</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 922.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f813'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r813'>813</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, II, 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f814'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r814'>814</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 35–37.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f815'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r815'>815</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, II, 34.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f816'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r816'>816</a>. <i>Ligurinus</i>, IV, 179–220, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. ccxii, cols. 381–382.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f817'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r817'>817</a>. Referring to Capua, Benjamin of Tudela wrote: “It is a fine city,
+but its water is bad and the country is fever-stricken” (Benjamin of
+Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s transl., p. 7).</p>
+</div>
+
+<h4 class='c014'>NOTES<br> CHAPTER VIII<br> THE WATERS</h4>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f818'>
+<p class='c013'><a href='#r818'>818</a>. <i>Expos. in hex.</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxviii, cols. 741–747.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f819'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r819'>819</a>. <i>De sex d. op.</i>, pp. 54–55.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f820'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r820'>820</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, II, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f821'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r821'>821</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_436'>436</span>William of Conches went on to explain in this connection (<i>De phil. mundi</i>,
+II, 4) why the heavens are blue, a phenomenon which some
+observers had attributed to the presence of waters. “What do we see up
+there, dense and the color of water? It is not fire, for if the air is invisible
+because of its great rarity (<i>subtilitas</i>), so also must fire be invisible, fire
+which is so much more rare than air. Furthermore, it is not the color of
+fire.” William asserted that you see nothing at all and that the impression
+of seeing water is an optical illusion. Unless some other color interposes,
+a ray of light on entering the eye takes the color of water from the
+aqueous humor contained in the eye.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f822'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r822'>822</a>. Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, p. 272; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 296.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f823'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r823'>823</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 894.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f824'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r824'>824</a>. Paraphrase by White, <i>Warfare</i>, 1920, vol. i, p. 95, note.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f825'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r825'>825</a>. <i>De universo</i>, I, 38 (Orléans edit., 1674, p. 598, col. 2G, as cited and
+translated by Stegmann, <i>Anschauungen</i>, 1913, p. 19, note 3).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f826'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r826'>826</a>. <i>Causae et curae</i>, I (Kaiser’s edit., p. 23). See above, p. 425, note 101.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f827'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r827'>827</a>. <i>Solutiones</i>, quaest. 2, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcvii, cols. 1040–1041.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f828'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r828'>828</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 893.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f829'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r829'>829</a>. <i>Expos. in hex.</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxviii, cols. 743–744.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f830'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r830'>830</a>. Psalm cxlviii, 4–5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f831'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r831'>831</a>. See above, pp. 186–187.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f832'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r832'>832</a>. <i>Hist. schol.</i>, Gen. 5. See Norlind, <i>Problem</i>, 1918, p. 39.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f833'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r833'>833</a>. <i>De sacramentis</i>, bk. I, pt. I, ch. 22. See Norlind, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 44.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f834'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r834'>834</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 5. See also <i>Im. du monde</i>, II, 9; Bartholomew
+Anglicus, <i>De prop. rerum</i>, VIII, 3. The symbolism of the microcosm is
+in one instance curiously inverted in the <i>Causae et curae</i>, I (Kaiser’s
+edit., p. 23) of Hildegard of Bingen, who compares the water with the
+body and the earth with the heart of man. On the other hand, in
+<i>Subtilitates</i>, II, 3 (in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcvii, col. 1212) she asserts
+that “rivers are sent forth from the sea like the blood in the veins of the
+human body” (Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, p. 132). See also above,
+pp. 147–150.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f835'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r835'>835</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 45.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f836'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r836'>836</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 14. See also Werner, <i>Kosm. Wilhelm von
+Conches</i>, 1873, p. 374.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f837'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r837'>837</a>. <i>Dialogus</i>, IX, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clvii, col. 631.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f838'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r838'>838</a>. <i>Hist. schol.</i>, Gen. 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f839'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r839'>839</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 892.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f840'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r840'>840</a>. See above, p. 60, and Norlind, <i>Problem</i>, 1918, pp. 38–40.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f841'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r841'>841</a>. Norlind, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 38, notes, gives the following interesting quotations:
+“Quae videlicet aquae circumfusae globo terrae ipsum quodammodo
+sustentant, quod est mirabile in oculis nostris” (Gerhohus, <i>Expos.
+in psalmos</i>, ad Ps. cxxxv, 6, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. cxciv, col. 901).
+“Quod autem terra super aquas fundata esse dicitur, nostram scientiam
+excedit. Mihi autem non videtur mirabilius, terram super aquas esse
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_437'>437</span>fundatam, quam aquas, quae eiusdem ponderis sunt, super terras in aere
+volare” (Bruno Astensis, <i>Expos. in psalmos</i>, cxxxv, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>,
+vol. clxiv, col. 1194). Bruno adds an allegorical explanation (<i>loc. cit.</i>):
+“Possumus autem per terram Ecclesiam intelligere quae super multos
+populos fundata est, qui per aquas significantur, etc.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f842'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r842'>842</a>. “Movebitur aliquis super hoc quod dicit propheta ‘Dominum firmasse
+terram super aquas.’ Ex hoc enim videbitur haberi posse aquas
+esse inferiores terra, cum tamen Alfraganus dicat, unam esse sphaeram
+aquarum et terrae. Sancti igitur expositores referunt illud prophetae ad
+cotidianum usum loquendi quo dici solet Parisius fundatam esse super
+Secanam. Rei tamen veritas est, quod paradisus terrestris superior est
+aquis, cum etiam lunari globo superior sit” (<i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 49). See
+also below, p. 462, note 34.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f843'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r843'>843</a>. <i>Expos. in hex.</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxviii, col. 748.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f844'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r844'>844</a>. See above, p. 151.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f845'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r845'>845</a>. “Verumtamen ut animalia terrena habitaculum et receptaculum
+haberent, aqua in concavitates terrae recessit et apparuit superficies
+terrae arida et separata. Estque terra cum aquis in se contentis sicut
+sphaera terrae solum” (<i>De sphaera</i>, Baur’s edit., p. 12). Günther,
+<i>Studien</i>, vol. iii (?), 1879, p. 160, interpreted the last sentence to indicate
+that Robert believed that waters were contained in the interior of the
+earth and that it was to these waters that he here refers. Though this is
+possible, it is more likely from the context that the words “aquis in se
+contentis” are a reference to the seas (Stegmann, <i>Anschauungen</i>, 1913,
+p. 15).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f846'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r846'>846</a>. <i>Livre du trésor</i>, I, 35, 36, 39, as cited by Boffito, <i>Intorno alla “Quaestio
+de aqua et terra,”</i> Memoria I, <i>La controversia</i>, 1902, pp. 113–114.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The fact that the waters do not completely cover the lands also had
+puzzled the Moslems, who anticipated Robert Grosseteste in ascribing
+this apparent reversal of the normal operation of the laws of nature to
+God’s wish to preserve a dry area whereon man and animals might thrive.
+Averroës had given a more proximate cause, maintaining that the stars
+are more numerous in the northern hemisphere than in the southern
+and that through their attraction of the land, as well as through the
+evaporative power of their heat and of that of the sun, the lands were uncovered.
+On the theory of eccentric spheres of earth and water see
+Kretschmer, <i>Phys. Erdk.</i>, 1889, pp. 67–74; Norlind, <i>Problem</i>, 1918, pp.
+48–54; and more especially Boffito’s elaborate discussion of the history of
+this theory and of ancient, Arabic, and Christian doctrines of the relations
+of land and water in general (Boffito, <i>op. cit.</i>). For the theory as developed
+in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries see Wisotzki,
+<i>Zeitströmungen</i>, 1897, pp. 39–57. The matter was discussed in a small
+treatise, <i>Quaestio de aqua et terra</i>, which has been attributed to Dante but
+is of doubtful authenticity (see above, p. 410, note 98). This is an argument
+against the possibility of eccentric spheres; the “emergent land” of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_438'>438</span>the northern hemisphere is ascribed to the attractive force of the stars of
+that hemisphere.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f847'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r847'>847</a>. In <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 39, we find a definition of the word ocean:
+“Oceanus dicitur, quasi ocior annis, vel quasi zonarum limbus.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f848'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r848'>848</a>. II Esdras, vi, 42, 47, 50, 52.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f849'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r849'>849</a>. Roger Bacon, <i>Opus majus</i>, Bridges’ edit., pt. iv, vol. 1, 1897, p. 291.
+See Kretschmer, <i>Phys. Erdk.</i>, 1889, pp. 141–142, for an explanation of
+Bacon’s theory of the distribution of land and water.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f850'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r850'>850</a>. <i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 16.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f851'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r851'>851</a>. Neckam believed that the level of the sea is higher than that of the
+lands, upon which the waters are prevented from encroaching only by the
+divine power. “Mare vero superius est litoribus, ut visus docet. Unde
+divinae jussioni attribuendum est, quod metas positas a Domino non
+transgreditur mare” (<i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 49; <i>De laud. div. sap.</i>, III, 127–142).
+This curious doctrine persisted until the eighteenth century; see Wisotzki,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 39–57. “Mare etiam e litoribus ascendere videtur, secundum
+judicium visus. Fidem etiam facit proposito, videlicet quod aqua in
+sphericam formam tendat, guttae pluvialis concavatio in petra. Nisi
+enim rotunda esset gutta, non esset concavatio rotunda. Ros enim
+matutinus, qui rotundus est, verum esse docet quod diximus. Per
+rotunditatem autem perfectio intelligitur. Unde mens humana, per
+aquam designata, tendere habet ad perfectionem” (<i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 14).
+See above, p. 369, note 35.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f852'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r852'>852</a>. Adelard of Bath, <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, 53 (54); <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 45, 47;
+Peter Alphonsi, <i>Dialogus</i>, IX, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clvii, col. 631.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f853'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r853'>853</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, 53 (54).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f854'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r854'>854</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 45.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f855'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r855'>855</a>. <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f856'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r856'>856</a>. <i>Im. du monde</i>, II, 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f857'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r857'>857</a>. “Salsuginis causam in calore solis planetarumque pono. Cum enim
+per torridam mediamque zonam verus feratur occeanus perque eandem
+licet indirectus versetur cursus planetarum a tanto stellarum calore
+ipsum mare calefieri necesse est, ex quo et eiusdem caloris effectivam
+salsuginem accipere consequens est. Quod autem hec ita se habeant
+illud asserit quod in maritimis illis quae illi occeano propinquiora sunt,
+sine omni artificio aqua marina ad solem super rupes siccata in sal convertitur.
+In longinquioribus vero maribus ut sal habeas ipsam aquam
+marinam utpote iam a vi caloris remotam; ideoque minus coctam [<i>decoctam</i>
+in MS] igni adhibere et recoquere necesse est. Sed et dulces quasdam
+aquas in sal verti caloris artificiosa decoctione sepe visum est. Huc
+etiam [<i>Hinc et</i> in MS] illud accedit quod estate quidem omnis aqua
+[<i>aqua</i> omitted in MS] marina salsior est quam hyeme quod si quis operam
+dederit re ipsa experiri potit” (<i>Quaest. nat.</i>, 51 (52)).]</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f858'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r858'>858</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 16.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f859'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r859'>859</a>. <i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 1; <i>De laud. div. sap.</i>, III, 75–80.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f860'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r860'>860</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_439'>439</span><i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 974.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f861'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r861'>861</a>. C. B. Jourdain, <i>Dissertation</i>, 1838, p. 75. Hildegard of Bingen speaks
+of the tides thus: “Et quoniam in oriente magna profunditas arenae et
+litoris est, idcirco mare superhabundando et se dilatando ibi non effluit;
+in occidente autem et in austro ac in aquilone tanta profunditas arenarum
+et litoris non est. Ideo ibi multotiens effluit magnas et latas effusiones
+ibi faciens, cum ab igne procellarum in insaniam commovetur, ut praedictum
+est. Unde ibi multa inutilia et sordida in se colligit atque
+putredines hominum, pecorum, avium et vermium sibi attrahit. Et
+idcirco fontes et flumina, quae de partibus istis de mari effluunt, tam sana
+et tam bona non sunt sicut illa, quae de orientali mari effluunt” (<i>Causae
+et curae</i>, I, Kaiser’s edit., p. 24).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f862'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r862'>862</a>. In this connection it is interesting to note that the Chinese in antiquity
+and during the Middle Ages had developed an understanding of
+the tides “in advance of anything that seems to have been known at that
+time in Europe” (A. C. Moule, <i>The Bore on the Ch’ien-T’ang River in
+China</i>, in: T’oung Pao, ou archives concernant l’histoire, les langues, la
+géographie, et l’ethnographie de l’Asie orientale, vol. xxii, Leiden, 1923,
+pp. 135–188, reference on p. 173).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f863'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r863'>863</a>. <i>De mundi univ.</i>, p. 19.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f864'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r864'>864</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 46.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f865'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r865'>865</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 47.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f866'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r866'>866</a>. Robert’s theories of the tides are interpreted by Almagià, <i>Dottrina</i>,
+1905, pp. 456–457. Almagià’s exposition, though probably essentially
+correct, seems more clean-cut than the original upon which it is based.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f867'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r867'>867</a>. See above, p. 163.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f868'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r868'>868</a>. <i>De nat. locorum</i>, Baur’s edit., pp. 69–70.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f869'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r869'>869</a>. <i>De impress. element.</i>, Baur’s edit., p. 88.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f870'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r870'>870</a>. “Cuius summae difficultatis rationem multi astruere conantur per
+hoc, quod quartae mundi oppositae sunt eiusdem commixtionis, et ideo
+faciunt eosdem effectus. Sed ista ratio deficit tamen, quia falsa est,
+eo quod aliquae sunt imagines stellarum in una quarta et in alia, quoniam,
+quando planeta est super unam quartam mundi, tunc terra interponitur
+inter corpus eius et aliam quartam. Propterea, si hoc esset verum,
+peteretur principium. Quaeritur enim causa, quare sunt oppositae
+quartae eiusdem commixtionis et per consequens eiusdem effectus. Et
+ideo reflexio radiorum solvit istud, quoniam radii lunares multiplicantur
+ad caelum stellarum, quod est corpus densum. Ideoque per medium
+eius non possumus videre caelum, quod est valde luminosum, sicut dicit
+Alpetragius et Messalahe. Et alii radii reflexi cadunt in quartam oppositam
+ad angulos aequales” (<i>De nat. locorum</i>, Baur’s edit., p. 70).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f871'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r871'>871</a>. See above, pp. 18–19 and, on William of Conches’ related views,
+p. 173.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f872'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r872'>872</a>. Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 8865, fol. 55vo.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f873'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r873'>873</a>. In the dialogue constituting the <i>Quaestiones naturales</i> Adelard’s
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_440'>440</span>nephew asks if the following theory is true: “Aiunt enim verum occeanum
+per torridam fluentem brachia immense quantitatis fluentia ab orientali
+et occidentali plaga in articam et in antarticam refundere regionem.
+Illis igitur vi magna confluentibus redundationem hanc fieri dicunt ut
+ictus nobis accessum pariat, cessio vero recessum.” To this Adelard
+replies: “Philosophorum dictis invidere non ausim; illud tamen audacter
+affirmem: si ita ut aiunt maxima conveniunt brachia, semel comixtis
+undis secundo ictum non fieri neque enim convenit iterum eas separari;
+vel certe si iterum collidantur minor erit secundus ictus quam primus et
+tertius quam secundus itaque et quandoque minimus, deinde nullus.
+Videant igitur illi quid dixerint; ego pro me breviter respondebo. Recursus
+itaque brachiorum colligo; eorundem etiam obviationibus non
+contradico; non tamen ea conflui vel collidi concedo. Impotentie
+autem huius causam in ipsius terre situ facio. Cum enim ipsa brachia
+sibi obviare atque confluere impetuose festinent, fit tandem cum montium
+interpositione tum ipsius terre situ quodam elatiore ut ab eodem cursu
+dum deficiunt referantur. Itaque fit ut quo ea paternus motus ac naturalis
+impellit, ab eodem loci ipsius reducat situs. Licet non ignorem
+quosdam esse qui hunc motum nili mari idest caribdi dicant estuare.
+Quod si verum esset in maribus illis que torride zone viciniora sunt vis
+talis nec minus valeret; nunc vero illa omni fere tali carent agitatione;
+eo videlicet quod ab illa causa quam supra scripsimus procul remota sunt”
+(<i>Quaest. nat.</i>, 52 (53)).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>It is not altogether clear as to what is meant by the last two sentences
+of this quotation, which is here given as in the printed text (see the
+Bibliography under Adelard, II) without collation from the manuscripts
+(see Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 26). If the word <i>nili</i> is a corruption of
+<i>lunae</i>, they may possibly be interpreted as a denial of the lunar control
+theory of the tides. A passage from the <i>Disputationes adversus astrologos</i>
+of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola according to Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii,
+1915, p. 116, cites a certain “Adelandus” as giving expression to views
+closely allied to those expressed in the preceding quotation. If Adelard is
+meant by “Adelandus,” as Duhem assumes (<i>ibid.</i>, pp. 116–117), Pico’s
+citation may well refer to this chapter of the <i>Quaestiones naturales</i>.
+Adelandus, in any case, is made categorically to deny the possibility of
+lunar control over the tides. Incidentally, it may be added that Duhem
+was unfamiliar with the text of the <i>Quaestiones naturales</i> at the time that
+he wrote the third volume of his <i>Système du monde</i> and that Almagià’s
+otherwise exhaustive monograph on the history of theories of the tides
+gives us nothing on Adelard. Examination of the manuscripts (Haskins,
+<i>loc. cit.</i>) might throw light on the problem. The phrase “mari idest
+caribdi,” in the next-to-the-last sentence of the quotation above, is not
+found in the manuscript copy of the <i>Quaestiones naturales</i> referred to in the
+Bibliography under Adelard, II. Gollancz’s translation of this phrase,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_441'>441</span>“one sea, the Caribbean” is an obvious absurdity (Gollancz, <i>Dodi ve-Nechdi</i>,
+1920, p. 141).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f874'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r874'>874</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f875'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r875'>875</a>. See above, pp. 84–85.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f876'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r876'>876</a>. <i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 17.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f877'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r877'>877</a>. In the <i>De imagine mundi</i>, I, 40, there is extraordinary confusion
+regarding the entire subject of the tides. There are said to be two tides
+daily, corresponding to the rising and setting of the moon. When the
+moon waxes, the height of the tides becomes greater; when it wanes,
+the height diminishes. When the moon at the time of the equinoxes is
+nearest to the earth, the floods rise to their highest; at the time of the
+solstices they rise less high on account of the distance of the moon.
+There is also said to be a tidal cycle of nineteen years. So far, these
+ideas were drawn from Bede; but in the succeeding chapter (41) there
+comes an echo of Paul the Deacon’s description (<i>Hist. gentis Langobard.</i>,
+I, 6, as cited by Almagià, <i>La dottrina</i>, 1905, p. 51) of the great whirlpool,
+which “in exortu lunae majori aestu fluctus involvit et revomit.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f878'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r878'>878</a>. <i>Philippis</i>, VI, 500–551. See above, pp. 137–138.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f879'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r879'>879</a>. .sp 1</p>
+<div class='lg-container-b c019'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“Nobis humanam qui sortem vivimus infra,</div>
+      <div class='line'>Rem satis est sciri, nesciri causa sinatur.”</div>
+      <div class='line in32'>—<i>Philippis</i>, VI, 550–551.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'>William the Breton in another connection (<i>Philippis</i>, VIII, 43–99)
+discusses the tides near Mont St. Michel in Brittany. His information
+appears to have been fairly correct, and he notes among other details that
+there is exceptionally high water at the times of the vernal and autumnal
+equinoxes. He makes no attempt to explain the cause of the ebb and
+flood, asserting that this transcends the knowledge of man. He puts
+forth, however, the singular suggestion that it is just as likely that the
+tides may cause the motion of the moon as vice versa, because the sea
+was created before the moon:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c017'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“Rursus an a luna maris hec inflatio fiat,</div>
+      <div class='line'>An magis a pelago fluat hec variatio lune,</div>
+      <div class='line'>Cum pelagus luna constet prius esse creatum,</div>
+      <div class='line'>Posteriusque sui nunquam sit causa prioris,</div>
+      <div class='line'>Nullaque res habitum trahat a non ente vel actum.”</div>
+      <div class='line in32'>—<i>Philippis</i>, VIII, 73–77.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f880'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r880'>880</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f881'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r881'>881</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, II, 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f882'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r882'>882</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, II, 1–2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f883'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r883'>883</a>. See <i>United States Tide Tables</i> for 1919, also <i>British Islands Pilot</i>,
+U. S. Hydrographic Office [Publications] nos. 145, 146, Washington,
+D. C., 1917. See also: A. Defant, <i>Die Gezeiten und Gezeitenströmungen
+im Irischen Kanal</i>, Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Sitzungsberichte,
+mathematisch-naturwissenschaftliche Klasse, Abteilung IIa,
+vol. cxxix, 1920, pp. 253–308.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f884'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r884'>884</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_442'>442</span><i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f885'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r885'>885</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, II, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f886'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r886'>886</a>. “In the British Museum (Cotton MS. Julius D. 7, fol. 45vo) there is
+a tide table of the thirteenth century giving the time of ‘fflod at london
+brigge’ for each day of the lunar month, and the hours of moonlight
+(quantum luna lucet in nocte)” (A. C. Moule, <i>The Bore on the Ch’ien-T’ang
+River in China</i>, in: T’oung Pao, ou archives concernant l’histoire,
+les langues, la géographie, et l’ethnographie de l’Asie orientale, vol. xxii,
+Leiden, 1923, pp. 135–188, reference on p. 155).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f887'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r887'>887</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f888'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r888'>888</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, II, 28.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f889'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r889'>889</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 1003.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f890'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r890'>890</a>. See above, p. 279.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f891'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r891'>891</a>. <i>Expug. Hiber.</i>, I, 36.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f892'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r892'>892</a>. See above, p. 351.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f893'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r893'>893</a>. Schröder, <i>Sanct Brandan</i>, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+p. 19.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f894'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r894'>894</a>. For references to the Liver Sea and to classical allusions to a clotted
+sea, see Moritz, <i>Geogr. Kenntnis</i>, 1904, p. 24, note 2; Konrad Kretschmer,
+<i>Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedeutung für die Geschichte des Weltbildes</i>,
+Berlin, 1892, p. 85, note 1; and more especially the full data in
+Graf, <i>Miti, leggende</i>, vol. i, 1892, p. 106 and notes on pp. 186–187, and in
+Nansen, <i>Northern Mists</i>, 1911, vol. i, pp. 181–182 and p. 182, note 1.
+Benjamin of Tudela places the clotted sea in the Far East (<i>Itinerary</i>,
+Adler’s transl., 1907, p. 66, and above p. 272). In early French literature
+the sea is often referred to as <i>la mer betée</i> (see Frahm, <i>Das Meer</i>, 1914,
+pp. 76–77).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Many theories have been adduced to explain the origins of this persistent
+rumor of a clotted sea. It may have arisen through distorted
+reports of floating masses of seaweed or of the Sargasso Sea. It has also
+been suggested that experiences in dead water such as that described by
+Fridtjof Nansen (<i>Farthest North</i>, New York, 1897, vol. i, p. 196) may
+have contributed to the formation of the legend. Such dead water,
+Nansen explains, is caused by the presence of a layer of fresh water from
+melted ice over the surface of the sea water. See Frahm, <i>loc. cit.</i>; Koch,
+<i>Das Meer</i>, 1910, pp. 21–22. For another explanation see Paul Masson,
+<i>Pythéas et le poumon marin</i>, in: Bulletin de la Section de Géographie, vol.
+xxxvii, Paris, 1923, pp. 55–66.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f895'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r895'>895</a>. Schröder, <i>Sanct Brandan</i>, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+p. 27.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f896'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r896'>896</a>. Ezekiel, xl, xli.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f897'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r897'>897</a>. Revelation, xxi, 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f898'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r898'>898</a>. Schröder, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 26.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f899'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r899'>899</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 921.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f900'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r900'>900</a>. Liebrecht, <i>Gervasius von Tilbury</i>, 1856, p. 94, note 24. Later tradition
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_443'>443</span>sometimes had it that the Emperor Frederick II was the king who
+sent Nicholas the Fish to explore these waters. See Haskins, <i>Science</i>,
+1922, p. 686; the same, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 262; and Liebrecht, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f901'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r901'>901</a>. <i>Romans d’Alix.</i>, Michelant’s edit., 1846, pp. 259–260. This is an
+interpolation into the part of the poem called by Meyer the “third
+branch.” It is not by Lambert li Tors, author of the “third branch,”
+but was derived from the <i>Historia de praeliis</i> (Meyer, <i>Alexandre le Grand</i>,
+1886, vol. ii, p. 216). See above, p. 381, note 26. Alexander Neckam
+(<i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 21) and Roger Bacon also refer to Alexander’s visit to
+the sea floor. See Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, pp. 263–264, 654–655.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f902'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r902'>902</a>. <i>De mundi univ.</i>, p. 22.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f903'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r903'>903</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 17–18.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f904'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r904'>904</a>. <i>Quaest. nat.</i>, 56 (57), 57 (58).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f905'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r905'>905</a>. <i>Sermones in cantica</i>, xiii; translation from Eales, <i>Life and Works of
+St. Bernard</i>, vol. iv, 1896, p. 67.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f906'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r906'>906</a>. Haskins, <i>Science</i>, 1922, p. 690; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 267. See above,
+p. 100 and p. 402, note 64.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f907'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r907'>907</a>. <i>Causae et curae</i>, I (Kaiser’s edit., pp. 24–30).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f908'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r908'>908</a>. See above, pp. 185 and 326–327, p. 436, note 17, p. 439, note 44;
+also Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, pp. 132–133.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f909'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r909'>909</a>. See above, p. 439, note 44.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f910'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r910'>910</a>. See above, pp. 211–212.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f911'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r911'>911</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, III, 19. See also <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 47. Hildegard
+of Bingen also believed that the interior of the earth is warmer in winter
+than in summer. She attributed this circumstance, however, to the fact
+that “in hieme sol supra terram sterilis est et sub terram calorem suum
+figit, quatinus terra diversa germina servare possit” (<i>Causae et curae</i>, I,
+Kaiser’s edit., p. 30). See also <i>Subtilitates</i>, II, 9, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol.
+cxcvii, col. 1213.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f912'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r912'>912</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 48.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f913'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r913'>913</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 49.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f914'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r914'>914</a>. Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, pp. 272–273; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924,
+pp. 296–297.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f915'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r915'>915</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f916'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r916'>916</a>. <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f917'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r917'>917</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 961.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f918'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r918'>918</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f919'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r919'>919</a>. <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f920'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r920'>920</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, pp. 987, 990.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f921'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r921'>921</a>. J. G. Frazer, <i>The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion</i>,
+Part I, <i>The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings</i>, London, 1911, vol. i,
+p. 301.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f922'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r922'>922</a>. <i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 3–7; see also <i>De laud. div. sap.</i>, III, 171–328.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f923'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r923'>923</a>. “Sic et sapientia hujus saeculi mentes candore innocentiae fulgentes
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_444'>444</span>nonnunquam in pejus commutat, sapientia autem vera mentes tenebris
+vitiorum involutas reddit serenas” (<i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 3).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f924'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r924'>924</a>. <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f925'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r925'>925</a>. <i>Letter of Prester John</i>, 27–30, in: Zarncke, <i>Priester Johannes</i>, in:
+Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 912–913.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f926'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r926'>926</a>. <i>Romans d’Alix.</i>, Michelant’s edit., 1846, p. 350.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f927'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r927'>927</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 974.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f928'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r928'>928</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 892.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f929'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r929'>929</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 7. See above, p. 339.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f930'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r930'>930</a>. On another unusual type of river, the gold-bearing stream, as understood
+in the Middle Ages (but not discussed by Giraldus Cambrensis),
+see below, p. 479, note 318.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f931'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r931'>931</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f932'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r932'>932</a>. <i>Itin. Kamb.</i>, I, 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f933'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r933'>933</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f934'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r934'>934</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, II, 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f935'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r935'>935</a>. <i>The British Islands Pilot</i>, United States Hydrographic Office [Publication]
+no. 145, Washington, D. C., 1917, p. 375, testifies to the changeable
+character of the sands and channels of the Dee estuary.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f936'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r936'>936</a>. See above, pp. 235–237.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f937'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r937'>937</a>. Isidore, <i>De nat. rer.</i>, 43, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. lxxxiii, col. 1013.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f938'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r938'>938</a>. Bede, <i>De nat. rer.</i>, 43 (Giles’s edit., p. 117).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f939'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r939'>939</a>. <i>Expos. in hex.</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxviii, cols. 779–780.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f940'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r940'>940</a>. <i>Sermo XXI in Feria quarta Pentecostes</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol.
+clxxviii, cols. 518–521.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f941'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r941'>941</a>. On the flood of the Nile see also above, p. 300.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f942'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r942'>942</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f943'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r943'>943</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, III, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f944'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r944'>944</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, III, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f945'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r945'>945</a>. <i>Itin. Kamb.</i>, I, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f946'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r946'>946</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f947'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r947'>947</a>. <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f948'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r948'>948</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, II, 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f949'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r949'>949</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f950'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r950'>950</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 1001.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f951'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r951'>951</a>. “Navim non patitur, quinimo tota supereminet nisi sit bituminata,
+et hoc forte propter homines intus viventes. Siquis vivum aliqua arte
+immiserit statim super exilit” (<i>loc. cit.</i>). Gervase seems here to have
+derived from Bede (<i>De locis sanctis</i>, 12, in Tobler, <i>Itinera</i>, vol. i, 1877,
+pp. 227–228) a hazy conception of the actual properties of the waters of
+the Dead Sea. The opposite theory, however, had been expressed by
+Antonius Martyr two centuries earlier than Bede: “Nor do sticks float,
+nor can a man swim, but whatever is cast into it sinks to the bottom”
+(White, <i>Warfare</i>, 1920, vol. ii, p. 228).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f952'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r952'>952</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 966.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f953'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r953'>953</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 982. See below, p. 449, note 49.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_445'>445</span>
+  <h4 class='c014'>NOTES<br> CHAPTER IX<br> THE LANDS</h4>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f954'>
+<p class='c013'><a href='#r954'>954</a>. <i>De eodem et diverso</i>, p. 28.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f955'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r955'>955</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f956'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r956'>956</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f957'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r957'>957</a>. Peter Comestor stated that on the third day of the Creation the earth
+appeared and that it bears five names, the derivation of which he explained
+as follows: (1) <i>arida</i>, because the earth appeared (<i>quia apparuit</i>);
+(2) <i>humus</i>, because it was still humid; (3) <i>terra</i>, because it was trodden
+upon (<i>quia teritur</i>) by the feet of animals; (4) <i>solum</i>, because, of the four
+elements, it forms the one that is solid; and, finally, (5) <i>tellus</i>, because it
+endures (<i>quia tolerat</i>) the labors of man (<i>Hist. schol.</i>, Gen. 5). See Zöckler,
+<i>Geschichte</i>, vol. i, 1877, p. 418. These are typical examples of
+free etymology. For Hildegard of Bingen on qualities of different kinds
+of earth or soil, see above, p. 232.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f958'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r958'>958</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 966.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f959'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r959'>959</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 895.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f960'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r960'>960</a>. Peter Comestor speaks of islands with the same characteristics:
+“Cum adhuc sint quedam insule viventium, in quibus nullus moretur”
+(<i>Hist. schol.</i>, Gen. 3, cited by Liebrecht, <i>Gervasius von Tilbury</i>, 1856,
+p. 62, note 6**).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f961'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r961'>961</a>. <i>Im. du monde</i>, I, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f962'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r962'>962</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f963'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r963'>963</a>. See above, p. 177; for Hildegard’s corresponding views see above,
+p. 201.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f964'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r964'>964</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 28.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f965'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r965'>965</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 29.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f966'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r966'>966</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 30. This legend regarding the properties of the earth of Ireland
+was very widespread in the Middle Ages. It is found in Bede’s
+<i>Historia ecclesiastica</i>, I, 1 (Giles’s edit., vol. ii, p. 34), which Giraldus goes
+on to quote at length on the subject (<i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 31). It also appears
+in Gervase of Tilbury’s <i>Otia imperialia</i>, vol. i, p. 917 (see Liebrecht, <i>op.
+cit.</i>, p. 88, note 21). Solinus, <i>Collectanea</i>, 22 (Mommsen’s edit., p. 101),
+and Isidore, <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 6, ascribe similar properties to the earth of the
+Isle of Thanet. In his <i>Letter</i>, Prester John boasts that some of his territories
+are proof against poisonous snakes and animals. See <i>Letter of
+Prester John</i>, 21, in: Zarncke, <i>Priester Johannes</i>, in: Abhandlungen, vol.
+vii, 1879, p. 912.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f967'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r967'>967</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 39.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f968'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r968'>968</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 34–40.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f969'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r969'>969</a>. Benl, <i>Frühere und spätere Hypothesen</i>, 1905, pp. 1–14, discusses the
+origin and development in antiquity and the Middle Ages of theories
+regarding the distribution of the principal mountain systems of the known
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_446'>446</span>world, the Taurus-Caucasus-Imaus range of Asia, the Rhipaean Mountains
+of the far north, and the Mountains of the Moon of Africa. The
+subsequent elaboration of these theories between the sixteenth and nineteenth
+centuries, when the conception was developed by some geographers
+of a symmetrical, rectilinear arrangement of the mountain ranges of the
+entire globe is treated by Wisotzki, <i>Zeitströmungen</i>, 1897, pp. 131–192,
+and by Benl, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 15–50.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f970'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r970'>970</a>. <i>Hist. schol.</i>, Gen. 34.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f971'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r971'>971</a>. Gervase said that the waters for the Flood came from the bowels of
+the earth and from the air above. They rose to a level of fifteen cubits
+above the summits of the mountains which are now in existence, “quia
+tunc terram dicunt in planitie factam” (<i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 907).
+See above, pp. 170–171.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f972'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r972'>972</a>. <i>De prop. rerum</i>, XIV, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f973'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r973'>973</a>. <i>Liber de congelatis</i>, 2. For the Latin text of this passage see Hammer-Jensen,
+<i>Sogen. IV. Buch</i>, 1915, pp. 132–133. See the next note and also
+above, p. 401, note 60.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f974'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r974'>974</a>. This translation is from Geikie, <i>Founders of Geology</i>, 1905, p. 43. The
+processes of erosion by winds and water as a cause for the inequalities of
+the earth’s surface are much more in evidence in arid regions than in regions
+of dense vegetation. It is therefore not surprising that these processes
+were recognized by Moslems like Avicenna (if it be he from whom
+Alfred of Sareshel translated the above quotation) and Ḥamd-Allāh
+Mustaufī, a Persian writer of the early fourteenth century, who dwelt in
+the arid countries of the East. The latter writes: “... the sun’s heat&#160;...
+beginning to act on the stone, this loses its hardness and is broken
+up; which process continually accelerated by the succession of many
+nights and days, cracks appear, splitting the rocks, which same are thus
+again turned to earth. Then by the action of earthquakes mountain
+peaks are demolished, while by the blowing of the winds and the running
+waters the soft earth is carried from one place to another, yet all that is
+rock and hard soil will remain fixed, whereby heights and hollows are
+formed, and it is these heights that are mountain ranges” (Guy Le
+Strange, transl., <i>The Geographical Part of the Nuzhat-al-Qulūb Composed
+by Ḥamd-Allāh Mustawfī of Qazwīn in 740 (1340)</i>, London and Leiden,
+1919, p. 180).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f975'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r975'>975</a>. <i>De sancta trinitate</i>, Gen. I, 34; see also Zöckler, <i>Geschichte</i>, vol. i, 1877,
+p. 396. That teleological reasoning of this sort was not confined to the
+medieval period may be seen from the following paragraph from R. J.
+Sullivan, <i>A View of Nature in Letters to a Traveller Among the Alps</i>, London,
+1794, vol. I, p. 105: “On a cursory view it must be acknowledged,
+the surface of our earth exhibits no great regularity or order. In its
+outward appearance it strikes us with heighths, depths, plains, seas,
+marshes, rivers, caverns, gulfs, volcanoes, and a vast variety of other
+discordant objects;... Yet all these apparent deformities are absolutely
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_447'>447</span>necessary to vegetation and animal existence. Were the earth’s
+surface smooth and regular, we should not have those beautiful hills
+which furnish water. A dreary ocean would cover the globe, which
+would in such case be suited only for the habitation of fishes. As it is,
+the motions of the sea and the currents of the air are regulated by fixed
+laws. The returns of the seasons are uniform, and the rigour of Winter
+invariably gives place to the verdure of Spring. Men, animals, and
+plants consequently succeed one another, and flourish in their destined
+soils.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f976'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r976'>976</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f977'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r977'>977</a>. <i>Hist. schol.</i>, Gen. 34 (Gervase in: <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, pp. 893, 972).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f978'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r978'>978</a>. <i>De phil. mundi</i>, IV, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f979'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r979'>979</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 972. Gervase also said that Mount Atlas was so
+high that it was inaccessible (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 986).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f980'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r980'>980</a>. <i>Dialogus</i>, I, 17, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. xx, col. 194.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f981'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r981'>981</a>. Roger Bacon (<i>Opus majus</i>, part iv, Bridges’ edit., vol. i, pp. 229–230)
+discusses classical and Arabic estimates of the heights of mountains.
+His own opinion was that the maximum height is eight miles. See the
+discussion of this topic included in Benini’s interesting treatment of the
+altitude of Dante’s Mount of Purgatory (<i>Origine del Monte del Purgatorio</i>,
+1917, pp. 1056–1072, especially pp. 1057–1058).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f982'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r982'>982</a>. <i>Itin. Kamb.</i>, II, 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f983'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r983'>983</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 982. See Liebrecht, <i>Gervasius von Tilbury</i>,
+1856, p. 139.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f984'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r984'>984</a>. <i>Romans d’Alix.</i>, Michelant’s edit., pp. 70–71. This story is found
+in the “first branch” of the Romance. See above, p. 412, note 135.
+Meyer, <i>Alexandre le Grand</i>, 1886, vol. i, p. 151, did not know the origin
+of it.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f985'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r985'>985</a>. <i>Romans d’Alix.</i>, Michelant’s edit., pp. 320–330. This story is an interpolation
+into the “third branch” (Meyer, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 172–174).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f986'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r986'>986</a>. <i>De mundi univ.</i>, p. 20.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f987'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r987'>987</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 986.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f988'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r988'>988</a>. <i>Descr. Kamb.</i>, I, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f989'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r989'>989</a>. <i>Itin. Kamb.</i>, II, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f990'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r990'>990</a>. <i>De mundi univ.</i>, p. 20.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f991'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r991'>991</a>. “Hic claustrales, in claustro sedentes, cum respirandi gratia forte
+suspiciunt, ad quascunque partes trans alta tectorum culmina, montium
+vertices quasi coelum tangentes, et ipsas plerumque feras, quarum hic
+copia, in summo pascentes, tamquam in ultimo visus horizonte prospiciunt.
+Hora vero diei quasi circa primam, vel parum ante, super
+montium cacumina vix emergens, etiam sereno tempore, corpus hic solare
+primo conspicitur” (<i>Itin. Kamb.</i>, I, 3).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f992'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r992'>992</a>. <i>Alexandreis</i>, I, 427–441. See Giordano, <i>Alexandreis</i>, 1917, pp.
+40–41; Ganzenmüller, <i>Naturgefühl</i>, 1914, pp. 199–200.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f993'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r993'>993</a>. See above, p. 236.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f994'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r994'>994</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_448'>448</span><i>Vita Altmanni</i>, 39, in: <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol. xii, p. 238.
+See also <i>Vita Altmanni</i>, 26–29, for a vivid description of a mountain.
+See Ganzenmüller, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 143.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f995'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r995'>995</a>. Eadmer, <i>Vita Sancti Anselmi</i>, II, 4, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clviii,
+col. 100. See Ganzenmüller, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 173. Eadmer (1060–1124) was
+bishop of St. Andrew’s in Scotland early in the twelfth century.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f996'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r996'>996</a>. For an article on the Casentino, with photographs of La Verna,
+see Fulberto Vivaldi, <i>Casentino ignorato</i>, in: Le vie d’Italia: Rivista
+mensile del Touring Club Italiano, vol. xxx, Rome, 1924, pp. 1073–1082.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f997'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r997'>997</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, II, 40.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f998'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r998'>998</a>. <i>Ligurinus</i>, IV, 432–447.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f999'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r999'>999</a>. <i>Gesta abbatum trudonensium</i>, xii, 6, in: <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>, Scriptores,
+vol. x, p. 307.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1000'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1000'>1000</a>. “In quo loco tamquam in mortis faucibus coagulati, manebant nocte
+et die sub pericula mortis. Angustia villulae tota completa erat peregrinorum
+multitudine. Ex altissimis et scopulosis rupibus ruebant
+frequenter intolerabiles omni opposito nivium aggeres, ita ut aliis iam
+collocatis, aliis adhuc supersedentibus mensis domos iuxta, eos prorsus
+obruerent, et inventos in eis quosdam suffocarent, quosdam contritos
+inutiles redderent” (<i>loc. cit.</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1001'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1001'>1001</a>. Gribble, <i>Early Mountaineers</i>, 1899, p. 4. Quotation from John of
+Bremble’s letter as translated by Gribble, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1002'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1002'>1002</a>. <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1003'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1003'>1003</a>. See Thoroddsen, <i>Gesch. isländ. Geogr.</i>, vol. i, 1897, p. 63.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1004'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1004'>1004</a>. Peter Comestor speaks of certain philosophers who made the ascent
+of Mount Olympus (see above, p. 168). We have already mentioned
+St. Francis’ visit to the mountain of La Verna (see above, p. 217).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Though not falling strictly within our period, several other medieval
+mountaineering exploits deserve notice. The anonymous <i>Chronicon
+novaliciense</i>, 5, written in the eleventh century, describes unsuccessful
+attempts at the ascent of the Rochemelon, near Susa in the Dora Riparia
+valley, in search of the treasure of a mythical King Romulus (from whom
+the mountain takes its name) supposed to be hidden there. In the fourteenth
+century the Rochemelon (11,605 feet high) was a place of pilgrimage
+(Gribble, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 5–13).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The <i>Heimskringla</i> (under Snorri Sturluson in the Bibliography) describes
+King Olaf Trygvasson’s ascent of the Smalserhorn, now probably
+the Hornelen, in the year 1000. The feat was accomplished in a sporting,
+athletic spirit, and Olaf is said to have left his shield at the summit (H.
+Raeburn, <i>Mountaineering Art</i>, London, 1920, p. 6). Of this mountain,
+which overlooks the Fröj Fiord, Karl Baedeker’s <i>Norway and Sweden</i>,
+Leipzig, 1909, p. 160, says: “Soon&#160;... to the left is seen the huge
+Hornelen (3002 feet) towering almost sheer, ascended on the E. side by
+K. Bing in 1897.”</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The <i>Chronicle</i> of Fra Salimbene of Parma (<i>Salimbene parmensis chronica</i>,
+Parma, 1857, p. 354, cited in: Geographisches Jahrbuch, vol. xviii, Gotha,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_449'>449</span>1895, p. 12) describes the ascent of Mount Canigou (9135 feet) in the latter
+half of the thirteenth century by Peter III of Aragon. This mountain
+lies “on the borders of the province of Spain,” and the king found upon
+the summit a lake into which he threw a stone, whereupon “a horrible
+dragon of enormous size came out of it, and began to fly about in the air,
+and to darken the air with its breath” (Gribble, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 14–17, 262–263).
+Canigou is probably the Mount “Cavagum” described by Gervase
+of Tilbury as an abode of devils (see above, pp. 209 and 214). Curiosity
+as to what was on the top seems to have impelled Peter to make the
+climb.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>S. Günther, in writing of scientific mountaineering before 1600 (<i>Wiss.
+Bergbesteigungen</i>, 1896), gives no details on mountaineering in the period
+between the ascent by Philip III of Macedon (181 B.&#160;C.) of a peak in the
+Rhodope Range and Petrarch’s famous ascent of Mont Ventoux in 1336.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1005'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1005'>1005</a>. Haskins and Lockwood, <i>Sicilian Trans.</i>, 1910, pp. 80, 89; Haskins,
+<i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 159, 191.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1006'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1006'>1006</a>. Schröder, <i>Sanct Brandan</i>, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+p. 29.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1007'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1007'>1007</a>. The passage describing the ascent of Etna is given in full by C. V.
+Langlois, <i>La connaissance</i>, 1911, pp. 57–58. We heartily agree with
+Langlois’ view that this passage could only have been written by one who
+had personally visited the Sicilian volcano: “Aucun doute ne peut subsister
+sur ce point après avoir lu sa description, certainement directe et d’après
+nature.” On the other hand, Fant, <i>L’image du monde</i>, 1886, p. 33, calls
+the assertions in the narrative “tout-à-fait fantastiques.” See note in
+Langlois, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 58.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1008'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1008'>1008</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, pp. 964–965.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1009'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1009'>1009</a>. Virgil, about whom a cycle of legends grew up in the Middle Ages,
+was regarded as a prophet. Gervase of Tilbury tells of many marvels
+performed by him (Gregorovius, <i>City of Rome</i>, vol. iv, 1896, pp. 670–677).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1010'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1010'>1010</a>. Liebrecht, <i>Gervasius von Tilbury</i>, 1856, p. 107, note, shows that this
+story and others like it were common in the Middle Ages. He cites an
+analogous South Russian legend of twelve miraculous wind-blown horns
+which keep Gog and Magog at bay and will continue to do so until the
+horns shall have been silenced either by birds building nests in them
+or else by falling to the ground. When this occurs the hordes of Gog
+and Magog will come forth and destroy the world.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1011'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1011'>1011</a>. Conrad of Querfurt, <i>Letter</i>, in: Arnold of Lübeck, <i>Chron. Slavorum</i>,
+V, 19.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1012'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1012'>1012</a>. Wattenbach, <i>Guido von Bazoches</i>, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in the
+Bibliography), p. 106.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1013'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1013'>1013</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 108.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1014'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1014'>1014</a>. Second verse redaction of <i>Im. du monde</i>, in: C. V. Langlois, <i>La connaissance</i>
+1911, p. 57.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1015'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1015'>1015</a>. Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, p. 273; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp.
+296–297.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1016'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1016'>1016</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_450'>450</span><i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1017'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1017'>1017</a>. <i>Collectanea</i>, Mommsen’s edit., p. 236. Translated in: Nansen,
+<i>Northern Mists</i>, 1911, vol. i, p. 193, note 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1018'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1018'>1018</a>. <i>Gesta Hammenb. eccles. pont.</i>, IV, 35.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1019'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1019'>1019</a>. Nansen, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1020'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1020'>1020</a>. <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1021'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1021'>1021</a>. <i>Hist. Norweg.</i>, Storm’s edit., pp. 93–95.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1022'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1022'>1022</a>. Thoroddsen, <i>Gesch. isländ. Geogr.</i>, vol. i, 1897, p. 65.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1023'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1023'>1023</a>. <i>Konungs-Skuggsjá</i>, 8 (Brenner’s edit., pp. 30–31). See also Thoroddsen,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 66.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1024'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1024'>1024</a>. Schröder, <i>Sanct Brandan</i>, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+pp. 28–29.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1025'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1025'>1025</a>. Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, p. 274; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 298.
+See below, note 80.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1026'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1026'>1026</a>. Schröder, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 30. This incident is the subject of Matthew
+Arnold’s poem of St. Brandan.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1027'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1027'>1027</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, pp. 965–966.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1028'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1028'>1028</a>. Liebrecht, <i>Gervasius von Tilbury</i>, 1856, pp. 108–109.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1029'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1029'>1029</a>. <i>Konungs-Skuggsjá</i>, 9 (Brenner’s edit., pp. 32–34). See also Thoroddsen,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 66; Stegmann, <i>Anschauungen</i>, 1913, p. 38.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1030'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1030'>1030</a>. <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1031'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1031'>1031</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 35.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1032'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1032'>1032</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 922.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1033'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1033'>1033</a>. Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, pp. 272–274; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924,
+pp. 296–297. See also Geographical Review, vol. xiii, New York, 1923,
+pp. 141–142.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1034'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1034'>1034</a>. “Vulcanus est iste ignis inferior, qui ideo dicitur claudus, quia quasi
+uno pede materiae adhaeret, altero quasi in altum prout flammae natura
+desiderat nititur” (<i>De nat. rer.</i>, I, 17; Stegmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 39).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1035'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1035'>1035</a>. See Stegmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 22, note 5, for references to texts demonstrating
+the widespread belief in the Middle Ages that Hell is at the center of
+the earth. On the topography of Dante’s Inferno, see Benini, <i>Origine del
+Monte del Purgatorio</i>, 1917, pp. 1080–1129.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1036'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1036'>1036</a>. Hildegard of Bingen in the passage quoted above, p. 423, note 92,
+would seem to refer to blasts of wind as a cause of earthquakes.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1037'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1037'>1037</a>. Other explanations of earthquakes were sometimes given. It was
+occasionally argued that seismic disturbances are not the result of purely
+physical causes but are punishments sent by God. It was also held by
+some that they are due to movements in the mass of waters which was
+thought to permeate the earth, or else to the collapse of subterranean
+cavities as a result of the erosion caused by these waters. See Stegmann’s
+elaborate discussion of this matter and his many references, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp.
+44–73.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1038'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1038'>1038</a>. In the <i>De philosophia</i>, p. 21, Daniel of Morley expresses the same
+idea, that in earthquakes the earth moves <i>particulariter</i>, not <i>universaliter</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1039'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1039'>1039</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_451'>451</span><i>Quaest. nat.</i>, 50 (51). See above, pp. 31–32.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1040'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1040'>1040</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 42; <i>Im. du monde</i>, II, 12; <i>De prop. rerum</i>, XIV, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1041'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1041'>1041</a>. <i>Dragmaticon philosophiae</i>, Hellmann’s edit., p. 43; <i>De phil. mundi</i>,
+III, 15. See also Werner, <i>Kosm. Wilhelm von Conches</i>, 1873, p. 35.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1042'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1042'>1042</a>. <i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 48.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1043'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1043'>1043</a>. <i>Gesta regis Henrici Secundi</i>, Stubbs’s edit., vol. i, p. 220 (in the Rolls
+Series, no. 49, 1867).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1044'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1044'>1044</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 337.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1045'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1045'>1045</a>. See passages cited by Dreesbach, <i>Der Orient</i>, 1901, pp. 28–29.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1046'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1046'>1046</a>. <i>Letter of Prester John</i>, 31–41, in: Zarncke, <i>Priester Johannes</i>, in:
+Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 914–915.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1047'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1047'>1047</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 16.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1048'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1048'>1048</a>. “... longe post diluvium, terra multiplicatis jam animantibus
+ubique repleta, non violenter et subito, sed paulatim et tamquam per
+eluvionem insulas natas fuisse” (<i>loc. cit.</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1049'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1049'>1049</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 983.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1050'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1050'>1050</a>. <i>Itin. Kamb.</i>, II, 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1051'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1051'>1051</a>. Schröder, <i>Sanct Brandan</i>, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+pp. 3–36.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1052'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1052'>1052</a>. See below, p. 487, note 463.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1053'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1053'>1053</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 12.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1054'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1054'>1054</a>. <i>De mundi univ.</i>, pp. 46–47.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1055'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1055'>1055</a>. .sp 1</p>
+<div class='lg-container-b c019'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“Cepit enim fructosa lupos, deserta leones,</div>
+      <div class='line in2'>Arida serpentes, pars nemoralis apros.”</div>
+      <div class='line in44'>—<i>ibid.</i>, p. 21.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1056'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1056'>1056</a>. .sp 1</p>
+<div class='lg-container-b c019'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“Fronduit in plano platanus, convallibus alnus,</div>
+      <div class='line in2'>Rupe rigens buxus, littore lenta salix,</div>
+      <div class='line'>Monte cupressus olens, sacra vitis colle supino</div>
+      <div class='line in2'>Inque laborata Palladis arbor humo.”</div>
+      <div class='line in44'>—<i>ibid.</i>, p. 23.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1057'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1057'>1057</a>. <i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 57.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1058'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1058'>1058</a>. <i>Subtilitates</i>, I, 9; in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcvii, col. 1214. See also
+above, p. 211.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1059'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1059'>1059</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, II, 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1060'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1060'>1060</a>. <i>Descr. Kamb.</i>, I, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1061'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1061'>1061</a>. <i>Ligurinus</i>, VI, 24–34, based on Ragewin’s continuation of Otto of
+Freising, <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, III, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1062'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1062'>1062</a>. <i>Descr. Kamb.</i>, I, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1063'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1063'>1063</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, II, 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1064'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1064'>1064</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 986.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1065'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1065'>1065</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1066'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1066'>1066</a>. Ragewin’s continuation of Otto of Freising, <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, IV, 12.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1067'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1067'>1067</a>. <i>De mundi creatione</i>, 5, in: <i>Maxima bibliotheca veterum patrum</i>, vol.
+xxvii, Lyons, 1577, p. 118.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1068'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1068'>1068</a>. <i>De arca Noë morali</i>, IV, 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1069'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1069'>1069</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_452'>452</span><span lang="la">“In hoc spatio mappa-mundi dipingitur ita ut caput arcae ad orientem
+convertitur, et finis ejus occidentem contingat, ut mirabile dispositione
+ab eodem principe decurrat situs locorum cum ordine temporum,
+et idem sit finis mundi, qui est finis saeculi” (<i>De arca Noë mystica</i>, 14).</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1070'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1070'>1070</a>. <i>De vanitate mundi</i>, II.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1071'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1071'>1071</a>. On the relations of this theory to Otto’s philosophy of history, on its
+origins, and on the bibliography of the subject, see I. Schmidlin, <i>Die
+geschichtsphilosophische und kirchenpolitische Weltanschauungen Ottos
+von Freisingen</i>, in: Studien und Darstellungen auf dem Gebiete der
+Geschichte, vol. iv, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1906, pts. 2 and 3; see especially
+pp. 20, 35ff.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1072'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1072'>1072</a>. Here he explains that science, invented in the East among the
+Babylonians, passed first to the Egyptians, thence to the Greeks, and
+thence to the Romans, notably Scipio, Cato, and Tully. Finally it was
+brought to the West, that is to Gaul and Spain, by Berengar, Manegold,
+and Anselm (of Canterbury).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Neckam (<i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 174) traces the course of learning—i. e. the
+study of the liberal arts—among the Egyptians and Greeks and, in later
+days, in Italy and Spain, but he draws no moral from it as did Hugh of
+St. Victor and Otto of Freising.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1073'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1073'>1073</a>. <i>Chron.</i>, V, 36.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1074'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1074'>1074</a>. See above, p. 64. On this subject see Ganzenmüller, <i>Naturgefühl</i>,
+1914, <i>passim</i>. Many of the references in this section are derived from
+Ganzenmüller’s book.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1075'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1075'>1075</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 163–182.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1076'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1076'>1076</a>. <i>Epistola CVI ad Magistrum Henricum Murdach</i>, in Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>,
+vol. clxxxii, col. 242. Translation from Eales, <i>Life and Works</i>, vol. i,
+1889, p. 353.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1077'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1077'>1077</a>. <i>Sermo in natali sancti Benedicti abbatis</i>, in Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol.
+clxxxiii, col. 377.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1078'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1078'>1078</a>. <i>Sermo XIII in Cantica</i>, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. clxxxiii, cols. 833–834;
+Ganzenmüller, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 170–171. See also above, p. 200.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1079'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1079'>1079</a>. See above, pp. 206–207.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1080'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1080'>1080</a>. See especially Ganzenmüller, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 182–241.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1081'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1081'>1081</a>. From a letter of Guy of Bazoches to his uncle, in: Wattenbach,
+<i>Guido von Bazoches</i>, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in the Bibliography),
+p. 78.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1082'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1082'>1082</a>. <i>Carmina varia</i>, xxviii, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. clxxi, cols. 1665–1666;
+Ganzenmüller, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 224–225.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1083'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1083'>1083</a>. Ganzenmüller, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 225.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1084'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1084'>1084</a>. Dreesbach, <i>Der Orient</i>, 1901, pp. 24–36.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1085'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1085'>1085</a>. <i>Historia</i>, IV, 10; Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. i, pp. 134–135.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1086'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1086'>1086</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, XVII, 3; Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, p. 141.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1087'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1087'>1087</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, XIX, 15–16, 24; XIX, 14–15, 23, in: Paulin Paris’ edit., vol ii,
+pp. 273–275, 288–289.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1088'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1088'>1088</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, II, 46.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1089'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1089'>1089</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_453'>453</span><i>Chron.</i>, V, 24.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1090'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1090'>1090</a>. <i>Itin. Kamb.</i>, II, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1091'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1091'>1091</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1092'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1092'>1092</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1093'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1093'>1093</a>. <i>Itin. Kamb.</i>, II, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1094'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1094'>1094</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, II, 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<h4 class='c014'>NOTES<br> CHAPTER X<br> THE ASTRONOMICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE KNOWN WORLD</h4>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1095'>
+<p class='c013'><a href='#r1095'>1095</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1096'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1096'>1096</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1097'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1097'>1097</a>. <i>Im. du monde</i>, II, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1098'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1098'>1098</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 911.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1099'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1099'>1099</a>. <i>De sphaera</i>, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1100'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1100'>1100</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 31.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1101'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1101'>1101</a>. <i>Collectanea</i>, 22.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1102'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1102'>1102</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1103'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1103'>1103</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 17.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1104'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1104'>1104</a>. See above, p. 23.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1105'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1105'>1105</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, VI, 33–34.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1106'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1106'>1106</a>. <i>De nupt. Phil. et Merc.</i>, VIII, 876.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1107'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1107'>1107</a>. <i>Almagest</i>, II, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1108'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1108'>1108</a>. <i>Geogr.</i>, I, 23.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1109'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1109'>1109</a>. The relation between the parallels as given in the <i>Almagest</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i>
+and in the <i>Geography</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i>, are shown graphically in the adjoining
+table (Fig. 11, cols. I and II). In the text of the <i>Almagest</i> the parallels are
+not specifically named beyond the twenty-sixth. Each paragraph, however,
+is numbered to correspond to the parallel which it describes through
+the thirty-eighth. The thirty-ninth paragraph describes conditions at
+the pole.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1110'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1110'>1110</a>. See Fischer, <i>Ptolemäus und Agathodämon</i>, 1916, pp. 89–93.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1111'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1111'>1111</a>. On the famous Vatopedi manuscript map of the world ascribed to
+Agathodaemon by Fischer but, as Fischer claims, directly based upon
+material furnished by Ptolemy, the boundaries of the climates are expressly
+defined in relation to Ptolemy’s parallels, as set forth in the
+<i>Geography</i>. The first climate begins with the parallel of Meroë, latitude
+16°25′N., and extends to that of Syene, 23°50′N., there being a difference
+of half an hour between the length of the longest day at its northern and at
+its southern edge. The other six climates follow as shown on Figure 11,
+col. III. The same correlation is made in the anonymous Greek treatise
+Διάγνωσις ἐν ἐπιτομῇ τῆς ἐν τῇ σφαίρᾳ γεωγραφίας in: Müller, <i>Geogr. graeci
+min.</i>, 1882, vol. ii, pp. 491–493. See Fischer, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 90–91. See Figure
+11, cols. III and IV.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_454'>454</span>It may be added that in a work entitled <i>Preceptum canonis Ptolemei</i>,
+preserved in Chartres, Bibliothèque Publique, MS. No. 214, fol. 1ro.,
+and dating perhaps from the sixth century, the writer found a description
+of the division of the world in seven climates. No mention is made of the
+parallels by number, but the boundaries of the climates, as there defined
+and as is shown on Figure 11, col. V, correspond to the figures for latitude
+assigned to the fifth, seventh, ninth, eleventh, thirteenth, fifteenth, and
+seventeenth parallels of Ptolemy’s <i>Almagest</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id003'>
+<a href='images/i_454_hr.jpg'><img src='images/i_454.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'></a>
+</div>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id003'>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_455'>455</span>
+<a href='images/i_455_hr.jpg'><img src='images/i_455.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p><span class='sc'>Fig. 11</span> (in two sections)—Comparative diagram of certain parallels of latitude and of the <i>climata</i> according to various ancient and medieval geographers. For explanation see the text, pp. 242–243, and notes 15, 17, 18, and 21 of this chapter.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1112'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1112'>1112</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_456'>456</span>The figures as given in Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin,
+no. 16658, fol. 50ff., are shown in Figure 11, col. VI.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1113'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1113'>1113</a>. <i>Rudimenta astronomica</i>, Nuremberg edit., 1537, fol. 8vo.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1114'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1114'>1114</a>. <i>De sphaera</i>, 3. After giving a brief definition of the climates, John
+says: “Dicitur autem clima tantum spacium per quantum sensibiliter
+variatur horologium.” In practice, this was always taken to be a difference
+of a half hour up to and including the sixth climate.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1115'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1115'>1115</a>. The boundaries of Al-Farghānī’s and John of Holywood’s climates
+are one parallel south of those indicated in the various works referred to
+in note 17, p. 453, above, and those of the <i>Toledo Tables</i>; that is to say,
+the centers of the former are at the parallels of the northern borders of the
+latter (see Fig. 11, col. VII). According to Al-Khwārizmī, the figures for
+the parallels bounding the climates appear to have been derived from the
+<i>Almagest</i>; Al-Khwārizmī’s second climate, however, corresponds to the
+first climate of Agathodaemon’s map and of the other works derived from
+Ptolemy (see above, p. 453, note 17, and Fig. 11, cols. III-VI). The
+third climate of Al-Khwārizmī corresponds to the second climate in the
+works derived from Ptolemy, and so on. See Fischer, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 92, and
+footnotes 1 and 2. See Figure 11, col. VIII.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1116'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1116'>1116</a>. This subject has been discussed by me in greater detail in: J. K.
+Wright, <i>Knowledge of Latitudes and Longitudes</i>, 1923.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1117'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1117'>1117</a>. Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 14704, fol. 119vo. At
+the time of the publication of the article referred to in the preceding note,
+the writer was not aware of Professor Haskins’ discovery of the name
+of the author of the <i>Marseilles Tables</i> (see Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp.
+96–97).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1118'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1118'>1118</a>. See, for example, Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, nos.
+7198, fol. 90ro., 7406, fol. 58vo., 7421, fol. 203vo., 16211, fol. 93vo., 16658,
+fol. 113ro.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1119'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1119'>1119</a>. J. K. Wright, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 84–85.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1120'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1120'>1120</a>. See above, p. 86.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1121'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1121'>1121</a>. J. K. Wright, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 91–96.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1122'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1122'>1122</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 77–84.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1123'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1123'>1123</a>. For texts illustrating this see Haskins, <i>Reception</i>, 1915, p. 57; the
+same, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 114–115. See also Peter Alphonsi, <i>Dialogus</i>, I,
+in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clvii, cols. 543–547.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1124'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1124'>1124</a>. See J. K. Wright, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 85.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1125'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1125'>1125</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_457'>457</span><i>Theorica planetarum</i>, Renner’s edit., fourth page before <i>explicit</i>. See
+also Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 7421, fol. 133.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1126'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1126'>1126</a>. See J. K. Wright, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 91–96, for discussion of the interpretation
+of these figures. In Figure 12 the circles show the relative positions
+of certain points in Europe as they actually are; the stars show them as
+given in the tables and referred to the meridian of Marseilles. It will
+readily be seen that the relative longitudes of all the points except London
+and Toledo are remarkably accurate when we consider the rough means
+of calculation at the disposal of twelfth- and thirteenth-century observers.
+London and Toledo are placed accurately in relation to each other though
+far astray in relation to Marseilles, probably as a result of a single initial
+error in the estimation of the number of degrees between the meridian of
+Toledo and that of some intermediate station (perhaps Marseilles) from
+which the positions of the remaining stations were calculated. The highly
+erroneous latitudes of Toulouse, Florence, and Naples are probably attributable
+to clerical errors. For a fuller discussion of this map see work
+cited, p. 95.</p>
+
+<div  class='figcenter id002'>
+<a href='images/i_457_hr.jpg'><img src='images/i_457.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'></a>
+<div class='ic002'>
+<p><span class='sc'>Fig. 12</span>—Map showing the relative positions of certain points in Europe as indicated in astronomical tables of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. In the original tables a consistent error appears in the longitudes of all the cities in Italy. This has been corrected as discussed in the work cited in note 32 above.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_458'>458</span>
+  <h4 class='c014'>NOTES<br> CHAPTER XI<br> CARTOGRAPHY</h4>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1127'>
+<p class='c013'><a href='#r1127'>1127</a>. For facsimiles and texts of legends of the maps referred to in this
+chapter, see Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vols, i and ii, 1895, for the Beatus
+group, and vols. ii and iii, 1895, for other small maps of the world. Specific
+references are given in the notes that follow.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1128'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1128'>1128</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 11; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1129'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1129'>1129</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 12; vol. iii, p. 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1130'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1130'>1130</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 85–89.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1131'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1131'>1131</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 91–92.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1132'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1132'>1132</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 62–65.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1133'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1133'>1133</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, p. 10; vol. iii, p. 33.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1134'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1134'>1134</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pls. 3a, 4, 5, 6, 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1135'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1135'>1135</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 74, 76, 77.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1136'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1136'>1136</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 78.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1137'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1137'>1137</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pls. 3b (our Fig. 4, p. 123, above), 8, 9. See also Figure 2,
+p. 69, above.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1138'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1138'>1138</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, p. 46 and pl. 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1139'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1139'>1139</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1140'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1140'>1140</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 2; vol. i, p. 31.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1141'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1141'>1141</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, p. 33.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1142'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1142'>1142</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pls. 3–9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1143'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1143'>1143</a>. Notably Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. vi, 1898, pp. 143–145. Detlefsen,
+<i>Ursprung</i>, 1906, pp. 106–107, argues against this theory of Miller. See
+above, p. 377, note 167, p. 415, note 166.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1144'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1144'>1144</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. 23.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1145'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1145'>1145</a>. On the Paris map (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 45). The St. Sever Beatus map shows
+some mountains in green and others in a dark tint, in both cases outlined
+with red (see reproduction, <i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, reduced in our Fig. 2, p. 69,
+above, where of course the difference in color cannot be distinguished).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1146'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1146'>1146</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, p. 31.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1147'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1147'>1147</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, p. 74.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1148'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1148'>1148</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1149'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1149'>1149</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 11; vol. iii, pl. 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1150'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1150'>1150</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pls. 2, 3b; vol. i, pp. 31, 35.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1151'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1151'>1151</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, p. 56.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1152'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1152'>1152</a>. <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1153'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1153'>1153</a>. The immense size of rivers and seas was characteristic of Moslem
+cartography. Pullé, <i>La cartog. antica</i>, pt. 2, 1905, pp. 21–22, points out
+the striking resemblances in this respect of the Guido map to contemporary
+specimens of Moslem cartography.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1154'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1154'>1154</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, pls. 3a, 4–9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1155'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1155'>1155</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, p. 33.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1156'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1156'>1156</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_459'>459</span><i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pls. 11, 12; vol. iii, pl. 1 and p. 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1157'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1157'>1157</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pls. 3–9. See also Figure 2, p. 69, above.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1158'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1158'>1158</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, p. 33.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1159'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1159'>1159</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, p. 76.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1160'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1160'>1160</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, pp. 53, 56, 58.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1161'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1161'>1161</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 78–79.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1162'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1162'>1162</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, p. 32; see also reproductions, vol. i, p. 31, vol. ii, pl. 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1163'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1163'>1163</a>. On the general arrangement of the mountains of the known world as
+shown on medieval maps see Benl, <i>Frühere und spätere Hypothesen</i>, 1905,
+pp. 8–14. See also above, p. 445, note 16.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1164'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1164'>1164</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, pls. 3–9. See also Figure 2, p. 69, above,
+where Mount Sinai (the black pinnacle in the southern part of the map)
+and Mount Olympus (the wooded pyramid in the northeastern part) are
+so represented.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1165'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1165'>1165</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 12; vol. iii, pp. 13, 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1166'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1166'>1166</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 11; vol. iii, p. 8 and pl. 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1167'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1167'>1167</a>. The lighthouse of Alexandria is shown on the Jerome map of Palestine
+(<i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 12; vol. iii, pl. 1), the columns of Alexander and
+Hercules on the same map and on the Henry of Mayence map (<i>ibid.</i>, vol.
+ii, pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2), the tower of Babel on the Psalter map (<i>ibid.</i>,
+vol. ii, pl. 1; vol. iii, pl. 3) and the Ebstorf and Hereford maps (reproductions
+accompanying <i>ibid.</i>, vols. v and iv respectively).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1168'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1168'>1168</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 5, 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1169'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1169'>1169</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, p. 35; vol. ii, pl. 3b.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1170'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1170'>1170</a>. On Paris No. II (Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 2; vol. i, p. 31), and on Osma
+(<i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 3b; vol. i, p. 35).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1171'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1171'>1171</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 74, 76, 77.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1172'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1172'>1172</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, pp. 29–37.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1173'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1173'>1173</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iv, 1896, with reproduction in colors accompanying the
+volume. Two sections are reproduced in Figure 8, pp. 276–277, above.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1174'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1174'>1174</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. v, 1896, with facsimile in colors accompanying the volume.</p>
+</div>
+
+<h4 class='c014'>NOTES<br> CHAPTER XII<br> REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY</h4>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1175'>
+<p class='c013'><a href='#r1175'>1175</a>. See above, p. 19 and p. 372, note 69.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1176'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1176'>1176</a>. <i>Opus majus</i>, Bridges’ edit., vol. i, 1897, p. 292. Pierre d’Ailly (1350–1420),
+the famous French theologian, in his <i>Imago mundi</i>, an encyclopedic
+compilation of the same sort as the <i>De imagine mundi</i> of our
+period, plagiarized the work of Roger Bacon in this connection. The
+<i>Imago mundi</i> was read and annotated by Columbus, and in this way the idea
+that the eastern shores of Asia lie not far to the west of Spain was brought
+to the attention of the discoverer of America. See Henry Vignaud,
+<i>Histoire critique de la grande enterprise de Christophe Colomb</i>, 2 vols.,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_460'>460</span>reference in vol. i, Paris, 1911, pp. 315–316; Edward Channing, <i>A History
+of the United States</i>, vol. i, New York, 1905, p. 15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1177'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1177'>1177</a>. The Cratesian or Macrobian theory (see above, p. 18) would seem
+to have been accepted by William of Conches (<i>De phil. mundi</i>, IV, 3)
+and by Giraldus Cambrensis (<i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 3) as the basis of their
+explanation of the tides. See also <i>Im. du monde</i>, II, 1. The theory was
+set forth by Macrobius and by Martianus Capella and, as a result of the
+great popularity of both of these writers throughout the Middle Ages,
+was undoubtedly entirely familiar to scholars.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1178'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1178'>1178</a>. See above, pp. 186–187.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1179'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1179'>1179</a>. <i>De mundi univ.</i>, p. 48.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1180'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1180'>1180</a>. <i>Hist. adv. pag.</i>, I, 2, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1181'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1181'>1181</a>. <i>Chron.</i>, I, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1182'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1182'>1182</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 910.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1183'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1183'>1183</a>. <i>Tractatus excerptionum</i> (under Hugh of St. Victor in the Bibliography),
+III, 1, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxvii, col. 209.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1184'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1184'>1184</a>. See above, pp. 66, 121–122, and Fig. 1 on p. 67.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1185'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1185'>1185</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1186'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1186'>1186</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 7, I, 34; Gervase of Tilbury, <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i,
+p. 908; Rudolf of Hohen-Ems, <i>Weltchronik</i>, cited by Doberentz, <i>Erd- und
+Völkerkunde</i>, in Zeitschr., vol. xiii, 1881, p. 171; <i>Im. du monde</i>, II, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1187'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1187'>1187</a>. Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. i, 1897, pp. 133, 338–339.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1188'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1188'>1188</a>. Jerusalem is not at the center in the Beatus maps. Probably the
+earliest map now known which so places it is the T-O map of 1110 at
+Oxford, upon which a cross on “Mons Syon” marks the exact spot
+(Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 119). Jerusalem is at the
+center of the <i>oikoumene</i> on the Psalter (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 1; vol. iii,
+1895, pl. 3), Hereford, and Ebstorf maps (<i>ibid.</i>, accompanying vols. iv,
+1896, and v, 1896, respectively) of the late thirteenth century. See
+below, p. 463, note 38.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1189'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1189'>1189</a>. “Ista est Hierusalem, in medio gentium posui eam et in circuitu ejus
+terrae” (Ezekiel, v. 5). See also Ezekiel, xxxviii, 12. Jerome, <i>Commentarius
+in Ezechielem</i>, II (Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. xxv, col. 54), gives proofs
+that Jerusalem is the center of the earth. The Jews also identified Bethel
+and Mount Moriah, and the Samaritans Mount Gerizim with the center
+(Roscher, <i>Omphalos</i>, 1913, p. 27).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1190'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1190'>1190</a>. On ancient and Scriptural theories concerning the center of the earth,
+see Liebrecht, <i>Gervasius von Tilbury</i>, 1856, p. 54, note 3a; Roscher,
+<i>Omphalos</i>, 1913, pp. 20–36; the same, <i>Neue Omphalosstudien</i>, 1915, pp.
+12–28, 73–75; and A. I. Wensinck, <i>The Ideas of the Western Semites Concerning
+the Navel of the Earth</i>, in Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie
+van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afdeeling Letterkunde, N. S.,
+vol. xvii, No. 1, 1916.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1191'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1191'>1191</a>. White, <i>Warfare</i>, 1920, vol. i, p. 98.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1192'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1192'>1192</a>. Liebrecht, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1193'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1193'>1193</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_461'>461</span><i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 892. Gervase, <i>loc. cit.</i>, gives the following
+proof that there is as much land to the east as there is to the west of
+Jerusalem: “Unde tradunt, tantam terram a Jerusalem protendi ad
+Orientem, quantam ad Occidentem, quod probant ex eo, quod legitur:
+‘Deus ab austro veniet et sanctus de monte Pharaan’ [Habakkuk, iii, 3].
+Auster enim et Aquilo, qui pro Borea scribitur, ut ibi: ‘ab Aquilone
+pandetur omne malum.’ Et alibi: ‘Ponam sedem meam ab aquilone, &#38;
+ero similis altissimo.’ Per contrapositionem oppositi per effectum, &#38;
+locorum distantiam objecti, aequaliter distant a centro, quod est inter
+Orientem et Occidentem.” See below, p. 463, note 38.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1194'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1194'>1194</a>. See above, p. 460, note 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1195'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1195'>1195</a>. <i>De situ Hierusalem</i>, d’Avezac’s edit., 1839, pp. 841–842; Wright’s
+translation, 1848, p. 38.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1196'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1196'>1196</a>. The cross of Calvary was usually supposed to mark the navel of the
+earth (White, <i>Warfare</i>, 1920, vol. i, p. 100).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1197'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1197'>1197</a>. The manuscript in which the passage telling of this experiment is
+found is described in Sir G. F. Warner and J. P. Gilson’s <i>Catalogue of
+Western Manuscripts in the Old Royal and King’s Collections</i> [British
+Museum], vol. i, London, 1921, p. 193, under MS 7 D xxv (saec. xii). It
+is there suggested that the author may have been Adelard of Bath; Professor
+Haskins (<i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 31) states that the manuscript “clearly
+represents Adelard’s generation and circle of interests” and gives (<i>ibid.</i>,
+pp. 31–32) the following transcription of the text of the passage (from
+folio 66): “Mons Amor reorum est locus medius mundi, ubi apposui
+mensuras et probavi per multa loca et posui lignum rea [<i>sic</i>] rotundum
+habens. xii. cubitos longitudinis et grossitudo illi cubitus unus et suspendi
+illum per funem et tantum commutavi eum de loco in locum in medio
+eius. vii. kal. Iulii donec suspendi illud in loco medii diei et residit suum
+cum splendor solis ex omnibus partibus et facta est umbra ipsius subtus
+cum rotunda sicut rotunditas ipsius ligni quod suspenderam; et de ipsa
+mensura cognovi quod medius mundus est in Monte Amor reorum. Et
+tempore quo mensuravi hoc est annus .xxxviiii. et vinum non bibi, oculi
+mei somno satiati non fuerunt, ne exuperaveram in eo quod inquirebam.”
+Haskins (<i>loc. cit.</i>) suggests that “.vii.” should read “.xi.” and “exuperaveram”
+should read “exuperarer.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1198'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1198'>1198</a>. “Hoc autem circumferentiae centrum arbitrantur quidam in illo
+loco esse, ubi Dominus locutus est ad Samaritanam ad puteum, illic enim
+in solstitio aestivo monstrans, meridiana hora sol recto transite descendit
+in aquam putei umbram nullam aliqua parte monstrans, quod apud
+Syenem fieri tradunt philosophi....” (<i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 892;
+Liebrecht, <i>Gervasius von Tilbury</i>, 1856, p. 1).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1199'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1199'>1199</a>. This would seem to place the center of the earth, not at Jerusalem,
+but at Jacob’s well on Mount Gerizim in Samaria. See John, iv, 6, 20,
+and above, p. 460, note 15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1200'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1200'>1200</a>. The most elaborate and scholarly monograph on the Terrestrial
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_462'>462</span>Paradise as it was conceived in the Middle Ages is Coli, <i>Il paradiso terrestre
+dantesco</i>, 1897. This treats in great detail the history of the
+legends of Paradise and the development of theories concerning the
+nature and location of the Garden of Delights. Special attention is
+given to the Terrestrial Paradise of Dante.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1201'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1201'>1201</a>. On the St. Sever Beatus map, Paradise is enclosed by mountains,
+its northern border by the Montes Ceraunes, a continuation of the Taurus
+(see Fig. 2, p. 69, above). On the Beatus maps Paradise is rectangular
+(Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pls. 2–9); on the Psalter (<i>ibid.</i>, vol.
+ii, pl. 1; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 3) and Lambert <i>mappaemundi</i> (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii,
+p. 46 and pl. 4) it is circular; and on the Henry of Mayence map (<i>ibid.</i>,
+vol. iii, pl. 2) it is more or less circular and is placed on an island in the
+Eastern Sea. A few maps do not show it at all; as the Cotton, Jerome,
+Guido, some of the Sallust maps, and the Matthew Paris map of the
+world (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pls. 10, 11, 12; vol. iii, pp. 56, 70–71, 110–113).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1202'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1202'>1202</a>. Paraphrased from <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 8, from Isidore, <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1203'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1203'>1203</a>. Paraphrased from <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 10; <i>Im. du monde</i>, II, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1204'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1204'>1204</a>. <i>Expos. in hex.</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxviii, cols. 775–776.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1205'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1205'>1205</a>. <i>Tractatus excerptionum</i> (under Hugh of St. Victor in the Bibliography),
+III, 2, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. clxxvii, cols. 209–210.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1206'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1206'>1206</a>. <i>Im. du monde</i>, II, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1207'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1207'>1207</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 911.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1208'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1208'>1208</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 892.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1209'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1209'>1209</a>. See also Alexander Neckam, <i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 49: “Rei tamen veritas
+est, quod paradisus terrestris superior est aquis, cum etiam lunari globo
+superior sit. Unde et aquae cataclysmi paradiso nullam intulere molestiam.
+Enoc, qui in paradiso jam tunc erat collocatus, aquarum non
+sensit diluvii incrementa.” See above, p. 437, note 25.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1210'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1210'>1210</a>. <i>Sententiae</i>, II, 17, 5. Peter Lombard maintains that there were
+three <i>sententiae</i> concerning Paradise: (1) that of those who conceived
+of it in a spiritual sense, (2) that of those who conceived of it in a corporeal
+sense, and (3) that of those who conceived of it in both senses. The third
+method was the most pleasing to Peter, who says: “ut homo in corporali
+paradiso sit positus, qui ab illo principio plantatus accipi potest, quo
+terram omnem remotis aquis herbas et ligna producere jussit. Qui etsi
+praesentis Ecclesiae vel futurae typum tenet, ad litteram tamen intellegendum
+est esse locum amoenissimum fructuosis arboribus, magnum
+et magno fonte foecundum. Quod dicimus ‘a principio,’ antiqua
+translatio dicit ‘ad Orientem.’ Unde volunt in orientali parte esse
+paradisum, longo interjacente spatio vel maris vel terrae a regionibus
+quas incolunt homines, secretum, et in alto situm, usque ad lunarem
+circulem pertingentem, unde nec aquae diluvii illuc pervenerunt.” The
+older translation referred to may have been the “Old Latin” translation
+of the Septuagint. See above, p. 390, note 122.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1211'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1211'>1211</a>. The Beatus (Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pls. 3a, 3b—our Fig. 4
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_463'>463</span>on p. 123, above—4–9; vol. i, 1895, pp. 35, 39, and accompanying reproduction—our
+Fig. 2 on p. 69 above) and Psalter (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 1; vol. iii, pl.
+3) maps show Paradise in Asia; those of Henry of Mayence (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii,
+pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2) and of Lambert (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, pl. 4) place it on an
+island. On Paradise as represented on these and other medieval maps,
+see Coli, <i>Il paradiso terrestre</i>, 1897, pp. 100–122.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1212'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1212'>1212</a>. See above, p. 428, note 136.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1213'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1213'>1213</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 892. Dante also placed the Terrestrial Paradise
+in the southern hemisphere, at the summit of the Mount of Purgatory,
+which was the antipodes of “Mount Zion.” This has usually been interpreted
+to mean the Mount Zion near Jerusalum. See Coli, <i>op. cit.</i>,
+pp. 185–207; Moore, <i>Studies in Dante, Third Series</i>, 1903, pp. 134–139;
+Mori, <i>La geogr.</i>, 1922, pp. 287–289. Benini (<i>Origine del Monte del Purgatorio</i>,
+1917, pp. 1037–1055), however, maintains that the mountain to
+which Dante refers was to be associated with Sinai or with the Mount
+Pharaan of Habakkuk, iii, 3 (see above, p. 461, note 19; see also R. Benini,
+<i>Il grande Sion, il Sinai e il piccolo Sion (dove ha posto Dante l’entrata dell’
+inferno)</i>, in: Rendiconti della Reale Accademia dei Lincei, Classe di
+scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, series 5, vol. xxiii, Rome, 1915,
+pp. 293–315). He argues that Dante believed this mountain to be on
+the Tropic of Cancer and that the Mount of Purgatory, its antipodes, was
+consequently on the Tropic of Capricorn.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1214'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1214'>1214</a>. See above, p. 164.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1215'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1215'>1215</a>. <i>Chron.</i>, II, 25.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1216'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1216'>1216</a>. <i>Tractatus excerptionum</i> (under Hugh of St. Victor in the Bibliography),
+III, 2, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxvii, col. 211.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1217'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1217'>1217</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1218'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1218'>1218</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, p. 46 and pl. 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1219'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1219'>1219</a>. Schröder, <i>Sanct Brandan</i>, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+p. 36.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1220'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1220'>1220</a>. Augustine, <i>De Genesi ad litteram</i>, VIII, 1, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol.
+xxxiv, cols. 371–373. On other medieval ideas concerning the location
+of Paradise, see Graf, <i>Miti, leggende</i>, vol. i, 1892, pp. 1–15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1221'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1221'>1221</a>. <i>Iter ad Paradisum</i>, edit. by J. Zacher, 1859 (under “Alexander the
+Great, Romance of, VI” in the Bibliography). See Meyer, <i>Alexandre le
+Grand</i>, vol. i, 1886, pp. 47–51.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1222'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1222'>1222</a>. Graf, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 73–126, discusses these stories in detail. In his
+<i>La leggenda</i>, 1878, pp. 22–44, he shows that there were four types of
+Paradise legend in the Middle Ages: (1) legends which grew out of pre-existing
+legendary themes, as, for example, the story of Seth’s visit to
+Paradise; (2) those which developed out of a spirit of pure devotion and
+asceticism, such as certain of the stories of the visits of pious monks;
+(3) those which arose out of a spirit of exploration and adventure, as the
+story of St. Brandan’s voyages or that given in the <i>Pantheon</i> of Godfrey
+of Viterbo; and, finally, (4) those which arose from a chivalric love of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_464'>464</span>adventure and conquest, as the <i>Iter ad Paradisum</i>, connected with the
+Romance of the conquests of Alexander the Great.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1223'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1223'>1223</a>. On the story of Seth’s visit to Paradise, see Graf, <i>Miti, leggende</i>, vol.
+i, 1892, pp. 76–84. This story was included in the second verse redaction
+of the <i>Image du monde</i>. See above, p. 404, note 88.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1224'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1224'>1224</a>. <i>Pantheon</i>, pars 2, in: Pistorius’ edit., 1726, pp. 58–60; see also Graf,
+<i>Miti, leggende</i>, vol. i, 1892, pp. 112–113.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1225'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1225'>1225</a>. <i>Acta Sanctorum quotquot tota orbe coluntur.... Editio novissima</i>,
+Octobris vol. x, Paris and Rome, 1869, pp. 566–574 (see Potthast, <i>Wegweiser</i>,
+vol. i, 1896, p. xxxii-xxxiii).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1226'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1226'>1226</a>. Hercules’ and Alexander’s columns are shown on the Jerome map of
+Palestine (Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895, pp.
+13–14).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1227'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1227'>1227</a>. Mâle, <i>L’art religieux</i>, 1898, p. 19. Cyprian, bishop of Carthage in
+the third century, had suggested this allegorical interpretation, and it
+was passed on to the Western world by Isidore. See Rahn, <i>Glasgemälde</i>,
+1879, p. 42 (14).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1228'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1228'>1228</a>. <i>De nat. rer.</i>, II, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1229'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1229'>1229</a>. See above, pp. 29–30, 59–60, 184–185, and 199–203.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1230'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1230'>1230</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1231'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1231'>1231</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1232'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1232'>1232</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 1; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1233'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1233'>1233</a>. <i>Expos. in hex.</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxviii, col. 778.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1234'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1234'>1234</a>. <i>Elysaeus</i>, 14, 26, in: Zarncke, <i>Priester Johannes</i>, in: Abhandlungen,
+vol. viii, 1876, pp. 123–124.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1235'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1235'>1235</a>. <i>De mundi univ.</i>, p. 22.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1236'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1236'>1236</a>. See the introduction to Yule, <i>Cathay and the Way Thither</i>, 2nd edit.,
+vol. i, 1915.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1237'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1237'>1237</a>. See Friedrich Hirth, <i>China and the Roman Orient</i>, Leipzig, 1885; an
+especially full study is Albert Herrmann, <i>Die Westländer in der chinesischen
+Kartographie</i>, forming vol. viii, pt. 2, of Sven Hedin, <i>Southern
+Tibet</i>, Stockholm, 1922. See also Albert Herrmann, <i>Die ältesten chinesischen
+Karten von Zentral- und Westasien</i>, in: Ostasiatische Zeitschrift,
+vol. viii, Berlin, 1919–1920, pp. 185–198, and note upon this monograph
+in: Geographical Review, vol. xiii, New York, 1923, pp. 311–313.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1238'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1238'>1238</a>. See E. Bretschneider, <i>Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic
+Sources: Fragments Towards the Knowledge of the Geography and History
+of Central and Western Asia from the Thirteenth to the Seventeenth Century</i>,
+London, 1888, vol. i, pp. 275–344; Leon Cahun, <i>Introduction à l’histoire de
+l’Asie: Turcs et Mongols des origines à 1405</i>, Paris, 1896; René Grousset,
+<i>Histoire de l’Asie</i>, in 3 vols., Paris, 1922, vol. ii, pp. 12–160.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1239'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1239'>1239</a>. W. W. Rockhill, translator and editor, <i>The Journey of William of
+Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World, 1253–55, As Narrated by Himself,
+With Two Accounts of the Earlier Journey of John of Pian de Carpine</i>,
+Hakluyt Society Publications, series 2, vol. iv, London, 1900, p. xiii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1240'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1240'>1240</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_465'>465</span><i>Chron. maiora</i>, Rolls series edit., vol. iv, pp. 76–78; translated by
+Rockhill, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. xiv-xvii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1241'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1241'>1241</a>. See above, pp. 287–288.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1242'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1242'>1242</a>. See Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 275–391; Bréhier, <i>L’Église et
+l’Orient</i>, 1911, pp. 219–221, 228–233. See also above, p. 286.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1243'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1243'>1243</a>. See above, pp. 283–286.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1244'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1244'>1244</a>. See especially Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 275–391, vol. iii,
+1906, pp. 15–381.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1245'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1245'>1245</a>. For the Latin text of John of Pian de Carpine’s travels edited by
+d’Avezac with extensive commentary see: Recueil de voyages et de
+mémoires publié par la Société de Géographie, vol. iv, Paris, 1839, pp.
+397–779. English translation of a part of this in Rockhill, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp.
+1–32. Professor Paul Pelliot of the Collège de France in a lecture delivered
+at Columbia University in 1923 announced that the original letter
+sent by Carpine from the Khan at Karakorum to the Pope had recently
+been discovered in the Vatican archives.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1246'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1246'>1246</a>. For the Latin text of Rubruck’s travels edited by d’Avezac see:
+Recueil de voyages et de mémoires publié par la Société de Géographie,
+vol. iv, Paris, 1839, pp. 213–396. English translation and commentary
+in Rockhill, <i>op. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1247'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1247'>1247</a>. See above, p. 405, note 92.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1248'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1248'>1248</a>. See above, p. 408, note 97.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1249'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1249'>1249</a>. See Yule, <i>Marco Polo</i>, 3rd edit., 1903, with Cordier’s supplement,
+<i>Ser Marco Polo</i>, 1920 (both under Polo, Marco, in the Bibliography).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1250'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1250'>1250</a>. See especially vols. ii and iii of Yule’s <i>Cathay</i>, 2nd edit. by Cordier,
+1913–1914.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1251'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1251'>1251</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1252'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1252'>1252</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1253'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1253'>1253</a>. For a brief statement in regard to the origins of the conception of a
+great mountain range running east and west across Asia see Benl, <i>Frühere
+und spätere Hypothesen</i>, 1905, pp. 1–7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1254'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1254'>1254</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. ii, p. 761.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1255'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1255'>1255</a>. <i>Hist. adv. pag.</i>, I, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1256'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1256'>1256</a>. St. Sever Beatus (see Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. i, 1895, p. 50, also
+reproduction accompanying volume—reduced in our Fig. 2, page <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>,
+above), Osma Beatus (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, p. 35—our Fig. 4, p. 123, above—; vol.
+ii, 1895, pl. 3), Henry of Mayence (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895,
+pl. 2), Psalter (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. i, vol. iii, pl. 3). For “Paropanissade
+montes,” see Jerome map of the East (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 11; vol. iii,
+p. 8 and pl. 1).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1257'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1257'>1257</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, pls. 11 and 12; vol. iii, pl. 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1258'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1258'>1258</a>. “Hae superius dictae regiones, ab oriente incipientes, recta linea ad
+Mediterraneum mare extenditur” (<i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 18). See Isidore,
+<i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 3; Gervase of Tilbury, <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. ii, pp. 758–760.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1259'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1259'>1259</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_466'>466</span><i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 19; Isidore, <i>loc. cit.</i>; Gervase of Tilbury, <i>op. cit.</i>,
+vol. ii, p. 762.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1260'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1260'>1260</a>. Gervase, <i>loc. cit.</i>, says that all he remembers having read about the
+Seres are certain verses of Sidonius, which he quotes as follows:</p>
+
+<div class='lg-container-b c017'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“‘Ergo ubi se mediam solio dedit (sc. Roma), advolat omnis</div>
+      <div class='line'>Terra simul, fert quaeque suos provincia fructus.’</div>
+      <div class='line'>Et post pauca:</div>
+      <div class='line in4'>‘Ser vellera, thura Sabeus.’”</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1261'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1261'>1261</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, VI, 17, sect. 54.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1262'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1262'>1262</a>. <i>Collectanea</i>, 50.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1263'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1263'>1263</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 3, 29.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1264'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1264'>1264</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 19.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1265'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1265'>1265</a>. <i>Letter of Prester John</i>, 42, in: Zarncke, <i>Priester Johannes</i>, in: Abhandlungen,
+vol. vii, 1879, p. 915.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1266'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1266'>1266</a>. Yule, <i>Cathay</i>, vol. i, 1915, pp. 11–13, 183–185, 187–196, especially
+p. 195. On the <i>Periplus</i> see above, p. 40.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1267'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1267'>1267</a>. See Yule, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 181–182.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1268'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1268'>1268</a>. <i>De scientia stellarum</i>, Bologna edit., 1645, p. 24.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1269'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1269'>1269</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., pp. 66–67. See above,
+p. 414, note 156.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1270'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1270'>1270</a>. See above, p. 197, and p. 442, note 75; and Borchardt, <i>Itinéraire</i>,
+1924, p. 33.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1271'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1271'>1271</a>. Marco Polo placed the griffon, or Rukh, in Madagascar and asserted
+that it could carry elephants in its talons (Yule, <i>Marco Polo</i>, 3rd edit.,
+1903 (under Polo, Marco, in the Bibliography), pp. 412, 415).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1272'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1272'>1272</a>. Pseudo-Abdias, <i>De historia certaminis apostolici</i>, VIII; edition of
+1560, fol. 96a.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1273'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1273'>1273</a>. Guido’s <i>mappamundi</i> of 1119 indicates “insunt tres Indiae” (Miller,
+<i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 54). Lambert’s map designates the
+three divisions as “India prima, hic pigmei et fauni et reges gentium,”
+“India secunda,” and “India ultima, hic arbores solis et lunae” (<i>ibid.</i>,
+p. 49). The Jerome map of the East represents “India ultima” as extending
+from the Indus to the “Hipanis,” bordering on Persia and Carmania,
+and including the city of Ophir. “India inferior” lies between
+the “Hipanis” and the Ganges, and “India superior” to the northeast,
+between the Ganges and the Octorogorra, a river rising in the Caucasus
+(<i>ibid.</i>, pl. 1). Pullé, <i>La cartog. antica</i>, pt. 2, 1905, p. 31, conjectures
+plausibly that these three divisions may represent in order, Punjabic
+India, peninsular India, and Gangetic India.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1274'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1274'>1274</a>. <i>Hist. eccles.</i>, pt. I, bk. II, 15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1275'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1275'>1275</a>. <i>Letter of Prester John</i>, 12, in: Zarncke, <i>Priester Johannes</i>, in: Abhandlungen,
+vol. vii, 1879, p. 910.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1276'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1276'>1276</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 911.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1277'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1277'>1277</a>. “Isti 4 rivuli fundunt his duabus Indiis....” <i>Elysaeus</i>, 14, in:
+Zarncke, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. viii, 1876, p. 123.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1278'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1278'>1278</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_467'>467</span>“En Ynde a maintes granz contrées qui sont pueploiées de genz et
+de grant plente de bestes. Une en y a que l’en apele Perse&#160;...” etc.
+(<i>Im. du monde</i>, II, 2). This shows that the writer considered Persia a
+part of India. A rubric in the manuscript of the <i>Image du monde</i> of the
+Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds français, no. 574, reads “Des contrées
+d’Ynde,” and includes under it Babylonia, Chaldaea, Arabia, Phoenicia,
+Assyria, Palestine, and Armenia, showing that the scribe at least, if not
+the poet, believed that India comprises the greater part of Asia.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1279'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1279'>1279</a>. See, on India, Isidore, <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, <i>passim</i>; <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 11,
+12, 13; Gervase of Tilbury, <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 911; vol. ii, pp. 755, 756;
+<i>Im. du monde</i>, II, 2. Also see, for a study of India as delineated on
+medieval maps, Pullé, <i>La cartog. antica</i>, pt. 2, 1905.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1280'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1280'>1280</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIII, 21; <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 10; Peter Abelard, <i>Expos. in
+hex.</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxviii, col. 779; Peter Comestor, <i>Hist.
+schol.</i>, Gen. xiv; Gervase of Tilbury, <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 892.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1281'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1281'>1281</a>. <i>Hist. schol.</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1282'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1282'>1282</a>. Peter Comestor gives an alternative suggestion that the word
+“Phison” may refer to the changeable appearance of the river.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1283'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1283'>1283</a>. <i>Letter of Prester John</i>, 22, in: Zarncke, <i>Priester Johannes</i>, in: Abhandlungen,
+vol. vii, 1879, p. 912.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1284'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1284'>1284</a>. The Jerome map of the East (Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895,
+pl. 1) and the Henry of Mayence map of the world (<i>ibid.</i>, pl. 2) show
+these rivers and give their Greek names, Hydaspes, Indus, and Hipanis.
+Pullé, <i>op. cit.</i>, pt. 2, pp. 28, 31, believes that the shape of the coast line,
+the Greek names of the rivers, the position of Taprobane, and other details
+on these maps strongly suggest the Ptolemaic representation of
+the East. The resemblances in form to the Ptolemaic map, however,
+are too doubtful to warrant us in assuming any direct Ptolemaic influence.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1285'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1285'>1285</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., pp. 63–65.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1286'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1286'>1286</a>. These marvels were almost never arbitrary inventions. They can
+usually be traced back to a remote source which was itself an exaggeration
+or distortion of a true story. See Peschel, <i>Abhandlungen</i>, vol. i,
+1877, pp. 9–19. Most of the marvels of India as set forth by Ctesias
+had their counterparts in Persian and Indian mythology and probably
+“originated in obscure and disfigured accounts of nature and man in
+the mountain chains between the upper Indus and the Ganges and on
+the high plateaus as far as the Tarim Basin” (Doberentz, <i>Erd- und Völkerkunde</i>,
+in: Zeitschr., vol. xiii, 1881, pp. 41–57).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1287'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1287'>1287</a>. Many of the stories go back to Greek writers earlier even than
+Ctesias. The pygmies who fight with storks are found in Homer, the
+half-dog-half-men in Hesiod, the umbrella-footed men in Alcman, the
+gold-guarding griffons and the one-eyed Arimaspians in the writings
+of Aristeas of Proconnesus. Hecataeus, Scylax, Aeschylus, and, above
+all, Herodotus, repeat many of these yarns. Ctesias of Cnidus gathered
+together most of the earlier tales and added to them stories that he himself
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_468'>468</span>had heard in the Persian realm, or, perhaps, he wrote down descriptions
+of monsters that he had seen depicted or sculptured on the walls of
+the great palaces at Persepolis. Ctesias’ book became the great reservoir
+to which later writers looked for their marvels. See Doberentz,
+<i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1288'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1288'>1288</a>. The mantichora (see Fig. 8, p. 277 above) was a beast described by
+Pliny, <i>Hist. nat.</i>, VIII, 21, as follows (transl. in Bohn’s edit., vol. ii, p.
+280): “It has a triple row of teeth which fit into each other like those of a
+comb, the face and ears of a man, and azure eyes, is of the color of blood,
+has the body of a lion, and a tail ending in a sting, like that of a scorpion.
+Its voice resembles the union of the sound of the flute and the trumpet; it
+is of excessive swiftness, and is particularly fond of human flesh.” Doberentz
+shows the route by which the story of this extraordinary combination
+found its way from its Oriental place of origin to the <i>Weltchronik</i> of
+Rudolf of Hohen-Ems.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>This route was the same as that taken by most of the other marvels
+which came to this chronicle. The beast appears illustrated on the
+monuments of Persepolis; possibly it was thought to be the king of the
+evil beasts of Ahriman, the Zoroastrian god of darkness. Ctesias describes
+it in his <i>Indica</i>; thence it probably made its way to the <i>Historia
+animalium</i> of Aristotle, thence to the <i>Chorographia Pliniana</i>, thence to
+Solinus, thence to the <i>De imagine mundi</i>, and thence to Rudolf’s chronicle
+(Doberentz, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 175–180).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1289'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1289'>1289</a>. Peschel in his <i>Abhandlungen</i>, vol. i, 1877, p. 10, pointed out that
+some medieval commentators on the subject were disinclined to believe
+in the existence of these creatures because they were not included in
+Noah’s ark. St. Augustine, <i>De civitate Dei</i>, XVI, 8, had said: “Either such
+monsters do not exist at all, or else they are in no wise men, for in the
+latter case they would be sprung from Adam.” In the ninth century
+there was discussion as to whether or not the <i>cynocephali</i> in the north
+were descended from Adam. During our period no text that has been
+found by the writer questions their existence.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1290'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1290'>1290</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 41 and pl. 3; vol. ii, 1895,
+pl. 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1291'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1291'>1291</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 13 and 14; vol. ii, 1895, pl. 12.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1292'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1292'>1292</a>. Lambert (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 49), Jerome (Palestine) (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 13),
+Psalter (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 38). On the Hereford map the legend reads: “Arbor
+balsami id est sicca” (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. iv, 1896, p. 8); on the Ebstorf map,
+“Oraculum solis et lune” (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. v, 1896, p. 48). See Yule, <i>Marco
+Polo</i>, 3rd edit., 1903, vol. i, pp. 128–138; Cordier, <i>Ser Marco Polo</i>, 1920,
+pp. 31–32 (both under Polo, Marco, in the Bibliography).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1293'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1293'>1293</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. 48 and pl. 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1294'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1294'>1294</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 8 and pl. 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1295'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1295'>1295</a>. See above, p. 74.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1296'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1296'>1296</a>. Philipps, <i>St. Thomas</i>, 1903, pp. 1–8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1297'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1297'>1297</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_469'>469</span><i>Hist. eccles.</i>, pt. I, bk. II, 14. Ordericus drew from Pseudo-Abdias.
+See above, p. 379, note 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1298'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1298'>1298</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, 1895, p. 35; vol. ii, 1895, pl. 3 (our Fig. 4 on
+p. 123 above).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1299'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1299'>1299</a>. <i>Letter of Prester John</i>, 56–72, in: Zarncke, <i>Priester Johannes</i>, in:
+Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 916–920.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1300'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1300'>1300</a>. Mâle, <i>L’art religieux</i>, 1898, pp. 378–388.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1301'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1301'>1301</a>. Zarncke, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 832–843.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1302'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1302'>1302</a>. In writing of the journey of Sighelm, who was sent by King Alfred
+to the shrines of Saints Thomas and Bartholomew in India (see above,
+p. 74), William of Malmsbury remarks that the journey was made with
+great success, “at which everybody in this age wonders” (<i>Gesta regum
+Anglorum</i>, II, 122, edited by William Stubbs (Rolls Series, no. 90), 2 vols.,
+London, 1887).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1303'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1303'>1303</a>. <i>De adventu patriarchae Indorum ad urbem sub Callisto papa II</i>, 12,
+in: Zarncke, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 838.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1304'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1304'>1304</a>. See Zarncke, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 843–846.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1305'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1305'>1305</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 12 and pl. 1; vol. ii, 1895,
+pl. 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1306'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1306'>1306</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1307'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1307'>1307</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1308'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1308'>1308</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 911.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1309'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1309'>1309</a>. Jerome map of the East (Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. 12 and pl. 1;
+vol. ii, pl. 11); Lambert map of the world (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 50 and pl. 4).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1310'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1310'>1310</a>. <i>Hist. adv. pag.</i>, I, 2. This passage was copied in: <i>De imag. mundi</i>,
+I, 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1311'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1311'>1311</a>. <i>Etym.</i> XIV, 6; <i>Otia imper.</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i> Copied from Orosius in: <i>De imag.
+mundi</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1312'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1312'>1312</a>. <i>Collectanea</i>, 53, 2–3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1313'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1313'>1313</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1314'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1314'>1314</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pls. ii and 12; vol. iii, pl. 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1315'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1315'>1315</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, reproduction accompanying vol. iv, 1896.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1316'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1316'>1316</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, reproduction accompanying vol. v, 1896.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1317'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1317'>1317</a>. <i>De scientia stellarum</i>, Bologna edit., 1645, pp. 24ff.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1318'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1318'>1318</a>. G. A. Wood in his <i>Discovery of Australia</i>, London, 1921, p. 28,
+writes that though the Arabs “knew Sumatra, and Java, and perhaps
+Timor, and though they must have shared whatever knowledge may
+have been possessed by the Malays or Hindus, there seems no evidence
+that they had heard of Australia.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1319'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1319'>1319</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 3, sects. 31–32; <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 19; <i>Otia imper.</i>,
+vol. ii, p. 756. A long legend on the St. Sever Beatus map describes
+“Scythia maior” in similar terms (Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. i, 1895,
+p. 49).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1320'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1320'>1320</a>. See above, pp. 269–270.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1321'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1321'>1321</a>. Notably on the Jerome map of the East (Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_470'>470</span>pl. 1), the St. Sever Beatus (<i>ibid.</i>, reproduction accompanying vol. i,
+1895; see Fig. 2, p. 69, above), the Osma Beatus (<i>ibid.</i>, reproduction
+in vol. ii, 1895, pl. 3; see also vol. i, p. 35, and Fig. 4, p. 123, above),
+and Henry of Mayence map (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895,
+pl. 2). Other significant features shown on contemporary maps in
+northern and central Asia are the Amazons, the Anthropophagi, the
+Caspian Gates, the Armenian Pillars, and the Hyperboreans. Beatus
+Paris No. II (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, pp. 31–32) shows a region in the vicinity of
+the Caspian Sea labeled “terra inhabitabilis propter habundanti[am]
+aqu&#230;,” which does not appear on other maps.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1322'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1322'>1322</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., p. 59.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1323'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1323'>1323</a>. <i>loc. cit.</i> See Neubauer, <i>Ten Tribes</i>, 1888–1889. Neubauer’s article
+traces the history of speculations regarding the lost ten tribes from the
+earliest times and contains incidentally much important geographical
+lore.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1324'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1324'>1324</a>. See above, pp. 287–288.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1325'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1325'>1325</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., p. 60.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1326'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1326'>1326</a>. <i>Chron.</i>, VII, 33.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1327'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1327'>1327</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., pp. 60–61.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1328'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1328'>1328</a>. See Yule, <i>Marco Polo</i>, 3rd edit., 1903 (under Polo, Marco, in the
+Bibliography), vol. i, pp. 234–235.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1329'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1329'>1329</a>. Oppert, <i>Presbyter Johannes</i>, 1870, <i>passim</i>; Zarncke, <i>Priester Johannes</i>
+(under Prester John in the Bibliography), in: Abhandl., vol. vii, 1879,
+pp. 847–871.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1330'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1330'>1330</a>. Pelliot, <i>Chrétiens</i>, 1914, p. 627.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1331'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1331'>1331</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 629.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1332'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1332'>1332</a>. Zarncke gives a critical Latin text of the <i>Letter</i> in <i>Priester Johannes</i>,
+in: Abhandl., vol. vii, 1879, pp. 909–924.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1333'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1333'>1333</a>. Zarncke in: Berichte, vol. xxix, 1877, p. 151 and note 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1334'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1334'>1334</a>. See above, pp. 268–269 and p. 465, note 67.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1335'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1335'>1335</a>. The name “Prester John” was not used in early manuscripts of
+the <i>Letter of Prester John</i>. The letter of Pope Alexander III was discussed
+and edited critically by Zarncke in his <i>Priester Johannes</i>, in: Abhandlungen,
+vol. vii, 1879, pp. 935–946. See Yule, <i>Marco Polo</i>, 3rd edit.,
+1903 (under Polo, Marco, in the Bibliography), vol. i, p. 231.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1336'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1336'>1336</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 93.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1337'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1337'>1337</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1338'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1338'>1338</a>. <i>Rudimenta astronomica</i>, Nuremberg edit., 1537, dif. ix, fol. 9ro.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1339'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1339'>1339</a>. From Meyer’s “third branch.” See above, p. 412, note 135, and
+Meyer, <i>Alexandre le grand</i>, 1886, vol. ii, pp. 170, 217, 386–389.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1340'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1340'>1340</a>. From Meyer’s “fourth branch,” by Alexandre de Bernay (de
+Paris). Meyer, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 207.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1341'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1341'>1341</a>. <i>Chron.</i>, V, 9. Godfrey of Viterbo incorporated this passage in his
+<i>Pantheon</i>, pars 16 (in Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcviii, col. 913; also in <i>Mon.
+Germ. hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol. xxii, p. 196).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1342'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1342'>1342</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_471'>471</span><i>Chronicon Wirziburgense</i>, in: <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol. vi,
+p. 25. See above, p. 412, note 129.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1343'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1343'>1343</a>. <i>Chron.</i>, II, 23, from Orosius, <i>Hist. adv. pag.</i>, III, 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1344'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1344'>1344</a>. This belief in the increase of Jewish population in these regions
+may possibly have been connected in some way with knowledge of the
+conversion of the Khazars to Judaism in the eighth century. See
+Carmoly, <i>Itinéraires</i>, 1847, pp. 3–112, and S. Schechter, <i>An Unknown
+Khazar Document</i>, in: Jewish Quarterly Review, vol. iii (N. S.), London,
+1912, pp. 181–219.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1345'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1345'>1345</a>. “Goth &#38; Magoth, aeternaliter conclusit. Vndecim trib. Hebraeorum,
+montib. aeternaliter circumcinxit, de quibus omnibus in versibus
+plenius dicemus atque iocundius” (<i>Pantheon</i>, pars 11, Herold’s edit.,
+1559, col. 262; for the poetic elaboration mentioned, see cols. 266–267;
+both of these passages of the <i>Pantheon</i> are omitted in the editions
+of Migne and of the <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>). Marinelli (<i>La geogr.</i>, 1882, p.
+493; <i>Scritti minori</i>, vol. i, [1908?], p. 316, note 2, p. 415, note 2) knew of
+the passage in the <i>Pantheon</i> just quoted at second hand through a paraphrase
+in Giusto Grion, <i>I nobili fatti di Alessandro Magno: Romanzo
+storico tradotto dal francese nel buon secolo</i>&#160;..., Rome, 1872, p. cxxxii;
+not having the original text of the <i>Pantheon</i> at hand, Marinelli was in
+doubt as to whether the error in the statement that there were <i>eleven</i>
+tribes was to be imputed to Grion or to Godfrey. Marinelli cites this
+passage together with a passage from Albertus Magnus’ <i>Compendium
+theologicae veritatis</i>, VII, 10, as evidence of the fact that the ten tribes of
+the Jews were associated with Gog and Magog as early as the twelfth
+and thirteenth centuries. See also the prophecy in the <i>Pantheon</i> within
+a longer prophecy of the Sibyl: “Et exurgent ab Aquilonae spurcissimae
+gentes, quas Alexander rex inclusit, Goth videlicet &#38; Magoth. Haec
+duodecim [<i>sic</i>] regna, quorum numerus est sicut arena maris” (pars 10,
+Herold’s edit., col. 257; <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol. xxii, p. 147).
+See also above, p. 391, note 130, p. 470, note 147.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1346'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1346'>1346</a>. See above, pp. 267–268.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1347'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1347'>1347</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 14; <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. ii, p. 756, from Orosius,
+<i>Hist. adv. pag.</i>, I, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1348'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1348'>1348</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i> and <i>Otia imper.</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i>, from Isidore, <i>Etym.</i>, XIV,
+3, sect. 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1349'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1349'>1349</a>. <i>Hist. schol.</i>, Gen. 14; <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1350'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1350'>1350</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 911. Most of the maps of the period correctly
+represent the Tigris as flowing into the Persian Gulf; the Jerome maps
+even show a common outlet for the two rivers (Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>,
+vol. ii, 1895, pl. 11; vol. iii, 1895, p. 14 and pl. 1). The Jerome map
+of the Orient, however, makes the Hydaspes a branch of the Tigris
+(<i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, p. 14).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1351'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1351'>1351</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. ii, pp. 756–757; <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 15, from Isidore,
+<i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1352'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1352'>1352</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_472'>472</span><i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. ii, p. 757, from Orosius, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1353'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1353'>1353</a>. Otto of Freising, <i>Chron.</i>, VII, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1354'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1354'>1354</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., p. 42. See also above,
+p. 414, note 156.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1355'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1355'>1355</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1356'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1356'>1356</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 35–38.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1357'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1357'>1357</a>. Some manuscripts give “Sikbia” rather than “Siberia.” The
+“land of Togarmim” was Turkestan.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1358'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1358'>1358</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., pp. 40–41.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1359'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1359'>1359</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. ii, p. 757, from Orosius, <i>op. cit.</i>, I, 2. See also <i>De
+imag. mundi</i>, I, 16, from Isidore, <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1360'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1360'>1360</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., pp. 47–51. See
+especially pp. 48–50, note 2. See also above, p. 414, note 156.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1361'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1361'>1361</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 67.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1362'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1362'>1362</a>. Yule, <i>Marco Polo</i>, 3rd edit., 1903 (under Polo, Marco, in the Bibliography),
+vol. ii, p. 431.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1363'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1363'>1363</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, xiv, 3; <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 16–17; <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. ii, pp.
+757–758.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1364'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1364'>1364</a>. On the growth of the legends of the Dead Sea before and after our
+period and particularly on the supposed persistence of the pillar of salt
+into which Lot’s wife was turned, see White, <i>Warfare</i>, 1920, vol. ii, pp.
+221–235. See also above, pp. 208–209.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1365'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1365'>1365</a>. See Rey, <i>Colonies franques</i>, 1883; Bréhier, <i>L’Église et l’Orient</i>, 1911,
+pp. 88–100; Heyd, <i>Commerce du Levant</i>, vol. i, 1885, pp. 129–190; Beazley,
+<i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 396–464.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1366'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1366'>1366</a>. A brief account of this expedition with references to the Arabic
+sources will be found in Bernhard Moritz, <i>Arabien: Studien zur physikalischen
+und historischen Geographie des Landes</i>, Hanover, 1923, pp.
+119–120.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1367'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1367'>1367</a>. Heyd, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 163–176.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1368'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1368'>1368</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 301–310. It is unnecessary to enter upon a detailed discussion
+of the geography of Asia Minor as given in the <i>De imagine mundi</i>,
+I, 19–20, and <i>Otia imperialia</i>, vol. ii, p. 762. This is no more than the dry
+repetition of information drawn from classical sources. The Jerome map
+of the Orient shows the classical divisions of Asia Minor with a good deal
+of detail; the river systems are also represented, but very poorly (Miller,
+<i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 11; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 1). Troy appears
+on the Psalter, Lambert, and Guido maps (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, p. 56,
+and pls. 3 and 4). On the last-named it is the only detail in Asia
+Minor.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1369'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1369'>1369</a>. Dreesbach, <i>Der Orient</i>, 1901.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1370'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1370'>1370</a>. See above, pp. 176, 212, 238–239.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1371'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1371'>1371</a>. <i>Historia</i>, XIII, 3; in medieval French translation in Paulin Paris’
+edit., vol. i, p. 480. The “Sur” of William of Tyre is Tyre. See also
+Dreesbach, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 24–28.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1372'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1372'>1372</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_473'>473</span><i>ibid.</i>, pp. 53–61.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1373'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1373'>1373</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 93.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1374'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1374'>1374</a>. Ambroise, <i>Estoire de la guerre sainte</i>, verses 9541–9542, in Gaston
+Paris’ edit., col. 255. See also Dreesbach, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 60.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1375'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1375'>1375</a>. Dreesbach, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 36–49.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1376'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1376'>1376</a>. <i>Historia</i>, XXI, 24; in medieval French translation, XXI, 22 (Paulin
+Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 397–398). See also Dreesbach, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 41.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1377'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1377'>1377</a>. Dreesbach, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 4–19.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1378'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1378'>1378</a>. <i>Historia</i>, XVII, 10, XIX, 13, 15, 21; in medieval French translation,
+XVII, 10, XIX, 12, 14, 20 (Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 153, 270, 272–274,
+282–283); see also Dreesbach, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 10–11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1379'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1379'>1379</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., p. 35.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1380'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1380'>1380</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 71.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1381'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1381'>1381</a>. Dreesbach, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 13–19.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1382'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1382'>1382</a>. <i>Historia</i>, XIV, 19, XX, 29; in medieval French translation, XIV, 16,
+XX, 28 (Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 25 and 357–358).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1383'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1383'>1383</a>. <i>Estoire de la guerre sainte</i>, verses 8819–8846; in Gaston Paris’ edit.,
+cols. 236–237. Also quoted in Dreesbach, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 17.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1384'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1384'>1384</a>. See also Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., pp. 53–54.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1385'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1385'>1385</a>. “Hac in oriente Indii fluminis surgit, et per meridiem vergens in
+occidentem tendit” (<i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 32). “Indii fluminis” as it
+occurs in the chapter on Africa, here, obviously refers to the Nile. See
+above, p. 304.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1386'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1386'>1386</a>. <i>The Image du monde</i>, II, 4, on the other hand, confusedly includes
+Syria and Palestine in Africa.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1387'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1387'>1387</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. ii, p. 759.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1388'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1388'>1388</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 18.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1389'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1389'>1389</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1390'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1390'>1390</a>. The delta figures on many maps: Jerome map of Palestine (Miller,
+<i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1896, p. 14), St. Sever Beatus (<i>ibid.</i>, reproduction
+accompanying vol. i, 1895; Fig. 2, p. 69, above), Turin Beatus (<i>ibid.</i>,
+vol. ii, 1895, pl. 8), Cotton (<i>ibid.</i>, pl. 10), Henry of Mayence (<i>ibid.</i>, pl.
+13; vol. iii, pl. 2), Psalter (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, pls. 1 and 3).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1391'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1391'>1391</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 36. See also Gervase of Tilbury, <i>Otia imper.</i>,
+vol. ii, p. 759. See above, pp. 260–261.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1392'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1392'>1392</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. 14. Also shown on the Osma Beatus
+map (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 3; vol. iii, p. 35; Fig. 4, p. 123, above).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1393'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1393'>1393</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., pp. 75–77.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1394'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1394'>1394</a>. <i>Historia</i>, XIX, 27; in medieval French translation, XIX, 28 (Paulin
+Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 298–299). See also Dreesbach, <i>Der Orient</i>, 1901,
+p. 32.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1395'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1395'>1395</a>. Schaube, <i>Handelsgeschichte</i>, 1906, p. 146.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1396'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1396'>1396</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 181.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1397'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1397'>1397</a>. Matthew Paris, <i>Chron. maiora</i>, Rolls Series edit., vol. v, p. 217, tells
+how “the indifferentist, Frederic II, nominal leader of a Crusade, maintains
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_474'>474</span>so close a friendship with the Sultan of Egypt that German merchants
+(it is said) were able to travel in the company of Egyptians to the
+Indies” (Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, p. 461). Heyd, <i>Commerce du
+Levant</i>, vol. ii, 1886, pp. 153–156, refers to a Pisan claim to an expedition
+to India in 1175. This is very doubtful.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1398'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1398'>1398</a>. <i>Historia</i>, XIX, 24, 27; in medieval French translation, XIX, 23,
+XIX, 28 (Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 288–289 and 298–299). See
+also Dreesbach, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 29.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1399'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1399'>1399</a>. <i>Historia</i>, XIX, 27; in medieval French translation, XIX, 28 (Paulin
+Paris’ edit., vol. ii, 298–299). See also Dreesbach, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 30.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1400'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1400'>1400</a>. <i>Historia</i>, XIX, 28, XXI, 23; in medieval French translation, XIX,
+29, XXI, 21 (Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 300 and 395). See also Dreesbach,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 34.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1401'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1401'>1401</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., pp. 71–73. On the
+flood of the Nile, see also above, pp. 206–207.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1402'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1402'>1402</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 32.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1403'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1403'>1403</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1404'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1404'>1404</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 33.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1405'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1405'>1405</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, reproduction accompanying vol. i, 1895 (reduced in
+Fig. 2, p. 69, above).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1406'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1406'>1406</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, <i>passim</i>; vol. ii, pls. 2–9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1407'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1407'>1407</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, p. 56.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1408'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1408'>1408</a>. Schaube, <i>Handelsgeschichte</i>, 1906, pp. 276–277.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1409'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1409'>1409</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 275–316.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1410'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1410'>1410</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 289–290.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1411'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1411'>1411</a>. Mas-Latrie, <i>Traités de paix</i>, 1866, p. 70.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1412'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1412'>1412</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 71–72.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1413'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1413'>1413</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 10, 124–125; Léon Godard, <i>Les évêques de Maroc</i>, in:
+Revue africaine, vol. ii, Algiers, 1857, pp. 124–130, 242–249, 433–440; vol.
+iii, 1858, pp. 1–8; vol. iv, 1859, pp. 259–273, 332–346.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1414'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1414'>1414</a>. R. B. Merriman, <i>The Rise of the Spanish Empire</i>, 2 vols., New York,
+1918, vol. i, pp. 303–304.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1415'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1415'>1415</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. i, 1895, p. 56.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1416'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1416'>1416</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 42.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1417'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1417'>1417</a>. For a discussion of trade routes westward from Egypt and Nubia
+across the Sahara according to Benjamin of Tudela and Edrisi, see Paul
+Borchardt, <i>Die grossen Ost-West Karawanenstrassen durch die Libysche
+Wüste</i>, in Petermanns Mitteilungen, vol. lxx, Gotha, 1924, pp. 219–223.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1418'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1418'>1418</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 2 and p. 27.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1419'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1419'>1419</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, 1895, p. 56.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1420'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1420'>1420</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1421'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1421'>1421</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. ii, p. 759.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1422'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1422'>1422</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 760.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1423'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1423'>1423</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 33.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1424'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1424'>1424</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, 1895, p. 56.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1425'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1425'>1425</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_475'>475</span>Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 1, vol. iii, 1895, pl. 3 (Psalter); reproduction
+accompanying vol. v, 1896 (Ebstorf).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1426'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1426'>1426</a>. Simar, <i>Afrique centrale</i>, 1912, pp. 15–23.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1427'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1427'>1427</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1428'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1428'>1428</a>. Langenmaier, <i>Alte Kenntnis</i>, 1916, p. 47.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1429'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1429'>1429</a>. <i>Hist. adv. pag.</i>, I, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1430'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1430'>1430</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 759.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1431'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1431'>1431</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIII, 21, 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1432'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1432'>1432</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1433'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1433'>1433</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. i, 1895, <i>passim</i>; vol. ii, 1895, pls. 2–9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1434'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1434'>1434</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, reproduction accompanying the volume, and also p. 57.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1435'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1435'>1435</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, 1895, p. 34.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1436'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1436'>1436</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 14, 18.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1437'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1437'>1437</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. ii, pl. 13; vol. iii, p. 27 and pl. 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1438'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1438'>1438</a>. Simar, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 157–158.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1439'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1439'>1439</a>. Solinus, <i>Collectanea</i>, 18, 1; 23, 13; Isidore, <i>Etym.</i>, XIII, 16, (cited
+by Bunbury, <i>Ancient Geogr.</i>, 1879, vol. ii, pp. 678–679).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1440'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1440'>1440</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 10, from Isidore, <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 4; <i>Otia imper.</i>,
+vol. i, p. 920. On the other hand, during our period the term “mare
+mediterraneum” was not invariably applied to the sea between Africa and
+Europe. Bernard Sylvester says (<i>De mundi univ.</i>, pp. 34–35): “Neve
+rerum tranquillitas violentis passionibus temptaretur, contra fontem
+caloris solem quem linea medialis exportat, fontem humoris mediterraneum
+mare medio telluris infudi.” “Nous,” or the personification of
+Providence, is here speaking of the equatorial ocean girdling the earth.
+The same expression, <i>mare mediterraneum</i>, referring to the equatorial sea
+is used on the <i>mappaemundi</i> accompanying manuscripts of the <i>Liber
+floridus</i> of Lambert of St. Omer (Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 50; see
+also Rainaud, <i>Continent austral</i>, 1893, p. 162 and note 3).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1441'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1441'>1441</a>. The term “Mediterranean Sea” in its present-day application is
+used on the Hereford map (see Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iv, 1896, p. 23, and
+reproduction accompanying vol. iv). The St. Sever Beatus map represents
+the various parts of the sea by the following names: “Tirrenum
+Mare,” “Mare Ligusticum,” “Mare Balearicum,” “Mare Libicum,”
+“Mare Siculum,” “Mare Creticum,” “Mare Egeum,” “Sinus Adriaticus,”
+“Sinum Noricum,” “Ellespontum,” “Eusinus Pontus” (<i>ibid.</i>,
+vol. i, 1895, pp. 60–61 and reproduction accompanying vol. i; names
+barely legible on our Fig. 2, p. 69, above). The Jerome map of the East
+also designates portions of the Mediterranean as “Issicum,” “Pamphilicum,”
+“Ionicum” (<i>ibid.</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 12 and pl. 1). See also the discussion
+of the nomenclature of the Mediterranean and of the ocean in
+Frahm, <i>Das Meer</i>, 1914, pp. 73–77.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1442'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1442'>1442</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 920.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1443'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1443'>1443</a>. <i>De scientia stellarum</i>, Bologna edit., 1645, p. 25.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1444'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1444'>1444</a>. [Benedict of Peterborough,] <i>Gesta regis Ricardi</i>, Rolls Series edit.,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_476'>476</span>vol. ii, pp. 198–199; Roger of Hoveden, <i>Chron.</i>, Rolls Series edit., vol.
+iii, p. 51.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1445'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1445'>1445</a>. The usual route from the Tyrrhenian Sea to the east, however, was
+through the Strait of Messina. Burkhard, an official of Frederick Barbarossa,
+tells us that during the war of 1162–1179 between the Sicilians and
+Genoa, Genoese ships used to make their way to Egypt as follows:
+through the strait between Corsica and Sardinia, thence past the west
+coast of Sicily, Pantellaria, and Malta to the north coast of Africa, “until
+they came in sight of the great stone lighthouse of Alexandria by day or
+of its light by night” (Burkhard, in: <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol.
+xxi, p. 236, cited by Schaube, <i>Handelsgeschichte</i>, 1906, p. 153).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1446'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1446'>1446</a>. This would represent rapid, though probably not excessively rapid,
+sailing for the Middle Ages. The data which have come down to us on
+the speed of medieval sea journeys are so varied that it is impossible to
+determine a fair average. On the whole it is probable that better time
+was made by the Scandinavian seafarers than by those of the Mediterranean.
+A rate of fifty miles (English statute) a day was perhaps about
+all that could have been expected in the Mediterranean under ordinary
+circumstances, though on occasions one hundred to one hundred and
+fifty miles or even more may have been accomplished. The Icelanders,
+on the other hand, may well have covered as much as one hundred and
+fifty miles in twenty-four hours. See below, p. 486, note 440, and
+Ludwig, <i>Untersuchungen</i>, 1897, <i>passim</i>, especially pp. 131–132, 185–186.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>To make the journey from Marseilles to Acre in fifteen days a rate of
+rather more than one hundred and twenty miles a day would have to be
+maintained throughout the entire passage. Schaube (<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 153–154)
+brings together some interesting material on the speed of journeys in
+the Mediterranean. “The duration of the voyages naturally varied very
+much; we hear that it was reckoned from Messina or one of the Apulian
+harbors an average of forty days to Accon (Acre); obviously this would
+refer to a voyage in no way influenced by adverse circumstances. For
+galleys a somewhat longer time was necessary. The forty galleys of the
+Emperor Frederick II took in midsummer of 1228 twenty-four days for
+the journey from Brindisi to Limassol in Cyprus in the best of weather.
+Benjamin of Tudela assumed that the passage from Messina to Egypt
+took twenty days. At a somewhat later date Peter of Albeney went from
+Marseilles to Damietta in twenty-two days, though the ambassador of
+Barbarossa, Burkhard, who left Genoa on the 6th of September and
+followed the route by way of Pantellaria and Malta, took more than
+twice this long, or forty-seven days to reach Alexandria.”</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1447'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1447'>1447</a>. [Benedict of Peterborough,] <i>Gesta regis Ricardi</i>, Rolls Series edit.,
+vol. ii, pp. 192–199; Roger of Hoveden, <i>Chron.</i>, Rolls Series edit., vol.
+iii, pp. 47–53.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1448'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1448'>1448</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 56.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1449'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1449'>1449</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, reproduction accompanying vol. i, 1895 (our Fig. 2, p. 69, above).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1450'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1450'>1450</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_477'>477</span><i>ibid.</i>, vol. i, p. 35; vol. ii, 1895, pl. 3b (our Fig. 4, p. 123, above).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1451'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1451'>1451</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 34–36; <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, pp. 920–923.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1452'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1452'>1452</a>. [Benedict of Peterborough,] <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 198.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1453'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1453'>1453</a>. Wattenbach, <i>Guido von Bazoches</i>, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in
+the Bibliography), pp. 104–112.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1454'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1454'>1454</a>. See above, pp. 221–222.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1455'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1455'>1455</a>. Gaston Paris, <i>La Sicile</i>, 1876, pp. 108–113.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1456'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1456'>1456</a>. .sp 1</p>
+<div class='lg-container-b c019'>
+  <div class='linegroup'>
+    <div class='group'>
+      <div class='line'>“Mons ibi stat magnus qui dicitur esse Rolandus</div>
+      <div class='line'>Alter Oliverus simili ratione vocatus:</div>
+      <div class='line'>Haec monumenta truces consistere duces.”</div>
+      <div class='line in8'>—<i>Pantheon</i>, pars. 17, in Pistorius’ edit., 1726, p. 314.</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c011'>Gaston Paris argues (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 110) that place names of this origin are
+still to be found in Sicily.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1457'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1457'>1457</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 921. On this legend see Graf, <i>Miti, leggende</i>,
+vol. ii, 1893, pp. 303–325.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1458'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1458'>1458</a>. Gaston Paris, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 112.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1459'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1459'>1459</a>. See above, p. 221–222.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1460'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1460'>1460</a>. Ganzenmüller, <i>Naturgefühl</i>, 1914, pp. 202, 207, 210–212.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1461'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1461'>1461</a>. Conrad of Querfurt’s letter, in: Arnold of Lübeck, <i>Chron. Slavorum</i>,
+V, 19.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1462'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1462'>1462</a>. <i>Estoire de la guerre sainte</i>, verses 510–558, in: Gaston Paris’ edit.,
+cols. 14–16. See Gaston Paris, <i>La Sicile</i>, 1876, p. 111.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1463'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1463'>1463</a>. See above, pp. 220–222 and p. 449, note 52.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1464'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1464'>1464</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 22 (from Isidore, <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 8) mentions the
+Rhipaean range. See Benl, <i>Frühere und spätere Hypothesen</i>, 1905, pp.
+10–12. This doctrine may perhaps be traced back to Babylonian geography,
+according to which the high mountains at the headwaters of the
+Tigris and Euphrates were thought to bound the earth on the north.
+See Lutz, <i>Geographical Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 167–168.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1465'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1465'>1465</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. ii, p. 763.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1466'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1466'>1466</a>. See, on Grosseteste, above, pp. 179–180. Roger Bacon’s argument
+occurs in his <i>Opus majus</i>, Bridges’ edit., vol. i, 1897, p. 359.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1467'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1467'>1467</a>. Theodosia was on the coast of the Crimea, not far from the Strait of
+Azov (the Cimmerian Bosporus), which might well have been spoken of
+as the mouth of the Tanaïs, or Don.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1468'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1468'>1468</a>. See above, p. 75.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1469'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1469'>1469</a>. Nansen, <i>Northern Mists</i>, 1911, vol. ii, pp. 139–140. Adam of Bremen
+in the eleventh century wrote (<i>Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont.</i>, IV, 13) of
+Russia as the last and largest province of the Wends, whose territory
+bounded the Baltic Sea on the east. He mentioned Ostrogard as an
+important Russian trading city in his time, situated on the Baltic (<i>ibid.</i>,
+II, 19; IV, 11); Chive, or Kiev, as the principal city of Russia (<i>ibid.</i>, II,
+19), a rival to Constantinople and an honor to “Graecia”—the lands of
+the Greek church (Dietrich, <i>Geogr. Anschauungen</i>, 1885, p. 103). See
+Tiander, <i>Poyezdki</i>, 1906, pp. 47–48.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1470'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1470'>1470</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_478'>478</span>Schaube, <i>Handelsgeschichte</i>, 1906, pp. 238–239.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1471'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1471'>1471</a>. “... inter aquilonem et item orientem Pecenatorum et Falonum,
+maximam venationum copiam habente, sed vomere ac rastro pene experte
+campania” (<i>Gesta Frid.</i>, I, 31). In <i>Chron.</i>, VI, 10, Otto states that
+“Pecenati et hii qui Falones dicuntur, crudis et immundis carnibus, utpote
+equinis catinis, usque hodie vescuntur.” “Falones” was the medieval
+German name for the Komans (see Hofmeister’s edition of the
+<i>Chronicon</i>, p. 271, note 6). The eleventh-century chronicle of Nestor of
+Kiev speaks of the Komans as eaters of raw flesh (Zeuss, <i>Die Deutschen
+und die Nachbarstämme</i>, 1837, p. 744). On the Komans, Petchenegs, and
+other tribes of the Russian plains in the Middle Ages, see the exhaustive
+treatise of J. Marquart, <i>Über das Volkstum der Komanen</i>, forming chapter
+2 of W. Bang and J. Marquart, <i>Osttürkische Dialektstudien</i>, in: Abhandlungen
+der königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen,
+Philologisch-historische Klasse, vol. xiii (N. S.), 1912–1914, pp. 25–238.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1472'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1472'>1472</a>. Hoff’s edit., p. 52 (as cited by Dreesbach, <i>Der Orient</i>, 1901, pp. 82–83).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1473'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1473'>1473</a>. See above, pp. 267–268.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1474'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1474'>1474</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, III, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1475'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1475'>1475</a>. See above, pp. 330–331.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1476'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1476'>1476</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., p. 81.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1477'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1477'>1477</a>. See above, p. 269.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1478'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1478'>1478</a>. Petachia of Ratisbon, <i>Travels</i>, Benisch and Ainsworth’s transl.,
+1856, pp. 3–5; Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 266–268.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1479'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1479'>1479</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. ii, p. 764, from Orosius, <i>Hist. adv. pag.</i>, I, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1480'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1480'>1480</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, I, 32.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1481'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1481'>1481</a>. Karl, <i>La Hongrie dans les chansons de geste</i>, 1908.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1482'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1482'>1482</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 20–21.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1483'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1483'>1483</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 29.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1484'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1484'>1484</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 36.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1485'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1485'>1485</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 25–27.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1486'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1486'>1486</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. ii, pp. 764–766.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1487'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1487'>1487</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, p. 11 and pl. 1, vol. ii, 1895,
+pl. 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1488'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1488'>1488</a>. <i>Chron. Slav.</i>, I, 3; IV, 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1489'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1489'>1489</a>. Dietrich, <i>Geogr. Anschauungen</i>, 1885, p. 102, identifies this with the
+modern Cuprija (Tsupriya).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1490'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1490'>1490</a>. Heyd, <i>Commerce du Levant</i>, vol. i, 1885, pp. 243–244.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1491'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1491'>1491</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 221.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1492'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1492'>1492</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., p. 12.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1493'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1493'>1493</a>. Heyd, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, 1885, p. 295. A brief of Innocent III of 1208
+mentions the presence of Lombards, Danes, and English.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1494'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1494'>1494</a>. Benjamin of Tudela, <i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s edit., pp. 12–14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1495'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1495'>1495</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, II, 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1496'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1496'>1496</a>. Benjamin of Tudela traversed the length of Italy on his way to the
+Orient. He gives in his <i>Itinerary</i> (Adler’s edit., pp. 5–10) some details
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_479'>479</span>regarding the cities which he passed through. Genoa and Pisa, he said
+were governed “neither by king nor prince but only by the judges
+appointed by the citizens.” Each was noted for its “turreted houses
+for battle in time of strife.” Rome was “the head of the kingdoms of
+Christendom,” but Benjamin dismissed with brief phrase her claims to
+glory as the seat of the Papacy. On the other hand, he wrote in some
+detail of the Jewish inhabitants of Rome and more especially of the
+ruins, among them “eighty palaces belonging to eighty kings who lived
+there, each called Imperator, commencing with King Tarquinius&#160;...
+and&#160;... ending with Pepin, who freed the land of Sepharad [Spain]
+from Islam, and was father of Charlemagne.” The Colosseum, the
+Catacombs, statues of Samson and of Constantine the Great, and “many
+other edifices” and “remarkable sights beyond enumeration” aroused
+the admiration of the Hebrew traveler. Farther south he spoke of the
+great school of medicine at Salerno; of Amalfi, “the inhabitants of which
+are merchants engaged in trade, who do not sow or reap, because they
+dwell upon high hills and lofty crags, but buy everything for money;”
+of Benevento; of Trani, with a convenient port where pilgrims gather to
+take ship to Jerusalem; of Brindisi; and, finally, of Otranto, whence one
+crosses to Corfu.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Interesting details of a journey through Italy in the twelfth century
+are also supplied in Abbot Nikulás’ <i>Itinerary</i> (Werlauff, <i>Symbolae</i>, 1821,
+pp. 29–35).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1497'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1497'>1497</a>. For a brief discussion of various regional divisions of Italy suggested
+by writers from the time of Augustus to that of Dante and of Flavio
+Biondo (fifteenth century) see Andriani, <i>La carta dialettologica</i>, 1923, and
+below, p. 484, note 418.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1498'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1498'>1498</a>. On another source of wealth of Northern Italy, its auriferous rivers,
+as listed in the <i>Honorantie civitatis papie</i>, a document of the second half of
+the ninth century, see F. Landogna, <i>Su alcuni fiumi auriferi nell’ alto
+medio evo</i>, in: Rivista geografica italiana, vol. xxxi, Florence, 1924, pp.
+77–86.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1499'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1499'>1499</a>. <i>Denumeratio</i>, p. 45.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1500'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1500'>1500</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, II, 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1501'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1501'>1501</a>. <i>Ligurinus</i>, II, 131–143.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1502'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1502'>1502</a>. <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1503'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1503'>1503</a>. See above, pp. 180–181.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1504'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1504'>1504</a>. Gregorovius, <i>City of Rome</i> (Hamilton’s translation), vol. iv, pt. II,
+1896, p. 655. Gregorovius comments on the decided preference given in
+this book to the pagan as distinguished from the ecclesiastical city.
+He also commends the work as being fairly accurate in its details. On
+the interest in ruins that prevailed in our period, see Ganzenmüller,
+<i>Naturgefühl</i>, 1914, pp. 213–215.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1505'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1505'>1505</a>. One of the sources which Master Gregory used was a booklet
+entitled <i>De septem miraculis mundi</i>. The wonders as given in this
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_480'>480</span>booklet were: (1) the Capitol at Rome; (2) the lighthouse at Alexandria;
+(3) the Colossus of Rhodes; (4) the statue of Bellerophon at Smyrna;
+(5) the theater at Heraclea; (6) the baths of Apollonius of Tyana; and
+(7) the temple of Diana at Ephesus. All of these, except the last, were
+included by Gregory in his account of Rome, though he did not believe
+that all were actually situated in Rome (James, <i>Magister Gregorius</i>,
+1917, pp. 537–539).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1506'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1506'>1506</a>. Conrad of Querfurt’s letter, in: Arnold of Lübeck, <i>Chron. Slav.</i>, V,
+19. See also Ganzenmüller, <i>Naturgefühl</i>, 1914, pp. 205–208.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1507'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1507'>1507</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 916.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1508'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1508'>1508</a>. <i>Hist. adv. pag.</i>, I, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1509'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1509'>1509</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 30.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1510'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1510'>1510</a>. <i>Chron.</i>, Rolls Series edit., vol. iii, p. 48.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1511'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1511'>1511</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 176.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1512'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1512'>1512</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, II, 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1513'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1513'>1513</a>. <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1514'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1514'>1514</a>. Oehlmann, <i>Alpenpässe</i>, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iv, 1879, p. 304.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1515'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1515'>1515</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iii, 1878, p. 181.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1516'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1516'>1516</a>. <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol. xvi, p. 340.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1517'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1517'>1517</a>. Oehlmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iii, 1878, p. 180.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1518'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1518'>1518</a>. Schaube, <i>Handelsgeschichte</i>, 1906, pp. 334–338. The Great St.
+Bernard Pass was the principal artery of trade between Northern Italy
+and the fairs of Champagne. The Septimer Pass, now little used, was
+much traveled in the Middle Ages and was a principal trade route between
+Lombardy and southern and western Germany (Schaube, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 450;
+Oehlmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iv, 1879, pp. 305–323).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1519'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1519'>1519</a>. Oehlmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iii, 1878, pp. 226–227.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1520'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1520'>1520</a>. See especially Abbot Nikulás’ description of the route over the
+Great St. Bernard Pass (Werlauff, <i>Symbolae</i>, 1821, pp. 18–19).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1521'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1521'>1521</a>. Oehlmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iii, 1878, pp. 257–267.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1522'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1522'>1522</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, vol. iv, 1879, pp. 304–323. The medieval history of the
+Alpine passes is discussed in detail by Oehlmann, <i>op. cit.</i>; see also,
+Reinhard, <i>Pässe und Strassen</i>, 1903; Schulte, <i>Geschichte</i>, 1900; Scheffel,
+<i>Verkehrsgeschichte</i>, vol. ii, 1914, pp. 167–286. For a more compact
+account of the Alpine passes in the Middle Ages and in later times, see
+Coolidge, <i>The Alps</i>, 1908, pp. 150–198.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>It would seem that the passes of the Central Alps were relatively little
+known in our period in comparison with those farther east and west.
+The Simplon and St. Gotthard, now so important, were only just beginning
+to be frequented. Other routes across the main ranges of the Alps
+made use of in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries were the Mont
+Genèvre and Little St. Bernard, leading from Italy into France and
+French-speaking Switzerland; the Grimsel and possibly the San Bernardino
+in the Central Alps; and farther east the Reschen-Scheideck
+and the Pontebba. Shortly before the opening of our period and during
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_481'>481</span>it many hospices were built to provide travelers with shelter and hospitality
+on the passes and along the routes leading to them.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1523'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1523'>1523</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, II, 1, 24, 28. See also Dietrich, <i>Geogr. Anschauungen</i>,
+1885, p. 99; Marinelli, <i>Scritti minori</i>, vol. i, [1908?], pp. 600–601.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1524'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1524'>1524</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, III, 15a; IV, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1525'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1525'>1525</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 8 (discussed in: Dietrich, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 99). Ragewin used
+the term “Alemanni” to designate Germans in distinction from “Italici”
+(<i>Gesta Frid.</i>, III, 38).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1526'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1526'>1526</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 24, 25.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1527'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1527'>1527</a>. Notably by J. A. Endres, <i>Honorius Augustodunensis: Beitrag zur
+Geschichte des geistigen Lebens im 12. Jahrhundert</i>, Kempten and
+Munich, 1906, sect. 12. See Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, p. 30.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1528'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1528'>1528</a>. See above, p. 281.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1529'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1529'>1529</a>. See above, p. 239.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1530'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1530'>1530</a>. <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, II, 46.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1531'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1531'>1531</a>. <i>Denumeratio</i>, pp. 49–50. For descriptive passages in Godfrey’s
+<i>Pantheon</i> on various parts of Germany and Holland, especially on the
+regions of Nimwegen, Bamberg, and Würzburg, see <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>,
+Scriptores, vol. xxii, pp. 159–161, 240 (cited by Ganzenmüller, <i>Naturgefühl</i>,
+1914, p. 194).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1532'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1532'>1532</a>. <i>Ligurinus</i>, I, 377. See also Gaston Paris, <i>Dissertation critique</i>,
+1872, pp. 85–86.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1533'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1533'>1533</a>. Gunther (<i>Ligurinus</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i>) also describes in detail the frontier
+between the territory of Cologne and that of Mayence and mentions
+other local details of this region.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1534'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1534'>1534</a>. <i>Subtilitates</i>, II, 3–10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1535'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1535'>1535</a>. See above, pp. 185 and 201–202.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1536'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1536'>1536</a>. <i>Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont.</i>, I, 1–5. This is taken from Einhard’s
+<i>Vita Caroli magni</i> (Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, p. 533). Beazley, <i>op.
+cit.</i>, pp. 514–548, gives an excellent résumé of the geography of Adam of
+Bremen. He asserts that Adam “possessed the geographical instinct;
+almost every mention he makes of persons, places, or nations is accompanied
+by some definition of their habitat or position” (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 516).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1537'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1537'>1537</a>. Dietrich, <i>Geogr. Anschauungen</i>, 1885, p. 189. Adam gives, of
+course, much fuller detail regarding this and other regions; we have merely
+tried to bring out a few of his more important geographical ideas.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1538'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1538'>1538</a>. <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1539'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1539'>1539</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 4–5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1540'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1540'>1540</a>. “Iulinum, Iumne, Iomsburg, 935/60–1043 a fort of the Jom Vikings”
+(Spruner-Menke, <i>Hand-Atlas für die Geschichte des Mittelalters und der
+neueren Zeit</i>, 3rd edit., Gotha, 1880, pl. 37)—the site of the present-day
+town of Wollin, according to some (Karl Baedeker, <i>Die deutsche Ostseeküste:
+Handbuch für Reisende</i>, Leipzig, 1922, p. 122) or of Swinemünde
+according to Dietrich, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 189, note 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1541'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1541'>1541</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_482'>482</span>Dietrich, <i>loc. cit.</i> Helmold (<i>Chron. Slav.</i>, I, 2) describes this city,
+but by his time it had been destroyed by a Danish king.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1542'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1542'>1542</a>. <i>Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont.</i>, IV, 18; Helmold, <i>Chron. Slav.</i> I, 1. See
+Dietrich, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 192.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1543'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1543'>1543</a>. <i>Chron. Slav.</i>, II, 216.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1544'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1544'>1544</a>. Moritz, <i>Geogr. Kenntnis</i>, 1904, p. 26.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1545'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1545'>1545</a>. <i>Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont.</i>, IV, 10; IV, 15. In Adam of Bremen’s
+work the designation “Baltic” probably appears for the first time.
+Adam says it was so called “because it extends in the form of a belt
+(baltei)” (Nansen, <i>Northern Mists</i>, 1911, vol. i, p. 185).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1546'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1546'>1546</a>. Adam speaks of a bay trending northward at Birka (<i>Gesta Hammenb.
+eccl. pont.</i>, I, 62). See also Moritz, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 21.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1547'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1547'>1547</a>. Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 186. See also Marinelli, <i>Scritti minori</i>,
+vol. i, [1908?], pp. 301–302, esp. footnote 1 on p. 302.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1548'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1548'>1548</a>. <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1549'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1549'>1549</a>. Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 516–520. For Adam of Bremen’s
+conception of the geography of the North see the full treatment by
+Björnbo, <i>Adam af Bremen</i>, 1909. Björnbo’s map showing his theory of
+Adam’s geography is reproduced in Nansen, <i>Northern Mists</i>, 1911,
+vol. i, p. 186. See also Tiander, <i>Poyezdki</i>, 1906, pp. 46–51, for a Russian
+scholar’s identification of places mentioned by Adam.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1550'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1550'>1550</a>. <i>Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont.</i>, IV, 30.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1551'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1551'>1551</a>. Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, pp. 203–232.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1552'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1552'>1552</a>. <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1553'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1553'>1553</a>. <i>Historia Norweg.</i>, I, Storm’s edit., p. 83. See also Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>,
+p. 204. A ski-runner is represented on the Hereford map of the thirteenth
+century (Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, reproduction accompanying vol.
+iv, 1896; see also Nansen, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 157).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1554'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1554'>1554</a>. <i>Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont.</i>, IV, 31.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1555'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1555'>1555</a>. Ragewin’s continuation of Otto of Freising, <i>Gesta Frid.</i>, III, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1556'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1556'>1556</a>. <i>Ligurinus</i>, VI, 13–49.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1557'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1557'>1557</a>. Traditions of cannibalism among the northern tribes of Europe
+and Scythia were widespread in the ancient world and date back at least
+to the time of Herodotus. Human sacrifice and cannibalism were
+undoubtedly practiced by the early Scandinavians (Nansen, <i>Northern
+Mists</i>, 1911, vol. 1, pp. 81, 148–149).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1558'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1558'>1558</a>. <i>Chron.</i>, VI, 30.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1559'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1559'>1559</a>. Wattenbach, <i>Guido von Bazoches</i>, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in
+the Bibliography), pp. 72–73.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1560'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1560'>1560</a>. <i>Denumeratio</i>, pp. 47–48.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1561'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1561'>1561</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, pp. 914, 923.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1562'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1562'>1562</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 914.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1563'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1563'>1563</a>. <i>Hist. adv. pag.</i>, I, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1564'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1564'>1564</a>. <i>Etym.</i>, XIV, 6, 38.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1565'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1565'>1565</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 914.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1566'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1566'>1566</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_483'>483</span><i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1567'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1567'>1567</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 29.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1568'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1568'>1568</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 922.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1569'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1569'>1569</a>. See above, pp. 72–173 and 175.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1570'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1570'>1570</a>. Benjamin of Tudela passed through the south of France. He gives
+a few details (for the most part concerning the Jewish population) about
+Narbonne, Béziers, Montpellier, Lunel, Posquières, Arles, and Marseilles.
+Apparently he went by sea from Marseilles to Genoa (<i>Itinerary</i>, Adler’s
+edit., pp. 2–5).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>William the Breton gives several striking descriptions of landscapes in
+France in his <i>Philippis</i>. His descriptions of Château Gaillard, of the
+vicinity of Tours, of Flanders, and of the region about Pontarlier are
+cited and in part translated into German by Ganzenmüller, <i>Naturgefühl</i>,
+1914, pp. 196–197.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1571'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1571'>1571</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. i, 1895, p. 50 and reproduction accompanying
+the volume (reduced in Fig. 2, p. 69, above).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1572'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1572'>1572</a>. <i>Hist. adv. pag.</i>, I, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1573'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1573'>1573</a>. <i>Hist. nat.</i>, IV, 16. Pliny gives Agrippa as authority for these
+figures. He states that the width of Britain is 300 miles, not 200 as
+according to Orosius (<i>loc. cit.</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1574'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1574'>1574</a>. Miller, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 10; vol. iii, 1895, p. 33.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1575'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1575'>1575</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 31.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1576'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1576'>1576</a>. <i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i, p. 916. Gervase quotes Orosius, <i>Hist. adv. pag.</i>,
+I, 2, 37, to the effect that Britain is 800 miles long by 200 broad, but adds
+that “more recent authorities” give its length as twenty days’ journeys
+and its breadth as ten days’ journeys. Elsewhere (<i>Otia imper.</i>, vol. i,
+pp. 936–938) Gervase copies extensively from Geoffrey of Monmouth’s
+<i>Historia Britonum</i>, which contains a long account of various supernatural
+marvels of Britain.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1577'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1577'>1577</a>. <i>De laud. div. sap.</i>, V, 789–880.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1578'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1578'>1578</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, III, 825–938.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1579'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1579'>1579</a>. Giraldus Cambrensis, <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1580'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1580'>1580</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1581'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1581'>1581</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1582'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1582'>1582</a>. See above, pp. 211–212.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1583'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1583'>1583</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1584'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1584'>1584</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1585'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1585'>1585</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1586'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1586'>1586</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, I, 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1587'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1587'>1587</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, III, 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1588'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1588'>1588</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, III, 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1589'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1589'>1589</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, III, 11–15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1590'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1590'>1590</a>. Giraldus Cambrensis, <i>Opera</i>, Rolls Series edit., vol. v, p. lxiii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1591'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1591'>1591</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, I, 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1592'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1592'>1592</a>. “Gratianus Lucius” (Dr. John Lynch), <i>Cambrensis eversus</i>, edited
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_484'>484</span>by Matthew Kelly, 3 vols., Dublin, 1848–1851. This work, a violent
+attack on Giraldus, was first published in 1662. Dr. Lynch believed that
+the Welsh traveler had uttered a terrible calumny against the good name
+of the Irish people and undertook to demolish practically everything he
+had said.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1593'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1593'>1593</a>. Kelly in his notes to the <i>Cambrensis eversus</i>, vol. i, 1848, pp. 117–119,
+shows how it would have been possible for Giraldus to have made
+this mistake. From near the Shannon Pot, or source of the River Shannon,
+other streams flow northward toward Ballyshannon; from Lough
+Clean (Allen), also very near the Shannon Pot, it is only four miles to the
+headwaters of the River Bennet, which flows westward into Sligo Bay.
+These facts might easily give an impression that the Shannon itself
+branches at its source in two directions, one branch running down towards
+Ballyshannon or the Bennet, and the other flowing to the southwest.
+The imperfect drainage development of Ireland would make such an
+impression seem natural. Lough Hoyle, for instance, is actually drained
+by two outlets at opposite ends of the lake.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1594'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1594'>1594</a>. <i>Desc. Kamb.</i>, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1595'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1595'>1595</a>. <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1596'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1596'>1596</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, 17.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1597'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1597'>1597</a>. See above, pp. 178–179, 197, 215, and 216.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1598'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1598'>1598</a>. <i>Desc. Kamb.</i>, 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1599'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1599'>1599</a>. An unusual treatment of linguistic geography is found, subsequent
+to our period, in the <i>De vulgari eloquentia</i> of Dante. Whereas Isidore of
+Seville on Biblical authority had divided the languages of the world into
+three main groups, the Japhetic, Hamitic, and Semitic, Dante recognized
+the fact that these groups are further divisible into secondary groups each
+consisting of several kindred languages. He believed that there were
+three original European tongues: Greek, spoken in the southeast and in
+Asia Minor; a language spoken in the southwest; and one spoken in the
+north and east. “Man being a most unstable and variable animal,”
+these three original tongues became altered “according to the distances
+in place and time” with the result that certain “vulgar tongues” were
+formed. These tongues in turn underwent variations in different
+localities; the resultant forms were still further subdivided, until by
+Dante’s time there were in existence in Italy alone more than a thousand
+local dialectic peculiarities. See Mori, <i>La geogr.</i>, 1922, pp. 289–292.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Andriani, <i>La carta dialettologica</i>, 1923, discusses Dante’s study of the
+local dialects of Italy as elaborated in the <i>De vulgari eloquentia</i>. The
+poet divided the peninsula and Sardinia into fourteen major dialectic
+regions. These correspond essentially with the geographical regions
+established by Flavio Biondo in his <i>Italia illustrata</i> (fifteenth century).
+With the aid of the latter work Andriani constructs a tentative dialectic
+map of Italy as Dante probably would have conceived it. Modern
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_485'>485</span>research in the linguistic geography of that country has served in general
+to confirm Dante’s assertions on the subject.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1600'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1600'>1600</a>. See Bibliography under William Fitzstephen.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1601'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1601'>1601</a>. See above, p. 331–332.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1602'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1602'>1602</a>. The preceding quotations from William Fitzstephen are taken from
+Morley’s translation on pp. 22–26 of his edition of Stow’s <i>A Survay of
+London&#160;... 1598</i>, 1908.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1603'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1603'>1603</a>. The quotations on the sports of the Londoners are from Stow’s
+sixteenth-century translation in Morley’s edition of Stow, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp.
+117–125.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1604'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1604'>1604</a>. Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 74–77.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1605'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1605'>1605</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 75.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1606'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1606'>1606</a>. See above, p. 335 and p. 483, notes 392 and 395. For these and
+other legends quoted below, see Miller, <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 75–82.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1607'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1607'>1607</a>. “Pinlimon,” “Montes Chivieti,” “Mons Snaudun” (<i>ibid.</i>, pp. 78,
+79).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1608'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1608'>1608</a>. “Regio montuosa et nemorosa, gentem incultam generans et
+pastoralem, quia pars eius mariscus est et harundinetum” (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 78).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1609'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1609'>1609</a>. “Regia invia et aquosa.” “Patria palustris et invia, pecudibus et
+pastoribus apta” (<i>ibid.</i>).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1610'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1610'>1610</a>. “Regio palustris, montuosa, nemorosa, invia, pastoribus accomoda,
+incolas habet agiles, incultos et bellicosos” (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 79). See
+above, p. 233.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1611'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1611'>1611</a>. “Sephe,” “Thanet,” “Vecta,” “V̄en̄.” (Alderney?), “Grenese”
+(Guernsey), “Purland,” “Sulli,” “Lundeth,” “Engleseia insula,”
+“Man,” “Tyren insula” (this may be either Tiree or the peninsula of
+Kintyre, Miller, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 75), “insula Columkilli” (Icolmkill, or Iona),
+“Orkades Insule” (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 75).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1612'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1612'>1612</a>. <i>Top. Hiber.</i>, II, 15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1613'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1613'>1613</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, II, 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1614'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1614'>1614</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, II, 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1615'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1615'>1615</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, II, 17.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1616'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1616'>1616</a>. C. H. Haskins, <i>The De Arte Venandi cum Avibus of the Emperor
+Frederick II</i>, in: English Historical Review, vol. xxxvi, London, 1921, p.
+346, note 8; idem, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 316, note 104. “Gallandia” here
+may mean Greenland, although in Ordericus Vitalis (<i>Hist. eccles.</i>, II, 5)
+“Gollanda” is probably Gotland (see below, p. 487, note 455). Abu-l-Ḥasan,
+a Moslem geographer of the thirteenth century, places the island
+of the white falcons to the west of Denmark. “Its length from west to
+east is about seven days and its breadth about four days.” He reports
+that white falcons are brought from here for the Sultan of Egypt. He also
+speaks of a white bear in these regions, which goes out into the sea and
+swims and catches fish (Nansen, <i>Northern Mists</i>, 1911, vol. ii, pp.
+208–209).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1617'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1617'>1617</a>. <i>Íslendingabók</i>, 1, 2–3; translation from Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 254.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_486'>486</span>The pre-Norse Christians in Iceland were Irish hermits, whose visits to
+Thule or Iceland are described by Dicuil, <i>De mens. orb. ter.</i>, 7 (Letronne’s
+edit., p. 38). See also (<i>ibid.</i>, pp. 165–166).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1618'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1618'>1618</a>. <i>Hist. de antiq. reg. norwag.</i>, 3, Storm’s edit., p. 8; translation from
+Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 254. See above, p. 412, note 122.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1619'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1619'>1619</a>. <i>Hist. Norweg.</i>, I, Storm’s edit., p. 92; translation from Nansen,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 255.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1620'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1620'>1620</a>. Translation from Nansen, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1621'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1621'>1621</a>. On Norse settlements and voyages on the coasts of Greenland, see
+Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, pp. 258–311. The <i>Landnámabók</i>, I (transl. in
+Vigfusson and York Powell, <i>Orig. Island.</i>, vol. i, 1905, pp. 14–15) gives
+the distances in days’ sailing from points on the coast of Iceland to points
+on the coasts of Norway, Greenland, Ireland, and to “Svalbard” (possibly
+Spitsbergen; see above, p. 349). It was said to have been a journey
+of seven <i>doegr</i> from Cape Stat in Norway to Cape Horn on the east
+coast of Iceland, of three (according to one version of the <i>Landnámabók</i>)
+or of five (according to another version) from Reykyanes to the Mare’s
+Leap in Ireland, of four <i>doegr</i> from the northeasternmost cape of Iceland
+to Svalbard, and of one across to Greenland at what was probably
+the narrowest passage. These figures are difficult to interpret. The
+relative times given in no way correspond to the actual relative distances,
+and we are not absolutely certain what is meant by <i>doegr</i>. In fact
+Nansen writes that it is hopeless to look for any system in these data (<i>op.
+cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 170). If we take <i>doegr</i> to be a journey of twelve hours
+(as would seem to be indicated by the <i>Heimskringla</i>, Morris and Magnússon’s
+transl., vol. ii, p. 242; interpreted by Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 170, 171,
+and note) the passage from Norway to Iceland would require sailing at
+a rate of 155 sea miles in twenty-four hours, not altogether excessive
+under favorable conditions. On the other hand, the passage from
+Iceland to Ireland and to Greenland would necessitate a speed of either
+475 or 385 sea miles in twenty-four hours respectively, which would be
+excellent speed for a modern liner. See Nansen, <i>loc. cit.</i>, and E. Magnússon’s
+note on the sailing directions of the <i>Landnámabók</i> in: Transactions
+of the Cambridge Philological Society, vol. i, for 1872–1880,
+London, 1881, pp. 316–318.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1622'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1622'>1622</a>. <i>Konungs-Skuggsjá</i>, 16 (Brenner’s edit.), pp. 47–48; translation from
+Nansen, <i>Northern Mists.</i>, 1911, vol. i, pp. 279–280.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1623'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1623'>1623</a>. <i>Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont.</i>, IV, 39; translation from Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>,
+vol. i, p. 195.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1624'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1624'>1624</a>. <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, VIII, Holder’s edit., pp. 287–292.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1625'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1625'>1625</a>. <i>Hist. Norweg.</i>, I, Storm’s edit., pp. 75–76; translation from Nansen,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 167.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1626'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1626'>1626</a>. <i>Hist. Norweg.</i>, I, Storm’s edit., pp. 78–79; translation from Nansen,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 168. On the relation of this gulf with the mythical
+Ginungagap (see above, p. 147) see Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 239–240.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1627'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1627'>1627</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_487'>487</span><i>Landnámabók</i>, I, 1 (transl. in Vigfusson and York Powell, <i>Orig.
+Island.</i>, vol. i, 1905, p. 15.) See Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 166.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1628'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1628'>1628</a>. Nansen, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1629'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1629'>1629</a>. It is of course not certain that Spitsbergen is meant by the “Svalbard”
+of the <i>Icelandic Annals</i>. See the discussion in Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>,
+vol. ii, pp. 166–171.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1630'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1630'>1630</a>. Reeves, <i>Wineland</i>, 1890, p. 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1631'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1631'>1631</a>. <i>ibid.</i>, p. 81.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1632'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1632'>1632</a>. English translation of these in Reeves, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 28–52, 64–78.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1633'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1633'>1633</a>. See above, p. 405, note 90. This part of the geographical description
+is probably not the work of Abbot Nikulás Bergsson. See Nansen,
+<i>In Northern Mists</i>, 1911, vol. i, p. 313.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1634'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1634'>1634</a>. Nikulás Bergsson’s geographical description of the world, in: Werlauff,
+<i>Symbolae</i>, 1821, p. 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1635'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1635'>1635</a>. <i>Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont.</i>, IV, 38; translation from Reeves, <i>op.
+cit.</i>, p. 92.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1636'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1636'>1636</a>. “Orcades insulae et Finlanda. Islanda quoque et Grenlanda,
+ultra quam ad Septentrionem terra non reperitur, aliaeque plures usque
+in Gollandam regi Noricorum subjiciuntur, et de toto orbe divitiae
+navigio illuc advehuntur” (<i>Hist. eccles.</i>, pt. III, bk. X, 5, in: Migne,
+<i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxxviii, col. 727). “Finlanda” here refers to Wineland
+(Rafn, <i>Antiq. americanae</i>, 1837, p. 337).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1637'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1637'>1637</a>. See Rafn, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 338, note g; Lappenberg, in his edition of
+Adam of Bremen in <i>Scriptores rerum germ.</i>, Hanover, 1876, p. xvii,
+maintained that this was a later interpolation made by Adam himself.
+See Nansen, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 195; vol. ii, pp. 147–155.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1638'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1638'>1638</a>. <i>Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont.</i>, IV, 38; translation from Reeves, <i>op. cit.</i>
+pp. 92–93.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1639'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1639'>1639</a>. <i>De imag. mundi</i>, I, 36.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1640'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1640'>1640</a>. E. Renan, <i>Essais de morale et de critique</i>, 3rd edit., Paris, 1868, p.
+445, quoted by F. Michel, <i>Les voyages merveilleux de St. Brandan</i>, Paris,
+1878, p. vii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1641'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1641'>1641</a>. Schröder, <i>Sanct Brandan</i>, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
+p. vi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1642'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1642'>1642</a>. This résumé of the voyages of St. Brandan in the present text was
+made from the Latin text of the <i>Peregrinatio</i> given by Schröder, <i>op. cit.</i>,
+pp. 3–36. Reference has already been made to various aspects of the
+voyages; see above, pp. 197–198, 224–225, 230–231.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1643'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1643'>1643</a>. <i>De mensura orbis terrae</i>, 7 (Letronne’s edit., p. 40).</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='footnote' id='f1644'>
+<p class='c011'><a href='#r1644'>1644</a>. The <i>Peregrinatio</i> (Schröder, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 32) describes Paul’s islet as
+being as long as it was broad and of equal height. This suggests the
+lonely Rockall, some 280 miles west of the Outer Hebrides. See J. B.
+Charcot, <i>Les croisières du “Pourquoi pas?” en 1921</i>, in: La Géographie,
+vol. xxxvi, Paris, 1922, pp. 475–476.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_489'>489</span>
+  <h2 class='c005'>BIBLIOGRAPHY</h2>
+</div>
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_491'>491</span>
+  <h3 class='c003'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</h3>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>Those who wish to carry out detailed investigations of the various
+topics discussed in the present volume will find in the Notes and Bibliography
+references to the original sources and to secondary works. Owing,
+however, to the scattered nature of the references in the Notes and to the
+alphabetical arrangement of the Bibliography it is impossible from them
+alone to gain a rapid introduction to the outstanding publications on the
+subject. To supply such an introduction is the purpose of the following
+note.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Titles are not as a rule here cited in full, and the reader should therefore
+turn to the Bibliography for the full titles, for indications of the
+place and manner of publication, and for other bibliographical details.
+The relatively few titles of publications mentioned here only are given in
+full and are followed by the words “(not in Bibliography).”</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Bibliographies</span></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The study of the geographical lore of the Middle Ages has been approached
+by scholars from many different points of view. This is reflected
+in the character of the bibliographies dealing specifically or incidentally
+with this field. We may group these bibliographies arbitrarily into
+three classes: (a) historical bibliographies; (b) geographical bibliographies;
+(c) bibliographies devoted to the history of science.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'>Historical Bibliographies</h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Among the historical bibliographies mention should first be made of
+Chevalier’s <i>Répertoire des sources historiques du moyen âge</i>, 1894–1907.
+Two volumes of this work, with the subtitle <i>Bio-bibliographie</i>, list alphabetically
+a large number of personages of importance in the Middle Ages.
+Brief biographical notes are given, followed by extensive lists of references
+to publications by or in any way relating to these personages. A great
+difficulty in using the <i>Bio-bibliographie</i> lies in the fact that no clues are
+given regarding the type of publications to which reference is made. We
+are not told whether these publications are printed texts of medieval
+works, scholarly treatises, or merely passing and relatively unimportant
+allusions. In a third volume of Chevalier’s <i>Répertoire</i> (with the subtitle
+<i>Topo-bibliographie</i>) the effort is made to list alphabetically a multitude of
+topics relating to medieval history and life and, as in the <i>Bio-bibliographie</i>,
+to give references to publications upon these topics. Here again, owing to
+the lack of critical evaluation of the references as well as to the somewhat
+arbitrary selection of the topical headings, the work is of very uneven
+utility.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Whereas Chevalier attempts to cover the entire range of medieval
+civilization, the writings of the historians and chroniclers of the age are
+dealt with in Potthast’s indispensable <i>Bibliotheca historica medii aevi</i>, 1896.
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_492'>492</span>The main part of these volumes consists of an alphabetical repertory of
+names and titles with references to manuscripts, editions, translations,
+and secondary works explanatory of the sources. There are also included
+highly useful synopses of the contents of the great collections of medieval
+sources (see below, pp. 493–495) and an appendix in which the titles of the
+original sources are given chronologically within regional divisions.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>For a general guide to many of the more important books and articles
+on medieval history, L. J. Paetow’s <i>Guide to the Study of Medieval History
+for Students, Teachers, and Librarians</i> (University of California Syllabus
+Series, no. 90), Berkeley, Cal., 1917 (not in Bibliography), is valuable. A
+large part of Paetow’s book is devoted to medieval culture. Though by
+no means exhaustive, the <i>Guide</i> is excellent for orienting the student in
+an unfamiliar field.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>We refrain from mentioning other historical bibliographies of regions
+and topics relating to the Middle Ages. References to many of these may
+readily be found in the first chapter of Paetow’s <i>Guide</i> and in the various
+paragraphs entitled “Bibliographies” appended to the topical sections of
+that publication.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'>Geographical Bibliographies</h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The bibliography of ancient and medieval geography has been dealt
+with at some length in the summaries of the progress of geographical
+research that have appeared from time to time in the <i>Geographisches
+Jahrbuch</i> published by Justus Perthes, Gotha (not in Bibliography),
+which since 1880 has been edited by Professor Hermann Wagner of Göttingen.
+The ancient period has been covered by Professor Eugen Oberhummer
+in vols. xix (1896), xxii (1899), xxviii (1905), and xxxiv (1911);
+the medieval by Professors Sophus Ruge and Walther Ruge in vols.
+xviii (1895), xx (1897), xxiii (1900), xxvi (1903), and xxx (1907). These
+reports are running commentaries on the progress of current investigation,
+with references to the literature in the footnotes.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A section on the history of geography, with occasional references to
+publications in the medieval field, has appeared regularly in the <i>Bibliographie
+géographique annuelle</i> (not in Bibliography) of the periodical
+Annales de Géographie, published by Armand Colin, Paris, 1893–1914,
+and in its continuation, <i>Bibliographie géographique 1915–1919, 1920–1921,
+1922</i> (not in Bibliography), published under the auspices of the Association
+de Géographes Français. References to secondary works in medieval
+geography are also given in the annual volumes of <i>Bibliotheca Geographica</i>
+(not in Bibliography), published by the Gesellschaft für Erdkunde
+Berlin, and covering 1891 to 1912.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'>Bibliographies of the History of Science</h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>References to publications on medieval geography as a part of the history
+of science may be found in the critical bibliographies that have been
+included since its inception in 1913 in each number of the periodical Isis:
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_493'>493</span>International Review Devoted to the History of Science and Civilization,
+Brussels.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Dictionaries</span></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Research in the field covered by the present volume requires a working
+knowledge of medieval Latin, the language in which most of the original
+sources were written. Medieval Latin is not difficult—except in occasional
+passages—for one who has some knowledge of classical Latin. The
+great dictionary of C. D. Du Cange, <i>Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et
+infimae latinitatis</i> (not in Bibliography), first published at Paris in 1678
+and subsequently in other editions (the latest at Niort, 1883–1887), is
+indispensable. For medieval French, consult F. E. Godefroy, <i>Dictionnaire
+de l’ancienne langue française</i>, 10 vols., Paris, 1881–1902 (not in
+Bibliography).</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Manuscripts</span></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>Many of the works of medieval authors have never been printed.
+They can be consulted only in the collections of manuscripts of the libraries
+of Europe and, to a limited extent, of America. While research in
+manuscripts is not absolutely essential for a general study like the present,
+no detailed research can very well be conducted without direct recourse
+to unprinted documents.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The use of medieval manuscripts is an art in itself, requiring some
+familiarity with paleography. The handwritings of the twelfth and thirteenth
+centuries, however, are frequently not difficult to decipher. On
+this subject consult: E. M. Thompson, <i>An Introduction to Greek and Latin
+Palaeography</i>, Oxford, 1912 (not in Bibliography), and, for abbreviations
+commonly used in manuscripts, A. Cappelli, <i>Lexicon abbreviaturarum
+...: Dizionario di abbreviature latine ed italiane&#160;...</i>, Milan, 1899,
+2nd edit., Milan, 1912 (not in Bibliography).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A list of catalogues of collections of manuscripts will be found in a publication
+of the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris: <i>Collection alphabétique des
+livres imprimés mis à la disposition des lecteurs dans la salle de travail, suivi
+de la liste des catalogues usuels du département des manuscrits</i>, Paris, 1910
+(not in Bibliography). Useful references to manuscripts of some of the
+writings on geography and natural science of the Middle Ages are included
+in Beazley, <i>Dawn of Modern Geography</i>, 1897–1906, in Thorndike, <i>History
+of Magic and Experimental Science</i>, 1923, and in Haskins, <i>Studies in
+the History of Mediaeval Science</i>, 1924. References to manuscript maps
+will be found in Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, 1895–1898.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Collections of Original Sources</span></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The great printed collections of historical sources dealing with the
+Middle Ages are discussed in Paetow’s <i>Guide</i> (see above, p. 492) and analyzed
+in Potthast’s <i>Bibliotheca</i> (see above, p. 491). In the Bibliography of
+the present volume reference is made to printed texts of individual works.
+It will therefore not be necessary here to do more than indicate the titles of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_494'>494</span>a few of the collections most important from the point of view of medieval
+geography.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The <i>Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum</i>, 1866 ff., is a collection
+of critically edited texts of the writings of the Latin Church Fathers.
+Migne, <i>Patrologiae cursus completus&#160;... series latina</i> (referred to in the
+Notes as <i>Pat. lat.</i>), 1844–1864, contains texts, for the most part uncritical,
+not only of the writings of the Church Fathers but also of a vast assemblage
+of works bearing directly or indirectly on the medieval Church.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>In nearly all the nations of Europe the publication has been carried
+through or is in progress of great collections of sources dealing with the
+national history during the Middle Ages. To mention briefly a few of
+these, we may refer first to the <i>Rerum britannicarum medii aevi scriptores</i>,
+1858–1891, usually known as the “Rolls Series.” This series includes not
+only the works of the historians and chroniclers of Britain of the Middle
+Ages but also those of many British writers on matters of geography and
+natural science. The <i>Monumenta Germaniae historica</i>, 1826–1874 and
+1876 ff., contains in its magnificent volumes documents relating to all aspects
+of the history and life of the medieval Germans and incidentally of
+Europe as a whole. Many of the texts of the <i>Monumenta</i> have been more
+critically edited in the <i>Scriptores rerum germanicarum in usum scholarum
+ex Monumentis Germaniae historicis recusi</i>, 1840 ff. For France there are
+the <i>Rerum gallicarum et francicarum scriptores</i>, or <i>Recueil des historiens
+des Gaules et de la France</i>, Paris, 1738–1904 (not in Bibliography), and the
+publications of the Société de l’Histoire de France, Paris, 1835 ff. (not in
+Bibliography); for the Crusades the most important collection is the
+<i>Recueil des historiens des croisades</i>, 14 vols., Paris, 1841–1898 (not in
+Bibliography).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Collections dealing more especially with texts of geographical importance
+are, for ancient geography, Müller’s <i>Geographi graeci minores</i>, 1882,
+and Riese’s <i>Geographi latini minores</i>, 1878. Itineraries to and descriptions
+of the Holy Land will be found in Tobler, <i>Descriptiones terrae sanctae</i>,
+1874, Tobler, <i>Itinera&#160;... saec. iv-xi</i>, 1877, Michelant and Reynaud,
+<i>Itinéraires à Jerusalem</i>, 1882, and Tobler, Molinier, and Kohler, <i>Itinera&#160;...
+bellis sacris anteriora</i>, 1880–1885. English translations of certain
+medieval travels in Palestine will be found in Thomas Wright, <i>Early
+Travels in Palestine</i>, 1848, and in the <i>Library</i> of the Palestine Pilgrims’
+Text Society, 1885–1897. Texts and English translations for the early
+exploration of Iceland will be found in Vigfusson and Yorke Powell,
+<i>Origines islandicae</i>, 1905. Documents relating to the Norse discovery of
+America are included in Rafn, <i>Antiquitates americanae</i>, 1837–1841; and
+Reeves, <i>The Finding of Wineland the Good</i>, 1890, gives English translations
+of the Vineland voyages. On the texts of the great Asiatic voyages
+of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, which do not fall within the
+scope of the present volume, see above, pp. 269–270, and p. 465, notes
+70, 71, 74, 75.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_495'>495</span>The primary collection of facsimiles of medieval maps prior to the appearance
+of the portolan charts is Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, 1895–1898;
+critical texts with references to manuscripts and discussions are here
+given. Reproductions of early medieval maps are also given in the atlases
+to Santarem, <i>Essai sur l’histoire de la cosmographie et de la cartographie</i>,
+1849–1852, and to Lelewel, <i>Géographie du moyen âge</i>, 1852–1857.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A selection of medieval texts dealing with meteorology will be found in
+Hellmann, <i>Denkmäler mittelalterlicher Meteorologie</i>, 1904.</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'><span class='sc'>Secondary Works</span></h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>We may divide our treatment of secondary works into two parts: first,
+a discussion of publications dealing with the broader background of medieval
+life and thus, incidentally, with the geographical lore of the period;
+second, a discussion of publications dealing directly with the geographical
+and related lore of antiquity and the Middle Ages or with the enlargement
+of geographical knowledge. The titles of secondary works relating to the
+specific writings or authors referred to in the present volume may readily
+be found by using the cross-references in the Bibliography.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'>Background of Medieval Intellectual Life</h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>In order not to expand our discussion beyond due measure, we shall
+restrict ourselves in this section to mentioning a very few publications the
+majority of which have been of direct service in the preparation of the
+present volume.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>For a broad and brilliantly written treatment of medieval intellectual
+activity in its many phases, we may refer to H. O. Taylor, <i>The Mediaeval
+Mind: A History of the Development of Thought and Emotion in the Middle
+Ages</i>, 2 vols., New York, 1911, revised edit., 1914 (not in Bibliography).
+Haskins’ <i>Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science</i>, 1924, which appeared
+while the present volume was in press, is fundamental for the
+history of science in Western Europe in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
+Several of its chapters are revisions of articles which had previously
+appeared, but other parts of the work are entirely new contributions.
+The volume is based to a very large extent upon hitherto unpublished
+sources; many critical and interesting passages of Latin texts are published
+in it for the first time. Poole’s <i>Illustrations of the History of
+Medieval Thought and Learning</i>, 1920, is a discussion of the work of a few
+selected exponents of typical modes of medieval thought. The original
+work of the scholars of Chartres in the Middle Ages is the subject of
+Clerval’s <i>Écoles de Chartres</i>, 1895.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The Latin literature of the period as a whole is dealt with in Gröber,
+<i>Übersicht über die lateinische Literatur von der Mitte des 6. Jahrhunderts
+bis 1350</i>, 1888–1902, and medieval Latin literature prior to the middle of
+the eleventh century is treated in greater detail in M. Manitius, <i>Geschichte
+der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters</i>, vol. 1, 1911. On the Latin
+poetry of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries consult Francke, <i>Geschichte
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_496'>496</span>der lateinischen Schulpoesie</i>, 1879. For the French literature of the age
+there is the important volume of Gaston Paris, <i>La littérature française au
+moyen âge</i>, 1914, or the English translation.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Medieval philosophy is outlined in De Wulf, <i>Histoire de la philosophie
+médiévale</i>, 1900, or the English translation.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>On the art of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries as expressing the
+thought of the time the student should read Mâle’s two volumes, <i>L’art
+religieux du xii<sup>e</sup> siècle</i>, 1922, and <i>L’art religieux du xiii<sup>e</sup> siècle</i>, 1910, or the
+English translation of the volume dealing with the thirteenth century.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>An old but highly suggestive treatise on the natural science of the early
+twelfth century is that of C. B. Jourdain, <i>Dissertation sur l’état de la
+philosophie naturelle</i>, 1838. Natural science, magic, and legendary lore of
+the first thirteen centuries of the Christian era form the topics of Thorndike’s
+learned <i>History of Magic and Experimental Science</i>, 1923. Some
+of these subjects as they were embodied in medieval French encyclopedias
+compiled for the use of the layman are illustrated in C. V. Langlois, <i>La
+connaissance de la nature</i>, 1911. Legendary lore more especially is the
+theme of Denis’ little <i>Monde enchanté</i>, 1843, of Berger de Xivrey’s <i>Traditions
+tératologiques</i>, 1836, and, more recently, of Graf’s <i>Miti, leggende e
+superstizioni</i>, 1892–1893.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The relation between theology and natural science in the Middle Ages has
+been a matter of controversy. From a point of view relatively favorable to
+medieval science the subject was discussed by Zöckler, <i>Geschichte der Beziehungen
+zwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft</i>, vol. i, 1877; from a more
+critical point of view, by Draper, <i>Conflict Between Religion and Science</i>,
+1875, and in White’s scholarly <i>Warfare of Science with Theology</i>, 1895.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The influence of classical scholarship upon medieval thought was potent.
+This topic as a whole is dealt with in much detail in Sandys’ monumental
+<i>History of Classical Scholarship</i>, 3rd edit., vol. i, 1921. On the use
+of classical works in the Middle Ages see also the two monographs of M.
+Manitius, <i>Beiträge zur Geschichte der römischen Prosaiker</i>, 1890, and
+<i>Philologisches aus alten Bibliothekskatalogen</i>, 1892. In regard to medieval
+Latin translations from the Greek, Arabic, and Hebrew, the formerly
+authoritative treatises of Amable Jourdain, <i>Recherches critiques</i>, 1843,
+and Wüstenfeld, <i>Übersetzungen arabischer Werke</i>, 1877, have to a large
+extent been superseded by the researches of Steinschneider (<i>Hebräische
+Übersetzungen</i>, 1893; <i>Europäische Übersetzungen</i>, 1905–1906), Mandonnet
+(<i>Siger de Brabant</i>, 1908, 1911), Grabmann (<i>Forschungen über die
+lateinischen Aristotelesübersetzungen</i>, 1916), Haskins (<i>Studies in the History
+of Mediaeval Science</i>, 1924), and others (see above, pp. 95–102, and
+notes 32–70 on pp. 398–403).</p>
+
+<h4 class='c014'>The Geographical Lore of Antiquity and of the Middle Ages</h4>
+
+<p class='c013'>The publications dealing with ancient and medieval geographical lore
+may be divided into three groups: those devoted to (a) the history of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_497'>497</span>geography as a whole; (b) the history of geography in particular periods;
+(c) the history of particular aspects of geography.</p>
+
+<h5 class='c014'><i>The History of Geography as a Whole</i></h5>
+
+<p class='c013'>With the exception of a few brief popular works, the writer knows of
+only three general histories of geography in which the attempt is made to
+cover the entire field. These are Louis Vivien de St. Martin, <i>Histoire de
+la géographie et des découvertes géographiques depuis les temps les plus
+reculés jusqu’à nos jours</i>, with atlas, Paris, 1873 (not in Bibliography);
+Peschel, <i>Geschichte der Erdkunde</i>, 1877; and Günther, <i>Geschichte der Erdkunde</i>,
+1904. The first is concerned primarily with explorations and the
+expansion of regional knowledge; in its pages the medieval period receives
+but scant attention. Peschel aimed to cover both exploration and scientific
+geography, and his work, though old, is of great value: scholarly, well
+balanced, and clearly written. Whereas Peschel stopped with the early
+nineteenth century, Günther carries the record through that century; his
+book contains a wealth of detail and of useful bibliographical notes.</p>
+
+<h6 class='c014'><i>The History of Geography in Particular Periods</i></h6>
+
+<p class='c013'>1. <i>Ancient Geography.</i> Bunbury’s <i>History of Ancient Geography</i>, 1879,
+remains to the present day the only work of large scope on Greek and
+Latin geography as a whole. Tozer’s delightful <i>History of Ancient Geography</i>,
+1897, is a good introduction to the subject but is inadequate for
+detailed research. A scholarly treatment of the scientific geography of
+the Greeks is Berger’s <i>Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Erdkunde der Griechen</i>,
+1903. The most extensive recent treatment of classical geography
+as a whole, with numerous references, is Gisinger’s article “Geographie”
+in <i>Paulys Real-Encyclopädie</i>, 1924. The evolution of those theories of
+ancient geography which prepared the way toward the discovery of America
+is admirably outlined in the now somewhat out of date but nevertheless
+useful and stimulating chapter by Tillinghast, <i>Geographical Knowledge
+of the Ancients in Relation to the Discovery of America</i>, in the first
+volume of Winsor’s <i>Narrative and Critical History</i>, 1889. Alexander von
+Humboldt in the first part of the <i>Examen critique de l’histoire de la géographie
+du nouveau continent et des progrès de l’astronomie nautique aux
+quinzième et seizième siècles</i>, Paris, 1st edit., 1814–1834 (not in Bibliography),
+probed deeply into the history of ancient geography. See also
+C. B. Jourdain, <i>De l’influence d’Aristote&#160;... sur la découverte du Nouveau-Monde</i>,
+1861.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>2. <i>Medieval Geography.</i> Santarem’s <i>Essai sur l’histoire de la cosmographie
+et de la cartographie</i>, 1849–1852, marks one of the earliest attempts
+in modern times to open up the subject of medieval geography. It consists
+of a mass of detailed notes on the regional geographical theories of
+the cosmographers of the Middle Ages. Lelewel’s <i>Géographie du moyen
+âge</i>, 1852–1857, is a work of erudition exasperating in the confusion of its
+arrangement, the difficulty of its style, and the untenability of many of
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_498'>498</span>its theories. Lelewel, however, went beyond Santarem in his endeavor
+to take into consideration the work of Arabic as well as of Occidental
+geographical authors.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The most recent broad history of medieval geography is Beazley’s important
+<i>Dawn of Modern Geography</i>, 1897–1906. These three volumes
+are the result of long and arduous research and will probably remain for
+many years to come on the whole the most satisfactory general treatment
+of the subject. They cover the period from 300 to 1420 A.&#160;D. Attention
+is given to the explorations and geographical science not only of the
+Christians but also of the Arabs and Chinese (the two latter subjects,
+however, having been studied through translations and secondary works
+only). Throughout, especial stress is laid upon the record of travel and
+exploration and upon the historical events that led to the acquisition of
+geographical information by travel and exploration. In the first two
+volumes, on the period until 1260, extensive chapters are devoted to “Geographical
+Theory,” but in the third, covering 1260 to 1420, only 29 out of
+a total of 541 pages are given to geographical theory, and the chapter on
+geographical theory of the period from 900 to 1260 in the second volume
+barely touches upon the various topics discussed in Chapters V to X
+of the present book. To illustrate the theoretical “earth-knowledge”
+of the “Central Middle Age period” Beazley discusses three examples
+only, the work of Constantine Porphyrogenetos, that of Adam of Bremen,
+and the chief maps of the age. There is either the briefest passing mention
+or else no reference whatever to the writings of the highly characteristic
+authors the study of whose geographical opinions is the main purpose
+of the present volume—such writers as Peter Abelard, Peter Comestor,
+Hildegard of Bingen, Bernard and Theodoric of Chartres, Adelard of
+Bath, William of Conches, Gerard of Cremona, Michael Scot, Robert
+Grosseteste, Gervase of Tilbury, Otto of Freising, Gunther of Pairis,
+Giraldus Cambrensis, Saxo Grammaticus, Guy of Bazoches, and the
+various translators from the Arabic. Furthermore, Beazley makes no
+attempt to give a systematic analysis of the various elements that constituted
+the geographical lore of the scholar or educated reader of Western
+Europe in the age of the Crusades.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>A scholarly account of the geography of the Church Fathers is Marinelli,
+<i>La geografia e i padri della chiesa</i>, 1882 (also translated into German).
+Very full references are here given in footnotes.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>On the geography of the Moslems of the Middle Ages the first volume of
+Reinaud’s <i>Géographie d’Aboulféda</i>, 1848, though now more than seventy
+years old, is still, to our knowledge, the only thoroughly scholarly work
+covering the whole field in detail. More recent, but much briefer treatments
+are those of Baron Carra de Vaux in the second volume of his
+<i>Penseurs de l’Islam</i>, 1921, and of Carl Schoy in various articles (cited in
+the Bibliography under his name), especially the article in the Geographical
+Review, 1924.</p>
+
+<div>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_499'>499</span>
+  <h6 class='c014'><i>The History of Particular Aspects of Geography</i></h6>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c013'>1. <i>Cosmogony and Cosmology.</i> Duhem’s great <i>Système du monde</i>,
+1913–1917, is now the fundamental history of the evolution of cosmological
+doctrines from the time of Plato to the fourteenth century. To it
+the writer owes, to a large extent, his guidance to the original sources as
+well as much of the material which he has necessarily accepted at second
+hand in those parts of the present book which deal with the origins and
+the larger relations of the earth to the remainder of the universe. For the
+twelfth and thirteenth centuries Werner’s two monographs, <i>Die Kosmologie
+ ... Wilhelm von Conches</i>, 1873, and <i>Die Kosmologie&#160;... des Roger
+Baco</i>, 1879, are important. On the development of Christian theories of
+the Creation one should also consult Zöckler, <i>Geschichte der Beziehungen
+zwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft</i>, 1877–1879, and Robbins,
+<i>Hexaemeral Literature</i>, 1912. See also A. C. McGiffert, <i>The God of the
+Early Christians</i>, New York, 1924 (not in Bibliography), for the theologians’
+view of the Creation in the early centuries of our era. An interesting
+monograph on the ancient theory of the periodic destruction and rebirth
+of the universe is that of Günther, <i>Die antike Apokatastasis</i>, 1916.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>2. <i>Larger problems of terrestrial geography.</i> These problems are dealt
+with by Kretschmer in the monograph discussed in the following subsection
+(3).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Several important studies have been written on the medieval beliefs
+regarding the shape of the earth. Günther, in his <i>Studien zur Geschichte
+der mathematischen und physikalischen Geographie</i>, 1877–1879, treated
+the subject from the point of view shared by many Protestants; Schneid,
+<i>Die Lehre von der Erdrundung</i>, 1877, replied to Günther from the Catholic
+point of view. More recently the matter has been discussed by Betten
+(see above, p. 384, note 48). Proofs of the curvature of the earth adduced
+in antiquity and during the Middle Ages are the topic of a monograph
+by Günther, <i>Optische Beweisung für die Erdkrümmung</i>, 1920.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>On the Eratosthenic measurement of the size of the earth and its subsequent
+influence the fundamental work is now the two volumes of Thalamas,
+<i>Étude bibliographique de la géographie d’Ératosthène</i>, 1921, and <i>La
+géographie d’Ératosthène</i>, 1921. Other interesting studies in this field are
+those of Mori, <i>La misurazione eratostenica</i>, 1911, Decourdemanche, <i>Note
+sur l’estimation de la longeur du degré terrestre</i>, 1913, and Miller, <i>Die Erdmessung
+im Alterthum</i>, 1919.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The problems of the antipodes and the austral continent are sketched
+historically by Rainaud, <i>Le continent austral</i>, 1893; the antipodes more
+particularly by Boffito, <i>La leggenda degli antipodi</i>, 1903.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Three important discussions of the evolution of ancient and medieval
+theories regarding the relative positions and extent of areas of land and
+water on the earth’s surface and of the relations which obtain between the
+spheres of land and of water are Günther, <i>Ältere und neuere Hypothesen</i>
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_500'>500</span>..., forming part iii of his <i>Studien zur Geschichte der mathematischen
+und physikalischen Geographie</i>, 1879; Boffito, <i>La controversia dell’acqua e
+della terra prima e dopo di Dante</i>, forming Memoria I of his <i>Intorno alla
+“Quaestio de aqua et terra,”</i> 1902; and Norlind, <i>Das Problem des gegenseitigen
+Verhältnisses von Land und Wasser</i>, 1918.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>3. <i>Physical Geography.</i> An important monograph on the physical
+geography of the Christian Middle Ages is Kretschmer, <i>Die physische
+Erdkunde im christlichen Mittelalter</i>, 1889. After a discussion of the
+sources—both Greek and Latin—Kretschmer takes up systematically
+the problems of the size and shape of the earth, the question of the antipodes,
+medieval theories of the divergent centers of the spheres of earth
+and water, the compass, and the physical geography of the waters, the
+atmosphere, and the lands. The topics dealt with are similar to those
+treated in parts of Chapter VI and in Chapters VII, VIII, and IX of the
+present volume. On the other hand, Kretschmer neglects the interesting
+question of theories of the origin of the earth. In dealing with physical
+geography he gives little attention to the writers of the age of the Crusades.
+With the exception of William of Conches, he neglects the same
+authors of that age whom Beazley neglects (see above, p. 498).</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Several works on particular phases of ancient and medieval physical
+geography deserve special mention. An elaborate study of the meteorological
+lore of the Greeks is that of Gilbert, <i>Die meteorologischen Theorien
+des griechischen Altertums</i>, 1907. A German doctoral dissertation is devoted
+to the theories of the Church Fathers in regard to meteorology:
+Hoffmann, <i>Die Anschauungen der Kirchenväter über Meteorologie</i>, 1907
+(see also Günther, <i>Notiz zur Geschichte der Klimatologie</i>, 1887). Medieval
+wind-roses are discussed in Cusa, <i>Sulla denominazione dei venti</i>, 1884;
+Revelli, <i>Una “rosa dei venti,”</i> 1910; and Bertolini, <i>L’orologio solare di
+Aquileia e la sistemazione della rosa dei venti</i>, 1916. Dissertations by
+Frahm (<i>Das Meer und die Seefahrt in der altfranzösischen Literatur</i>, 1914)
+and Koch (<i>Das Meer in der mittelhochdeutschen Epik</i>, 1910) deal respectively
+with the sea as depicted in old French literature and in the Middle
+High German epic. The basic study of the history of theories of the
+tides in antiquity and during the Middle Ages is Almagià, <i>La dottrina
+della marea</i>, 1905. Material, pleasingly presented, on the history of geology,
+with, incidentally, some interesting observations on medieval physical
+geography, will be found in Geikie, <i>Founders of Geology</i>, 1905. Medieval
+beliefs regarding the interior of the earth, volcanoes, and earthquakes
+are outlined by Stegmann in a dissertation, <i>Die Anschauungen&#160;... über
+die endogenen Erscheinungen der Erde</i>, 1913. Classical and medieval
+ideas of the arrangement of the mountains of the earth’s surface form the
+subject of Benl’s dissertation, <i>Hypothesen über die regelmässige Anordnung
+der Erdgebirge</i>, 1905.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>4. <i>Feeling for Nature.</i> The feeling for nature as expressed in the Latin
+literature of antiquity is the topic of a delightful book by Geikie, <i>The
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_501'>501</span>Love of Nature Among the Romans</i>, 1912. On the feeling for nature in the
+medieval period we may refer to the works of Biese, <i>Die Entwicklung des
+Naturgefühls</i>, 1892 (or the English translation), and of Ganzenmüller,
+<i>Das Naturgefühl</i>, 1914. To the latter the writer is especially indebted
+for numerous references to source material that might otherwise have been
+overlooked. Interesting studies of early mountain climbing are those of
+Gribble, <i>The Early Mountaineers</i>, 1899; Günther, <i>Wissenschaftliche
+Bergbesteigungen</i>, 1896; and W. W. Hyde, <i>The Development of the Appreciation
+of Mountain Scenery in Modern Times</i>, in: Geographical Review, vol.
+iii, 1917, pp. 107–118 (not in Bibliography), though none of these devotes
+a great deal of attention to the period of the Crusades.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>5. <i>Astronomical Geography.</i> On the history of the invention and use of
+methods of determining latitude, see Schoy, <i>Die geschichtliche Entwicklung
+der Polhöhenbestimmung</i>, 1911; on longitudes, Schoy’s <i>Längenbestimmung
+und Zentralmeridian</i>, 1915. See also the various articles and monographs
+on Ptolemy cited in the cross-references under Ptolemy in the
+Bibliography. Knowledge of latitudes and longitudes in the Christian
+West in the Middle Ages is discussed by J. K. Wright, <i>Notes on the
+Knowledge of Latitudes and Longitudes</i>, 1923.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>6. <i>Cartography.</i> The history of cartography is discussed in the works
+mentioned in the sections on the history of geography as a whole and in
+particular periods, pp. 497–498 above. To the cartography of the ancient
+period as a whole are devoted two important recent publications: Kubitschek’s
+article “Karten” in <i>Paulys Real-Encyclopädie</i>, 1919, and Cebrian,
+<i>Geschichte der Kartographie</i>, 1923. The most complete single study of the
+medieval cartography of the period with which we have to deal is Miller,
+<i>Mappaemundi</i>, 1895–1898. Other publications which deal incidentally but
+significantly with the cartography of the pre-portolan period are the works
+of Pullé, Simar, and Langenmaier referred to in subsection 7, immediately
+below.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>7. <i>Regional Geography.</i> The fundamental study of belief in the Terrestrial
+Paradise is that of Coli, <i>Il paradiso terrestre</i>, 1897, although the
+matter has also been discussed by Graf in his <i>La leggenda del paradiso
+terrestre</i>, 1878, and in his <i>Miti, leggende e superstizioni</i>, 1892–1893.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The growth of medieval knowledge of Asia is traced in the introduction
+to Yule, <i>Cathay and the Way Thither</i>, 1913–1916, and much important
+material on this topic may be gleaned from the notes in the third edition
+of Yule’s <i>Marco Polo</i>, 1903, and from Cordier’s <i>Ser Marco Polo</i>, 1920.
+India as depicted on medieval maps is the subject of an interesting treatise
+by Pullé, <i>La cartografia antica dell’India</i>, 1901–1905. Lowes, in <i>The
+Dry Sea</i>, 1905, deals with interesting problems in the geography of Central
+Asia in the Middle Ages (see also Pelliot, <i>Chrétiens d’Asie centrale et
+d’Extrême-Orient</i>, 1914). On the history of commercial connections between
+the Near East and Europe during our period, two highly important
+books are Heyd, <i>Commerce du Levant</i>, 1885–1886 (reprinted 1923), and
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_502'>502</span>Schaube, <i>Handelsgeschichte der romanischen Völker des Mittelmeergebiets</i>,
+1906. Dreesbach, <i>Der Orient in der altfranzösischen Kreuzzugsliteratur</i>,
+1901, is a résumé of notices relating to the Near East as they appear in
+French literature of the Crusades.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Two scholarly works deal with the widening of Western knowledge of
+Central Africa in antiquity and during the Middle Ages. These are
+Simar, <i>La géographie de l’Afrique centrale</i>, 1912, and Langenmaier, <i>Alte
+Kenntnis&#160;... der Zentralafrikanischen Seenregion</i>, 1916. Schaube’s
+<i>Handelsgeschichte</i> and Mas-Latrie, <i>Traités de paix et de commerce&#160;...,
+concernant les relations des Chrétiens avec les Arabes de l’Afrique septentrionale</i>,
+1866, are also important for the relations between Europe and
+North Africa.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Not much has been written in modern times upon the geography of
+Europe as it was conceived in the period covered by the present book.
+Hungary as it figures in the <i>chansons de geste</i> is the subject of an article
+by Karl, <i>La Hongrie&#160;... dans les chansons de geste</i>, 1908, and there are
+other monographs of limited scope, but no general discussion. The progress
+of geographical knowledge of the North is outlined by Moritz, <i>Die
+geographische Kenntnis von den Nord- und Ostseeküsten</i>, 1904; Weinhold,
+<i>Die Polargegenden Europas</i>, 1871; and especially by Nansen, <i>In Northern
+Mists</i>, 1911. The history of Icelandic geography (both of historical
+geography and of geographical studies in Iceland) is treated by Thoroddsen,
+<i>Geschichte der isländischen Geographie</i>, 1897. European wanderings
+in the Atlantic and legends of fabulous islands in that ocean have been
+made the subject of a large library of books and monographs. We may
+mention here Westropp, <i>Brasil and the Legendary Islands of the Atlantic</i>,
+1912, and the recent volume of Babcock, <i>Legendary Islands of the Atlantic</i>,
+1922.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_503'>503</span>
+  <h2 class='c005'>BIBLIOGRAPHY</h2>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c010'>This bibliography is intended merely as an aid to those who wish to
+carry on further studies of the topics covered by this book. It is in no
+sense complete. The publications listed are for the most part only
+those to which reference is made in the Notes. Enough, but only
+enough, additional information is given about each entry to enable the
+reader to identify it. In the case of original sources the attempt has
+been made to refer to modern critical editions, and only to manuscripts
+or early printed editions where modern critical editions are lacking.
+More complete bibliographical information may be obtained from the
+publications discussed on pp. 491–493 above.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>The arrangement is alphabetical by authors and, in the case of anonymous
+works, by the first important word in the titles. (Collections of
+sources are in general placed under the editor’s name.) The names of
+authors of original sources, or the titles in the case of anonymous original
+sources or collections of sources, are given in capital letters, the former in
+Roman, the latter in italic type. The names of authors of modern,
+secondary studies are set in small letters in Roman type. Different
+works by the same ancient, Arabic, or medieval author are listed together
+in the same entry and are indicated by Roman numerals. Different
+works by the same modern author are listed separately and are arranged
+chronologically.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>Cross-references within the Bibliography are, as in the Notes, given in
+abbreviated form. The full titles of the works referred to will be found
+in the Bibliography in their proper places.</p>
+
+<p class='c011'>For a topical discussion of the bibliography of ancient and medieval
+geography, see the Bibliographical Note above.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ABDIAS, PSEUDO-. <i>Abdiae, Babyloniae primi episcopi, ab apostolis
+constituti, De historia certaminis apostolici libri X, Julio Africano
+interprete.</i> Paris, 1551, 1560, 1566, etc.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ABELARD, PETER. I. <i>Expositio in hexaemeron</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>,
+vol. clxxviii, cols. 731–784. II. <i>Sermones</i>, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, cols.
+379–610. III. <i>Sic et non</i>, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, cols. 1329–1610.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ABŪ-L-FIDĀ. <i>Géographie d’Aboulféda, traduite de l’arabe en français.</i>
+Vol. i (Paris, 1848) of this work, by J. T. Reinaud, is a general
+introduction to Moslem geography. Vol. ii, pt. 1 (Paris, 1848),
+forms the first part of the French translation and is also by J. T.
+Reinaud. Vol. ii, pt. 2 (Paris, 1883), contains the second part
+of the translation and is by Stanislas Guyard.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ABŪ MAʿSHAR (ALBUMASAR). <i>The Great Book of the Introduction.</i>
+This was translated into Latin by Hermann the Dalmatian and by
+John of Seville. The title of Hermann’s translation reads in the
+manuscript <i>Liber introductorius in astrologiam</i> (see Haskins, <i>Studies</i>,
+1924, p. 45); editions printed in Venice, 1489, 1495, 1506, bear the
+title <i>Introductorium in astronomiam</i> (see Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii,
+1915, p. 174, note 6, and Haskins, <i>loc. cit.</i>)</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_504'>504</span>ACTS OF THE APOSTLES, APOCRYPHAL. <i>Acta apostolorum
+apocrypha</i>&#160;... etc., edited by L. F. C. von Tischendorf, Leipzig,
+1851. <i>Acta apostolorum apocrypha post Constantinum Tischendorf
+denuo ediderunt R. A. Lipsius et [A.] M. Bonnet</i>, Leipzig, 1891–1903.
+Acts of Thomas in vol. ii, pt. 2, of this edition. English translation
+by M. R. James, <i>The Apocryphal New Testament</i>, Oxford University
+Press, 1924.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ADAM OF BREMEN. <i>Gesta Hammenburgensis</i> (or <i>Hammaburgensis</i>)
+<i>ecclesiae pontificum</i> (also called <i>Historia ecclesiastica</i>, or <i>Bremensium
+praesulum historia</i>), edited by J. M. Lappenberg, in: <i>Mon. Germ.
+hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol. vii, 1846, pp. 280–389, and in: <i>Scriptores
+rerum germ. in usum scholarum</i>, Hanover, 1876.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Björnbo, A. A.; Kohlmann, P. W.; Krabbo, <i>Nordeuropa</i>,
+1909.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ADELARD OF BATH. I. <i>De eodem et diverso</i>, edited by Hans Willner,
+in: Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters, vol.
+iv, pt. I, Münster, 1903. II. <i>Quaestiones naturales.</i> There is no
+modern edition of the text of this work. An English translation is
+found in Gollancz, <i>Dodi ve-Nechdi</i>, 1920, pp. 87–161. The references
+in the present work are to the chapters as numbered in the Louvain
+incunabulum, ap. 1484, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris (shelf-mark
+“Rés. R. 900”). In parentheses are given references to the chapters
+as numbered in the twelfth-century manuscript, Bibliothèque Nationale,
+fonds latin, no. 6415. For further bibliographical references,
+see Haskins, <i>Adelard</i>, 1911, p. 493; the same, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 26.
+III. Translation of <i>Khorazmian Tables</i>. In MSS. only. See Haskins,
+<i>loc. cit.</i>; KHWĀRIZMĪ, Al-, II.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Adler, M. N. See BENJAMIN OF TUDELA.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>ADVENTU, DE, PATRIARCHAE INDORUM AD URBEM SUB
+CALISTO PAPA II.</i> In: Zarncke, <i>Priester Johannes</i>, Erste Abhandlung,
+in: Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 837–843 (also numbered
+11–17).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>AETHICUS OF ISTRIA. <i>Cosmographia Aethici Istrici</i>, edited by H.
+Wuttke, Leipzig, 1854.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>AGRIPPA. Map of the world. See Detlefsen, D.; Lessert, C. P. de.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Ainsworth, W. F. See PETACHIA OF RATISBON.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ALAN OF LILLE. I. <i>De planctu naturae</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. ccx,
+cols. 430–482. English translation by D. M. Moffat, <i>The Complaint
+of Nature by Alain of Lille</i>, New York, 1908. II. <i>Anticlaudianus</i>, in:
+Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, cols. 482–576.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Al-BATTĀNĪ, Al-FARGHĀNĪ, and other Arabic names beginning with
+the article Al. See under first letter of main part of name.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ALBERTUS MAGNUS (OF BOLLSTADT). <i>Opera omnia</i>, edited by
+Petrus Jammy, 21 vols., Lyons, 1651. Also an edition by Augustus
+Borgnet, 38 vols., Paris, 1890–1899 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>For brief discussion of the geographical works, see above p. 406,
+note 93.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ALBUMASAR. See ABŪ MAʿSHAR.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE OF.</i> I. <i>Pseudo-Callisthenes</i>,
+edited by C. Müller and included in a volume with F. Dübner’s
+edition of Arrian’s <i>Anabasis</i> and <i>Indica</i>, Paris, 1846 (also 1877). II.
+Julius Valerius, <i>Res gesta Alexandri Macedoniae II</i>, edited by B.
+Kübler, Leipzig, 1888. III. <i>Epitoma Julii Valerii</i>, edited by J.
+Zacher in his <i>Pseudo-Callisthenes: Forschungen zur Kritik und Geschichte
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_505'>505</span>der ältesten Aufzeichnung der Alexandersage</i>, Halle, 1867. See
+<i>De Julii Valerii epitoma oxoniense</i>, by G. G. Cillie (Dissertation,
+University of Strasburg, 1905). IV. <i>Epistola ad Aristotelem de
+mirabilibus Indiae</i>, edited by F. Pfister in his: <i>Kleine Texte zum
+Alexanderroman</i>, Heidelberg, 1910. See also Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>,
+1923, vol. i, pp. 555–556, footnote 2. V. <i>Historia de praeliis</i> of
+Leo Archipresbyter. See Landgraf, G. VI. <i>Iter ad Paradisum</i>,
+edited by J. Zacher, Regimonti (Königsberg), 1859 (not seen).
+VII. The Romance in alexandrines: <i>Li romans d’Alixandre par
+Lambert li Tors et Alexandre de Bernay</i>, edited by Heinrich Michelant,
+in: Bibliothek des Literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, vol. xiii, 1846;
+F. le Court de la Villethassetz and E. Talbot, <i>Alexandriade ou chanson
+de geste d’Alexandre le Grand, de Lambert le Court et Alexandre de
+Bernay</i>, Dinan, Huart, and Paris, 1861.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Meyer, P. For further references to texts and secondary
+works on Oriental versions see Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. i, pp.
+551–552.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ALEXANDER NECKAM. See NECKAM, ALEXANDER.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ALEXANDER III (Pope). See PRESTER JOHN, III.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ALEXANDRE DE BERNAI. See <i>ALEXANDER THE GREAT,
+ROMANCE OF</i>, VII.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>ALEXANDRIADE.</i> See <i>ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE
+OF</i>, VII.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ALFRAGANUS. See FARGHĀNĪ, Al-.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ALFRED THE GREAT. See Geidel, H.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ALFRED OF SARESHEL. I. <i>De motu cordis.</i> Extracts were published
+by C. S. Barach in: Bibliotheca philosophorum mediae
+aetatis, vol. ii, Innsbruck, 1878. II. <i>Liber de congelatis.</i> Baeumker,
+<i>Alfred von Sareshel</i>, 1913, p. 27, note, states that this work was
+printed under the title <i>Avicennae de congelatione et conglutinatione
+lapidum</i>, in: <i>Theatrum chemicum, praecipuos selectorum auctorum
+tractatus de chemiae et lapidis philosophici</i>&#160;... etc., vol. iv,
+Argentorati (Strasburg), 1659, pp. 883–887 (not seen), and that it
+was also printed in: <i>Gebri, régis Arabum&#160;... summa perfectionis
+Magisterii, in sua natura&#160;... denique libri Investigationis
+Magisterii et Testamenti eiusdem Gebri ac aurei Trium Verborum
+libelli et Avicennae&#160;... mineralium additione castigatissimi</i>,
+“Gedani” (Danzig), 1682, pp. 245–253 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Baeumker, C.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Almagià, Roberto. <i>La dottrina della marea nell’antichità classica e nel
+medio evo</i>, in: Memorie della Reale Accademia dei Lincei, Classe di
+scienze fisiche, matematiche, e naturali, series 5, vol. v, Rome, 1905,
+pp. 375–514. (Also printed separately.)</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>The most authoritative study of the history of theories of the
+tides in ancient and medieval times.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ALPETRAGIUS. See BITRŪJĪ, Al-.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ALPHONSI, PETER (PETRUS ANFUSI). <i>Dialogus cum Judeo.</i>
+Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 10722, fols. 3ff.; also
+in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clvii, cols. 527–706.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Amari, M. <i>Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia</i>, 3 vols., Florence, 1854–1872.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Contains material on Edrisi and earlier Moslem geographers of
+Sicily.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_506'>506</span>AMBROISE. <i>L’Estoire de la guerre sainte: Histoire en vers de la troisième
+croisade</i>, edited by Gaston Paris, Paris, 1897.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ANAXIMANDER. See Heidel, W. A.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Anderson, R. B. See SNORRI STURLUSON, II.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Andriani, Giuseppe. <i>La carta dialettologica d’Italia secondo Dante</i> in:
+Atti dell’ VIII Congresso Geografico Italiano, vol. ii, Florence, 1923,
+pp. 255–263.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ANFUSI, PETRUS. See ALPHONSI, PETER.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ANONYMOUS. See under initial letter of first important word of title.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>ANTIQUITATES AMERICANAE.</i> See Rafn, C. C.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ARI FRODHI. <i>Íslendingabók.</i> For editions see Hermannsson, <i>Bibl.
+Icelandic Sagas</i>, 1908, pp. 56–59. English translation in: Vigfusson
+and York Powell, <i>Origines Islandicae</i>, vol. i, 1905, pp. 279–306.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ARISTARCHUS OF SAMOS. See Heath, T.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ARISTOTLE. <i>Aristoteles, graece (et latine, interpretibus variis), ex
+recensione Imm. Bekkeri, edidit Academia Regia Borussica</i>, 5 vols.,
+Berlin, 1830–1870. This is the best general edition of the Greek
+text of the works of Aristotle and is known as the Berlin edition. It
+was reprinted with the title <i>Aristotelis opera, graece, ex recensione
+Imm. Bekkeri, accedunt indices sylburgiani</i>, 11 vols., Oxford, 1837.
+There is also the following useful edition with Latin translations:
+<i>Aristotelis opera omnia, graece et latine, cum indice nominum et rerum
+absolutissimo</i>, 5 vols., Paris (Firmin-Didot), 1848–1886. An English
+translation is appearing entitled: <i>The Works of Aristotle, Translated
+into English</i>, Oxford (Clarendon Press), 1908ff.; in this the <i>De
+caelo</i> (translated by J. L. Stocks), 1922, <i>De generatione et corruptione</i>
+(translated by H. H. Joachim), 1922, the spurious <i>De mundo</i> (translated
+by E. S. Forster), 1914, and the <i>Meteorologica</i> (translated by
+E. W. Webster), 1923, have appeared, together with other works of
+lesser geographical interest. The best Greek text of the <i>Meteorology</i>
+is that of F. H. Fobes, <i>Aristotelis meteorologicorum libri quattuor</i>,
+Cambridge, Mass., 1919.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See also Duhem, <i>Du temps</i>, 1909; Endrös, A.; Fobes, F. H.; Grabmann,
+M.; Hammer-Jensen, I.; Jourdain, A.; Jourdain, C. B., <i>Infl.
+d’Aristote</i>, 1861; von Lippmann, E. O.; Lones, T. E.; Mandonnet, P.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ARNOLD OF CHARTRES. <i>De sex dierum operibus</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat.
+lat.</i>, vol. clxxxix, cols. 1513–1570.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ARNOLD OF LÜBECK. <i>Chronica Slavorum</i>, edited by J. M. Lappenberg,
+in: <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol. xxi, pp. 115–250, and in:
+<i>Scriptores rerum germ. in usum scholarum</i>, Hanover, 1868.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ARNOLD THE SAXON. Encyclopedic work published in part by
+Valentin Rose, <i>Aristoteles de lapidibus und Arnoldus Saxo</i>, in: Zeitschrift
+für deutsches Altertum, vol. xviii (new series, vol. vi), Berlin
+1875, pp. 424–454.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Stange, E.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Asher, A. See BENJAMIN OF TUDELA.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ATHELHARD. See ADELARD OF BATH; KHWĀRIZMĪ, Al-, II.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>AUGUSTINE, Saint. Works in Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vols. xxxii-xlvii.
+Also in part in <i>Corpus script. eccl. lat.</i></p>
+
+<p class='c020'>AVERROËS. See IBN RUSHD.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Avezac, [Armand] d’. <i>Coup d’oeuil historique sur la projection des cartes
+de géographie</i>, in: Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris, series
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_507'>507</span>5, vol. v, 1863, pp. 257–361, 438–485. (Also printed separately,
+Paris, 1863.)</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Still the classical and probably the most satisfactory treatment
+of the subject.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>AVICENNA (IBN SINĀ). See ALFRED OF SARESHEL, II; IBN
+SINĀ; and above, p. 401, note 60.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Babcock, W. H. <i>Saint Brendan’s Explorations and Islands</i>, in: Geographical
+Review, vol. viii, New York, 1919, pp. 37–46.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Babcock, W. H. <i>Legendary Islands of the Atlantic</i> (American Geographical
+Society Research Series, no. 8), New York, 1922.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>BACON, ROGER. I. <i>The Opus majus of Roger Bacon</i>, edited by J. H.
+Bridges, 3 vols., Oxford, 1897–1900. II. <i>Opus minus</i>, <i>Opus tertium</i>,
+<i>Compendium philosophiae</i>, edited by J. S. Brewer, in: <i>Fr. Rogeri
+Bacon opera quaedam hactenus inedita</i> (Rolls Series, no. 15), London,
+1859. III. <i>Communia naturalium</i>, edited by Robert Steele, in:
+<i>Opera hactenus inedita Rogeri Baconi</i>, fascs. ii, iii, iv, Oxford, 1905,
+1911, 1913. IV. <i>Secretum secretorum</i>, edited by Robert Steele, <i>op.
+cit.</i>, fasc. v, Oxford, 1920.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Bridges, J. H.; Little, A. G.; Steele, R.; Werner, <i>Kosm. Roger
+Baco</i>, 1879.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Baeumker, Clemens. <i>Die Stellung des Alfred von Sareshel (Alfredus
+Anglicus) und seiner Schrift De motu cordis in der Wissenschaft des
+beginnenden XIII. Jahrhunderts</i>, in: Koeniglich-bayerische Akademie
+der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, Philosophisch-philologische
+und historische Klasse, Munich, 1913, Abhandlung 9.
+(Also published separately, Munich, 1913.)</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Barthold, W. <i>Die geographische und historische Erforschung des Orients
+mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der russischen Arbeiten</i> (Quellen und
+Forschungen zur Erd- und Kulturkunde herausgegeben von R.
+Strube, vol. viii), Leipzig, 1913.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Summary of the history of relations between Orient and Occident
+to the nineteenth century. Extensive bibliographies.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>BARTHOLOMEW ANGLICUS. <i>De proprietatibus rerum.</i> There is
+no modern edition. Translations of extracts will be found in: Robert
+Steele, <i>Mediaeval Lore</i>, London, 1907.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>BATTĀNĪ, Al-. <i>Astronomy.</i> Arabic text with Latin translation and
+commentary in C. A. Nallino, <i>Al-Battānī sive Albatenii opus astronomicum</i>,
+in: Pubblicazioni del Reale Osservatorio di Brera in Milano,
+no. xl, pts. 1–3, Milan, 1899–1907.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See PLATO OF TIVOLI.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Baur, L. <i>Der Einfluss des Robert Grosseteste auf die wissenschaftliche
+Richtung des Roger Bacon</i>, in: Little, <i>Roger Bacon Essays</i>, 1914, pp.
+33–54.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Beazley, C. R. <i>The Dawn of Modern Geography</i>, 3 vols., London, 1897–1906.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>This, the most extensive and satisfactory work on medieval geography
+as a whole, covers the period from 300 to 1420 A.&#160;D. The
+main emphasis is laid upon the history of discovery and exploration.
+The study of the geographical science of the latter part of the Middle
+Ages is relatively brief (see above, p. 498).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>BEDE, The Venerable. I. <i>De natura rerum</i>, edited by J. A. Giles, <i>The
+Complete Works of the Venerable Bede (Bedae opera quae supersunt
+omnia)</i>, vol. vi, London, 1843, pp. 99–138. Also in Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_508'>508</span>vol. xc, cols. 187–278. II. <i>De temporum ratione</i>, edited by Giles,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 139–342. Also in Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. xc, cols. 293–578.
+III. <i>Hexaemeron, sive libri quatuor in principium Genesis</i>, in: Migne,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, vol. xci, cols. 9–190.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See above, p. 387, note 68.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>[BENEDICT OF PETERBOROUGH.] I. <i>Gesta regis Henrici II</i>; II.
+<i>Gesta regis Ricardi</i>; both in: <i>The Chronicle of the Reigns of Henry II
+and Richard I, A.&#160;D. 1169–1192</i>, edited by William Stubbs (Rolls
+Series, no. 49), 2 vols., London, 1867.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>These two works have been erroneously ascribed to Benedict of
+Peterborough.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Benini, R. <i>Origine, sito, forma e dimensioni del Monte del Purgatorio e
+dell’Inferno dantesco</i>, in: Rendiconti della Reale Accademia dei Lincei,
+Classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, series 5, vol. xxv,
+Rome, 1917, pp. 1015–1129.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>This important study of the cosmography of Dante came to the
+present writer’s attention when this book was in press.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Benisch, A. See PETACHIA OF RATISBON.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>BENJAMIN OF TUDELA. <i>The Itinerary of Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela</i>,
+text and English translation by A. Asher, 2 vols., London and Berlin,
+1840–1841; <i>The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela</i>, critical text, English
+translation, and commentary, edited by M. N. Adler, London,
+1907.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Borchardt, P.; Zunz, —.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Benl, Oskar. <i>Frühere und spätere Hypothesen über die regelmässige
+Anordnung der Erdgebirge nach bestimmten Himmelsrichtungen</i>
+(Dissertation, University of Munich, 1905).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Berger, Hugo. <i>Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Erdkunde der Griechen</i>,
+2nd edit., Leipzig, 1903.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>The fundamental work on the geographical science of antiquity.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Berger, Hugo. <i>Die Lehre von der Kugelgestalt der Erde im Altertum</i>,
+in: Geographische Zeitschrift., vol. xii, Leipzig, 1906, pp. 20–37.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Berger de Xivrey, [J.]. <i>Traditions tératologiques, ou récits de l’antiquité et
+du moyen-âge en Occident sur quelques points de la fable, du merveilleux
+et de l’histoire naturelle</i>, Paris, 1836.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Throws light on the marvels of India.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>BERGSSON, NIKULÁS. See NIKULÁS BERGSSON.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX, Saint. Works will be found in: Migne,
+<i>Pat. lat.</i>, vols. clxxxii-clxxxv. There are numerous other editions.
+See also: <i>The Life and Works of St. Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux,
+Edited by Dom John Mabillon, Translated and Edited with Additional
+Notes</i> by Samuel J. Eales, 4 vols., London, vols. i and ii, 1889,
+vols. iii and iv, 1896. This translation is from the fourth edition of
+Mabillon, Paris, 1839.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>BERNARD SYLVESTER. <i>De mundi universitate</i>, edited by C. S.
+Barach and J. Wrobel, in: Bibliotheca philosophorum mediae aetatis,
+vol. i, Innsbruck, 1876.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Hauréau, <i>Mémoire</i>, 1883; Langlois, C. V., <i>Maître Bernard</i>,
+1893; Poole, R. L., <i>Masters</i>, 1920.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Bertolini, G. L. <i>I quattro angoli del mondo e la forma della terra nel passo
+di Rabano Mauro</i>, in: Bollettino della Società Geografica Italiana, vol.
+xlvii, Rome, 1910, pp. 1433–1441.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_509'>509</span>Bertolini, G. L. <i>L’orologio solare di Aquileia e la sistemazione della rosa
+dei venti nel medio evo</i>, in: Bollettino della Reale Società Geografica
+Italiana, vol. liii, Rome, 1916, pp. 969–985.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>BIBLE, THE.</i> Citations are to the Vulgate; translations, except where
+otherwise stated, from the Douai and Rheims version.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Biese, A. <i>Die Entwicklung des Naturgefühls im Mittelalter und Neuzeit</i>,
+Leipzig, 1892. English translation with title <i>The Development of
+the Feeling for Nature in the Middle Ages and Modern Times</i>, London,
+1905 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Birkenmajer, Alexander. <i>Eine neue Handschrift des “Liber de naturis
+inferiorum et superiorum” des Daniel von Merlai</i>, in: Archiv für die
+Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und Technik, vol. ix, Leipzig,
+1920, pp. 45–51 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>BITRŪJĪ, Al- (ALPETRAGIUS). <i>On the Sphere.</i> This work was translated
+into Latin by Michael Scot in 1217 (on manuscripts see Haskins,
+<i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, p. 251, note 3; the same, <i>Studies</i>,
+1924, p. 273, note 9). It was also translated into Latin from the
+Hebrew version of Moses ben Samuel ben Tibbon (1259) by the
+Neapolitan Jew Calo Calonymos ben David under the title <i>Alpetragii
+Arabi planetarum theorica</i>&#160;... etc., Venice, 1528 (not seen; cited by
+Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. ii, 1914, p. 146).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Björnbo, A. A. <i>Adam af Bremens Nordensopfattelse</i>, in: Aarböger for
+nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, Copenhagen, 1909 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Blázquez y Delgado Aguilera, Antonio. <i>San Isidoro de Sevilla: Mapa
+mundi</i>, in: Boletín de la Real Sociedad Geográfica, vol. 50, Madrid,
+1908, pp. 207–272, 306–358.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Boffito, Giuseppe. <i>Intorno alla “Quaestio de aqua et terra” attribuita a
+Dante</i>: Memoria I, <i>La controversia dell’acqua e della terra prima e
+dopo di Dante</i>, in: Memorie della Reale Accademia delle Scienze di
+Torino, series 2, vol. li, Appr. nell’adunanza del 23 giugno 1901,
+Turin, 1902, pp. 73–159; Memoria II, <i>Il trattato dantesco</i>, in: <i>op. cit.</i>,
+series 2, vol. lii, Appr. nell’adunanza del giugno 1902, Turin, 1903,
+pp. 257–342. See also above, p. 410, note 98.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Boffito, Giuseppe. <i>La leggenda degli antipodi</i>, in: <i>Miscellanea di studi
+critici ed. in onore di Arturo Graf</i>, Bergamo, 1903, pp. 583–601.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Boncompagni, Baldassare. <i>Delle versione fatte da Platone Tiburtino,
+traduttore de secolo duodecimo: Notizie</i>, Rome, 1851.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Boncompagni, Baldassare. <i>Della vita e delle opere di Gherardo Cremonese,
+traduttore del secolo duodecimo, e di Gherardo da Sabbionetta, astronomo
+del secolo decimoterzo: Notizie raccolte da&#8201;—</i>, in: Atti dell’Accademia
+Pontifica dei Nuovi Lincei, anno IV, sesione VII del 27 giugno, 1851,
+Rome, 1851. (Also published separately.)</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Borchardt, Paul. <i>L’itinéraire de Rabbi Benjamin de Tudèle en Chine</i>, in:
+T’oung Pao, ou archives concernant l’histoire, les langues, la
+géographie et l’ethnographie de l’Asie orientale, vol. xxiii, Leiden,
+1924, pp. 31–35.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See above, p. 414, note 156.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>BRANDAN (BRENDAN), Saint. <i>Peregrinatio sancti Brandani
+abbatis.</i> Latin text and early German versions edited by Carl
+Schröder, <i>Sanct Brandan: Ein lateinischer und drei deutsche Texte</i>,
+Erlangen, 1871. Latin, Flemish, and French texts in: A. Jubinal,
+<i>La légende latine de Saint Brendaines</i>, Paris, 1836. Anglo-Norman
+text in: H. Suchier, <i>Brandans Seefahrt (anglonormannischer Text der
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_510'>510</span>Handschrift Cotton, Vesp. B. X.</i>), in: Romanische Studien herausgegeben
+von E. Böhmer, vol. i, pt. 5, Strasburg, 1875, pp. 553–588.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Babcock, W. H.; Goeje, M. J. de.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Brehaut, Ernest. <i>An Encyclopedist of the Dark Ages: Isidore of Seville</i>
+(Columbia University Studies in History, Economics, and Public
+Law, vol. xlviii, no. 1), New York, 1912.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Part I deals with Isidore’s life, writings, relation to previous culture,
+his general view of the universe, and his attitude toward education.
+Part II consists of commentary and translation of selected
+passages from the <i>Etymologiae</i>, including extracts from Book XIV,
+“On the Earth and Its Parts.”</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Bréhier, Louis. <i>Les colonies d’orientaux en Occident au commencement du
+moyen-âge, v<sup>e</sup>-viii<sup>e</sup> siècle</i>, in: Byzantinische Zeitschrift, vol. xii, no.
+i, Munich, 1903, pp. 1–39.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Bréhier, Louis. <i>L’Église et l’Orient au moyen âge: Les croisades</i>, Paris,
+1911.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>BRENDAN, Saint. See BRANDAN, Saint.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Bresslau, H. <i>Die Chroniken des Frutolf von Bamberg und des Ekkehard
+von Aura</i>, in: Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche
+Geschichtskunde, vol. xxi, Hanover, 1895, pp. 197–234.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Bridges, J. H. <i>The Life and Work of Roger Bacon: An Introduction to the
+Opus Majus</i>, edited by H. G. James, London, 1914.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Brown, J. Wood. <i>An Enquiry into the Life and Legend of Michael Scot</i>,
+Edinburgh, 1897.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Unreliable. See Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, p. 250; the
+same, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 272.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>BRUNETTO LATINO (or LATINI). See LATINO, BRUNETTO.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Bruun, P. <i>Die Verwandlungen des Presbiters Johannes</i>, in: Zeitschrift
+der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin, vol. xi, 1876, pp. 279–314.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Bubnov, Nicholaus. See GERBERT (SYLVESTER II).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Bunbury, E. H. <i>A History of Ancient Geography</i>, 2 vols., London, 1879.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Scholarly and accurate. Though old, the best work on the subject
+in English.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>CALLISTHENES, PSEUDO-. See ALEXANDER THE GREAT,
+ROMANCE OF, I.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>CAMBRENSIS, GIRALDUS. See GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>CAPELLA, MARTIANUS. <i>De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii</i>, edited
+by F. Eyssenhardt, Leipzig (Teubner), 1866.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Mori, <i>Misuraz. eratos.</i>, 1911.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Capelle, Wilhelm. <i>Berges- und Wolkenhöhen bei griechischen Physikern</i>
+(Στοιχεῖα: Studien zur Geschichte des antiken Weltbildes und der
+griechischen Wissenschaft herausgegeben von Franz Boll, vol. v),
+Leipzig and Berlin, 1916.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Carmoly, E., transl. and edit. <i>ITINÉRAIRES DE LA TERRE
+SAINTE DES XIII<sup>e</sup>, XIV<sup>e</sup>, XV<sup>e</sup>, XVI<sup>e</sup>, ET XVII<sup>e</sup> SIÈCLES
+traduits de l’hébreu, et accompagnés de tables, de cartes et d’éclaircissements</i>,
+Brussels, 1847.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Carra de Vaux, [Bernard.] <i>Les penseurs de l’Islam</i>, vols. i and ii, Paris,
+1921; vol. iii, 1923 (to be complete in 5 vols.).</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>The first three chapters of vol. ii give an admirable popular account
+of the geographers of Islam and their work.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_511'>511</span>Cebrian, Konstantin. <i>Geschichte der Kartographie: Ein Beitrag zur
+Entwicklung des Kartenbildes und Kartenwesens. I. Altertum. 1.
+Von den ersten Versuchen der Länderabbildung bis auf Marinos und
+Ptolemaios (Zur Alexandrinischen Schule)</i>, (Geographische Bausteine,
+edited by Hermann Haack, vol. x), Gotha, 1923.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Useful general history, sometimes misleading in details. The
+author was killed in the World War, and hence the present part
+represents the only part published. Contains an appendix by Joseph
+Fischer, <i>Ptolemaios als Kartograph</i>, pp. 113–129, in which the endeavor
+is made to correct Cebrian’s misapprehensions regarding
+Ptolemy.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Chevalier, Ulysse. <i>Répertoire des sources historiques du moyen âge</i>:
+(1) <i>Bio-bibliographie</i>, 2 vols., Paris, 1905–1907; (2) <i>Topo-bibliographie</i>,
+Montbéliard, 1894–1899, 1903.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See above, p. 491.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>CHRONICLES AND MEMORIALS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND
+IRELAND.</i> See “<i>ROLLS SERIES</i>.”</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Clarke, John. See SENECA.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>CLEOMEDES. <i>De motu circulari corporum caelestium libri duo</i>, edited
+by Hermann Ziegler, Leipzig (Teubner), 1891.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Clerval, A. <i>Les écoles de Chartres au moyen âge du v<sup>e</sup> au xvi<sup>e</sup> siècle.</i>
+(Mémoires de la Société Archéologique d’Eure-et-Loir, no. 11),
+Paris, 1895.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Important study of the scholars of the leading intellectual center
+of France in the early twelfth century.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Coli, Edoardo. <i>Il paradiso terrestre dantesco</i> (Pubblicazioni del R. Istituto
+di Studi Superiori Pratici e di Perfezionamento in Firenze,
+Sezione di filosofia e lettere, vol. ii, no. 28), Florence, 1897.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Columba, G. M. <i>La questione soliniana e la letteratura geografica dei
+Romani</i>, in: Atti della Reale Accademia di Scienze, vol. xi, Palermo,
+1920 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>COMESTOR, PETER. <i>Historia scholastica</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol.
+cxcviii, cols. 1045–1722.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Masson, G.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>CONRAD OF QUERFURT. Letter describing journey through Italy,
+in: Arnold of Lübeck, <i>Chronica Slavorum</i>, v, 19, in: <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>,
+Scriptores, vol. xxi, pp. 192–196.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Coolidge, W. A. B. <i>The Alps in Nature and History</i>, New York, 1908.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Contains compact, scholarly discussions of Alpine history and of
+the great passes.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Cordier, Henri. <i>Documents historiques et géographiques relatifs à l’Indochine</i>,
+4 vols., Paris, 1910–1914.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Includes texts of Greek and Latin authors relating to the Far
+East from the fourth century before Christ to the fourteenth of our
+era. Also Oriental geographical texts.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Cordier, Henri, on Marco Polo. See POLO, MARCO.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>CORPUS SCRIPTORUM ECCLESIASTICORUM LATINORUM</i>,
+Vienna, 1866ff. 65 vols. have appeared (1924).</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Great collection of critical texts of the Church Fathers until the
+seventh century.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Cousin, G. <i>Etudes de géographie ancienne</i>, Paris and Nancy, 1906.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Chapter 38 is on the geography of the East in the writings of Henri
+de Valenciennes and Villehardouin.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_512'>512</span>Cumont, Franz. <i>After Life in Roman Paganism</i>, New Haven, 1922.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Cusa, Salvatore. <i>Sulla denominazione dei venti e dei punti cardinali, e
+specialmente de Nord, Est, Sud, Ouest</i>, in: Terzo Congresso Geografico
+Internazionale tenuto a Venezia dal 15 al 22 settembre 1881, vol.
+ii, Rome, 1884, pp. 375–415.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Dahlmann, Joseph. <i>Die Thomas-Legende und die ältesten historischen
+Beziehungen des Christentums zum fernen Osten im Lichte der indischen
+Altertumskunde</i>, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1912.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>DANIEL OF MORLEY. <i>De philosophia</i>, or <i>Liber de naturis inferiorum
+et superiorum</i>, edited by K. Sudhoff in: Archiv für die Geschichte
+der Naturwissenschaften und Technik, vol. viii, pts. 1–3, Leipzig,
+June, 1917, pp. 1–40.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Birkenmajer, A.; Singer, <i>Daniel of Morley</i>, 1920.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>DANTE. I. <i>Tutte le opere</i>, edited by Edward Moore, Oxford, 1894. A
+convenient edition of all the works. II. <i>The Convivio [Convito] of
+Dante Alighieri</i>, translated by P. H. Wicksteed, London, 1903.
+III. <i>Dante, De vulgari eloquentia</i>, translated by A. G. F. Howell,
+London, 1890. IV. <i>The Divine Comedy.</i> Among the numerous
+English translations note especially that of C. E. Norton, 3 vols.,
+Boston, 1891–1892. V. <i>Quaestio de aqua et terra</i> [not certainly the
+work of Dante], edited by C. L. Shadwell, Oxford, 1909, with English
+translation. German translation by Josef Krejcik, <i>Dantes
+Quaestio de aqua et terra</i>, in: Kartographische und Schulgeographische
+Zeitschrift, vol. ix, Vienna, 1921, pp. 107–110, 136–140.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>For further material on Dante’s cosmology and geography see
+Andriani, G.; Benini, R.; Boffito, <i>Intorno alla “Quaestio de aqua et
+terra</i>,” 1902–1903; Coli, E.; Moore, E.; Mori, <i>La geogr.</i>, 1922; Schmidt,
+W.; and references in Krejcik, <i>op. cit.</i></p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Daunou, P. C. F. <i>Discours sur l’état des lettres au xiii<sup>e</sup> siècle</i>, Paris,
+1860. Also in: <i>Histoire littéraire de la France</i>, vol. xvi, Paris, 1824,
+pp. 1–254.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Chapter 17 is on geography and voyages.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>DE</i>, etc. For anonymous works title of which begins with <i>DE</i> see under
+initial letter of principal word of title.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Decourdemanche, J. A. <i>Note sur l’estimation de la longeur du degré
+terrestre chez les Grecs, les Arabes, et dans l’Inde</i>, in: Journal asiatique,
+series 11, vol. 1, Paris, 1913, pp. 427–444.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Presents a hazardous theory.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>De Goeje, M. J. See Goeje, M. J. de.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Delaborde, H. F. See WILLIAM THE BRETON.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Delambre, J. B. J. <i>Histoire de l’astronomie du moyen âge</i>, Paris, 1819.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Old but still a standard work on medieval astronomy.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>De La Roncière, Charles. See La Roncière, Charles de.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Delisle, Léopold. See GODFREY OF VITERBO.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Denis, Ferdinand. <i>Le monde enchanté: Cosmographie et histoire naturelle
+fantastiques du moyen âge</i>, Paris, 1843.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Popular, though scholarly, work on medieval marvels.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>DESCRIPTIONES TERRAE SANCTAE.</i> See Tobler, Titus.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Detlefsen, D. <i>Ursprung, Einrichtung und Bedeutung der Erdkarte
+Agrippas</i> (Quellen und Forschungen zur alten Geschichte und Geographie
+herausgegeben von W. Sieglin, no. 13), Berlin, 1906.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_513'>513</span>Detlefsen, D. <i>Die Geographie Afrikas bei Plinius und Mela und ihre
+Quellen</i> (Quellen und Forschungen zur alten Geschichte und Geographie
+herausgegeben von W. Sieglin, no. 14), Berlin, 1909.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See also PLINY.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>DEVISION, LA, DE LA TERRE DE OULTREMER ET DES
+CHOSES QUI I SONT</i>, edited by C. Hopf in: Chroniques gréco-romanes,
+Berlin, 1873, pp. 30–34.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>De Wulf, Maurice. See Wulf, Maurice de.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>DICUIL. <i>De mensura orbis terrae</i>, edited by A. Letronne, in his <i>Recherches</i>,
+1814. Also by Gustav Parthey, Berlin, 1870.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Dietrich, ——. <i>Die geographischen Anschauungen einiger Chronisten des
+XI. und XII. Jahrhunderts</i>, in: Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche
+Geographie, vol. v, Vienna, 1885, pp. 95–103, 187–207.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Dinse, Paul. <i>Die handschriftlichen Ptolemäus-Karten und die Agathodämonfrage</i>,
+in: Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin,
+1913, pp. 745–770.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>DIONYSIUS PERIGETES. <i>Orbis descriptio</i>, in: C. Müller, <i>Geographi
+graeci minores</i>, 1882, vol. ii, pp. 103–176.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Doberentz, Otto. <i>Die Erd- und Völkerkunde in der Weltchronik des
+Rudolf von Hohen-Ems</i>, in: Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, vols.
+xii, Halle, 1880, pp. 257–301, 387–454, xiii, 1881, pp. 29–57, 165–223.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Important material in this monograph on the sources of the <i>De
+imagine mundi</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>DOMINICUS GONDISALVI (GUNDISSALINUS). I. <i>De divisione
+philosophiae</i>, edited by L. Baur, in: Beiträge zur Geschichte der
+Philosophie des Mittelalters herausgegeben von C. Baeumker, vol.
+iv, pts. 2–3, Münster, 1903. II. Translations of the <i>Physics</i> and
+<i>De caelo</i> of Aristotle. Unpublished. See Steinschneider, <i>Europäische
+Übersetzungen</i>, in: Sitzungsberichte, vol. cxlix, 1905, pp. 32,
+42, 43.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Dozy, R. See IDRĪSĪ, Al-.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Draper, J. W. <i>History of the Conflict Between Religion and Science</i>, New
+York, 1875. (Also other editions.)</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Endeavors to show the baneful influence of organized religion
+upon the development of science.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Dreesbach, Emil. <i>Der Orient in der altfranzösischen Kreuzzugsliteratur</i>
+(Dissertation, University of Breslau, 1901).</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>A compilation of references to the Near East in the French literature
+of the Crusades, with explanatory comment.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Duhem, Pierre. <i>Du temps où la scholastique latine a connu la physique
+d’Aristote</i>, in: Revue de philosophie, vol. xv, Paris, 1909, pp. 163–178.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Duhem, Pierre. <i>Le système du monde: Histoire des doctrines cosmologiques
+de Platon à Copernic</i>, 5 vols., Paris, 1913–1917.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>A work of fundamental importance. From the geographical
+point of view significant for the data it contains on the history of
+cosmography, of astronomical geography, and of theories of the tides.
+Contains valuable bibliographical references, though not always
+complete (see criticism in Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 82–83).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Eales, S. J. See BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>EDDAS, THE.</i> I. <i>SAEMUNDAR EDDA</i>, or <i>POETIC EDDA</i>. Text
+in: R. C. Boer, edit., <i>Die Edda, mit historisch-kritischem Commentar</i>, Haarlem,
+1922; Eduard Sievers, edit., <i>Die Eddalieder</i> (Abhandlungen
+der sächischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philologisch,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_514'>514</span>historische Klasse, vol. xxxvii, no. 3), Leipzig, 1923. English
+translation: H. A. Bellows, <i>The Poetic Edda, Translated from the
+Icelandic, With an Introduction and Notes</i>, 2 vols., New York, 1923.
+II. <i>SNORRIS EDDA</i>, or <i>PROSE EDDA</i>. See SNORRI STURLUSON,
+II.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See also Hermannsson, <i>Bibl. Eddas</i>, 1920.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>EDRISI. See IDRĪSĪ, Al-.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>EKKEHARD OF AURA. See FRUTOLF OF MICHAELSBERG.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>ELYSAEUS ACCOUNT.</i> See PRESTER JOHN, II.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Endrös, A. <i>Die Gezeiten, Seiches und Strömungen des Meeres bei Aristoteles</i>,
+in: Bayerische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte,
+Mathematisch-physikalische Klasse, Munich, 1915, pp. 355–385.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ERATOSTHENES. <i>Die geographischen Fragmente des Eratosthenes</i>,
+edited with commentary by Hugo Berger, Leipzig (Teubner), 1880.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Mori, <i>Misuraz. eratos.</i>, 1911; Scala, R. von; Thalamas, A.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ERIGENA (or ERIUGENA), JOHN SCOT. See JOHN SCOT
+ERIGENA.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Esposito, M. <i>On Some Unpublished Poems Attributed to Alexander
+Neckam</i>, in: English Historical Review, vol. xxx, London, 1915, pp.
+450–471.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Fant, C. <i>L’Image du monde, poème inédit du milieu du xiii<sup>e</sup> siècle, étudié
+dans ses diverses rédactions françaises d’après les manuscrits des bibliothèques
+de Paris et de Stockholm</i> (Dissertation, University of
+Upsala, 1886.)</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Gives a summary of the contents of the poem.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>FARGHĀNĪ, Al- (ALFRAGANUS). <i>On the Elements of Astronomy.</i>
+See GERARD OF CREMONA, I; JOHN OF SEVILLE, I.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>FETELLUS (FRETELLUS). <i>Tractatus de distantiis locorum Terrae
+Sanctae.</i> Text in: Comte Melchior de Vogue, <i>Les églises de la Terre
+Sainte</i>, Paris, 1860, pp. 412–433; also in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clv,
+cols. 1037–1054. English translation by J. R. Macpherson, <i>Fetellus
+(circa 1130 A.&#160;D.)</i>, London, 1892 (in: Palestine Pilgrims’ Text
+Society, <i>Library</i>, 1897, vol. v).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Fischer, Joseph. <i>Ptolemäus und Agathodämon</i>, forming supplement (on
+pp. 71–93) to von Mžik, <i>Afrika</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Fischer, Joseph. <i>Pappus und die Ptolemäuskarten</i>, in: Zeitschrift der
+Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin, 1919, pp. 336–358.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Fischer, Joseph. <i>Ptolemaios als Kartograph</i>, forming supplement (on pp.
+113–129) to Cebrian, <i>Geschichte der Kartographie</i>, 1923.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>FITZSTEPHEN, WILLIAM. Description of London in Latin forming
+the preface to his Latin life of Thomas à Becket, in: J. C. Robertson,
+<i>Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury</i>
+(Rolls Series, no. 67), vol. iii, London, 1877. Also in: Migne, <i>Pat.
+lat.</i>, vol. cxc, cols., 103–110; <i>A Survey of London by John Stow</i>, edited
+by C. T. Kingsford (2 vols., Oxford, 1908), vol. ii, pp. 219–223.
+English translation in: <i>John Stow, A Survay of London&#160;... 1598</i>,
+edited by Henry Morley, London, 1908, pp. 22–29, 117–119.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Fobes, F. H. <i>Mediaeval Versions of Aristotle’s Meteorology</i>, in: Classical
+Philology, vol. x, Chicago, 1915, pp. 297–314.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Frahm, Wilhelm. <i>Das Meer und die Seefahrt in der altfranzösischen
+Literatur</i> (Dissertation, University of Göttingen, 1914).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_515'>515</span>Francke, Kuno. <i>Zur Geschichte der lateinischen Schulpoesie des XII.
+und XIII. Jahrhunderts</i>, Munich, 1879.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>FRETELLUS. See FETELLUS.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Fritsche, Franz. <i>Untersuchung über die Quellen der Image du monde des
+Walther von Metz</i>, Halle, 1880.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>FRODHI, ARI. See ARI FRODHI.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>FRUTOLF OF MICHAELSBERG (or of BAMBERG). <i>Chronica.</i>
+Edited as if the work of Ekkehard of Aura, in: <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>,
+Scriptores, vol. vi, 1844, pp. 33–231. See Bresslau, H.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Ganzenmüller, Wilhelm. <i>Das Naturgefühl im Mittelalter</i> (Beiträge zur
+Kulturgeschichte des Mittelalters und der Renaissance herausgegeben
+von Walter Götz, vol. xviii), Leipzig and Berlin, 1914.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>An attempt to interpret the medieval attitude toward nature
+“von innen heraus, aus der geistigen Eigenart des Mittelalters....”
+(p. 4). German translations of many descriptions of landscape and
+scenery are included.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Ganzenmüller, Wilhelm. <i>Die empfindsame Naturbetrachtung im Mittelalter</i>,
+in: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, vol. xii, Berlin, 1916, pp.
+195–228.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GAUTIER DE CHÂTILLON (or DE LILLE). See WALTER OF
+CHÂTILLON.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Geidel, Heinrich. <i>Alfred der Grosse als Geograph</i> (Münchener geographische
+Studien herausgegeben von Siegmund Günther, no. 15),
+Munich, 1904.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Geikie, Sir Archibald. <i>The Founders of Geology</i>, London, 1905.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Geikie, Sir Archibald. <i>The Love of Nature Among the Romans During
+the Later Decades of the Republic and the First Century of the Empire</i>,
+London, 1912.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH. <i>Historia Britonum</i>, edited by J. A.
+Giles, Caxton Society, London, 1844. An English translation entitled
+<i>Geoffrey of Monmouth’s British History</i> by J. A. Giles, in:
+<i>Monkish Historians of Great Britain</i>, vol. iv, London, 1844 (also in
+Bohn’s Antiquarian Library, London, 1848).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GEOFFREY OF ST. VICTOR (GODEFROI DE BRETEUIL). I.
+<i>Fons philosophiae</i>, edited by M. A. Charma in his <i>Fons philosophiae:
+Poème inédit du xii<sup>e</sup> siècle, publié et annoté par —</i>, Caen, 1868. II.
+<i>Microcosmus.</i> Unpublished. See above, p. 428, note 135.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>GEOGRAPHI GRAECI MINORES.</i> See Müller, C.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>GEOGRAPHI LATINI MINORES.</i> See Riese, A.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GERALD OF BARRY. See GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GERARD OF CREMONA. I. <i>Liber de aggregationibus scientiae
+stellarum et principiis coelestium motum</i>, a translation of Al-Farghānī’s
+<i>On the Elements of Astronomy</i>. See Woepcke, <i>Notice</i>, 1862, pp.
+117–120. II. Translation of Az-Zarqalī’s <i>Canons</i> on the <i>Toledo
+Tables</i>. See above, pp. 399–400, notes 44–45. III. Translations of
+Aristotle’s <i>Meteorology</i> (first three books), <i>Physics</i>, <i>De caelo et
+mundo</i>, and <i>De generatione et corruptione</i>. Unpublished. On manuscripts
+see Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, p. 87; see also above, pp.
+401–402, notes 59, 60, 61, 62. IV. <i>Theorica planetarum.</i> MS. in
+Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 7421. This work was
+also printed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The edition
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_516'>516</span>referred to in the Notes of the present work as the “Renner edition”
+was printed in Venice “per Franciscū Renner de Hailbrun, MCCCCLXXVIII.”
+In the same volume is to be found the <i>De sphaera</i> of
+John of Holywood, q. v. For references to other editions see
+Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, p. 219, note 3.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Boncompagni, <i>Della vita</i>, 1851.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GERBERT (SYLVESTER II). <i>Gerberti postea Silvestri II papae opera
+mathematica</i>, edited by Nicholaus Bubnov, Berlin, 1899.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GERVASE OF CANTERBURY. I. <i>Chronica de tempore regum Angliae
+Stephani, Henrici II et Ricardi I</i>, edited by William Stubbs, in:
+<i>The Historical Works of Gervase of Canterbury</i> (Rolls Series, no. 71),
+vol. i, London, 1879. II. <i>Mappamundi</i>, edited by Stubbs, <i>op. cit.</i>,
+vol. ii, London, 1880, pp. 414–444.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GERVASE OF TILBURY. <i>Otia imperialia</i>, edited by G. G. Leibnitz,
+in: <i>Scriptores rerum brunsvicensium</i> (3 vols., Hanover, 1707–1711),
+vol. i, pp. 881–1004, vol. ii, pp. 754–784.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Liebrecht, F.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Gilbert, Otto. <i>Die meteorologischen Theorien des griechischen Altertums</i>,
+Leipzig, 1907.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Fundamental study of ancient meteorology.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Giordano Carlo. <i>Alexandreis, poema di Gautier da Châtillon</i>, Naples, 1917.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS (GERALD OF BARRY). I. <i>Topographia
+Hiberniae et</i> (II) <i>Expugnatio Hiberniae</i>, edited by J. F. Dimock,
+in: <i>Giraldi Cambrensis opera</i> (Rolls Series, no. 21), vol. v, London,
+1867. English translation by Thomas Foster, <i>The Historical Works
+of Giraldus Cambrensis Containing the Topography of Ireland and the
+History of the Conquest of Ireland</i>, revised by Thomas Wright, in
+Bohn’s Antiquarian Library, London, 1863. III. <i>Itinerarium
+Kambriae et</i> (IV) <i>Descriptio Kambriae</i>, edited by J. F. Dimock,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, vol. vi, London, 1868. Sir R. C. Hoare’s English translation
+of 1806 appeared under the title <i>The Itinerary Through Wales and
+the Description of Wales by Giraldus Cambrensis</i> in Everyman’s
+Library, London and New York, 1908. V. <i>Symbolum electorum</i>,
+edited by J. S. Brewer, in: <i>Giraldi Cambrensis opera</i> (Rolls Series,
+no. 21), vol. i, London, 1861, pp. 199–395.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Lynch, J.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Gisinger, F. “Geographie,” article in: <i>Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der
+classischen Altertumswissenschaft: Neue Bearbeitung, begonnen von
+Georg Wissowa</i>, edited by Wilhelm Kroll, supplementary vol. iv,
+Stuttgart, 1924, cols. 521–685.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GODFREY OF VITERBO. I. <i>Pantheon seu universitate libri, qui
+chronici appellantur, XX,&#160;... ab O. C.-1186.</i> Edited by B. J.
+Herold, Basel, 1559, and by J. Pistorius (3rd edition, edited by B. G.
+Struve, vol. ii, Ratisbon, 1726, pp. 2–392); also edited (in part only)
+in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcviii, cols. 875–1044, and in: <i>Mon. Germ.
+hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol. xxii, 1872, pp. 107–307. II. <i>Denumeratio
+regnorum imperio subjectorum</i>, edited by Léopold Delisle in his
+<i>Littérature latine et histoire du moyen âge</i>, Paris, 1890, pp. 41–50.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Goeje, M. J. de. <i>La légende de St. Brandan</i>, in: Actes du Huitième
+Congrès Internationale des Orientalistes, 1889, Leiden, 1891, pp.
+43–76. (Also printed separately, Leiden, 1890.)</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Goeje, M. J. de, on Edrisi. See IDRĪSĪ, Al-.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_517'>517</span>Gollancz, Hermann. <i>Dodi ve-Nechdi (Uncle and Nephew), the Work of
+Berachya Hanakdan</i>, Oxford, etc., 1920. Pp. 87–161 consist of a
+translation of the <i>Quaestiones naturales</i> of Adelard of Bath, q. v.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GONDISALVI, DOMINICUS. See DOMINICUS GONDISALVI.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GOSSOUIN OF METZ. Possibly author or co-author of the <i>Image du
+monde</i>. See above, p. 105 and p. 405, note 89.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Grabmann, Martin. <i>Forschungen über die lateinischen Aristotelesübersetzungen
+des XIII. Jahrhunderts</i>, in: Beiträge zur Geschichte der
+Philosophie des Mittelalters herausgegeben von C. Baeumker, vol.
+xvii, pts. 5–6, Münster, 1916.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Graf, Arturo. <i>La leggenda del paradiso terrestre</i>, Turin, 1878.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Graf, Arturo. <i>Roma nella memoria e nelle immaginazioni del medio
+evo</i>, 2 vols., Turin, 1882–1883.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Graf, Arturo. <i>Miti, leggende e superstizioni del medio evo</i>, 2 vols., Turin,
+1892–1893.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Much material and a wealth of references on legendary geography.
+Vol. i, pp. 1–193, deals with the legend of the terrestrial paradise.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GREGORIUS, MAGISTER. See GREGORY, MASTER.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Gregorovius, Ferdinand. <i>Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter</i>, 8 vols.,
+1st edit., Stuttgart, 1859–1872. Translation from fourth German
+edition by Annie Hamilton, <i>History of the City of Rome in the Middle
+Ages</i>, 8 vols. in 13, London, 1894–1912.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GREGORY, MASTER. <i>Magister Gregorius de mirabilibus urbis Romae</i>,
+edited with introduction by M. R. James in his <i>Magister Gregorius</i>,
+in: English Historical Review, vol. xxxii, London, 1917, pp. 531–554.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Gribaudi, Pietro. <i>La geografia di S. Isidoro di Siviglia</i> (Memorie della
+Reale Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, series 2, vol. lv), Turin,
+1905.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Gribaudi, Pietro. <i>Per la storia della geografia, specialmente nel medio
+evo</i>, Turin, 1906. Fasc. I of this contains: <i>L’autorità de S. Isidoro
+de Siviglia, come geografo, nel medio evo</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Gribble, Francis. <i>The Early Mountaineers</i>, London, 1899.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Gröber, G. <i>Übersicht über die lateinische Literatur von der Mitte des 6.
+Jahrhunderts bis 1350</i>, in his <i>Grundriss der romanischen Philologie</i>
+(2 vols., Strasburg, 1888–1902), vol. ii, pt. i, pp. 97–432.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GROSSETESTE, ROBERT (ROBERT OF LINCOLN). (I) <i>De
+sphaera</i>, (II) <i>De impressionibus aëris seu de prognosticatione</i>, (III) <i>De
+luce seu de inchoatione formarum</i>, (IV) <i>Quod homo sit minor mundus</i>,
+(V) <i>De lineis angulis et figuris seu de fractionibus et reflexionibus
+radiorum</i>, (VI) <i>De natura locorum</i>, (VII) <i>De impressionibus elementorum</i>,
+(VIII) <i>De finitate motus et temporis</i>, all edited by Ludwig
+Baur in his <i>Die philosophischen Werke des Robert Grosseteste, Bischofs
+von Lincoln</i> (Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters
+herausgegeben von C. Baeumker, vol. ix), Münster, 1912. (IX)
+<i>Summa super libros octo Physicorum</i> (commentary on the <i>Physics</i> of
+Aristotle), first printed in Venice in 1498, and subsequently frequently
+printed in the sixteenth century; no modern critical edition.
+On early editions and manuscripts see Baur, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 19*-20*.
+(X) <i>Hexaemeron.</i> Unpublished. Baur, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 24*, note 1, cites
+MS. Brit. Mus. Bibl. reg. 6 E. V. (XI) <i>Summa philosophiae.</i>
+Ascribed probably erroneously to Grosseteste. Edited by Baur,
+<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 275–643.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See also Baur, L.; Little, A. G.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_518'>518</span>GUI DE BAZOCHES. See GUY OF BAZOCHES.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GUIDO. Encyclopedic compilation in six books containing geographical
+passages which in part are edited by M. Pinder and G. Parthey,
+<i>Ravennatis anonymi Cosmographia et Guidonis Geographica</i>, Berlin,
+1860, pp. 449–556.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GUILELMUS, GUILLAUME, etc. See WILLIAM.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GUNDISSALINUS, DOMINICUS. See DOMINICUS GONDISALVI.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Günther, Siegmund. <i>Studien zur Geschichte der mathematischen und
+physikalischen Geographie</i>, 3 vols., Halle, 1877–1879. Parts i and
+ii consist of <i>Die Lehre von der Erdrundung und Erdbewegung im
+Mittelalter</i>; part iii, of <i>Ältere und neuere Hypothesen über die chronische
+Versetzung des Erdschwerpunktes durch Wassermassen</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Marinelli, <i>Scritti minori</i>, vol. i, [1908?].</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Günther, Siegmund. <i>Die kosmographischen Anschauungen des Mittelalters</i>,
+in: Deutsche Rundschau für Geographie und Statistik, vol.
+iv, Vienna, 1882, pp. 249–254, 313–317, 345–352.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Günther, Siegmund. <i>Notiz zur Geschichte der Klimatologie</i>, in: Bibliotheca
+mathematica, no. 3, Stockholm, 1887.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Günther, Siegmund. <i>Wissenschaftliche Bergbesteigungen in älterer Zeit</i>,
+in: Jahresberichte der Geographischen Gesellschaft in München für
+1894 und 1895, Munich, 1896, pp. 51–67.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Günther, Siegmund. <i>Geschichte der Erdkunde</i>, Leipzig and Vienna, 1904.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>A dry and compact summary of the history of geographical science
+and exploration from antiquity to modern times. Contains many
+valuable references.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Günther, Siegmund. <i>Die antike Apokatastasis auf ihre astronomischen
+und geophysischen Grundlagen geprüft</i>, in: Bayerische Akademie
+der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, Mathematisch-physikalische
+Klasse, Munich, 1916, pp. 83–112.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Günther, Siegmund. <i>Optische Beweisung für die Erdkrümmung sonst
+und jetzt</i>, in: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte,
+Mathematisch-physikalische Klasse, Munich, 1920, pt. 2,
+pp. 371–385.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GUNTHER OF PAIRIS. <i>Ligurinus</i>, edited by C. G. Dümge, Heidelberg,
+1812; also in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. ccxii, cols. 327–476. German
+translation by T. Vulpinus, <i>Der Ligurinus Gunthers von Pairis
+im Elsass&#160;... etc.</i>, Strasburg, 1889.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Pannenborg, A.; Paris, G., <i>Dissertation critique</i>, 1872.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>GUY OF BAZOCHES. Selections from the letters in: W. Wattenbach,
+<i>Aus den Briefen des Guido von Bazoches</i>, in: Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft
+für Ältere Deutsche Geschichtskunde, vol. xvi, Hanover,
+1891, pp. 69–113.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See above, p. 414, note 152.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Haag, Heinrich. <i>Die Geschichte des Nullmeridians</i> (Dissertation, University
+of Giessen, 1913).</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>The discussion of the prime meridians used in the Middle Ages
+appears to be based mainly on the now antiquated work of Lelewel.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Schoy, <i>Längenbestimmung</i>, 1915.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Hammer-Jensen, Ingeborg. <i>Das sogennante IV. Buch der Meteorologie
+des Aristoteles</i>, in: Hermes: Zeitschrift für classische Philologie, vol.
+50, Berlin, 1915, pp. 113–136.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_519'>519</span>Haskins, C. H. <i>Adelard of Bath</i>, in: English Historical Review, vol.
+xxvi, London, 1911, pp. 491–498.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Below, Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Haskins, C. H. <i>The Reception of Arabic Science in England</i>, in: English
+Historical Review, vol. xxx, London, 1915, pp. 56–69.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See below, Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Haskins, C. H. <i>Michael Scot and Frederick II</i>, in: Isis: International
+Review Devoted to the History of Science and Civilization, vol. iv,
+Brussels, 1921–1922, pp. 250–275.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See below, Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Haskins, C. H. <i>Science at the Court of the Emperor Frederick II</i>, in:
+American Historical Review, vol. xxvii, New York, 1922, pp. 669–694.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See below, Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Haskins, C. H. <i>Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science</i>, Cambridge,
+Mass., 1924.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>A profound contribution, based largely on research in manuscript
+sources, to the history of science in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
+Traces the work of translators from the Arabic and Greek
+and deals with science at the court of the Emperor Frederick II.
+All the studies by Haskins referred to above appear in this volume
+in revised form.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Haskins, C. H., and D. P. Lockwood. <i>The Sicilian Translators of the
+Twelfth Century and the First Latin Version of Ptolemy’s Almagest</i>,
+in: Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. xxi, Cambridge,
+Mass., 1910, pp. 75–102. See also: Haskins, C. H., <i>Further Notes on
+the Sicilian Translators of the Twelfth Century</i>, in <i>ibid.</i>, vol. xxiii,
+1912, pp. 155–166.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Important for material on early translations of the <i>Almagest</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See above, Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Hauptmann, E. <i>Die Erdvermessung der Römer [im] Raum des heutigen
+Kriegsschauplatzes bis zur Rheingrenze&#160;..., Zugleich Lehrbuch der
+antiken Erdmesskunst</i>, Bonn, 1915.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Hauréau, B. <i>Singularités historiques et littéraires</i>, Paris, 1861.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Hauréau, B. <i>Mémoire sur quelques chanceliers de l’église de Chartres</i>,
+Paris, 1883. Also in: Mémoires de l’institut Nationale de France,
+Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, vol. xxxi, pt. 2, Paris,
+1884, pp. 63–122.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Hauréau, B. <i>Les oeuvres de Hugues de Saint-Victor: Essai critique</i>,
+new edit., Paris, 1886.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Hauréau, B. <i>Thierry de Chartres, De sex dierum operibus</i>, in his <i>Notices
+et extraits de quelques manuscrits latins de la Bibliothèque Nationale</i>,
+Paris, vol. i, 1890, pp. 48–68 (commentary, pp. 48–51; text, pp.
+52–68).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Heath, Sir Thomas. <i>Aristarchus of Samos</i>, Oxford, 1913.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Heidel, W. A. <i>Anaximander’s Book, the Earliest Known Geographical
+Treatise</i>, in: Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and
+Sciences, vol. lvi, Boston, 1921, pp. 239–288.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>HEIMSKRINGLA.</i> See SNORRI STURLUSON, I.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Hellmann, G., edit., <i>DENKMÄLER MITTELALTERLICHER
+METEOROLOGIE</i> (Neudrucke von Schriften und Karten über
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_520'>520</span>Meteorologie und Erdmagnetismus herausgegeben von G. Hellmann,
+no. 15), Berlin, 1904.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Collection of texts dealing with meteorology from medieval
+authors.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>HELMOLD. <i>Chronica Slavorum</i>, edited by J. M. Lappenberg, in:
+<i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol. xxi, 1869, pp. 11–99. Also in:
+<i>Script. rer. germ. in usum scholarum</i>, Hanover, 1868. German
+translation by J. C. M. Laurent, Berlin, 1852; 2nd edit., Leipzig,
+1888 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>HENRY OF HUNTINGDON. <i>Historiae Anglorum libri VIII</i>, edited
+by Thomas Arnold (Rolls Series, no. 72), London, 1879.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>HERMANN THE DALMATIAN (HERMANN THE CARINTHIAN,
+HERMANN THE SLAV, HERMANNUS SECUNDUS). I.
+<i>Liber de essentiis.</i> Unpublished. See Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp.
+48–49, 56–66. On pp. 62–65 Haskins publishes for the first time the
+text of two interesting geographical passages. II. Translation of
+<i>The Great Book of the Introduction</i> of Abū Maʿshar under the title
+<i>Liber introductorius in astrologiam</i>. See ABŪ MAʿSHAR. III.
+Translation of the <i>Khorazmian Tables</i> of Al-Khwārizmī. No text
+of this is known. See above p. 95.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Hermannsson, Halldór. <i>Bibliography of the Icelandic Sagas and Minor
+Tales</i>, in: Islandica, vol. i, Ithaca, N. Y., 1908.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Hermannsson, Halldór. <i>The Northmen in America (982-c. 1500): A
+Contribution to the Bibliography of the Subject</i>, in: Islandica, vol. ii,
+Ithaca, N. Y., 1909.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Hermannsson, Halldór. <i>Bibliography of the Sagas of the Kings of Norway
+and Related Sagas and Tales</i>, in: Islandica, vol. iii, Ithaca, N. Y., 1910.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Hermannson, Halldór. <i>Bibliography of the Eddas</i>, in: Islandica, vol.
+xiii, Ithaca, N. Y., 1920.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>HERRAD OF LANDSPERG. <i>Hortus deliciarum</i>, edited by A. Straub
+and G. Keller, Strasburg, 1879–1899.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Le Noble, A.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Heyd, W. <i>Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen âge</i>, translated from
+the German into French by F. Raynaud, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1885–1886.
+French translation reprinted, Leipzig, 1923.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>The French translation contains material not to be found in the
+German original. Still a fundamentally important work on medieval
+trade with the East.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>HILDEGARD OF BINGEN. (I) <i>Scivias sive visionum ac revelationum
+libri tres</i>, (II) <i>Liber divinorum operum simplicis hominis</i>, (III) <i>Liber
+vitae meritorum</i>, (IV) <i>Subtilitates diversarum naturarum creaturarum</i>,
+and (V) <i>Solutiones quaestionum XXXVIII</i>, all in: Migne, <i>Pat.
+lat.</i>, vol. cxcvii. (VI) <i>Causae et curae</i>, edited by Paul Kaiser, Leipzig
+(Teubner), 1903.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>For references to other editions, manuscripts, and secondary
+works, see Thorndike, <i>Magic</i>, 1923, vol. ii, pp. 125–126. See also
+Singer, <i>Visions of Saint Hildegard</i>, 1917.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>Histoire littéraire de la France</i>, 35 vols., Paris, 1733ff. 35 vols. had
+appeared by 1921.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>A great collection of bio-bibliographical notices, printed texts,
+and critical discussions of the literature of Gaul and France. Publication
+was begun by the Benedictines of the Congregation of St.
+Maur in the eighteenth century and continued by the Académie des
+Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres early in the nineteenth.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_521'>521</span><i>HISTORIA DE PRAELIIS.</i> See Landgraf, G.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>HISTORIA NORWEGIAE</i>, edited by P. A. Munch, in: <i>Symbolae ad
+historiam antiquiorem rerum Norvegicarum</i>, Christiania, 1850. A
+more critical edition in: Storm, <i>Mon. hist. Norveg.</i>, 1880, pp. 69–124.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Hoffmann, Immanuel. <i>Die Anschauungen der Kirchenväter über Meteorologie</i>
+(Dissertation, University of Munich, 1907). (Also as:
+Münchener geographische Studien herausgegeben von Siegmund
+Günther, no. 22.)</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Hofmeister, Adolf. <i>Studien über Otto von Freisingen</i>, in: Neues Archiv
+der Gesellschaft für Ältere Deutsche Geschichtskunde, vol. xxxvii,
+Hanover, 1911–1912, pp. 99–161, 663–768.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>HONORIUS AUGUSTODUNENSIS, HONORIUS INCLUSUS, HONORIUS
+OF AUTUN. See <i>IMAGINE MUNDI, DE</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>HUGH OF ST. VICTOR. I. <i>Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pentateuchon</i>,
+in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxv, cols. 29–114. II. <i>De arca Noë morali</i>,
+in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. clxxvi, cols. 617–680. III. <i>De arca Noë
+mystica</i>, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. clxxvi, cols. 681–704. IV. <i>De
+vanitate mundi</i>, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. clxxvi, cols. 703–740; also
+edited by Karl Müller, <i>Hugo von St. Victor soliloquium De arrha animae
+und De vanitate mundi</i> (Kleine Texte für Vorlesung und Übungen,
+no. 123), Bonn, 1913. V. <i>De sacramentis</i>, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol.
+clxxvi, cols. 173–618. VI. <i>De situ terrarum</i> (not certainly the work
+of Hugh of St. Victor), forming bk. III of <i>Tractatus excerptionum</i>,
+in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxvii, cols. 209–216.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Hauréau, <i>Oeuvres</i>, 1886.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>IBN RUSHD (AVERROËS). Commentaries on the works of Aristotle.
+See [Bernard] Carra de Vaux, article “Ibn Rushd,” in: <i>The Encyclopaedia
+of Islam</i>, vol. ii, Leiden and London, 1918, pp. 410–413.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See also Renan, E.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>IBN SINĀ (AVICENNA). Commentaries on the works of Aristotle.
+See ALFRED OF SARESHEL, II; T. J. de Boer, article “Ibn
+Sina,” in: <i>The Encyclopaedia of Islam</i>, vol. ii, Leiden and London,
+1918, pp. 419–420; and above, p. 401, note 60.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>IBN YŪNŪS. <i>Hākimī Tables.</i> Portions of these tables and the commentaries
+which accompanied them were published and translated
+by J. J. A. Caussin de Perceval in: <i>Notices et extraits des manuscrits
+de la Bibliothèque Nationale</i>, vol. vii, Paris, An XII [1803–1804],
+pp. 16–240; for the description of the measurement of the circumference
+of the earth, see especially pp. 94, 96, footnote (2).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>IDRĪSĪ, Al- (EDRISI). <i>Geography</i> (or <i>Roger Book</i>, or <i>Rogerian Description</i>),
+in: <i>Géographie d’Édrisi, traduite de l’Arabe en français</i>,
+by P. A. Jaubert (Recueil de voyages et de mémoires publié par la
+Société de Géographie, vols. v and vi), 2 vols., Paris, 1836–1840.
+This is the only translation of the whole of Edrisi’s <i>Geography</i>.
+More recent and more critical translations of parts are (1) <i>Description
+de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne par Edrîsî</i>, Arabic text with French translation
+and notes by R. Dozy and M. J. de Goeje, Leiden, 1866; (2)
+<i>L’Italia descritta nel “Libro del Re Ruggero” compilato da Edrisi</i>,
+Arabic text with Italian translation and notes by M. Amari and
+C. Schiaparelli, Rome, 1883 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See also Pardi, G.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>IMAGE DU MONDE, L’.</i> Metrical versions unedited. For text of prose
+version, see O. H. Prior, <i>L’Image du monde de Maître Gossouin</i>, Lausanne,
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_522'>522</span>1913. For Caxton’s English translation of 1485, see the
+same, <i>Caxton’s Mirrour of the World</i>, London, 1913. On sources
+see Fant, C.; Fritsche, F.; Le Clerc, V.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See also Langlois, C. V., <i>Connaissance</i>, 1911, ch. 5.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>IMAGINE MUNDI, DE.</i> In: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxii, cols. 115–188,
+where it is attributed to Honorius of Autun. See above, p. 403, note
+73; pp. 325–326, and p. 481, note 347.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Doberentz, O.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ISIDORE OF SEVILLE. I. <i>Etymologiae sive originum libri XX</i>,
+edited by W. M. Lindsay, 2 vols., Oxford, 1911. Also in: Migne,
+<i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. lxxxii, cols. 73–728. See Brehaut, E.; Philipp, H. II.
+<i>De natura rerum</i>, in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. lxxxiii, cols. 963–1018. See
+also above, p. 387, note 79.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Blázquez y Delgado Aguilera, A.; Brehaut, E.; Gribaudi, P.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>ITER AD PARADISUM.</i> See <i>ALEXANDER THE GREAT,
+ROMANCE OF</i>, VI.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>ITINERA ET DESCRIPTIONES TERRAE SANCTAE.</i> See
+Tobler, Titus.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>ITINERA HIEROSOLYMITANA.</i> See Tobler, T., and A. Molinier.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>ITINÉRAIRES À JERUSALEM.</i> See Michelant, H., and G. Reynaud.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>ITINÉRAIRES DE LA TERRE SAINTE&#160;... traduits de l’hébreu.</i></p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Carmoly, E.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>JACQUES DE VITRY. <i>Historia hierosolymitana</i>, in: J. Bongars,
+<i>Gesta Dei per Francos</i>, vol. i, Hanover, 1611, pp. 1047–1125. English
+translation by Aubrey Stewart, <i>The History of Jerusalem, A.&#160;D.
+1180, by Jacques de Vitry</i>, London, 1896 (in: Palestine Pilgrims’
+Text Society, <i>Library</i>, 1897, vol. xi).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>James, M. R. See GREGORY, MASTER.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>JEROME. <i>De situ et nominibus locorum Hebraicorum</i> (or <i>De Palestinae
+locis</i>), in Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. xxiii, cols. 859–928.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>JERUSALEM ITINERARIES.</i> See Carmoly, E.; Michelant, H., and
+G. Reynaud; Tobler, T.; Tobler, T., and A. Molinier.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>JOHANNES. See JOHN.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>JOHANNES, PRESBYTER. See PRESTER JOHN.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>JOHANNES HISPANENSIS. See JOHN OF SEVILLE.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>JOHN, PRESTER. See PRESTER JOHN.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>JOHN OF HOLYWOOD (SACROBOSCO). <i>De sphaera</i>, or <i>Sphaera
+mundi</i>, in: <i>Johannes de Sacrobusto anglici viri clarissimi Spera
+mundi, impressa Venetiis per Franciscū Renner de Hailbrun,
+MCCCCLXXVIII</i>. This text of the <i>De sphaera</i> was printed in the
+same volume with the <i>Theorica planetarum</i> of Gerard of Cremona,
+q. v. See also Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. iii, 1915, p. 239, note 4, and
+p. 240, note 1.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>JOHN OF LUNA. See JOHN OF SEVILLE.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>JOHN OF SALISBURY. <i>Opera omnia</i>, edited by J. A. Giles, Oxford,
+1848, and reprinted in Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxcix, cols. 1–1039.
+The <i>Policraticus, sive de nugis curialium et vestigiis philosophorum</i>,
+was edited by C. C. J. Webb, 2 vols., Oxford, 1909.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_523'>523</span>JOHN SCOT ERIGENA. <i>De divisione naturae</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>,
+vol. cxxii, cols. 439–1022.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Rand, E. K.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>JOHN OF SEVILLE (JOHANNES HISPANENSIS, JOHN OF LUNA).
+I. Translation of the <i>On the Elements of Astronomy</i> of Al-Farghānī
+was published by Johannes Petreius in Nuremberg, 1537, under the
+title <i>Brevis ac perutilis compilatio Alfragani, quod ad rudimenta astronomica
+est opportunum</i>. For references to manuscripts, see Woepcke,
+<i>Notice</i>, 1862, pp. 115–117. II. Translation of Abū Maʿshar’s <i>The
+Great Book of the Introduction</i>. See Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 45.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>JOHN OF WÜRZBURG. <i>Descriptio terrae sanctae</i>, in: Tobler, <i>Descriptiones
+terrae sanctae</i>, 1874, pp. 108–192, 415–448. Also in:
+Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clv, cols. 1054–1090. English translation by
+Aubrey Stewart, <i>Description of the Holy Land by John of Würzburg
+(A.&#160;D. 1160–1170)</i>, London, 1890 (in Palestine Pilgrims’ Text
+Society, <i>Library</i>, 1897, vol. v).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Jourdain, Amable. <i>Recherches critiques sur l’âge et l’origine des traductions
+latines d’Aristote et sur des commentaires grecs ou arabes employés par
+les docteurs scholastiques</i>, 2nd edit., Paris, 1843.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Jourdain, C. B. <i>Dissertation sur l’état de la philosophie naturelle en
+Occident et principalement en France pendant la première moitié du
+XII<sup>e</sup> siècle</i>, Paris, 1838.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Jourdain, C. B. <i>De l’influence d’Aristote et de ses interprètes sur la
+découverte du Nouveau-Monde</i>, Paris, 1861.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Jowett, Benjamin. See PLATO.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Jubinal, A. See BRANDAN, Saint.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>JULIUS VALERIUS. See <i>ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE
+OF</i>, II, III.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Karl, L. <i>La Hongrie et les Hongrois dans les chansons de geste</i>, in: Revue
+des langues romanes, vol. li, Montpellier, 1908, pp. 5–38.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Khvostov, M. <i>Istoriya vostochnoi torgovli Greko-Rimskago Egipta (History
+of the Eastern Trade of Greco-Roman Egypt)</i>, Kazan, 1907.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>KHWĀRIZMĪ, Al-. I. <i>Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ</i>, edited by C. A. Nallino, with
+commentary, under title <i>Al-Ḫuwârizmî e il suo rifacimento della
+Geografia di Tolomeo</i>, in: Memorie della Reale Accademia dei Lincei,
+series 5, Classe di scienze morali, storiche, e filologiche, vol. ii, pt. 1,
+Rome, 1894 (published 1896). See also von Mžik, <i>Ptolemaeus</i>,
+1915; the same, <i>Afrika</i>, 1916; Nallino, <i>Al-Khuwarizmi</i>, 1896;
+Spitta, W. II. Astronomical tables known as <i>Khorazmian Tables</i>,
+in: H. Suter, <i>Die astronomischen Tafeln des Muḥammed ibn Mūsā
+al-Khwārizmī in der Bearbeitung des Maslama ibn Aḥmed al-Madjrīṭī
+und der latein. Übersetzung des Athelhard von Bath</i>, etc. (Mémoires
+de l’Académie Royale des Sciences et des Lettres de Danemark,
+series 7, Section des lettres, vol. iii, no. 1), Copenhagen, 1914. As
+to the <i>Little Sindhind</i> of Al-Khwārizmī, to which these tables were
+related, see above, p. 394, note 20.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>KING’S MIRROR.</i> See <i>KONUNGS-SKUGGSJÁ</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Klotz, Alfred. <i>Quaestiones Plinianae geographicae</i> (Quellen und Forschungen
+zur alten Geschichte und Geographie herausgegeben von
+W. Sieglin, no. 11), Berlin, 1906.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_524'>524</span>Koch, Joseph. <i>Das Meer in der mittelhochdeutschen Epik</i> (Dissertation,
+University of Münster, 1910).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Kohlmann, P. W. <i>Adam von Bremen: Ein Beitrag zur mittelalterlichen
+Textkritik und Kosmographie</i> (Leipziger historische Abhandlungen,
+vol. x), Leipzig, 1908.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>KONUNGS-SKUGGSJÁ.</i> <i>Speculum regale, ein altnorwegischer Dialog</i>,
+edited by Oscar Brenner, Munich, 1881. English translation by
+L. M. Larson, American Scandinavian Foundation, New York, 1917.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Krabbo, Hermann. <i>Bischof Virgil von Salzburg und seine kosmologischen
+Ideen</i>, in: Mitteilungen des Institut für Österreichische Geschichtsforschungen,
+vol. xxiv, Vienna, 1903, pp. 1–28.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Krabbo, Hermann. <i>Nordeuropa in der Vorstellung Adams von Bremen</i>,
+in: Hansische Geschichtsblätter, vol. xv, Leipzig, 1909, pp. 37–51.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Krejcik, J. See DANTE, V.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Kretschmer, Konrad. <i>Die physische Erdkunde im christlichen Mittelalter</i>,
+in: Geographische Abhandlungen herausgegeben von Albrecht
+Penck, vol. iv, pt. 1, Vienna and Olmütz, 1889.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>The best general summary of medieval theories of physical geography.
+See the critical review in Marinelli, <i>Scritti minori</i>, vol. i,
+[1908?], pp. 439–448.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Krumbacher, K. <i>Geschichte der byzantinischen Literatur von Justinian
+bis zum Ende des Oströmischen Reiches (527–1453)</i>, Munich, 1890,
+2nd edit. 1897 (forming vol. ix, pt. 1 of Iwan von Müller, <i>Handbuch
+der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft</i>).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Kubitschek, Wilhelm. “Karten,” article in: <i>Paulys Real-Encyclopädie
+der classischen Altertumswissenschaft: Neue Bearbeitung, begonnen
+von Georg Wissowa</i>, edited by Wilhelm Kroll, vol. x, pt. 2 (20th half
+vol.), Stuttgart, 1919, cols. 2022–2149.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>LACTANTIUS. <i>Divinae institutiones</i>, edited by Samuel Brandt, in:
+<i>Corpus script. eccl. lat.</i>, vol. xix, pt. 1, 1890.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>La Marche, R. A. Lecoy de. See Lecoy de La Marche, R. A.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>LAMBERT LI TORS. See <i>ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE
+OF</i>, VII.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>LAMBERT OF ST. OMER. <i>Liber floridus.</i> There is no modern edition.
+For a synopsis, see Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxiii, cols. 1003ff. For
+references to manuscripts see Miller, <i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895,
+pp. 43–46, and Beazley, <i>Dawn</i>, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 621–624.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Landgraf, Gustav. <i>Die Vita Alexandri Magni des Archipresbyters Leo
+(Historia de preliis)</i>, Schweinfurt, 1885 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>LANDNÁMABÓK.</i> For editions see Hermannsson, <i>Bibl. Icelandic
+Sagas</i>, 1908, pp. 70–72. English translations by T. Ellwood, <i>The
+Book of the Settlement of Iceland</i>, Kendal, 1898, and by Vigfusson
+and York Powell, <i>Origines Islandicae</i>, vol. i, 1905, pp. 2–236, 266–274.
+For corrections of renderings given in the latter, see review by
+E. Magnússon, in: Saga Book of the Viking Club, vol. iv, pt. 2,
+London, 1905–1906, pp. 415–467.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Langenmaier, Theodor. <i>Alte Kenntnis und Kartographie der zentralafrikanischen
+Seenregion</i>, in: Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft
+in München, vol. xi, Munich, 1916, pt. 1, pp. 1–144. Also
+published separately as a dissertation, University of Erlangen, 1916.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>An elaborate and detailed study covering the period from Ptolemy
+to the beginning of the eighteenth century. Extensive bibliography
+and lists of maps.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_525'>525</span>Langlois, C. V. <i>Maître Bernard</i>, in: Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes,
+vol. liv, Paris, 1893, pp. 225–250.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Langlois, C. V. <i>La connaissance de la nature et du monde au moyen âge
+d’après quelques écrits français à l’usage des laïcs</i>, Paris, 1911.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Chapters on popular medieval encyclopedias in French. Throws
+light on medieval geographic ideas as expressed in these works. A
+useful bibliography is given (pp. 394–400) of eighty-eight titles of
+secondary works on references to natural phenomena in the Middle
+Ages.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Langlois, E. <i>Tables des noms propres de toute nature compris dans les
+chansons de geste imprimées</i>, Paris, 1904.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Includes geographic names.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>La Roncière, Charles de. <i>Histoire de la marine française</i>, 5 vols., Paris,
+1899–1920. Vol. i, 2nd edit., 1909.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>LATINO, BRUNETTO. <i>Le livre du trésor.</i> Edited by P. Chabaille,
+<i>Li livres dou trésor, publié pour la première fois</i>, Paris, 1863. See the
+references in C. V. Langlois, <i>Connaissance</i>, 1911, pp. 328–337.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Le C[lerc], V[ictor]. <i>L’Image du monde et autres enseignements</i>, in:
+<i>Histoire littéraire de la France</i>, vol. xxiii, 1856, pp. 294–335, 836–837.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Lecoy de La Marche, R. A. <i>Les connaissances géographiques au moyen
+âge</i>, in: Revue du monde catholique, vol. lxxix, July-Sept., 1884.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Lelewel, Joachim. <i>Géographie du moyen âge</i>, 5 vols. and atlas, Brussels,
+1852–1857.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Poorly arranged and written in often incomprehensible French
+(the author was a Pole). A work of great erudition marred by the
+hazardous character of the theories put forth. For the most part
+on Moslem geography.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Le Noble, Alexandre. <i>Notice sur le Hortus deliciarum, encyclopédie
+manuscrite composée au douzième siècle par Herrade de Landsberg,
+abbesse du monastère de Hohenbourg (Sainte Odile) en Alsace, et conservée
+à la Bibliothèque de Strasbourg</i>, in: Bibliothèque de l’École des
+Chartes, vol. i, Paris, 1839, pp. 239–261.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Lenormant, François. <i>Magog: Fragments d’une étude sur l’ethnographie
+du chapitre X de la Genèse</i>, in: Le Muséon: Revue des sciences et
+des lettres, publiée par la Société Internationale des Lettres et des
+Sciences, vol. i, Louvain, 1882, pp. 9–48.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>LEO ARCHIPRESBYTER. See Landgraf, G.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Lessert, C. Pallu de. <i>L’oeuvre géographique d’Agrippa et d’Auguste</i>,
+in: Mémoires de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France, vol.
+lxviii, pp. 215–298, Paris, 1909. (Also published separately.)</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Letronne, A. <i>Recherches géographiques et critiques sur le livre De mensura
+orbis terrae, composé en Irlande au commencement du neuvième siècle
+par Dicuil, suivi du texte restitué</i>, Paris, 1814.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Letronne, [A.] <i>Des opinions cosmographiques des pères de l’église,
+rapprochées des doctrines philosophiques de la Grèce</i>, in: Revue des
+deux mondes, series 3, vol. i, Paris, 1834, pp. 601–633.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>LIBER DE PROPRIETATIBUS ELEMENTORUM</i> (or <i>LIBER DE
+ELEMENTIS</i>). Latin translation of an Arabic work falsely
+attributed to Aristotle in the Middle Ages. Duhem, <i>Système</i>, vol. ii,
+1914, p. 226, note 3, refers to a text to be found on fols. 464 vo-469 vo
+in an edition of the works of Aristotle published in Venice, 1496,
+“per Gregorium de Gregoriis expensis Benedicti Fontanae.” On
+manuscripts, see Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 24.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_526'>526</span>Liebrecht, Felix. <i>Des Gervasius von Tilbury Otia imperialia</i>, Hanover,
+1856.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Selections from the <i>Otia imperialia</i> with commentary to illustrate
+the development of Germanic mythology.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Lippmann, E. O. von. <i>Chemisches und Alchemisches aus Aristoteles</i>, in:
+Archiv für die Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der Technik,
+vol. ii, Leipzig, 1910, pp. 233–300.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Little, A. G., edit. <i>Roger Bacon Essays, Contributed by Various Writers
+on the Commemoration of the Seventh Centenary of His Birth</i>, Oxford,
+1914.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Lloyd, J. E. <i>A History of Wales from the Earliest Times to the Edwardian
+Conquest</i>, 2 vols., London, 1911.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>LOMBARD, PETER. <i>Libri quattuor sententiarum</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>,
+vol. cxcii, cols. 519–962. Critical text in the edition of the <i>Opera</i>
+of Saint Bonaventura, Quaracci, 1882–1889, vols. i-iv.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Lones, T. E. <i>Aristotle’s Researches in Natural Science</i>, London, 1912.
+A useful introduction.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Lowes, J. L. <i>The Dry Sea and the Carrenare</i>, in: Modern Philology, vol.
+iii, Chicago, 1905, pp. 1–46.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>On the origins of Chaucer’s “Dry Sea” in the history of Prester
+John and elsewhere.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>LUCIDARIUS</i>, edited from the Berlin manuscript by Felix Heidlauf, in:
+Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters herausgegeben von der Königlich
+Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, vol. xxviii, Berlin, 1915.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See also above, p. 404, note 82.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Ludwig, Friedrich. <i>Untersuchungen über die Reise- und Marschgeschwindigkeit
+im XII. und XIII. Jahrhundert</i>, Berlin, 1897.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Important investigation of an interesting phase of medieval travel.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Lutz, H. F. <i>Geographical Studies Among Babylonians and Egyptians</i>, in:
+American Anthropologist, vol. xxvi, N. S., Menasha, Wis., 1924,
+pp. 160–174.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Lynch, Dr. John (“Gratianus Lucius”). <i>Cambrensis eversus, seu potius
+historica fides in rebus hibernicis Giraldo Cambrensi abrogata, 1662</i>,
+edited and translated by Matthew Kelly for the Irish Celtic Society,
+3 vols., Dublin, 1848–1851.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>MACROBIUS. <i>In somnium Scipionis commentarius</i>, edited by [J. M.
+N. D.] Nisard in <i>Macrobe (Oeuvres complètes), Varron (De la langue
+latine), Pomponius Mela (Oeuvres complètes), avec la traduction en
+français</i> (Collection des auteurs latins, avec la traduction en français,
+publiée sous la direction de M. Nisard), Paris, 1883, pp. 9–116.
+Also edited by F. Eyssenhardt, Leipzig, 1893.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>MAGISTER GREGORIUS. See GREGORY, MASTER.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Magnússon, E. See <i>LANDNÁMABÓK</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Mâle, Émile. <i>L’art religieux du xiii<sup>e</sup> siècle en France: Étude sur l’iconographie
+du moyen âge et sur ses sources d’inspiration</i>, Paris, 1898,
+3rd edit., 1910. English translation by Dora Nussey, <i>Religious Art
+in France</i>, London, 1913.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Explains, among other matters, the representation of geographic
+and cosmographic ideas in medieval sculpture, architecture, stained
+glass, and other forms of artistic expression.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Mâle, Émile. <i>L’art religieux du xii<sup>e</sup> siècle en France: Étude sur les origines
+de l’iconographie du moyen âge</i>, Paris, 1922 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_527'>527</span>Mandonnet, Pierre. <i>Les idées cosmographiques d’Albert le Grand et de
+St. Thomas d’Aquin et la découverte de l’Amérique</i>, in: Revue thomiste,
+vol. i, St. Maximin, 1893.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Mandonnet, Pierre. <i>Siger de Brabant et l’Averroïsme latin au xiii<sup>e</sup>
+siècle</i>, Fribourg, 1899; 2nd edit.: vol. i, constituting: Les philosophes
+belges: Textes et études, vol. vi, Louvain, 1911; vol. ii, pt. 1, chs. 1–2,
+constituting <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. vii, Louvain, 1908 (<i>sic</i>).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>MANEGOLD. <i>Magistri Manegaldi contra Wolfelmum Coloniensem
+opusculum</i>, in: L. Muratori, <i>Anecdota quae ex Ambrosianae Bibliothecae
+codicibus nunc primum eruit&#8201;—</i>, vol. iv, Padua, 1713, pp.
+163–208.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Manitius, Karl. See PTOLEMY, CLAUDIUS, I.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Manitius, M. <i>Beiträge zur Geschichte der römischen Prosaiker im Mittelalter</i>,
+in: Philologus: Zeitschrift für das classische Alterthum, vol.
+xlix, Göttingen, 1890, pp. 380–384.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Manitius, M. <i>Philologisches aus alten Bibliothekskatalogen (bis 1300)</i>,
+in: Rheinisches Museum, Ergänzungs-Heft, Frankfurt-a-M., 1892.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Manitius, M. <i>Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters</i>,
+vol. i, Munich, 1911 (forming vol. ix, pt. 2, section 1, of Iwan von
+Müller, <i>Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft</i>).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>MARCO POLO. See POLO, MARCO.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Marinelli, Giovanni. <i>La geografia e i padri della chiesa</i>, in: Bollettino
+della Società Geografica Italiana, vol. xix, Rome, 1882, pp. 472–498,
+532–573. (Also printed separately, Rome, 1882.) Reprinted with
+additional footnotes by Carlo Errera in <i>Scritti minori di Giovanni
+Marinelli</i>, vol. i, [1908?], pp. 281–383 (see next title). German
+translation, with an introduction by Siegmund Günther, by Ludwig
+Neumann entitled <i>Die Erdkunde bei den Kirchenväter</i>, Leipzig, 1884.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Marinelli, Giovanni. <i>Scritti minori di Giovanni Marinelli</i>: vol. i, <i>Metodo
+e storia della geografia</i>, Florence, [1908?]; vol. ii, <i>Corografia italiana e
+questioni didattiche</i>, Florence, [1920?].</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Collection of reprints of important monographs, all of which had
+appeared previously. Additional editorial notes and bibliographical
+references are given by the editors in the footnotes. The following
+are the titles of the most interesting monographs from the point of
+view of medieval geography, with references to the publications in
+which they were first published: (vol. i, pp. 63–98) <i>Note straboniane</i>,
+in: Cosmos di Guido Cora, vol. vi, Turin, 1880, pp. 161–180 (also
+printed separately); (vol. i, pp. 181–279) <i>Intorno agli studi del Dott.
+Günther sulla storia della geografia matematica e fisica</i>, in: Bollettino
+della Società Geografica Italiana, vol. xvii, Rome, 1880, pp. 309–332,
+469–487, 534–543, 585–596 (also printed separately; forms an extensive
+review and analysis of Günther, <i>Studien</i>, 1877–1879); (vol.
+i, pp. 281–383) <i>La geografia e i padri della chiesa</i> (see preceding entry);
+(vol. i, pp. 385–438) <i>Gog e Magog: Leggenda geografica</i>, in: Cosmos di
+Guido Cora, vol. vii, Turin, 1882–1883, pp. 155–180, 199–207;
+(vol. i, pp. 439–448) <i>Un nuovo lavoro sulla storia della geografia
+medioevale</i>, in: Bollettino della Società Geografica Italiana, vol.
+xxvii, Rome, 1890, pp. 232–238 (also printed separately; a review of
+Kretschmer, <i>Die physische Erdkunde</i>, 1889).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Marquart, Josef. <i>Über das Volkstum der Komanen</i>, in: Koenigliche
+Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Abhandlungen,
+Philologisch-historische Klasse, vol. xiii (N. S.), 1912–1914, pp.
+25–238.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_528'>528</span>MARTIANUS CAPELLA. See CAPELLA, MARTIANUS.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Mas-Latrie, L. de. <i>Traités de paix et de commerce et documents divers concernant
+les relations des Chrétiens avec les Arabes de l’Afrique septentrionale
+au moyen âge</i>, Paris, 1866.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>The introduction deals with the relations between Europe and
+North Africa in the Middle Ages and incidentally with the extent
+of European knowledge of North African geography.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Masson, Gustave. <i>Biblical Literature in France During the Middle Ages:
+Peter Comestor and Guiart Desmoulins</i>, in: Journal of Sacred Literature,
+vol. viii (N. S.), London, 1865, pp. 81–106.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>MASTER GREGORY. See GREGORY, MASTER.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>MATTHEW PARIS. I. <i>Chronica maiora</i>, edited by H. R. Luard (Rolls
+Series, no. 57), 7 vols., London, 1872–1883. II. On maps see Miller,
+<i>Mappaemundi</i>, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 68–94.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>MAUR, RABAN. See RABAN MAUR.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>MELA, POMPONIUS. See POMPONIUS MELA.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>METHODIUS, PSEUDO-.</i> See Sackur, E.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Meyer, Paul. <i>Alexandre le Grand dans la littérature française du moyen
+âge</i>, 2 vols., Paris, 1886.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Thorough study of the Romance in French literature. Also,
+in vol. ii, a general treatment of the Latin versions.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>MICHAEL PSELLOS. See Zervos, C.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>MICHAEL SCOT. I. <i>Liber introductorius.</i> Unpublished. On manuscripts
+see Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, p. 262, note 6; the
+same, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 287, note 95. II. <i>Liber particularis.</i> Unpublished.
+On manuscripts see Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, p.
+266, note 7; the same, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 290, note 117. III. Translation
+of Al-Bitrūjī’s <i>On the Sphere</i>, unpublished. On manuscripts see
+Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922, p. 251, note 3; the same, <i>Studies</i>,
+1924, p. 273, note 9. IV. Translation of Aristotle’s <i>De caelo</i>. Unpublished.
+On manuscripts see Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922,
+p. 256; the same, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 278, note 39.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Brown, J. W.; Haskins, <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922; the same,
+<i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 272–298.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Michelant, H. See <i>ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE OF</i>,
+VII.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Michelant, H., and Gaston Reynaud, edits. <i>ITINÉRAIRES À
+JERUSALEM ET LA DESCRIPTION DE LA TERRE SAINTE
+REDIGÉS EN FRANÇAIS AUX XI<sup>e</sup>, XII<sup>e</sup>, ET XIII<sup>e</sup> SIÈCLES</i>,
+Geneva, 1882.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Migne, J. P., edit. <i>PATROLOGIAE CURSUS COMPLETUS, SIVE
+BIBLIOTHECA.... OMNIUM SS. PATRUM, DOCTORUM
+SCRIPTORUMQUE ECCLESIASTICORUM, QUI AB AEVO
+APOSTOLICO AD USQUE INNOCENTII III TEMPORA
+FLORUERUNT...: SERIES LATINA</i>, 221 vols., Paris, 1844–1864.
+(Referred to in the present work as Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>)</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Great collection of the writings of the Church Fathers and other
+medieval authors. The texts in many cases are not critical.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Miller, Konrad. <i>Die Weltkarte des Castorius, genannt die Peutinger’sche
+Tafel</i>, Ravensburg, 1888. Colored facsimile and explanatory text.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>More complete commentary in the same author’s <i>Itin. Romana</i>,
+1916.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_529'>529</span>Miller, Konrad. <i>Mappaemundi, die ältesten Weltkarten</i>, 6 vols., Stuttgart,
+1895–1898.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>A series of critical discussions of medieval maps of the world with
+transliterations of the texts. Profusely illustrated with facsimiles.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Miller, Konrad. <i>Itineraria Romana: Römische Reisewege an der Hand
+der Tabula Peutingeriana</i>, Stuttgart, 1916.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>An elaborate commentary on the Peutinger Table, its sources and
+influence.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Miller, Konrad. <i>Die Erdmessung im Alterthum und ihr Schicksal</i>, Stuttgart,
+1919.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Summary and synthesis of recent investigations regarding ancient
+and Moslem estimates of the circumference of the earth. See,
+however, critical review in Petermanns Mitteilungen, vol. lxviii,
+Gotha, 1922, p. 27.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>MIRABILIA URBIS ROMAE</i>, edited by G. Parthey, Berlin, 1869; also
+edited by H. Jordan in his: <i>Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum</i>,
+vol. ii, Berlin, 1871. English translation by F. M. Nichols, <i>Mirabilia
+Urbis Romae: The Marvels of Rome, or a Picture of the Golden City,
+an English Version of the Mediaeval Guidebook</i>, London, 1889.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Molinier, A. See Tobler, T., and A. Molinier.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Mommsen, Theodor. See SOLINUS.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>MONUMENTA GERMANIAE HISTORICA</i>, folio series, Hanover,
+later Berlin, 1826–1874; quarto series, Hanover, later Berlin, 1876ff.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Great collection of historical sources in many volumes relating to
+the history of Germany and incidentally of Europe as a whole.
+Divided into five sections: (1) Scriptores; (2) Leges; (3) Diplomata;
+(4) Epistolae; (5) Antiquitates.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Certain texts published in the <i>Monumenta</i> are also edited in
+<i>Scriptores rerum germ. in usum scholarum</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>MONUMENTA HISTORICA NORVEGIAE.</i> See Storm, G.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Moore, Edward. <i>Studies in Dante: Second Series</i>, Oxford, 1899. Contains
+<i>The Genuineness of the Quaestio de aqua et terra</i>, pp. 303–374.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Moore, Edward. <i>Studies in Dante: Third Series</i>, Oxford, 1903. Contains
+<i>The Astronomy of Dante</i>, pp. 1–108; <i>The Geography of Dante</i>,
+pp. 109–143. The last-named is translated into Italian and reviewed
+at length by G. Boffito and E. Sanesi, <i>La geografia di Dante
+secondo Edoardo Moore</i>, in: Rivista geografica italiana, vol. xii,
+Florence, 1905, pp. 92–101, 204–215.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Mori, Assunto. <i>La misurazione eratostenica del grado ed altre notizie
+geografiche della “Geometria” di Marciano Capella</i>, in: Rivista geografica
+italiana, vol. xvii, Florence, 1911, pp. 177–191, 382–391,
+584–603.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Mori, Assunto. <i>La geografia nell’opera di Dante</i>, in: Atti dell’ VIII
+Congresso Geografico Italiano, vol. i, Florence, 1922, pp. 271–299.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Deals with the traditional geography of Dante’s period and with
+the poet’s original contributions in the field of geography.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Moritz, Eduard. <i>Die geographische Kenntnis von den Nord- und Ostseeküsten
+bis zum Ende des Mittelalters</i>, pt. 1, in: Wissenschaftliche
+Beilage zum Jahresbericht der Sophienschule zu Berlin, Berlin, 1904.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Müller, Carl (Carolus Müllerus), edit. <i>GEOGRAPHI GRAECI MINORES</i>,
+2 vols., Paris, 1882.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Important collection of the texts of the lesser Greek geographers,
+with Latin translations.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_530'>530</span>Mžik, Hans von. <i>Ptolemaeus und die Karten der arabischen Geographen</i>,
+in: Mitteilungen der Kaiserlich-koeniglichen Geographischen Gesellschaft
+in Wien, vol. lviii, Vienna, 1915, p. 152–176.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Mžik, Hans von. <i>Afrika nach der arabischen Bearbeitung der Γεωγραφικὴ
+ὑφήγησις des Claudius Ptolemaeus von Muhammad ibn Mūsā al-Ḫwārizmī</i>,
+edited and translated with commentary by —— (Kaiserliche
+Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Denkschriften,
+Philosophisch-historische Klasse, vol. lix, Abhandlung 4) Vienna,
+1916.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Nallino, C. A. <i>Al-Khuwarizmi et son remaniement de la Géographie de
+Ptolémée</i>, in: Bulletin de la Société Khédiviale de Géographie, series
+4, no. 8, Cairo, Feb. 1896, pp. 525–543.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See BATTĀNĪ, Al-; KHWĀRIZMĪ, Al-, I.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Nansen, Fridtjof. <i>In Northern Mists: Arctic Exploration in Early Times</i>,
+2 vols., New York, 1911.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Elaborate history of theories and explorations. References to
+the sources and many translations.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>NECKAM, ALEXANDER. I. <i>De naturis rerum libri duo</i>, edited by
+Thomas Wright (Rolls Series, no. 34), London, 1863, pp. 1–354. II.
+<i>De laudibus divinae sapientiae</i>, edited by Thomas Wright (Rolls
+Series, no. 34), London, 1863, pp. 356–503.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Esposito, M.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Neubauer, A. <i>Where Are the Ten Tribes?</i> in: Jewish Quarterly Review,
+vol. i, London, 1888–1889, pp. 14–28, 95–114, 185–201, 408–423.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Nichols, F. M. See <i>MIRABILIA URBIS ROMAE</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>NIKULÁS BERGSSON OF THVERÁ, Abbot. Geographical description
+of the world and itinerary to Rome and the Holy Land (probably
+in part only the work of Abbot Nikulás). Icelandic text with
+Latin translation from MS. no. 194 in the Arne Magnússon collection
+at Copenhagen, in: Werlauff, <i>Symbolae</i>, 1821, pp. 9–34. Also in:
+C. C. Rafn and others, edits., <i>Antiquités russes d’après les monuments
+historiques des Islandais et des anciens Scandinaves</i>, published by the
+Société Royale des Antiquaires du Nord, 2 vols., Copenhagen, 1850–1852,
+vol. ii, pp. 394–415.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See above, p. 405, note 90.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Norlind, Arnold. <i>Das Problem des gegenseitigen Verhältnisses von Land
+und Wasser und seine Behandlung im Mittelalter</i> (Lunds Universitets
+Årsskrift, N. S., pt. 1, vol. xiv, no. 12), Lund and Leipzig, 1918.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>On the evolution of ancient and medieval theories regarding the
+relative positions of earth and water and the interpenetration of the
+land by channels of water.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Oberhummer, Eugen. <i>Bericht über Lander- und Völkerkunde der antiken
+Welt</i>, in: Geographisches Jahrbuch, Gotha, vols. xix, 1896, xxii, 1899,
+xxviii, 1905. (See also vol. xxxiv, 1911.)</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See above, p. 492.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ODO OF RHEIMS. <i>Epistola ad Thomam comitem de quodam miraculo
+S. Thomae Apostoli</i>, in: Zarncke, <i>Priester Johannes</i>, Erste Abhandlung,
+in: Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 845–846 (also numbered
+19–20).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Oehlmann, E. <i>Die Alpenpässe im Mittelalter</i>, in: Jahrbuch für schweizerische
+Geschichte, Zurich, vol. iii, 1878, pp. 165–289, vol. iv, 1879,
+pp. 163–324.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_531'>531</span>Oppert, Gustav. <i>Der Presbyter Johannes in Sage und Geschichte</i>, 2nd
+edit., Berlin, 1870.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ORDERICUS VITALIS. <i>Historia ecclesiastica</i>, edited by Auguste le
+Prévost and Léopold Delisle (Société de l’Histoire de France, [publ.]
+no. 6), 5 vols., Paris, 1838–1855. Also in Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol.
+clxxxviii, cols. 47–984.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>ORIGINES ISLANDICAE.</i> See Vigfusson, G., and F. York Powell.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>OROSIUS. <i>Historiarum adversus paganos libri VII</i>, edited by C.
+Zangemeister, Leipzig (Teubner), 1889. Also in: <i>Corpus script.
+eccles. lat.</i>, vol. v, 1882. The geographical chapter alone in: Riese,
+<i>Geogr. lat. min.</i>, 1878, pp. 56–70.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>OTTO OF FREISING. I. <i>Chronicon</i>, edited by Adolf Hofmeister,
+in: <i>Scriptores rerum germ. in usum scholarum</i>, Hanover and Leipzig,
+1912. This edition supersedes that in: Mon. Germ. hist., Scriptores,
+vol. xx, pp. 116–301. II. <i>Gesta Friderici I imperatoris cum continuatione
+Rahewini</i>, edited by G. Waitz, in: <i>Scriptores rerum germ.
+in usum scholarum</i>, Hanover, 1884. This edition supersedes that
+in: <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol. xx, pp. 347–491.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Hofmeister, A.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society. <i>THE LIBRARY OF THE PALESTINE
+PILGRIMS’ TEXT SOCIETY</i>, 13 vols, and index vol.,
+London, 1897. The individual texts, which were combined under
+this title, had been issued separately between 1885 and 1897.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>English translations of medieval pilgrims’ descriptions of the Holy
+Land.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Pannenborg, A. <i>Über den Ligurinus</i>, in: Forschungen zur deutschen
+Geschichte, vol. xi, Munich, 1871, pp. 163–300.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Pannenborg, A. <i>Magister Guntherus und seine Schriften</i>, in: Forschungen
+zur deutschen Geschichte, vol. xiii, Munich, 1873, pp. 227–331.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Pannenborg, A. <i>Der Verfasser des Ligurinus: Studien zu den Schriften
+des Magister Gunther</i>, Göttingen, 1884.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Paraskévopoulos, J. S. <i>The Etesiens</i>, in: Monthly Weather Review,
+vol. 50, Washington, 1922, pp. 417–422.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Pardi, G. <i>L’Italia nel XII secolo descritta da un geografo arabo</i> (Memorie
+geografiche di Giotto Dainelli pubblicate come supplemento alla
+“Rivista geografica italiana,” no. 38), Florence, 1919.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>A discussion of Edrisi’s geography of Italy.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Paris, Gaston. <i>Dissertation critique sur le poème latin du Ligurinus
+attribué à Gunther</i>, Paris, 1872.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Paris, Gaston. <i>La Sicile dans la littérature française du moyen âge</i>, in:
+Romania, vol. v, Paris, 1876, pp. 108–113.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Aims to suggest possibilities of research rather than to stand as a
+finished study.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Paris, Gaston. <i>La littérature française au moyen âge</i>, 3rd edit., Paris,
+1905; 5th edit., 1914. English translation by H. Lynch entitled
+<i>Medieval French Literature</i> in Temple Primer Series, London, 1902.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Covers the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries. A useful summary
+and interpretation by a foremost authority.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PARIS, MATTHEW. See MATTHEW PARIS.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Parker, H. <i>The Seven Liberal Arts</i>, in: English Historical Review, vol.
+v, London, 1890, pp. 417–461.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_532'>532</span>PAUL THE DEACON. <i>Historia gentis Langobardorum</i>, in: <i>Mon. Germ.
+hist., Scriptores rerum langobardicarum</i>, Hanover, 1878. Also in:
+<i>Scriptores rerum germ. in usum scholarum</i>, Hanover, 1878.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Pelliot, Paul. <i>Chrétiens d’Asie centrale et d’Extrême-Orient</i>, in: T’oung
+Pao, ou archives concernant l’histoire, les langues, la géographie et
+l’ethnographie de l’Asie orientale, vol. xv, Leiden, 1914, pp. 623–644.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Summary of recent researches. Includes data on the origins of
+the legend of Prester John.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Peschel, Oscar. <i>Geschichte der Erdkunde bis auf Alexander von Humboldt
+und Karl Ritter</i>, 2nd edit., edited by Sophus Ruge, Munich, 1877.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Peschel, Oscar. <i>Abhandlungen zur Erd- und Völkerkunde</i>, 3 vols., Leipzig,
+1877–1879.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PETACHIA OF RATISBON. <i>The Travels of Rabbi Petachia of Ratisbon.</i>
+English translation by A. Benisch and W. F. Ainsworth,
+London, 1856.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PETER ABELARD. See ABELARD, PETER.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PETER ALPHONSI. See ALPHONSI, PETER.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PETER COMESTOR. See COMESTOR, PETER.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PETER LOMBARD. See LOMBARD, PETER.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>PEUTINGER TABLE.</i> See Miller, <i>Weltkarte des Castorius</i>, 1888; the
+same, <i>Itin. Romana</i>, 1916.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Philipp, Hans. <i>Die historisch-geographischen Quellen in den Etymologiae
+des Isidorus von Sivillia</i> (Quellen und Forschungen zur alten Geschichte
+und Geographie herausgegeben von W. Sieglin, nos. 25–26),
+2 pts., Berlin, 1912–1913.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Philipps, W. R. <i>The Connection of St. Thomas the Apostle with India</i>,
+in: The Indian Antiquary, vol. xxxii, Bombay, 1903, pp. 1–15, 145–160.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PLATO. <i>Dialogues</i>, English translation by Benjamin Jowett, <i>The
+Dialogues of Plato</i>, 5 vols., London, 1892.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PLATO OF TIVOLI. Translation of the <i>Astronomy</i> of Al-Battānī.
+Manuscript in: Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 7266,
+fols. 47–112vo. Also published under the title <i>Mahometis Albatenii
+de scientia stellarum liber, cum aliquot additionibus Joannis Regiomontani,
+ex Bibliotheca Vaticana transcriptus</i>, Bologna, 1645.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See BATTĀNĪ, Al-; Boncompagni, <i>Delle versione</i>, 1851.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PLINY. <i>Historia naturalis.</i> Edited by C. Mayhoff, <i>C. Plinii Secundi
+Naturalis historiae libri XXXVII</i>, 6 vols., Leipzig, 1892–1909. The
+references in the present work are to chapters of this edition. English
+translation by John Bostock and H. T. Riley, 6 vols. (Bohn’s
+Classical Library), London, 1855–1857. For the geographical books
+see D. Detlefsen, <i>Die geographischen Bücher (II, 242-VI Schluss) der
+Naturalis Historia des C. Plinius Secundus, mit vollständigem kritischen
+Apparat</i> (Quellen und Forschungen zur alten Geschichte und Geographie
+herausgegeben von W. Sieglin, no. 9), Berlin, 1904.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Detlefsen, <i>Geographie Afrikas</i>, 1909; Klotz, A.; Rück, K.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>POLO, MARCO. <i>The Book of Ser Marco Polo the Venetian Concerning
+the Kingdoms and Marvels of the East</i>, translated and edited with
+notes by Sir Henry Yule, 3rd edit. revised by Henri Cordier, 2 vols.,
+London, 1903. Supplemented by: Henri Cordier, <i>Ser Marco Polo:
+Notes and Addenda to Sir Henry Yule’s Edition, Containing the
+Results of Recent Research and Discovery</i>, London and New York,
+1920.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_533'>533</span>POMPONIUS MELA. <i>De situ orbis</i>, edited by [J. M. N. D.] Nisard, in:
+<i>Macrobe (Oeuvres complètes), Varron (De la langue latine), Pomponius
+Mela (Oeuvres complètes), avec la traduction en français</i> (Collection
+des auteurs latins avec la traduction en français, publiée sous la direction
+de M. Nisard), Paris, 1883. Also edited by G. Parthey, Berlin,
+1867.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Poole, R. L. <i>Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought and Learning</i>,
+2nd edit., revised, London, 1920.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Poole, R. L. <i>The Masters of the Schools at Paris and Chartres in John
+of Salisbury’s Time</i>, in: English Historical Review, vol. xxxv,
+London, 1920, pp. 321–342.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Potthast, August. <i>Bibliotheca historica medii aevi: Wegweiser durch die
+Geschichtswerke des europäischen Mittelalters bis 1500</i>, 2nd edit., 2
+vols., Berlin, 1896.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See above, pp. 491–492.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Powell, F. York. See SAXO GRAMMATICUS; Vigfusson, G., and
+F. York Powell.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>PRECEPTUM CANONIS PTOLEMEI.</i> Manuscript in Chartres,
+Bibliothèque Publique, MS. no. 214.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PRESBYTER JOHANNES. See PRESTER JOHN.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PRESTER JOHN. Letters and documents relating to Prester John or
+supposedly written by him: I. <i>Letter of Prester John</i>, in: Friedrich
+Zarncke, <i>Der Priester Johannes</i>, Erste Abhandlung, in: Koeniglich-saechsische
+Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Abhandlungen, Philologisch-historische
+Classe, vol. vii, Leipzig, 1879, pp. 909–924 (also
+numbered 83–98). For medieval German translations, see Zarncke,
+<i>ibid.</i>, pp. 947–1028 (also numbered 121–202); for other medieval
+Latin and English versions, see Zarncke, in: Koeniglich-saechisische
+Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Berichte, vol. xxix, Leipzig, 1877,
+pp. 111–156; vol. XXX, pt. I, 1878, pp. 41–46. II. <i>Elysaeus Account</i>,
+in: Zarncke, <i>Der Priester Johannes</i>, Zweite Abhandlung, in: Königlich-sächische
+Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Abhandlungen, Philologisch-historische
+Classe, vol. viii, Leipzig, 1876 (<i>sic</i>), pp. 122–128.
+III. <i>Letter from Pope Alexander III to Prester John</i>, in: Zarncke.
+<i>op. cit.</i>, Erste Abhandlung, in: Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp.
+941–944 (also numbered 115–118).</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Bruun, P.; Oppert, G.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Prior, O. H. See <i>IMAGE DU MONDE, L’</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PRISCIAN. <i>Periegesis</i>, edited by C. Müller, <i>Geogr. graeci min.</i>, vol.
+ii, Paris, 1882, pp. 190–199.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PSELLOS, MICHAEL. See Zervos, C.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PSEUDO-ABDIAS. See ABDIAS, PSEUDO-.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>PSEUDO-CALLISTHENES.</i> See <i>ALEXANDER THE GREAT,
+ROMANCE OF</i>, I.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>PSEUDO-METHODIUS.</i> See Sackur, E.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>PTOLEMY, CLAUDIUS. I. Μαθεματικῆς συντάξεως βιβλία ̅ι̅γ (<i>Mathematical
+Composition</i> or <i>Almagest</i>), edited by J. L. Heiberg, <i>Claudii
+Ptolemaei opera quae exstant omnia</i>, vol. i, pts. 1 and 2, <i>Syntaxis mathematica</i>,
+Leipzig (Teubner), 1898–1903. French translation: <i>Composition
+mathématique de Claude Ptolemée traduite pour la première fois du
+grec en français sur les manuscrits originaux de la Bibliothèque imperiale
+par M. Halma (avec le texte grec) et suivie des notes de M.
+Delambre</i>, 2 vols., Paris, 1813–1816. German translation: Karl
+<span class='pageno' id='Page_534'>534</span>Manitius, <i>Des Claudius Ptolemäus Handbuch der Astronomie</i>, Leipzig
+(Teubner), 1912. The introduction of the last named gives a
+brief account of the influence of the <i>Almagest</i> in later times. See
+also above, p. 398, note 32. II. Γεωγραφικὴ ὑφήγησις (<i>Geography</i>).
+Books i-v edited, with Latin translation, by Carolus Müllerus, <i>Claudii
+Ptolemaei Geographia</i>, vol. i, pts. 1 and 2, and atlas, Paris, 1883–1901.
+Complete Greek text edited by C. F. A. Nobbe, <i>Cl. Ptolemaei
+Geographia</i>, 3 vols., Leipzig, 1888–1913. Also numerous fifteenth-
+and sixteenth-century editions.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Dinse, <i>Ptolemäus-Karten</i>, 1913; Fischer, J.; Haskins, C. H.,
+and D. P. Lockwood; Rose, V.; Schütte, G.; Tudeer, L. O. T.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Pullé, F. L. <i>La cartografia antica dell’ India</i>, pt. 2: <i>Il medio-evo europeo e
+il primo rinascimento</i>, in: Studi italiani di filologia indo-iranica, vol.
+v, Florence and Pisa, 1905. (Pt. 1, in vol. iv of the Studi italiani,
+etc., is entitled <i>Disegno della cartografia antica dell’ India</i>, Florence,
+1901, and deals with the period “dai principi fino ai Bizantini e agli
+Arabi”).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>RABAN MAUR. <i>De universo</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. cxi, cols. 9–614.
+See Bertolini, <i>I quattro angoli</i>, 1910.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Rafn, C. C., edit. <i>ANTIQUITATES AMERICANAE, SIVE SCRIPTORES
+SEPTENTRIONALES RERUM ANTE-COLUMBIANARUM
+IN AMERICA</i>, Societas Regia Antiquariorum Septentrionalium,
+Copenhagen, 1837; Supplement, 1841.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Collection of sources of Norse voyages to America with commentary.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>RAGEWIN. See OTTO OF FREISING, II.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Rahn, J. R. <i>Die Glasgemälde in der Rosette der Kathedrale von Lausanne:
+Ein Bild der Welt aus dem XIII. Jahrhundert</i>, in: Mittheilungen der
+Antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Zürich, vol. xx, 1878–1879, pp. 31(3)-58(30).</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Deals with medieval geography as displayed on a stained glass
+window. A facsimile of the window is given.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Rainaud, Armand. <i>Le continent austral: Hypothèses et découvertes</i>, Paris,
+1893.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>History of the evolution of theories regarding the antipodes and
+austral continent and of explorations to the south from early times
+to the voyages of Cook.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Rand, E. K. <i>Johannes Scottus</i> (Quellen und Forschungen zur lateinischen
+Philologie des Mittelalters herausgegeben von Ludwig Traube, vol.
+i, pt. 2), Munich, 1906.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>RAVENNA GEOGRAPHER, Anonymous. <i>Cosmographia</i>, edited by
+M. Pinder and G. Parthey, <i>Ravennatis anonymi Cosmographia et
+Guidonis Geographica</i>, Berlin, 1860, pp. 1–445.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>RAYMOND OF MARSEILLES. <i>Marseilles Tables.</i> Unpublished.
+On manuscripts see Haskins, <i>Studies</i>, 1924, pp. 96–98, and also
+above, p. 399, note 41. On a geographical table accompanying the
+Paris manuscript see J. K. Wright, <i>Knowledge of Latitudes and
+Longitudes</i>, 1923, pp. 87–88.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Reeves, A. M. <i>THE FINDING OF WINELAND THE GOOD:
+THE HISTORY OF THE ICELANDIC DISCOVERY OF AMERICA</i>,
+London, 1890.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Translations of the sources with critical commentary.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Reinhard, R. <i>Pässe und Strassen in den schweizer Alpen: Topographisch-historische
+Studien</i>, Lucerne, 1903.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_535'>535</span>Reinaud, J. T. <i>Mémoire géographique, historique, et scientifique sur l’Inde
+antérieurement au milieu du xi<sup>e</sup> siècle</i>, etc., Paris, 1849.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Reinaud, J. T., on Moslem geography. See ABŪ-L-FIDĀ.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Renan, Ernest. <i>Averroès et l’Averroïsme</i>, 1st edit., Paris, 1852; 3rd edit.,
+Paris, 1866; 4th edit., Paris, 1882.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>RERUM BRITANNICARUM MEDII AEVI SCRIPTORES.</i> See
+“<i>ROLLS SERIES</i>.”</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Revelli, P. <i>Una “rosa dei venti” del secolo ix</i>, in: Bollettino della Società
+Geografica Italiana, vol. xlvii, Rome, 1910, pp. 269–279.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Rey, E. <i>Les colonies franques de Syrie aux xii<sup>e</sup> et xiii<sup>e</sup> siècles</i>, Paris,
+1883.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>On society, economic conditions, and life.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Rey, E. <i>Géographie historique de la Syrie au temps des croisades: Formation
+des noms de lieux avec index des localités occupées en Syrie par les
+Francs au xii<sup>e</sup> et xiii<sup>e</sup> siècles</i>, Geneva, n. d.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Reynaud, G. See Michelant, H., and G. Reynaud.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Riese, Alexander, edit. <i>GEOGRAPHI LATINI MINORES</i>, Heilbronn,
+1878.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Important collection of texts of the writings of the lesser Latin
+geographers.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Robbins, F. E. <i>The Hexaemeral Literature: A Study of the Greek and
+Latin Commentaries on Genesis</i> (Doctoral Dissertation, University
+of Chicago, 1912).</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Includes useful material on classical and medieval theories of
+cosmogony.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ROBERT DE CLARI. <i>La prise de Constantinople</i>, edited by Charles
+Hopf, in his <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes inédites ou peu connues</i>,
+Berlin, 1873, pp. 1–85.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ROBERT GROSSETESTE. See GROSSETESTE, ROBERT.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ROBERT OF RETINES (ROBERT OF KETENE, ROBERT OF
+CHESTER). I. Translation of the <i>Astronomy</i> of Al-Battānī. No
+text of this is known. See above p. 398, note 36. II. Adaptation
+to the meridian of London of tables of Az-Zarqalī and Al-Battānī.
+Unpublished. See Haskins, <i>Reception</i>, 1915, p. 64; the same,
+<i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 122. III. Adaptation of Adelard of Bath’s translation
+of the <i>Khorazmian Tables</i> to the meridian of London. Unpublished.
+See Haskins, <i>Reception</i>, 1915, pp. 64–65; the same,
+<i>Studies</i>, 1924, p. 123.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ROGER OF HEREFORD. I. <i>Theorica planetarum.</i> Unpublished.
+II. Tables for the meridian of Hereford based on tables for Toledo
+and Marseilles. Unpublished.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>On manuscripts see Haskins, <i>Reception</i>, 1915, p. 66; the same,
+Studies, 1924, p. 125.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ROGER OF HOVEDEN (HOWDEN). <i>Chronica</i>, edited by William
+Stubbs (Rolls Series, no. 51), 4 vols., London, 1868–1871.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Röhricht, Reinhold. <i>Bibliotheca geographica Palaestinae</i>, Berlin, 1890.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>“<i>ROLLS SERIES.</i>” Customary designation of <i>RERUM BRITANNICARUM
+MEDII AEVI SCRIPTORES, OR CHRONICLES
+AND MEMORIALS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND
+DURING THE MIDDLE AGES</i>, published by authority of Her
+Majesty’s Treasury, under direction of the Master of the Rolls,
+London, 1858–1891.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_536'>536</span>Roscher, W. H. <i>Omphalos</i>, in: Koeniglich-saechsische Gesellschaft der
+Wissenschaften, Abhandlungen, Philologisch-historische Klasse,
+vol. xxix, Leipzig, 1913, pp. 1–140.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Roscher, W. H. <i>Neue Omphalosstudien</i>, in: Koeniglich-saechsische Gesellschaft
+der Wissenschaften, Abhandlungen, Philologisch-historische
+Klasse, vol. xxi, Leipzig, 1915, pp. 1–90.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Rose, Valentin. <i>Ptolemäus und die Schule von Toledo</i>, in: Hermes:
+Zeitschrift für classische Philologie, vol. viii, Berlin, 1874, pp. 327–349.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Rose, Valentin, on Arnold the Saxon. See ARNOLD THE SAXON.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Rück, Karl. <i>Auszüge aus der Naturgeschichte des C. Plinius Secundus
+in einem astronomisch-komputistischen Sammelwerke des achten
+Jahrhunderts</i>, Programm des Ludwigsgymnasiums in München,
+Munich, 1888.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Rück, Karl. <i>Die Naturalis Historia des Plinius im Mittelalter: Exzerpte
+aus der Naturalis Historia auf den Bibliotheken zu Lucca, Paris und
+Leiden</i>, in: Koeniglich-bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften
+zu München, Sitzungsberichte, Philosophisch-philologische und
+historische Classe, vol. ii, Munich, 1898, pp. 203–318.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span lang="de">Rück, Karl. <i>Das Exzerpt der Naturalis Historia des Plinius von Robert
+von Cricklade</i>, in: Koeniglich-bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften
+zu München, Sitzungsberichte, Philosophisch-philologische und
+historische Classe, Munich, 1902, pp. 195–285.</span></p>
+
+<p class='c020'>RUDOLF OF HOHEN-EMS. See Doberentz, O.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Ruge, Sophus, and Walther Ruge. <i>Die Litteratur zur Geschichte der
+Erdkunde vom Mittelalter an</i>, in: Geographisches Jahrbuch, Gotha,
+vols. xviii, 1895, pp. 1–60; xx, 1897, pp. 217–248; xxiii, 1900, pp.
+173–212; xxvi, 1903, pp. 175–218; xxx, 1907, pp. 329–380.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See above, p. 492.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>RUPERT OF DEUTZ. <i>De sancta trinitate et operibus eius</i>, in: Migne,
+<i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxvii, cols. 199–1828.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Sackur, Ernst. <i>Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen</i>, Halle, 1898.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Data on early medieval prophecies of the end of the world, including
+the <i>Pseudo-Methodius</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>SACROBOSCO. See JOHN OF HOLYWOOD.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>SAEWULF. <i>De situ Hierusalem</i>, edited by A. d’Avezac (Recueil de
+voyages et de mémoires publiées par la Société de Géographie, vol.
+iv, pp. 817–854), Paris, 1839. English translation in Thomas
+Wright, <i>Early Travels</i>, 1848, pp. 31–50. Also translation by Canon
+Brownlow in Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society, <i>Library</i>, vol. iv,
+London, 1897.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>SAGAS, THE.</i> For editions, see Hermannsson, <i>Bibl. Icelandic Sagas</i>,
+1908; the same, <i>Bibl. Sagas Kings</i>, 1910.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Sandys, Sir J. E. <i>A History of Classical Scholarship</i>, 3rd edit., vol. i,
+<i>From the Sixth Century B.&#160;C. to the End of the Middle Ages</i>, Cambridge,
+1921.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Santarem, [M. F.] Le Vicomte de. <i>Essai sur l’histoire de la cosmographie
+et de la cartographie pendant le moyen âge</i>, etc., 3 vols. and atlas,
+Paris, 1849–1852.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>An elaborate study. Vol. i contains a general summary of the
+development of cartography and geographic theories during the
+early Middle Ages. Though largely out of date in details, this great
+work is still one of the primary approaches to medieval geography.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_537'>537</span>SAXO GRAMMATICUS. <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, edited by Alfred Holder,
+Strasburg, 1886. English translation: <i>The First Nine Books of the
+Danish History of Saxo Grammaticus</i>, translated by Oliver Elton,
+with some considerations on Saxo’s sources, historical methods, and
+folk lore, by Frederick York Powell, London, 1894.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Scala, R. von. <i>Das Fortleben der eratosthenischen Masse</i>, in: Verhandlungen
+des achtzehnten deutschen Geographentages zu Innsbruck,
+Berlin, 1912, pp. 206–217.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Schaube, Adolf. <i>Handelsgeschichte der romanischen Völker des Mittelmeergebiets
+bis zum Ende der Kreuzzüge</i>, Munich and Berlin, 1906.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Valuable from the geographic point of view for the light it throws
+on the extent of travel of Mediterranean peoples during the Middle
+Ages.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Scheffel, P. H. <i>Verkehrsgeschichte der Alpen</i>: vol. i, <i>Bis zum Ende des
+Ostgotenreiches Theodorichs des Grossen</i>; vol. ii, <i>Das Mittelalter</i>; Berlin,
+1908, 1914.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Schmidt, W. <i>Über Dante’s Stellung in der Geschichte der Kosmographie</i>,
+Graz, 1876 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Schneid, M. <i>Die Lehre von der Erdrundung und Erdbewegung im Mittelalter</i>,
+in: Historisch-politische Blätter für das katholische Deutschland,
+vol. lxxx, no. 6, Munich, 1877, pp. 433–451.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Reply from Catholic point of view to a paper of same title in S.
+Günther’s <i>Studien</i>, 1877–1879.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Schneider, Artur. <i>Die abendländische Spekulation des zwölften Jahrhunderts
+in ihrem Verhältnis zur aristotelischen und jüdisch-arabischen
+Philosophie</i>, in: Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters
+herausgegeben von C. Baeumker, vol. xvii, pt. 4, Münster,
+1915.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Schoy, Carl. <i>Die geschichtliche Entwicklung der Polhöhenbestimmung bei
+den älteren Völkern</i> (Dissertation, University of Munich, 1911).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Schoy, Carl. <i>Längenbestimmung und Zentralmeridian bei den älteren
+Völkern</i>, Mitteilungen der Kaiserlich-koeniglichen Geographischen
+Gesellschaft in Wien, vol. lviii, Vienna, 1915, pp. 27–62.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Schoy, Carl. <i>Erdmessungen bei den Arabern</i>, in: Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft
+für Erdkunde zu Berlin, 1917, pp. 431–445.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Schoy, Carl. <i>Aus der astronomischen Geographie der Araber: Originalstudien
+aus “Al-Qânûn al-Masʿûdî” des arabischen Astronomen
+Muḥ. b. Ahmed Abû’l-Rîḥân al-Bîrûnî (973–1048)</i>, in: Isis: International
+Review Devoted to the History of Science and Civilization,
+vol. v, pt. 1, Brussels, 1923, pp. 51–74.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Schoy, Carl. <i>The Geography of the Moslems of the Middle Ages</i>, in:
+Geographical Review, vol. xiv, New York, 1924, pp. 257–269.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Schröder, Carl. See BRANDAN, Saint.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Schulte, A. <i>Geschichte des mittelalterlichen Handels und Verkehrs zwischen
+Westdeutschland und Italien mit Ausschluss von Venedig</i>, 2 vols.,
+Leipzig, 1900.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Includes data on the Alpine passes in the Middle Ages.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Schütte, Gudmund. <i>Ptolemy’s Maps of Northern Europe</i>, Copenhagen,
+1917.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>SCOT, MICHAEL. See MICHAEL SCOT.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>SCOTUS ERIGENA. See JOHN SCOT ERIGENA.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_538'>538</span><i>SCRIPTORES RERUM GERMANICARUM IN USUM SCHOLARUM
+EX MONUMENTIS GERMANIAE HISTORICIS
+RECUSI</i>, Hanover, 1840 ff. The volumes of this series are not
+numbered, only dated.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Important collection of sources based on <i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i> In
+some cases the texts are revisions and improvements over those of
+the <i>Monumenta</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>SCRIPTURE.</i> See <i>BIBLE</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>SENECA. <i>Quaestiones naturales</i>, edited by Alfred Gercke, <i>Naturalium
+quaestionum libri VIII</i>, Leipzig (Teubner), 1907. English translation:
+John Clarke, <i>Physical Science in the Time of Nero, Being a
+Translation of the Quaestiones Naturales of Seneca</i>, with notes by Sir
+Archibald Geikie, London, 1910.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Shadwell, C. L. See DANTE, V.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>SIGURD THE CRUSADER. <i>The Saga of Sigurd the Crusader</i>, in
+Snorri Sturluson’s <i>Heimskringla</i>. See Hermannsson, <i>Bibl. Sagas
+Kings</i>, 1910, pp. 19–30. English translation in Thomas Wright,
+<i>Early Travels</i>, 1848, pp. 50–62.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Simar, T. <i>La géographie de l’Afrique centrale dans l’antiquité et au moyen
+âge</i>, Brussels, 1912. Also published in: Revue Congolaise, vol. iii,
+Brussels, 1912, pp. 1–23, 81–102, 145–169, 225–252, 289–310, 440–441.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>A thorough and well-documented study of the evolution of ancient
+and medieval knowledge of Central Africa.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Singer, Charles. <i>The Scientific Views and Visions of Saint Hildegard</i>, in:
+Charles Singer, edit., <i>Studies in the History and Method of Science</i>,
+vol. i, Oxford, 1917, pp. 1–55.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Singer, Charles. <i>Daniel of Morley, An English Philosopher of the XIIth
+Century</i>, in: Isis: International Review Devoted to the History of
+Science and Civilization, vol. iii, Brussels, 1920, pp. 263–269.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>SITU ORBIS, DE.</i> M. Manitius, edit., <i>Anonymi de situ orbis</i>, Stuttgart,
+1884.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>A compilation dating from the end of the ninth century.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>SITU TERRARUM, DE.</i> See HUGH OF ST. VICTOR, VI.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>SNORRI STURLUSON. I. <i>Heimskringla.</i> On editions see Hermannsson,
+<i>Bibl. Sagas Kings</i>, 1910, pp. 19–30. English translation by
+William Morris and Eirikr Magnûsson in: <i>The Saga Library</i>, vols.
+iii-vi, London, 1893–1905. II. <i>Snorra Edda (Snorri’s Edda).</i>
+On editions see Hermannsson, <i>Bibl. Eddas</i>, 1920, pp. 74–79. English
+translations: R. B. Anderson, <i>The Younger Edda, Also Called Snorre’s
+Edda, or the Prose Edda: An English Version of the Foreword; the
+Fooling of Gylfe; the Afterword; Brage’s Talk; the Afterword to Brage’s
+Talk; and Important Passages of the Poetical Diction (Skaldskaparmal)</i>,
+Chicago, 1880; A. G. Brodeur, <i>The Prose Edda by Snorri Sturluson</i>,
+New York, 1916 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>SOLINUS. <i>C. Iulii Solini collectanea rerum memorabilium</i>, edited by
+Theodor Mommsen, Berlin, 1895.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Columba, G. M.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>SPECULUM REGALE.</i> See <i>KONUNGS-SKUGGSJÁ</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Spitta, Wilhelm. <i>Die Geographie des Ptolemaeus bei den Arabern</i>, in:
+Verhandlungen des fünften internationalen Orientalisten-Congresses,
+pt. 2, Abhandlungen und Vorträge, vol. i, Berlin, 1882, pp. 19–28.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_539'>539</span>Stange, Emil. <i>Arnoldus Saxo, der älteste Enzyklopädist des XIII.
+Jahrhunderts</i> (Dissertation, University of Halle, 1885).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Stange, Emil. On <i>Arnold the Saxon</i>, in: Programm des königlichen
+Gymnasiums zu Erfurt, 1905–1907 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Steele, Robert. <i>Roger Bacon and the State of Science in the Thirteenth
+Century</i>, in: Charles Singer, edit., <i>Studies in the History and Method
+of Science</i>, vol. ii, Oxford, 1921, pp. 121–150.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Steele, Robert. See BARTHOLOMEW ANGLICUS.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Stegmann, Otto. <i>Die Anschauungen des Mittelalters über die endogenen
+Erscheinungen der Erde</i> (Dissertation, University of Tübingen, 1913).
+Also in: Archiv für die Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der
+Technik, vol. iv, Leipzig, 1913, pp. 243–269.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Steinschneider, Moritz. <i>Études sur Zarkali, astronome arabe du xi<sup>e</sup>
+siècle, et ses ouvrages</i>, in: Bollettino di bibliografia e di storia della
+scienze matematiche e fisiche pubblicato da B. Boncompagni, Rome,
+vols. xiv, 1881, pp. 171–182; xvi, 1883, pp. 493–527; xvii, 1884,
+pp. 765–794; xviii, 1885, pp. 343–360; xx, 1887, pp. 1–36, 575–604.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Steinschneider, Moritz. <i>Die hebräischen Übersetzungen des Mittelalters
+und die Juden als Dolmetscher: Ein Beitrag zur Literaturgeschichte des
+Mittelalters</i>, 2 vols., Berlin, 1893.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Steinschneider, Moritz. <i>Die europäischen Übersetzungen aus dem Arabischen
+bis Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts</i>, in: Kaiserlich-koenigliche
+Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Sitzungsberichte, Philosophisch-historische
+Klasse, Vienna, vol. cxlix, 1905, pp. 1–84;
+vol. cli, 1906, pp. 1–108.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>This and the preceding are arranged alphabetically by authors’ or
+translators’ names and by titles.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Storm, Gustav, edit. <i>MONUMENTA HISTORICA NORVEGIAE:
+LATINSKE KILDESKRIFTER TIL NORGES HISTORIE
+I MIDDELALDEREN</i>, Christiania, 1880.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Collection of texts of several medieval histories of Norway, including
+<i>Historia Norwegiae</i> and Theodricus Monachus, <i>Historia de
+antiquitate regum norwagensium</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Stubbs, William. See BENEDICT OF PETERBOROUGH; GERVASE
+OF CANTERBURY; ROGER OF HOVEDEN.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>STURLUSON, SNORRI. See SNORRI STURLUSON.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Suchier, H. See BRANDAN, Saint.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>SULPICIUS SEVERUS. <i>Dialogus</i>, in: Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. xx, cols.
+183–222.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Suter, Heinrich. <i>Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber und ihre
+Werke</i>, in: Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der mathematischen Wissenschaften,
+etc., vol. x and vol. xiv, pp. 155–185, Leipzig, 1900, 1902.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Suter, Heinrich, on the Kharazmian Tables. See KHWĀRIZMĪ, Al-, II.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>SYLVESTER, BERNARD. See BERNARD SYLVESTER.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>SYLVESTER II (Pope). See GERBERT.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>TABULA PEUTINGERIANA.</i> See Miller, <i>Weltkarte des Castorius</i>,
+1888; the same, <i>Itin. Romana</i>, 1916.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Thalamas, A. <i>Étude bibliographique de la géographie d’Ératosthène</i>,
+Versailles, 1921.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Thalamas, A. <i>La géographie d’Ératosthène</i>, Versailles, 1921.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_540'>540</span>THEODERIC (Pilgrim). <i>Libellus de locis sanctis</i>, edited by T. Tobler,
+St. Gall and Paris, 1865. English translation by Aubrey Stewart,
+<i>Theoderich’s Description of the Holy Places (circa 1172 A.&#160;D.)</i>, London,
+1891 (in: Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society, <i>Library</i>, vol. v, London,
+1897).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>THEODORIC OF CHARTRES. <i>De sex dierum operibus</i>, edited by
+B. Hauréau, in his <i>Notices et extraits de quelques manuscrits latins
+de la Bibliothèque Nationale</i>, vol. i, Paris, 1890, pp. 52–68.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>THEODRICUS MONACHUS. <i>Historia de antiquitate regum norwagiensium</i>,
+edited by G. Storm, in his <i>Mon. hist. Norveg.</i>, 1880,
+pp. 1–68.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>THIERRY DE CHARTRES. See THEODORIC OF CHARTRES.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>THOMAS, Saint (The Apostle). See ACTS OF THE APOSTLES,
+APOCRYPHAL; Dahlmann, J.; Philipps, W. R.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Thorndike, Lynn. <i>A History of Magic and Experimental Science During
+the First Thirteen Centuries of Our Era</i>, 2 vols., New York, 1923.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Fundamental work on the subject. Contains many valuable
+bibliographical indications. The researches whose results are
+embodied in these volumes were largely made in manuscript
+sources.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Thoroddsen, Thorvaldur. <i>Geschichte der isländischen Geographie.</i>
+Translated into German by A. Gebhart. Vol. i, <i>Die isländische
+Geographie bis zum Schlusse des 16. Jahrhunderts</i>, Leipzig, 1897.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>The outstanding work on the historical geography of Iceland.
+Contains section (pp. 53–92) on the oldest descriptions of Iceland and
+on Iceland on medieval maps.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Tiander, K. <i>Poyezdki Skandinavov v Byeloe More (The Voyages of the
+Scandinavians to the White Sea)</i>, in: Zapiski Istoriko-Filologicheskago
+Fakulteta Imperatorskago S. Peterburgskago Universiteta
+(Journal of the Historical-Philological Faculty of the Imperial
+University of St. Petersburg), vol. lxxix, 1906.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Tillinghast, W. H. <i>The Geographical Knowledge of the Ancients Considered
+in Relation to the Discovery of America</i>, in: Justin Winsor, edit.,
+<i>Narrative and Critical History of America</i>, vol. i, Boston and New
+York, 1889, ch. i.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Particularly valuable for its bibliographical references.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Tobler, Titus, edit. <i>DESCRIPTIONES TERRAE SANCTAE EX
+SAECULO VIII, IX, XII, ET XV</i>, Leipzig, 1874.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See also THEODERIC (Pilgrim).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Tobler, Titus, edit. <i>ITINERA ET DESCRIPTIONES TERRAE
+SANCTAE, LINGUA LATINA SAEC. IV-XI EXARATA</i>,
+vol. i (constituting Publications de la Société de l’Orient Latin:
+Série géographique, no. 1), Geneva, 1877.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Tobler, Titus, and A. Molinier, edits. <i>ITINERA HIEROSOLYMITANA
+ET DESCRIPTIONES TERRAE SANCTAE BELLIS
+SACRIS ANTERIORA ET LATINA LINGUA EXARATA</i>,
+vol. i, pt. 2 (constituting Publications de la Société de l’Orient latin:
+Série géographique, no. 2) Geneva, 1880; vol. ii, edited by A. Molinier
+and C. Kohler, (constituting <i>op. cit.</i>, no. 4), Geneva, 1885.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><i>TOLEDO TABLES.</i> Unpublished. On manuscripts of Latin translations,
+see Steinschneider, <i>Études sur Zarkali</i>, in: Bollettino, vol.
+xx, 1887, pp. 1–36, 575–604.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Tozer, H. F. <i>A History of Ancient Geography</i>, Cambridge, 1897.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Brief, attractively written introduction.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_541'>541</span>Tudeer, L. O. T. <i>On the Origin of the Maps Attached to Ptolemy’s Geography</i>,
+in: Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. xxxvii, pt. 1, London,
+1917, pp. 62–76.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>VALERIUS, JULIUS. See <i>ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ROMANCE
+OF</i>, II, III.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Van der Linden, Herman. <i>Virgile de Salzbourg et les théories cosmographiques
+au VIII<sup>e</sup> siècle</i>, in: Académie royale de Belgique, Bulletin
+de la Classe des lettres, Brussels, 1914, pp. 163–187.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Vaux, Carra de. See Carra de Vaux, B.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Vidier, A. <i>La mappemonde de Théodulfe et la mappemonde de Ripoll
+(ix<sup>e</sup>-xi<sup>e</sup> siècle)</i>, in: Bulletin de géographie historique et descriptive,
+Paris, 1911, pp. 285–313.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Vigfusson, Gudbrand, and F. York Powell, edits, and transls. <i>ORIGINES
+ISLANDICAE: A COLLECTION OF THE MORE IMPORTANT
+SAGAS AND OTHER NATIVE WRITINGS RELATING TO
+THE SETTLEMENT AND EARLY HISTORY OF ICELAND</i>,
+2 vols., Oxford, 1905.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>VINCENT OF BEAUVAIS. I. <i>Speculum naturale</i> and (II) <i>Speculum
+historiale</i>, in: <i>Bibliotheca mundi Vincentii Burgundii&#160;... episcopi
+Bellovacensis speculum quadruplex, opere et studio theologorum Benedictinorum
+collegii Vedastini</i>, 4 vols., Douai, 1624. This is the latest
+complete edition. For bibliographical notes, see J. C. Brunet,
+<i>Manuel du libraire</i>, vol. v, Paris, 1864, cols. 1253–1257. On <i>Speculum
+historiale</i>, see Potthast, <i>Bibliotheca</i>, vol. ii, 1896, p. 1095.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>VITALIS, ORDERICUS. See ORDERICUS VITALIS.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>von Mžik; von Scala; etc. See Mžik, von; Scala, von; etc.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Vulpinus, T. See GUNTHER OF PAIRIS.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>WALTER OF CHÂTILLON (WALTER OF LILLE). <i>Alexandreis</i>,
+edited by F. A. W. Müldener, Leipzig (Teubner), 1863. For commentary
+and bibliography, see Giordano, <i>Alexandreis</i>, 1917.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Wattenbach, W. See GUY OF BAZOCHES.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Weinhold, Karl. <i>Die Polargegenden Europas nach den Vorstellungen
+des deutschen Mittelalters</i>, in: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften
+in Wien, Sitzungsberichte, Philosophisch-historische Klasse,
+vol. lxviii, Vienna, 1871, pp. 783–808.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Data on the voyages northward described by Adam of Bremen,
+Saxo Grammaticus, and other Germanic writers.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Werlauff, E. C. <i>Symbolae ad geographiam medii aevi ex monumentis
+islandicis</i>, Copenhagen, 1821.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>A brief summary of the status of Icelandic geographical knowledge
+in the Middle Ages together with texts dating from the twelfth
+century and later.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Werner, Karl. <i>Die Kosmologie und Naturlehre des scholastischen Mittelalters
+mit specieller Beziehung auf Wilhelm von Conches</i>, in: Kaiserliche
+Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Sitzungsberichte, Philosophisch-historische
+Classe, vol. lxxv, Vienna, 1873, pp. 309–403.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Werner, Karl. <i>Die Kosmologie und allgemeine Naturlehre des Roger
+Baco</i>, in: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Sitzungsberichte,
+Philosophisch-historische Classe, vol. xciv, Vienna,
+1879, pp. 489–612.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Westropp, T. J. <i>Brasil and the Legendary Islands of the Atlantic</i>, in:
+Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, vol. xxx, sect. C, no. 8,
+Dublin, 1912, pp. 223–260.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_542'>542</span>White, A.&#160;D. <i>A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in
+Christendom</i>, 2 vols., New York, 1895 (reprinted 1920).</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>A wealth of material is here brought together in an attempt to
+demonstrate the almost universally adverse influence that theology
+(as distinguished from religion) has exerted on the development of
+scientific thought.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>WILLIAM OF AUVERGNE. <i>De universo</i>, in: <i>Guillelmi Alverni,
+episcopi parisiensis, opera</i>, etc.&#160;... <i>curante Blasio Ferronio</i>, 2 vols.,
+Orléans, 1674 (not seen).</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>WILLIAM THE BRETON. <i>Philippidos libri XII</i>, or <i>Gesta Philippi
+regis Franciae</i>, edited by H. F. Delaborde, in: <i>Oeuvres de Rigord et de
+Guillaume le Breton</i>, vol. ii, Paris, 1885, pp. 1–385. Also in part in:
+<i>Mon. Germ. hist.</i>, Scriptores, vol. xxvi, pp. 319–389.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>WILLIAM OF CONCHES. I. <i>De philosophia mundi</i> (or <i>Philosophicarum
+et astronomicarum institutionum libri, tres</i> or Περὶ διδαξέων
+<i>sive elementorum philosophiae libri quattuor</i>), edited in: Migne, <i>Pat.
+lat.</i>, vol. clxxii, cols. 39–102, among the works of Honorius of Autun
+(the references in the present work are to books and chapters of this
+edition); also in: Migne, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. xc, cols. 1127–1182, among the
+works of Bede. See above, p. 398, note 28. Book III, chs. 1–11 and
+15, dealing with meteorology, are printed in Hellmann, <i>Denkmäler</i>
+1904, pp. 62–74. II. <i>Dragmaticon philosophiae.</i> This is the title
+given in the manuscripts. This work, which corresponds closely in
+content to the <i>De philosophia mundi</i>, was published at Strasburg,
+1567, under the title <i>Dialogus de substantis physicis, ante annos
+ducentos confectus a Vuilhelmo Aneponymo philosopho. Item libri
+tres incerti authoris eiusdem aetatis. I. De calore vitalis. II. De
+mari aquis. III. De fluminum origine. Industria Guilelmi Grataroli
+medici</i>&#160;... etc. The portion of <i>Dragmaticon philosophiae</i>
+dealing with meteorology is published in Hellmann, <i>Denkmäler</i>,
+1904, pp. 42–45.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See Werner, <i>Kosm. Wilhelm von Conches</i>, 1873.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>WILLIAM FITZSTEPHEN. See FITZSTEPHEN, WILLIAM.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>WILLIAM OF TYRE. <i>Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum</i>,
+or <i>Belli sacri historia</i>, in: <i>Recueil des historiens des croisades</i>,
+Historiens Occidentaux, vol. i, Paris, 1844. Also in: Migne, <i>Pat.
+lat.</i>, vol. cci, cols. 209–892. Medieval French translation edited by
+Paulin Paris, <i>Guillaume de Tyr et ses continuateurs</i>, 2 vols., Paris,
+1879–1880.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Wisotzki, Emil. <i>Zeitströmungen in der Geographie</i>, Leipzig, 1897.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Important study of tendencies of geographical thought in the
+sixteenth to nineteenth centuries, with occasional references to the
+earlier periods.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Woepcke, Franz. <i>Notice sur quelques manuscrits arabes&#160;... relatifs
+aux mathématiques et récemment acquis par la Bibliothèque Impériale</i>,
+in: Journal asiatique, series 5, vol. xix, Paris, 1862, pp. 101–127.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Wolkenhauer, W. <i>Aus der Geschichte der Kartographie</i>, in: Deutsche
+geographische Blätter, vol. xxxiv, Bremen, 1911, pp. 120–129 (on
+the cartography of the Greeks and Romans), vol. xxxv, 1912, pp.
+29–47 (on medieval and Moslem cartography).</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>A useful summary. Maps are listed and bibliographical data
+appended.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Wright, J. K. <i>Notes on the Knowledge of Latitudes and Longitudes in the
+Middle Ages</i>, in: Isis: International Review Devoted to the History
+of Science and Civilization, vol. v, pt. 1, Brussels, 1923, pp. 75–98.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'><span class='pageno' id='Page_543'>543</span>Wright, Thomas, edit. <i>Popular Treatises on Science Written During
+the Middle Ages in Anglo-Saxon, Anglo-Norman, and English</i>,
+London, 1841.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Wright, Thomas. <i>EARLY TRAVELS IN PALESTINE</i> (Bohn’s
+Antiquarian Library), London, 1848.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Translations of medieval books of travel.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Wulf, Maurice de. <i>Histoire de la philosophie médiévale, précédée d’un
+aperçu sur la philosophie ancienne</i>, Louvain, 1900 (4th edit., Louvain,
+1912). English translation by P. Coffey entitled <i>History of Medieval
+Philosophy</i>, London and New York, 1909.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Wüstenfeld, F. <i>Die Übersetzungen arabischer Werke in das Lateinische
+seit dem XI. Jahrhundert</i>, in: Abhandlungen der königlichen Gesellschaft
+der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-historische
+Klasse, vol. xxii, no. 2, 1877.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>Now superseded by Steinschneider, <i>Europ. Übersetz.</i>, 1905–1906.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Xivrey, Berger de. See Berger de Xivrey, J.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>York Powell, F. See SAXO GRAMMATICUS; Vigfusson, G., and
+F. York Powell.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Yule, Sir Henry. <i>Cathay and the Way Thither</i>, 2nd edit., edited by Henri
+Cordier, 4 vols., Hakluyt Society [publs.], series 2, vols. xxxiii,
+xxxvii, xxxviii, xli, London, 1913–1916.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>The best general account of the development of Western knowledge
+of the Far East in ancient and medieval times. Translations of the
+sources are given with commentaries. The introduction is an excellent
+outline of the entire subject.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See also POLO, MARCO.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Zarncke, Friedrich. See PRESTER JOHN.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>ZARQALĪ, Az-. <i>Canons on the Toledo Tables.</i> Unpublished. On
+manuscripts, see Steinschneider, <i>Études sur Zarkali</i>, in: Bollettino,
+vol. xx, 1887, pp. 1–36, 575–604.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>See GERARD OF CREMONA, II.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Zervos, Charles. <i>Un philosophe néoplatonicien du XI<sup>e</sup> siècle, Michel
+Psellos: Sa vie, son oeuvre, ses luttes philosophiques, son influence</i>,
+Paris, 1919.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Zeuss, Kaspar. <i>Die Deutschen und die Nachbarstämme</i>, Munich, 1837.
+Many quotations from chronicles and medieval historians. Useful
+in determining changes in the names of tribes.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Zimmer, Heinrich. <i>Über die frühesten Berührungen der Iren mit den
+Nordgermanen</i>, in: Koeniglich Preussiche Akademie der Wissenschaften,
+Sitzungsberichte, Berlin, 1891, pp. 279–317.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Zöckler, <i>O. Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft
+mit besondrer Rücksicht auf Schöpfungsgeschichte</i>, 2 vols.,
+Gütersloh, 1877–1879: vol. i, <i>Von den Anfängen der christlichen
+Kirche bis auf Newton und Leibniz</i>; vol. ii, <i>Von Newton und Leibniz
+bis zur Gegenwart</i>.</p>
+
+<p class='c021'>A thorough study of the development of natural science in its
+relation to theology. The author attempts to show that medieval
+theology was not adverse to the growth of natural science. Analyses
+given of theories of the Creation.</p>
+
+<p class='c020'>Zunz, ——. <i>Essay on the Geographical Literature of the Jews from the
+Remotest Times to the Year 1841</i>, in: <i>The Itinerary of Rabbi Benjamin
+of Tudela</i>, edited by A. Asher, vol. ii, London and Berlin, 1841, pp.
+230–317.</p>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <span class='pageno' id='Page_547'>547</span>
+  <h2 class='c005'>INDEX</h2>
+</div>
+
+<p class='c022'><i>Matter in the Notes (pp. 365–487) that can readily be found from references in the
+text is omitted in the index.</i></p>
+
+<p class='c023'><i>Titles in the Bibliography (pp. 503–543), as such, are also omitted in the index.</i></p>
+
+<ul class='index c024'>
+  <li class='c025'>Abbreviations, medieval, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Abelard, Peter, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the congregation of the waters, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Nile flood, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the rivers of Paradise, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the water above the firmament, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Abu-l-Ḥasan, <a href='#Page_485'>485</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Abū Maʿshar, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the tides, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Abyss, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Abyssinia, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Accuracy, gradations of, in knowledge, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>in relation to medieval maps, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Acheron, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Acre, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Adam and Eve, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Adam of Bremen, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>geography, <a href='#Page_481'>481</a>;</li>
+      <li>on northern Europe, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>;</li>
+      <li>on northern ocean, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a>, <a href='#Page_350'>350</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ad-Dir, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Adelard of Bath, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Aristotelian influence upon, <a href='#Page_401'>401</a>;</li>
+      <li>on authority, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>;</li>
+      <li>on boundaries, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>;</li>
+      <li>on earthquakes, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the saltness of the sea, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>;</li>
+      <li>on subdivision of land areas, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the support of the earth, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the tides, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_439'>439</a>–440;</li>
+      <li>translations, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>;</li>
+      <li>on winds, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>.</li>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Khorazmian Tables</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Aden, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Aden, Gulf of, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Adrastias, <a href='#Page_368'>368</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Aegean Sea, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Aethicus of Istria, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Africa, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>limits, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>;</li>
+      <li>west of Egypt, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Africa, Central, traditional view, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Africa, North, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Agareni, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Agathodaemon’s map, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>, <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>, <a href='#Page_456'>456</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Agisymba, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Agobard, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Agriculture and soils, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Agrippa, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Akaba, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alan of Lille, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alani, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_548'>548</span>Albania (Scotia), <a href='#Page_336'>336</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alberic of Besançon, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Albertus Magnus, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>writings, <a href='#Page_406'>406</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alemannia, name, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alexander Neckam. <i>See</i> Neckam, Alexander</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alexander of Bernai, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alexander the Great, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Gog and Magog and, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>;</li>
+      <li>Paradise and, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>;</li>
+      <li>Romance of, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>;</li>
+      <li>his view from a mountain summit, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>;</li>
+      <li>visit to India, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>;</li>
+      <li>visit to the sea floor, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alexander III, Pope, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alexandreis, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alexandria, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alfraganus. <i>See</i> Farghānī, Al-</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alfred of Sareshel, <a href='#Page_402'>402</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on origin of mountains, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alfred the Great, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Algeria, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Allegory, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Almagest, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Almohads, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alpetragius, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Biṭrūjī, Al-</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alphonsi, Peter (Petrus Anfusi), <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alps, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>knowledge of, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>;</li>
+      <li>“Pyrenean,” <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>;</li>
+      <li>routes across, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Alsace, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Altitudes, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Altmann of Passau, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Amazons, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ambroise, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the Assassins, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Sicily, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>;</li>
+      <li>on summer heat of Palestine, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ambrose, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>America, Icelandic discovery, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Norsemen in, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Amor reorum, Mount, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Amphitrite, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_428'>428</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Anaxagoras, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ancient geography, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>–42;
+    <ul>
+      <li>works on, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Andamans, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Anglesey, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a>, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Anglia, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_549'>549</span>Animals, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Anselm of Canterbury, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Antichthones, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Antioch, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Antipodal regions, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>belief that they were inhabited, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Antipodeans, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Antipodes, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_385'>385</a>, <a href='#Page_386'>386</a>, <a href='#Page_429'>429</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Antiquarian interests, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Antiquity, geographical lore of, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>–42;
+    <ul>
+      <li>works on, <a href='#Page_496'>496</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Antoikoi, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Apennines, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Apokatastasis, <a href='#Page_367'>367</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Apostles, Apocryphal Acts of, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>the twelve, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_278'>278</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Apulia, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Aquinas, Thomas, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arabia, Benjamin of Tudela on, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arabic, translations from, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arabic geography, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>–87</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arabic literature, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arabs, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arachosia, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ararat, Mount, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Araxes, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arbela, battle of, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Archeology, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arculf, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arethusa, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Argare, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Argentina (Strasburg), <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Argyre, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ari Frodhi, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arin (Arim), <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Aristippus, Henricus, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>, <a href='#Page_402'>402</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Aristotelianism, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>effects, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>;</li>
+      <li>introduced through Arabic works, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>;</li>
+      <li>opponents, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Aristotle, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on circumference of the earth, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>;</li>
+      <li>on cosmic cycles, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>;</li>
+      <li>on depth of the seas, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>;</li>
+      <li>on earthquakes and volcanoes, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the elements, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>;</li>
+      <li>on exhalations and vapors, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>;</li>
+      <li>on extent of the oikoumene, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>;</li>
+      <li>on height of mountains, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>;</li>
+      <li>on immobility of the earth, <a href='#Page_370'>370</a>;</li>
+      <li>influence, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>;</li>
+      <li>influence among the Moslems, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>;</li>
+      <li>on interior of the earth, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>;</li>
+      <li>on shape of the earth, <a href='#Page_368'>368</a>;</li>
+      <li>Western knowledge of, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_400'>400</a>, <a href='#Page_401'>401</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ark, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arklow, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arles, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Armenia, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Armenia, Little, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Armorica, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_550'>550</span>Arnold of Chartres, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arnold of Lübeck, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arnold the Saxon, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_408'>408</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arthur, King, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Arts, medieval, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Asceticism, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Asia, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>early relations of eastern and western, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>;</li>
+      <li>European knowledge of, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>;</li>
+      <li>great mountain system, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>;</li>
+      <li>opening of, in the thirteenth century, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Asia, Central, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Asia, Western, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>as described by the Crusaders, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Asia Minor, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Assassins, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Assyria, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Astrology, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>geography and, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Astronomical geography, of the known world, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>–246;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Moslem contribution, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>;</li>
+      <li>works on, <a href='#Page_501'>501</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Astronomical observations, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Astronomy, in map making, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_457'>457</a> (with map)</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Atlantic Ocean, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>fabulous islands, <a href='#Page_350'>350</a>;</li>
+      <li>legends of islands, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>.</li>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Western Ocean</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Atlantis, <a href='#Page_351'>351</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Atlas, Mount, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Nile and, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Atmosphere, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>circulation, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>;</li>
+      <li>composition, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>;</li>
+      <li>upper levels, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Augustine (Saint), <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>–145;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on Paradise, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Augustine (seventh century), <a href='#Page_61'>61</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Aurea Chersonesus, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Aurea gemma, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Auster, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Austral continent, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Australia, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Authority, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_358'>358</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Avalanches, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Avars, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Averroës (Ibn Rushd), <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_420'>420</a>, <a href='#Page_437'>437</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Avicenna (Ibn Sīnā), <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Azores, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Azov, Sea of, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Babylon, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Babylonian astrology and geography, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bacchus, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bacon, Roger, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_372'>372</a>, <a href='#Page_420'>420</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the height of mountains, <a href='#Page_447'>447</a>;</li>
+      <li>Opus majus, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_409'>409</a>;</li>
+      <li>works, <a href='#Page_408'>408</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_551'>551</span>Bactria, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Baghdad, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Benjamin of Tudela on, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Baldach, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Baleares, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Balkan Peninsula, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Baltic, term, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Baltic Sea, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>regions, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bang, W., <a href='#Page_478'>478</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Barbaric Sea, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Barbaro, Monte, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bardo, Mount, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bartholomew Anglicus, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on origin of mountains, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Basil, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Batiffol, Pierre, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Battānī, Al-, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the Indian Ocean, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the Mediterranean, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bavaria, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Beatus maps, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Beauty, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>of mountains, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Beazley, C. R., <a href='#Page_xix'>xix</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_498'>498</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bede, the Venerable, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on Nile flood, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bedouins, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Beginning of the world, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Benedict, Saint, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Benedict of Peterborough, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bengal, Bay of, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Benjamin of Tudela, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on Alexandria, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Arabia, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Baghdad, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Central Asia, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>;</li>
+      <li>on China, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>;</li>
+      <li>on climates, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Constantinople, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>;</li>
+      <li>on India, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Islam, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Italy, <a href='#Page_478'>478</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the Nile flood, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the Sahara, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Slavic Europe, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bergsson, Nikulás. <i>See</i> Nikulás Bergsson</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bernard of Chartres, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bernard of Clairvaux, on nature, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the sea as the source of waters, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bernard Sylvester of Tours, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on tripartite division of the oikoumene, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>;</li>
+      <li>on interrelations of the parts of the universe, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>;</li>
+      <li>on orographic systems, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>;</li>
+      <li>theory of Creation, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the tides, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>;</li>
+      <li>on zones, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Betten, F. S., <a href='#Page_384'>384</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Biarma, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bible, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>interpretation, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>;</li>
+      <li>position, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bibliographical Note, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bibliographie géographique, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_552'>552</span>Bibliographies, description, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bibliography, <a href='#Page_503'>503</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bibliotheca Geographica, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bingen, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Birds, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Birka, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Biṭrūjī, Al-, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Black Sea, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Euxine</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Blake, R. P., <a href='#Page_xx'>xx</a>, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Blood vessels, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Blue sky, <a href='#Page_436'>436</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Boëthius, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bohemia, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Boniface, Saint, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Borchardt, Paul, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a>, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Boreas, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Borneo, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Borysthenes, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bothnia, Gulf of, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Boundaries, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Brahmins, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Brandan, Saint, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on antipodes, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>;</li>
+      <li>islands of, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_351'>351</a>;</li>
+      <li>legend, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>;</li>
+      <li>visits to volcanic isles, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>;</li>
+      <li>wanderings, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Brecknock, Lake, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bremen, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Brenner Pass, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bretschneider, E., <a href='#Page_464'>464</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Bristol, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Britain, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>dimensions, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>;</li>
+      <li>maps, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>;</li>
+      <li>maps of Matthew Paris, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a>, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a> (ill.)</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Britannic Sea, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>British Isles, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>cities, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>;</li>
+      <li>coast tides, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>;</li>
+      <li>rivers, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Brittany, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Brooks, A. A., <a href='#Page_xxi'>xxi</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Brothers of Piety and Sincerity, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_394'>394</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Brunetto Latino. <i>See</i> Latino, Brunetto</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Burkhard, <a href='#Page_476'>476</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Byzantine literature, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Byzantium, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Cadiz, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cahun, Léon, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cairo, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Calabria, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Caliphs, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Callisthenes, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Camargue, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cambria, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Camels, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Canary Islands, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Canigou, Mount, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_449'>449</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cannibalism, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cape Verde Islands, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_553'>553</span>Capella, Martianus, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on antipodeans, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>;</li>
+      <li>De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_366'>366</a>;</li>
+      <li>on sphericity of the earth, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Capelle, Wilhelm, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cappadocia, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cappelli, A., <a href='#Page_493'>493</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Captivity, Head of the, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Carolingian Renaissance, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Carthage, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cartography, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>ancient, <a href='#Page_376'>376</a>, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a>;</li>
+      <li>development, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>;</li>
+      <li>works on, <a href='#Page_501'>501</a>.</li>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Maps</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Casentino, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Caspian Sea, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Castile, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Castorius, <a href='#Page_381'>381</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Casule, Mons (Hekla), <a href='#Page_223'>223</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cathay, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Caucasus Mountains, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cavagum (Canigou), Mount, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_449'>449</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Caverns, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cecco d’ Ascoli, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Celestial influences, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cenis, Mont, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Center of the world, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>position, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Arin</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cephalonia, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ceraunes, Montes, <a href='#Page_462'>462</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ceylon, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Chalcidius, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Chaldea, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Changes, geographical, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Channing, Edward, <a href='#Page_372'>372</a>, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Chaos, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Charcot, J. B., <a href='#Page_487'>487</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Charinus, Lucius, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Charlemagne, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Chartres, school of, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Chevalier, Ulysse, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>China, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>word first used, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>China Sea, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Chrisa, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Christian kingdom in Asia, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Christian names in Asia, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Christianity, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Chronicon novaliciense, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Chryse, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Church Fathers, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>interpretation of the Bible, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Circumference of the earth, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cisalpine, term, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cities, descriptions of, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>exaggeration of plans on maps, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_554'>554</span>Civilization, westward flow, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Classical influences, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Clement of Alexandria, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cleomedes, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Climata, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>parallels of latitude and (with diagr.), <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>–456</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Climates, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>distribution, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;</li>
+      <li>divisions of the ancient geographers, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>;</li>
+      <li>East and West, differences, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;</li>
+      <li>hot and cold, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>;</li>
+      <li>influence on man, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>;</li>
+      <li>topographic influences on, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Climatology, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Climax, Mount, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Clotted sea, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cloud breezes, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Clouds, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cold, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Comestor, Peter, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the atmosphere, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the Creation, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>;</li>
+      <li>on river Pison, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cones of celestial light, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Congregation of the waters, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Conrad of Querfurt, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Constantinople, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>city and people, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>;</li>
+      <li>Italian colonies in, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Continental hypothesis, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Continents, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>fourth continent, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Conway, River, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Coördinates, geographical, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>map constructed from points of Paris MS. of Marseilles Tables, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Corbianus, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Corfu, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cornwall, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Corsica, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Corus, <a href='#Page_434'>434</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cosmas Indicopleustes, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a>, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cosmic cycles, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cosmogony, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>works on, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cosmography, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cosmology, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>character, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>;</li>
+      <li>works on, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Countrysides, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>practical interest in, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Crates of Mallos, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>theory of the arrangement of the world, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cratesian theory, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Creation, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Bernard Sylvester’s account, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>;</li>
+      <li>commencement versus, <a href='#Page_382'>382</a>;</li>
+      <li>function of light, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>;</li>
+      <li>Icelandic account, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>;</li>
+      <li>problems, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>;</li>
+      <li>processes, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>;</li>
+      <li>Theodoric of Chartres’ theory, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>;</li>
+      <li>Theodoric’s work on, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>;</li>
+      <li>William of Conches’ theory, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>.</li>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Works of the Six Days</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_555'>555</span>Crebonensus, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Crete, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Crimea, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Crusaders’ routes, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Crusades, historians and histories, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>geographical knowledge enlarged by, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>;</li>
+      <li>regional knowledge and, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>;</li>
+      <li>time of, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ctesias, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_467'>467</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cumont, Franz, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cyclades, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cycles, cosmic, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cyclopes, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cynocephali, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_468'>468</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cyprus, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cyrenaica, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Cyrus, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Damascus, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Damietta, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Daniel of Morley, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_418'>418</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dante, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on excentric spheres of land and water, <a href='#Page_437'>437</a>;</li>
+      <li>linguistic geography in, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Danube, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dara, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dead, world of the, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dead Sea, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>legends, <a href='#Page_472'>472</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dee, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Degree, measurement, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Deluge, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Denmark, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Deserts, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Devils, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Devision, La, de la terre de oultremer et des choses qui i sont, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dew, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dicaearchus, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dictionaries, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dicuil, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dieterici, Friedrich, <a href='#Page_394'>394</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dionysius Periegetes, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dir, Ad-, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Doegr, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dominicus Gondisalvi (Gondissalinus), <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dreesbach, E., <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dublin, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Du Cange, C. D., <a href='#Page_493'>493</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Duhem, Pierre, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_401'>401</a>, <a href='#Page_418'>418</a>, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Dwarfs, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Eadmer, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Earth, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>center, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>;</li>
+      <li>as center of the universe (with diagr.), <a href='#Page_422'>422</a>, <a href='#Page_426'>426</a>;</li>
+      <li>circumference, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>;</li>
+      <li>established above the waters, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>;</li>
+      <li>flatness, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>;</li>
+      <li>immobility, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_370'>370</a>;</li>
+      <li>interior, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_443'>443</a>;</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_556'>556</span>mountain in the north, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>;</li>
+      <li>navel, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_461'>461</a>;</li>
+      <li>oval shape, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>;</li>
+      <li>shape, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_368'>368</a>;</li>
+      <li>shape and size, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>;</li>
+      <li>shape, movements, and size, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>;</li>
+      <li>situation, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>;</li>
+      <li>size, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>;</li>
+      <li>sphericity, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_383'>383</a>, <a href='#Page_384'>384</a>, <a href='#Page_425'>425</a>;</li>
+      <li>upon the waters, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Earthquakes, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>causes, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>East, place on maps, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Orient</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ecbatana, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Eclipses, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Eddas, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>account of Creation, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Eden, Garden of, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Augustine on its location, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>;</li>
+      <li>meaning, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Edessa, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Edrisi, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Egypt, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>as part of Asia, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>;</li>
+      <li>descriptions, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ehstland, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Einhard, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Elbe, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Elements, the four, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>magical control, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>;</li>
+      <li>transformation, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Elysian Fields, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Encyclopedias, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>thirteenth-century productions, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_408'>408</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>End of the ages, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Endres, J. A., <a href='#Page_403'>403</a>, <a href='#Page_481'>481</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>England, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>earthquakes, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Englishmen at Prester John’s court, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Environment, influences on man, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>influences on plant and animal life, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Eolian (Lipari) Islands, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Eolus, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Equatorial region, Grosseteste on, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>habitability, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Equatorial zone, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Equilibrium of forces, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Eratosthenes, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the circumference of the earth, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>;</li>
+      <li>on currents, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>;</li>
+      <li>on extent of the oikoumene, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a>;</li>
+      <li>measurements of the earth, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>;</li>
+      <li>on mountain heights, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>;</li>
+      <li>on zones, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Eric the Red, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Eridanus, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Erigena. <i>See</i> John Scot Erigena</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Erosion, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Esdras, Second Book of, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Esthetic feeling for nature, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Esthonia, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Eternity of the universe, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Etesian winds, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_373'>373</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ethiopia, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>application of the name, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>;</li>
+      <li>India and, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_557'>557</span>Ethiopians, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Etna, Mount, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Michael Scot on, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Etymology, example of free, <a href='#Page_445'>445</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Euphrates, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Euripus, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Europe, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>northeastern regions, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>;</li>
+      <li>regional knowledge of, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>;</li>
+      <li>relative position of certain points as shown in medieval astronomical tables, <a href='#Page_457'>457</a> (with map);</li>
+      <li>Slavic, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Eurus, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Eustace of Kent, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Euxine, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Evaporation, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ewyas, valley of, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Exeter, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Exploration, Moslem, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>northern Europe, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c004'>Fabianus, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Fabulous tales, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Fallon, G. R., <a href='#Page_xxi'>xxi</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Falones, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Fārābī, Al-, <a href='#Page_416'>416</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Farghānī, Al-, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Faroe Islands, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Felix, Marcus Minutius, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Fetellus (Fretellus), <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Fimbultyr, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Finns, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Fires, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>at the center of the universe, <a href='#Page_369'>369</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Firmament, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>waters above and below, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Fitzstephen, William, on London, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Flatey Book, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Flatness of the earth, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Flood, Great, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Deluge</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Floods, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Fog, <a href='#Page_432'>432</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Fons humoris, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Forests, Ireland, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>representation on maps, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Fortunate Islands, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Fossils on mountains, <a href='#Page_432'>432</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Fountain of Youth, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Four elements, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Elements</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Four land masses, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>France, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Hungary and, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>;</li>
+      <li>southern, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Francis, Saint, of Assisi, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Frazer, J. G., <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_387'>387</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Frederick II, Emperor, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Frisia Minor, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Frodhi, Ari. <i>See</i> Ari Frodhi</li>
+  <li class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_558'>558</span>Gades (Cadiz), <a href='#Page_301'>301</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gallandia, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ganges, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ganzenmüller, W., <a href='#Page_65'>65</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Garamantes, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Garden. <i>See</i> Eden</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gasquet, A., <a href='#Page_379'>379</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gaul, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Genesis, Book of, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Genoa, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>trade with Africa, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Geoffrey of Monmouth, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Geoffrey of St. Victor, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Geographical bibliographies, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Geographical changes, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Geographical lore, character of, summary, <a href='#Page_358'>358</a>–361;
+    <ul>
+      <li>origins, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>;</li>
+      <li>outstanding elements of, summary, <a href='#Page_353'>353</a>–358;</li>
+      <li>works on, <a href='#Page_496'>496</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Geographical lore of the time of the Crusades, term, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Geographisches Jahrbuch, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Geography, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>astrology and, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>;</li>
+      <li>history of, works on, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a>;</li>
+      <li>history of, in particular periods, works on, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a>;</li>
+      <li>history of particular aspects, works on, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>;</li>
+      <li>place in medieval knowledge, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>.</li>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Ancient Geography; Astronomical geography; Babylonian astrology and geography; Mathematical geography; Medieval geography; Physical geography; Regional geography</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Geometry, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Geomorphology, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gerald of Barry. <i>See</i> Giraldus Cambrensis</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gerard of Cremona, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gerard of Sabbionetta, <a href='#Page_400'>400</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gerbert, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gerizim, Mount, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a>, <a href='#Page_461'>461</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Germany, description, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gervase of Canterbury, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gervase of Tilbury, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on bottom of the sea, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Britain, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>;</li>
+      <li>on center of the earth, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>;</li>
+      <li>on climatic influence on man, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the Dead Sea, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Ethiopia, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Etna, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>;</li>
+      <li>on France (southern), <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>;</li>
+      <li>on India, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the Mediterranean, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>;</li>
+      <li>on mouths of Hell, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>;</li>
+      <li>on mysterious cave, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the Nile, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>;</li>
+      <li>his Otia imperialia on regional geography, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>;</li>
+      <li>on qualities of land areas, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>;</li>
+      <li>on rivers of Paradise, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>;</li>
+      <li>on sea above the atmosphere, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the Seres, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>;</li>
+      <li>on shape of the earth, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>;</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_559'>559</span>on Sinai, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>;</li>
+      <li>on springs and wells, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the terrestrial Paradise, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>;</li>
+      <li>on volcanic features of Naples, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>;</li>
+      <li>on volcanoes, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>;</li>
+      <li>on winds, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gesta Hammenburgensis, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gesta regis Henrici Secundi, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gesta regis Ricardi, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>instructions for navigation in Mediterranean 308.</li>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Benedict of Peterborough</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Geysers, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gihon, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gilson, J. P., <a href='#Page_461'>461</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ginungagap, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Giraldus Cambrensis (Gerald of Barry), <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on climate of Ireland, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>;</li>
+      <li>comparison of East and West, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>;</li>
+      <li>on course of rivers, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>;</li>
+      <li>eye for local topography, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Iceland, Thule, Orkneys, Shetlands, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Ireland and Wales, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>;</li>
+      <li>on islands, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>;</li>
+      <li>on lakes, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>;</li>
+      <li>on marine phenomena, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>;</li>
+      <li>on precipitation, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>;</li>
+      <li>tidal studies, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>;</li>
+      <li>on volcanoes of Iceland, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>;</li>
+      <li>on wells and springs, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Glaciers, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Globe, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>God, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Godard, Léon, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Godefroy, F. E., <a href='#Page_493'>493</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Godfrey of Viterbo, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on Alsace, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Gog and Magog, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_471'>471</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the golden ball of empire, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Lombardy, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Paradise, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Sicily, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>.</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gog and Magog, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Bible accounts, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>;</li>
+      <li>stories about, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gold, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Golden ball of empire, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gollanda, <a href='#Page_485'>485</a>, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gondisalvi, Dominicus. <i>See</i> Dominicus Gondisalvi</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gossouin of Metz, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Grabmann, M., <a href='#Page_401'>401</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Great Summer, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Great Winter, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Great Years, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>duration, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_367'>367</a>;</li>
+      <li>theory, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Greece, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Greek Fathers, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Greek geographers, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Greek language, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>translations from, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Greek regional knowledge, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_560'>560</span>Green Sea, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Greenland, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>description, <a href='#Page_347'>347</a>;</li>
+      <li>Norse settlements and voyages on the coast of, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Greenland Annals, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gregory, Master, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gregory of Nyssa, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Griffons, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Grosseteste, Robert, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the congregation of the waters, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the habitable parts of the earth, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>–165;</li>
+      <li>on mountains in polar regions, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>;</li>
+      <li>on oceans, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>;</li>
+      <li>on temperature of the air, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>;</li>
+      <li>theory of Creation, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the tides, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ground water, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Grousset, René, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Guido’s encyclopedia, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gundophorus, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Günther, Siegmund, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gunther of Pairis, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on climatic influence of mountains, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Germany, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Italy, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>;</li>
+      <li>on mountains, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>;</li>
+      <li>on northern Europe, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gurganim, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Guy of Bazoches, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on Etna, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the Mediterranean, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>;</li>
+      <li>on nature, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Paris, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Gymnosophists, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Habitable regions, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hades, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ḥamd-Allāh Mustaufī, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hardy, T. D., <a href='#Page_382'>382</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Haskins, C. H., <a href='#Page_xx'>xx</a>, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hearth of the universe, <a href='#Page_369'>369</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Heat, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Heavens, blueness, <a href='#Page_436'>436</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hebrides, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a>, <a href='#Page_351'>351</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hecataeus, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hedin, Sven, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Heimskringla, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hekla, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hell, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>cold hell, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>;</li>
+      <li>volcanoes as gates of, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Helluland, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Helmold, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Henry of Mayence, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>outline map, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Heraclius, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hercules, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hercules, Pillars of, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hercynian Forest, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hereford map, sections showing marvels of India, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_277'>277</a> (ill.)</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hermann of Reichenau, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_561'>561</span>Hermann the Dalmatian, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hermits, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Herodotus, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Herrad of Landsperg, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Herrmann, Albert, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hesiod, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hesperides, <a href='#Page_350'>350</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hibernia, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hildegard of Bingen, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_396'>396</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>macrocosm, microcosm, and winds, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a> (ill.);</li>
+      <li>microcosm, <a href='#Page_436'>436</a>;</li>
+      <li>position of the earth, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the rivers of her country, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the shape of the earth, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>;</li>
+      <li>on soil and agriculture, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>;</li>
+      <li>theories on the structure of the earth, <a href='#Page_423'>423</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the tides, <a href='#Page_439'>439</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the waters above the firmament, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the waters of the lands, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>;</li>
+      <li>on winds, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Himalayas, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hindu religion, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hindustan, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hipparchus, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hippo, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hirth, Friedrich, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Historia Norwegiae, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on Iceland, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>;</li>
+      <li>on polar seas, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a>;</li>
+      <li>on use of skis, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>;</li>
+      <li>on volcanic upheaval off Iceland, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Historians of the Crusades, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Historical bibliographies, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Historical narratives, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>History of geography, <a href='#Page_xix'>xix</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>works on, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hoffman, Rudolf, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Holy Ghost, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Holy Land, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>guidebooks, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>;</li>
+      <li>histories, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>;</li>
+      <li>travel to, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Homer, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Honorius Inclusus, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_403'>403</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Honorius of Autun, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_403'>403</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hornelen, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Horses, Arabian, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hospitallers, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hugh of Amiens, <a href='#Page_418'>418</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hugh of St. Victor, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hulna, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Human sacrifice, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Humboldt, Alexander von, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hungarians, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hungary, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>description, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>;</li>
+      <li>France and, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Huns, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hyde, W. W., <a href='#Page_501'>501</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hydrography on maps, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_562'>562</span>Hyères, Îles de, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hyle, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hyperboreans, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Hyrcania, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Ibn Ḥauqal, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ibn Rushd (Averroës), <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_420'>420</a>, <a href='#Page_437'>437</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ibn Sīnā (Avicenna), <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ibn Yūnūs, <a href='#Page_395'>395</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Icebergs, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Iceland, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>glaciers, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>;</li>
+      <li>in Icelandic literature, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>;</li>
+      <li>springs and wells, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>;</li>
+      <li>volcanoes, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Icelandic Annals, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Icelandic discovery of America, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Iconium, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Idrīsī, Al-. <i>See</i> Edrisi</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Image du monde, L’, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on Mongibel, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Imagine mundi, De, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on Africa, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Asiatic mountains, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>;</li>
+      <li>on British Isles, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>;</li>
+      <li>on division of the earth, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Egypt, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>;</li>
+      <li>on fabulous isles of the Atlantic, <a href='#Page_350'>350</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Germany, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Gog and Magog, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>;</li>
+      <li>on regional geography, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>;</li>
+      <li>on rivers of Paradise, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Saba in Ethiopia, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>;</li>
+      <li>on size of the earth, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>;</li>
+      <li>on size of mountains, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>;</li>
+      <li>on springs, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>;</li>
+      <li>on subdivisions of land areas, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>;</li>
+      <li>on tides, <a href='#Page_441'>441</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Immobility of the earth, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>India, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>broad meaning, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>;</li>
+      <li>Christians in, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>;</li>
+      <li>facts known about, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>;</li>
+      <li>legends of saints in, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>;</li>
+      <li>marvels, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_277'>277</a> (ill.);</li>
+      <li>subdivisions, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Indian Ocean, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Al-Battānī on, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>;</li>
+      <li>islands, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Intellectual life, medieval, works on, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Interpretation of the Bible, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>symbolic, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Iran, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ireland, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>coast tides, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>;</li>
+      <li>Giraldus Cambrensis on, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>;</li>
+      <li>healthfulness, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>;</li>
+      <li>lakes, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>;</li>
+      <li>properties of the soil, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_445'>445</a>;</li>
+      <li>rivers, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>;</li>
+      <li>topography, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ireland the Great, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Irish, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Isidore of Seville, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Islandia, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Islands, fabulous, <a href='#Page_350'>350</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Indian Ocean, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>;</li>
+      <li>Mediterranean, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>;</li>
+      <li>miraculous, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>;</li>
+      <li>origins, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>;</li>
+      <li>representation on maps, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>;</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_563'>563</span>St. Brandan’s visits to, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>;</li>
+      <li>volcanic, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>;</li>
+      <li>of Western Ocean, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Islands of the Blessed, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Íslendingabók, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Istakhrī, Al-, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ister, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Italian traders, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Italians in Constantinople, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Italy, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>city states, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>;</li>
+      <li>description, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_478'>478</a>;</li>
+      <li>dialectic regions, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a>;</li>
+      <li>northern, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>;</li>
+      <li>regional divisions, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Iter ad Paradisum, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ithaca, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Itineraries, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Jacques de Vitry, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Java, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Jenghiz Khan, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Jerome, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Jerusalem, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>as center of the oikoumene, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>;</li>
+      <li>Kingdom of, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>;</li>
+      <li>pilgrimages to, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>;</li>
+      <li>plans, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a> (ill.)</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Jews, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>in Arabia, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>;</li>
+      <li>in Baghdad, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>;</li>
+      <li>in Constantinople, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>;</li>
+      <li>travelers, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Joerg, W. L. G., <a href='#Page_xvi'>xvi</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>John of Bremble, on mountains, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>John of Holywood (Sacrobosco), <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the earth as the center of the universe, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_422'>422</a> (diagr.);</li>
+      <li>on immobility of the earth, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>;</li>
+      <li>on shape of the earth, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>;</li>
+      <li>on size of the earth, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_426'>426</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>John of India, Patriarch, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>John of Pian de Carpine, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>John of Salisbury, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>John of Seville (Johannes Hispanensis, John of Luna), <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on climates, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>John of Würzburg, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>John Scot Erigena, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Jordanus of Severac, <a href='#Page_373'>373</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Jornandes, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Josephus, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Jourdain, C. B., <a href='#Page_496'>496</a>, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Judas, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Julius Valerius, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Jumna, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Jupiter Ammon, Temple of, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Kålund, K., <a href='#Page_405'>405</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Karentet, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Karst, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Kelly, Matthew, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Keraits, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Kheibar, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_564'>564</span>Khorazmian Tables, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Adelard of Bath</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Khulam, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Khwārizmī, Al-, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>, <a href='#Page_394'>394</a>, <a href='#Page_456'>456</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Kiev, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>, <a href='#Page_477'>477</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>King’s Mirror, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_347'>347</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on volcanoes in Iceland, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Kitāb ṣūrat-al-arḍ, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Knowledge, classification, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>modern compared with medieval, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Known world. <i>See</i> Oikoumene</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Komans, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Konungs-Skuggsjá. <i>See</i> King’s Mirror</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Koran, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Krachkovskii, ——, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Kretschmer, Konrad, <a href='#Page_xix'>xix</a>, <a href='#Page_500'>500</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Kufar-al-Turak, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Kurland, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Lactantius Firmianus, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lakes, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>in Ireland, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lambert li Tors, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lambert of St. Omer, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>map, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>;</li>
+      <li>on sphericity of universe, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>;</li>
+      <li>on winds, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>;</li>
+      <li>on tides, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lamprecht, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Land surface, representation on maps, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Landnámabók, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Landogna, F., <a href='#Page_479'>479</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lands, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>classification of areas, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>;</li>
+      <li>deathless, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>;</li>
+      <li>distribution of waters and, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>;</li>
+      <li>effect on waters which spring from the land, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>;</li>
+      <li>qualitative and quantitative subdivisions, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>;</li>
+      <li>theory of four masses, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>;</li>
+      <li>veins, cavities, and tunnels in, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Landscape, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Langka, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Languages, 348;
+    <ul>
+      <li>kinship, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Laodicea, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lapps, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>La Roncière, C., <a href='#Page_xx'>xx</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Latin, medieval, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Latin writers, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Latino, Brunetto, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Latitude, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>methods of finding, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>;</li>
+      <li>parallels of latitude and climata (with diagr.), <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>–456;</li>
+      <li>phenomena resulting from differences in, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>La Verna, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Legends, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Leif Ericsson, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lemannus, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_565'>565</span>Lentulus, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Leo Archipresbyter, <a href='#Page_381'>381</a>, <a href='#Page_412'>412</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Le Strange, Guy, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Letters of travel, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Levant, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Occidental population in, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>;</li>
+      <li>trade, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>;</li>
+      <li>traders, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Level of the sea, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Liber de proprietatibus elementorum, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Liber floridus, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Libya, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Light, function in the Creation, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ligurinus, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Linguistic geography, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lipari Islands. <i>See</i> Eolian Islands</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Literal interpretation of the Bible, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Liver Sea, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Llanthoni Abbey, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Location, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Loegria, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lombard, Peter, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on Paradise, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_462'>462</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lombards, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lombardy, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>London, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Fitzstephen’s account, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Longitude, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>methods of finding, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>;</li>
+      <li>prime meridian, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lost Island, <a href='#Page_351'>351</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lost tribes, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lot’s wife, <a href='#Page_472'>472</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lucidaire, <a href='#Page_404'>404</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lucidarius, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lucius, Gratianus, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lucydary, <a href='#Page_404'>404</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Lynch, John, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Macarius, Saint, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>McCartney, E. S., <a href='#Page_367'>367</a>, <a href='#Page_432'>432</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>McGiffert, A. C., <a href='#Page_383'>383</a>, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Macrobius, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on antipodeans, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>;</li>
+      <li>popularity, <a href='#Page_366'>366</a>;</li>
+      <li>on southern limit of the oikoumene, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a>;</li>
+      <li>on tides, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Macrocosm, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>microcosm and, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a> (ill.)</li>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Microcosm</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Madeira, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Maelstrom, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Maghreb, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Magi, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Magna Graecia, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Magonia, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Magyars, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Main (river), <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Malay Peninsula, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Malaya, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Man, Isle of, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_566'>566</span>Manegold, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Manegold’s Contra Wolfelmum opusculum, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mantichora, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_468'>468</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mantua, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Manuscripts, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Maps, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Beatus, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> (ill.);</li>
+      <li>character and value, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>;</li>
+      <li>conventions, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>;</li>
+      <li>details, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>–254;</li>
+      <li>distortion, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>;</li>
+      <li>early, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>;</li>
+      <li>early, classification, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a>;</li>
+      <li>European points in medieval astronomical tables as compared with actual position, <a href='#Page_457'>457</a> (with map);</li>
+      <li>exaggeration, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>;</li>
+      <li>inaccuracy, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>;</li>
+      <li>of Lambert, Guido, Henry of Mayence, etc., <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>;</li>
+      <li>Macrobian, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>;</li>
+      <li>regional, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>;</li>
+      <li>Roman, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>;</li>
+      <li>Sallust, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>;</li>
+      <li>Scriptural effect on, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>;</li>
+      <li>symbols and legends, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>;</li>
+      <li>T-O maps, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>;</li>
+      <li>technique, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>;</li>
+      <li>zone maps, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a> (ill.).</li>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Cartography</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Marbod of Rennes, on love of nature, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Marco Polo. <i>See</i> Polo, Marco</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Marine life, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Marinelli, G., <a href='#Page_471'>471</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Marinus of Tyre, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Markland, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_350'>350</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Marquart, J., <a href='#Page_478'>478</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Marr, N. I., <a href='#Page_389'>389</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Marseilles, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Marseilles Tables, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>authorship, <a href='#Page_456'>456</a>;</li>
+      <li>on determination of longitude, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>;</li>
+      <li>on habitability of equatorial region, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>;</li>
+      <li>map constructed from positions given in Paris MS. of, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Marvels, of Ethiopia, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>of India, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_277'>277</a> (ill.)</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Maslama-al-Majrīṭi, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Masson, Paul, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Masʿūdī, Al-, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Materia, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mathematical geography, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Matter, preëxistence, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>orthodox view, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>;</li>
+      <li>rational view, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Matthew, Saint, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Matthew Paris, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>maps of Britain, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a>, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a> (ill.);</li>
+      <li>on the Tatars, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Maur, Raban, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_385'>385</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mauretania, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mayence, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mazdeus, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mcerloba, M. J. K., <a href='#Page_389'>389</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mecca, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Media, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Medieval geography, works on, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_567'>567</span>Medieval intellectual life, works on, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Medina, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mediterranean Sea, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>commerce between northern and southern shores, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>;</li>
+      <li>during the Crusades, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>;</li>
+      <li>islands, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>;</li>
+      <li>length, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>;</li>
+      <li>map of region constructed from position given in Paris MS. of Marseilles Tables, also outline map of Henry of Mayence, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>;</li>
+      <li>name, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>;</li>
+      <li>names of parts, <a href='#Page_475'>475</a>;</li>
+      <li>navigation, instructions, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>;</li>
+      <li>speed of journeys in, <a href='#Page_476'>476</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Megasthenes, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Meiryonidd (Merioneth), <a href='#Page_215'>215</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mela, Pomponius, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Meridian, prime, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Merioneth, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Meroë, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Merriman, R. B., <a href='#Page_474'>474</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Meru, Mount, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mesopotamia, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Messina, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Meteorology, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Michael Scot, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the Eolian Isles and Etna, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>;</li>
+      <li>on hot springs, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Michel, F., <a href='#Page_487'>487</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Microcosm, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>macrocosm and, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a> (ill.)</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Middle Ages, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>geographical lore, works on, <a href='#Page_496'>496</a>;</li>
+      <li>science, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>;</li>
+      <li>writings, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Midgard, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Migne, J. P., <a href='#Page_494'>494</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Milan, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Milford Haven, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Miller, Konrad, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Minutius Felix, Marcus, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mirabilia urbis Romae, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mirage, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Missions to the Mongols, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mistral, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mohammedans, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mona, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mongibel (Etna), <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mongol conquests, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mongol princes, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mongols in Russia, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Monsoons, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Monsters, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_277'>277</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>in Ethiopia, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>;</li>
+      <li>lands of, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mont St. Michel, <a href='#Page_441'>441</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Moon and tides, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Morava-Maritsa valley, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Morgain, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Moritz, Bernhard, <a href='#Page_472'>472</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Morocco, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_568'>568</span>Moselle, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Moslems, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>contribution of, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>;</li>
+      <li>exploration and travel, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mosquitoes, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Moule, A. C., <a href='#Page_439'>439</a>, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mountaineering, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>, <a href='#Page_501'>501</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mountains, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Asia, great system, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>;</li>
+      <li>atmosphere of, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>;</li>
+      <li>beauty, appreciation of, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>;</li>
+      <li>height, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_447'>447</a>;</li>
+      <li>influence on climate, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>;</li>
+      <li>medieval feeling about, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>;</li>
+      <li>miraculous qualities, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>;</li>
+      <li>mountain in the north of the earth, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>;</li>
+      <li>observation of phenomena, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>;</li>
+      <li>origin, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>;</li>
+      <li>in polar regions, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>;</li>
+      <li>religious attitude toward, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>;</li>
+      <li>representation on maps, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>;</li>
+      <li>saline, in the sea, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>;</li>
+      <li>size and height, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mozambique Channel, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Munster, Ireland, miraculous spring, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Mysticism, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Naples, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Narbonnese, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Natural defenses, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Natural laws, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Nature, early Christian attitude toward, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>esthetic appreciation of, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>;</li>
+      <li>feeling for, works on, <a href='#Page_500'>500</a>;</li>
+      <li>medieval attitude toward, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a>;</li>
+      <li>practical interest in, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>;</li>
+      <li>spiritual feeling for, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Naval expedition in the Red Sea in twelfth century, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Navel of the earth, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_461'>461</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Navigation, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>speed of travel, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_476'>476</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Neagh, Lough, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Nearchus, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Neckam, Alexander, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on Britain, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>;</li>
+      <li>on springs, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the tides, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>;</li>
+      <li>on volcanoes, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the waters, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Neoplatonism, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Nestorian Christianity in Asia, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>New Compendium, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Nicaea, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Nicholas, Abbot, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Niger, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Nikulás Bergsson of Thverá, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Nile, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>flood, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>;</li>
+      <li>sources, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Nilometer, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Nineveh, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Noah, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Normans in Sicily, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Norsemen and America, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Northmen, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Norway, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_569'>569</span>Notes, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Nous, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Nuchul, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Oblong circle, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Observation, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>geography of, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>;</li>
+      <li>of mountains, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Occident, climate, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Orient compared with, by Giraldus Cambrensis, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ocean, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>bottom, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>;</li>
+      <li>circulation, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>;</li>
+      <li>encircling the earth, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>;</li>
+      <li>relative areas of land and sea, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>;</li>
+      <li>saltness, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>;</li>
+      <li>as source of the waters of the land, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>;</li>
+      <li>uniform level, explanation, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>.</li>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Sea</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ocean currents, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Oceanus Britannicus, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Oder, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Odin, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Odjein, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Odo, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Oikoumene, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>astronomical geography of, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>;</li>
+      <li>center, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>;</li>
+      <li>extent, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>;</li>
+      <li>limit, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a>;</li>
+      <li>three parts—Asia, Libya, and Europe, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>;</li>
+      <li>as a whole, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Old Compendium, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Old Man of the Mountain, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Olympus, Mount, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ophir, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ordericus Vitalis, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_350'>350</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Orient, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>climate, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;</li>
+      <li>ideas transmitted to the West, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>;</li>
+      <li>Occident compared with, by Giraldus Cambrensis, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Origen, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Original sources, collections, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Orkneys, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a>, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Orosius, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the Nile, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Orthodox works, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Oscorus, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Osma Beatus map, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> (with ill.)</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ostrogard, <a href='#Page_477'>477</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Otia imperialia, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Otto of Freising, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the Alps and Apennines, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Babylon and Cairo, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>;</li>
+      <li>on France, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Germany, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Gog and Magog, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>–288;</li>
+      <li>on Hungary, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the influence of climate on man, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the influence of environment on man, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Italy, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>;</li>
+      <li>on a certain John of the Far East, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>;</li>
+      <li>on mountains, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the mutability of things, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>;</li>
+      <li>practical interest in nature, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Oxus, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_570'>570</span>Paetow, L. J., <a href='#Page_492'>492</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Paleography, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Palestine, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>exaggeration on maps, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Holy Land</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Palingenesis, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pannonia, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pappas, Nicholas, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Paradise, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>journeys to, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>;</li>
+      <li>location, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>;</li>
+      <li>rivers of, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>;</li>
+      <li>types of legends of, <a href='#Page_463'>463</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Paraskévopoulos, J. S., <a href='#Page_373'>373</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Paris, description, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Paris, Matthew. <i>See</i> Matthew Paris</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Parmenides, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Parthia, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Partholan, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pasquali, Giorgio, <a href='#Page_374'>374</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Patrick, Saint, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Patristic literature, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Church Fathers</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Patroclus, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Paul the Deacon, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pausanius, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Peeters, Paul, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pelion, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pelliot, Paul, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pentapolis, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Perdita, <a href='#Page_351'>351</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Persia, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Persian Gulf, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Peschel, Oscar, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Petachia of Ratisbon, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on Slavic Europe, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Petchenegs, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Peter Abelard. <i>See</i> Abelard, Peter</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Peter Alphonsi. <i>See</i> Alphonsi, Peter</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Peter Comestor. <i>See</i> Comestor, Peter</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Peter Lombard. <i>See</i> Lombard, Peter</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Peter of St. Cloud, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Petrarch’s ascent of Mont Ventoux, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Peutinger Table, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Philip, Master, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Phillips, W. R., <a href='#Page_379'>379</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Philolaus, <a href='#Page_369'>369</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Philosophy, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Physical geography, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>works on, <a href='#Page_500'>500</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pian de Carpine. <i>See</i> John of Pian de Carpine</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pilgrim narratives, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pilgrims, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pillar of salt, <a href='#Page_472'>472</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pillars of Hercules, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Piracy, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pisa, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pison, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_571'>571</span>Planisphere, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Plano Carpini. <i>See</i> John of Pian de Carpine</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Plato, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on cosmic cycles, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>;</li>
+      <li>on earthquakes and volcanoes, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>;</li>
+      <li>on interior of the earth, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>;</li>
+      <li>on sphericity of the earth, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Plato of Tivoli, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Battānī, Al-</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Platonism, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pliny the Elder, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>–27, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>popularity, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Po, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Poisons, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Poland, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Polar caps, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Polar regions, Grosseteste on, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>influence of mountains on climate, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Polar seas, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Polo, Marco, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Polo, Nicolo and Maffeo, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Polybius, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pomeranians, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pontianum (pontias), <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Popularization of knowledge, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Porus, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Posidonius, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_373'>373</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pozzuoli, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Precession of the equinoxes, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Precipitation, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Prester John, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>alliance desired by Western powers, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>;</li>
+      <li>court, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the desert, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the Fountain of Youth, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>;</li>
+      <li>kingdom, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>;</li>
+      <li>kingdom as described in his Letter, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>;</li>
+      <li>legend, origins, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>;</li>
+      <li>Letter, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>;</li>
+      <li>palace, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Priscian, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Procopius, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Prodigies, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Proprietatibus elementorum, Liber de, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Proserpina, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Provençaux, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Provence, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Prussians, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Psellos, Michael, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pseudo-Abdias, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pseudo-Callisthenes, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pseudo-Methodius, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ptolemy, Claudius, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Africa on his map, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>;</li>
+      <li>“Almagest,” influence of, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>;</li>
+      <li>“Geography,” <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>;</li>
+      <li>“Geography,” influence of, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>;</li>
+      <li>parallels and climates, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>, <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>–456 (with diagr.)</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pumice, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_572'>572</span>Purgatory, Mount of, <a href='#Page_463'>463</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Putrid Sea, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pygmies, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pyramids of light rays, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pyrenean Alps, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pythagoreans, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Pytheas of Marseilles, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Quadrivium, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Quilon, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Raban Maur, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_385'>385</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Raeburn, H., <a href='#Page_448'>448</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ragewin (Rahewin), <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on northern Europe, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Poland, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rainfall, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rainmaking, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ratisbon, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ravenelle, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ravenna, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ravenna geographer, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Raymond of Marseilles. <i>See</i> Marseilles Tables</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rays of light, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Red Sea, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>naval expedition in twelfth century, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Redemptorists, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Regional geography, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>ancient limits on the south and east, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>;</li>
+      <li>expansion of Greek, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>;</li>
+      <li>Hellenistic, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>;</li>
+      <li>medieval, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>–352;</li>
+      <li>regions grouped as known, little-known, or unknown, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>;</li>
+      <li>works on, <a href='#Page_501'>501</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Regional maps, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Reinhardt, Karl, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Remy of Auxerre, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Renaissance, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Renan, E., <a href='#Page_487'>487</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Reykyanes, Cape, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rhaetia, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rhine, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rhipaean Mountains, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rhodes, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rhone, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Richard Coeur-de-Lion, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Richard of St. Victor, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rivers, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>connection between seas and, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>;</li>
+      <li>Hildegard on, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>;</li>
+      <li>origin, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>;</li>
+      <li>peculiarities, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>;</li>
+      <li>representation on maps, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>;</li>
+      <li>source, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>;</li>
+      <li>underworld, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rivers of Paradise, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Robert de Clari, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Robert Grosseteste. <i>See</i> Grosseteste, Robert</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Robert of Retines, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Robinson, G. W., <a href='#Page_xxi'>xxi</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_573'>573</span>Rochemelon, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rockall, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rockhill, W. W., <a href='#Page_464'>464</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Roger of Hereford, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Roger of Hoveden, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on coasts of Iberian Peninsula, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the Mediterranean, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Roger II, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Roland and Oliver, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rolls Series, <a href='#Page_494'>494</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Roman de toute chevalerie, <a href='#Page_412'>412</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Romance of Alexander. <i>See</i> Alexander the Great</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rome, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>anonymous guide, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>;</li>
+      <li>climate, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>;</li>
+      <li>decay, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>;</li>
+      <li>Mirabilia urbis Romae, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>;</li>
+      <li>wonders in, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Roncaglia, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rubruck. <i>See</i> William of Rubruck</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rudolf of Hohen-Ems, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Rupert of Deutz, on origin of mountains, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Russia, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>northern, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>;</li>
+      <li>southern, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c004'>Saba, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sacrobosco. <i>See</i> John of Holywood</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Saewulf, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sagas, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>St. Bernard Pass, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>St. Rhémy, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>St. Sever Beatus map, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> (ill.)</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Saints’ Land of Promise, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_351'>351</a>, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Salamander, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Salimbene, Fra, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Saline mountains in the sea, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sallust maps, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a> (ill.), <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Salt, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>African, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Saltness of the ocean, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Samarkand, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Samland, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sanaa, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sandaruk, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sandy Sea, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sanjar, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Santa Quaranta, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Saracens, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sarandib, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sardinia, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sargasso Sea, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Saxo Grammaticus, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on farther Biarmaland, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a>;</li>
+      <li>on northern Europe, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the geysers of Iceland, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the glaciers of Iceland, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the volcanoes of Iceland, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Saxony, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Scandia, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_574'>574</span>Scandinavia, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>historical works, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>;</li>
+      <li>Latin histories, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Scenery, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>appreciation, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>;</li>
+      <li>Guy of Bazoches and, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Schechter, S., <a href='#Page_471'>471</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Schmidlin, I., <a href='#Page_452'>452</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Schneid, M., <a href='#Page_383'>383</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Schneider, A., <a href='#Page_401'>401</a>, <a href='#Page_418'>418</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Science, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>bibliographies of the history of, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a>;</li>
+      <li>character, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>;</li>
+      <li>medieval, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>;</li>
+      <li>stagnation in early Middle Ages, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Scilly Isles, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Scot. <i>See</i> John Scot Erigena</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Scot, Michael. <i>See</i> Michael Scot</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Scotia, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Scotland, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Scriptures, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Bible</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Scylla and Charybdis, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Scythia, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Scythian Sea, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sea, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>above the atmosphere, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>;</li>
+      <li>connection between seas and rivers, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>;</li>
+      <li>depth, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>;</li>
+      <li>influence on climate, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>;</li>
+      <li>physical geography of, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>;</li>
+      <li>recessions, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>;</li>
+      <li>saltness, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>;</li>
+      <li>speed of medieval travel by sea, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_476'>476</a>;</li>
+      <li>sphericity, <a href='#Page_369'>369</a>.</li>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Ocean</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Secondary works, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Seh, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Seine, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Seneca, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>popularity, <a href='#Page_366'>366</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sententiae of Peter Lombard, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Septimer Pass, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Seres, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>land of the, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Serica, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Serpents, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Servi, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Seth, son of Adam, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Seven liberal arts, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Seven wonders of the world, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Severian of Gabala, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Shannon, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sheba, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sheba, Queen of, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Shetlands, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Siberia, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sic et non, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sicades, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sicilo-Moslem geography, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sicily, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>description, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>;</li>
+      <li>geography in, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>;</li>
+      <li>volcanic regions, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sigurd the Crusader, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Silk, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Silkworms, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Simar, T., <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_575'>575</span>Simoom, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sinae, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sinai, Mount, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Singer, Charles, <a href='#Page_xxi'>xxi</a>, <a href='#Page_423'>423</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sinus Codanus, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Situ terrarum, De, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Six Days, nature of, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Works of the Six Days</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ski-runner, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Skiapodes, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a> (ill.)</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Skis, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Skraelings, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Skridfinns, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sky, blueness, <a href='#Page_436'>436</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Slavonia, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Smalserhorn, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Smith, J. R., <a href='#Page_375'>375</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Snorri Sturluson, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Heimskringla</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Snow, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Snowdon, Mount, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>floating island in a lake on, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Soil and agriculture, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Solinus, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>interpolation in, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sources, collections of original, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>secondary, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Southern hemisphere, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Spain, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Christian and Saracenic, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Speculum mundi, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sphericity of the earth, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_383'>383</a>, <a href='#Page_384'>384</a>, <a href='#Page_425'>425</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sphericity of the universe, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Spirit of God, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Spitsbergen, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Springs, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>, <a href='#Page_374'>374</a>–375;
+    <ul>
+      <li>hot, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>;</li>
+      <li>miraculous, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>;</li>
+      <li>in Munster, Ireland, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Stade, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Staffordshire, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Stagnation, scientific, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Stars, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Stoechades, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Storms. <i>See</i> Winds</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Strabo, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Strasburg, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Striguus, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Stromboli, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Stubbs, William, <a href='#Page_469'>469</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sturluson, Snorri. <i>See</i> Snorri Sturluson</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Submarine eruption, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Subterranean channels, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sucades, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sugar, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sullivan, R. J., <a href='#Page_446'>446</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sulphur, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sulpicius Severus, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sumatra, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_576'>576</span>Summa philosophiae, <a href='#Page_408'>408</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sur (Tyre), <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Svalbard, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Svantevith, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Swabia, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sweat of the earth, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sweden, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Syene, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sylvester, Bernard. <i>See</i> Bernard Sylvester</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Sylvester II, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Symbolic interpretation, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Symbols on maps, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Syria, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>European occupation, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Syrtes, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Systems, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Tabula Peutingeriana, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tanai, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tanaïs (Don), <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tangier (Tingi), <a href='#Page_301'>301</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Taormina, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Taprobane, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tartarus, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tatars, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Taylor, H. O., <a href='#Page_416'>416</a>, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Teima, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Temperature, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Templars, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Temujin, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tenedos, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Terrestrial degree, measurement, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Terrestrial geography, works on, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Terrestrial Paradise, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Eden; Paradise</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tertullian, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Thames, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Thanet, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Thebes, Egypt, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Theoderic (pilgrim), <a href='#Page_115'>115</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Theodoric (Thierry) of Chartres, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on immobility of the earth, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>;</li>
+      <li>on precipitation, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>;</li>
+      <li>theory of Creation, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Theodosia, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Theodricus monachus, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>, <a href='#Page_412'>412</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Theology, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Thessalonica, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Thina, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Thinae, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Thomas, Saint, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Church of, in India, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>;</li>
+      <li>in India, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>;</li>
+      <li>preaching in India, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Thomas Aquinas, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Thomas of Cantimpré, <a href='#Page_408'>408</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Thompson, E. M., <a href='#Page_493'>493</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Thule, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_577'>577</span>Tibet, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tibiariae, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tides, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Adelard of Bath on, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_439'>439</a>–440;</li>
+      <li>astrological and physical theories, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>;</li>
+      <li>British and Irish coasts, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>;</li>
+      <li>Chinese knowledge, <a href='#Page_439'>439</a>;</li>
+      <li>Giraldus Cambrensis’ studies, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>;</li>
+      <li>moon and, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>;</li>
+      <li>Moslem theories, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>;</li>
+      <li>terrestrial causation, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tigris, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tilmas, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>T-O maps, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>types, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a> (ills.)</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Togarmim, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Toledo, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Toledo Tables, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>, <a href='#Page_394'>394</a>, <a href='#Page_400'>400</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Topography, influence on climate, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>local, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>;</li>
+      <li>as a natural defense, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>;</li>
+      <li>works on, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tortona, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tractatus excerptionum, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Situ terrarum, De</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tradition, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>geography of, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Transalpine, term, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Translations from the Arabic, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Translations from the Greek, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Transmutation, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Transposition of land and sea, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Travelers, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Jewish, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Travels, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>books of, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>;</li>
+      <li>letters of, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Trees of the sun and moon, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Triangulation, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Triffar, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tripartite division, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tripolis, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Trivium, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Troglodytes, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tudela, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Tunis, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Turegum (Zurich), <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Turkestan, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Twelfth-century renaissance, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Typhoons, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Ukraine, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ultima Tile, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Underground waters, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Underworld rivers, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Universe, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>Bible opposed to theory of an eternal, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>;</li>
+      <li>eternity, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>;</li>
+      <li>history, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>;</li>
+      <li>sphericity, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Upsala, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Urals, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Vapor, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Venetian traders, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ventoux, Mont, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Vesuvius, Mount, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'><span class='pageno' id='Page_578'>578</span>Viedebantt, Oscar, <a href='#Page_371'>371</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Vignaud, Henry, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Vikings, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Vincent of Beauvais, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a>–406</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Virgil, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Virgil, bishop of Salzburg, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_386'>386</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Virginum, Mons, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Vitruvius, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Vivaldi, Fulberto, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Vivien de St. Martin, Louis, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Volcanic islands, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Volcanoes, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>causes, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>;</li>
+      <li>as gates of Hell, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>;</li>
+      <li>Iceland, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>;</li>
+      <li>regions of, in Italy and Sicily, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>;</li>
+      <li>visits to, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Voyages, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Vulcanism, causes, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Vulcano, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Wales, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>description, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>;</li>
+      <li>Giraldus Cambrensis on, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>;</li>
+      <li>lakes, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>;</li>
+      <li>landscape, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>;</li>
+      <li>local topography, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>;</li>
+      <li>marine encroachments, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>–197;</li>
+      <li>mountains, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>;</li>
+      <li>natural defensibility, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>;</li>
+      <li>rivers, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Walter of Châtillon (of Lille), <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on a mountain view, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Walter of Metz, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Warner, G. F., <a href='#Page_461'>461</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Waters, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>above the firmament, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>;</li>
+      <li>congregation of, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>;</li>
+      <li>distribution of land and, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>;</li>
+      <li>distribution on the earth, <a href='#Page_437'>437</a>;</li>
+      <li>earth upon the waters, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>;</li>
+      <li>effect of land on waters which spring from it, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>;</li>
+      <li>of the lands, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>;</li>
+      <li>purpose of waters above the firmament, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>;</li>
+      <li>qualities of waters of the lands, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Wells, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>miraculous, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Welsh, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Welsh language, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Wensinck, A. I., <a href='#Page_460'>460</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Werner, Karl, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>West. <i>See</i> Occident</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Western Ocean, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>islands, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Atlantic Ocean</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Westward flow of civilization, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Whirlpools, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a>, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a>, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>White-men’s-land, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Wicklow, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>William of Auvergne, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>William of Conches, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on the atmosphere, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>;</li>
+      <li>on atmospheric circulation, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>;</li>
+      <li>on climates, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;</li>
+      <li>on climatic influence of mountains, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>;</li>
+      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_579'>579</span>on clouds, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>;</li>
+      <li>on elements, <a href='#Page_418'>418</a>;</li>
+      <li>on eternity of universe, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>;</li>
+      <li>on floods, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>;</li>
+      <li>on ground water, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>;</li>
+      <li>on precipitation, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>;</li>
+      <li>rationalism, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>;</li>
+      <li>on shape of the earth, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>;</li>
+      <li>on springs and wells, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>;</li>
+      <li>theory of Creation, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>;</li>
+      <li>on tides, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the waters, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>;</li>
+      <li>on winds, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>William of Malmsbury, <a href='#Page_469'>469</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>William of Rubruck, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>William of Tyre, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on Alexandria, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the Assassins, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the desert, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Egypt, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the simoom, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>;</li>
+      <li>on Western Asia, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>William the Breton, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>on French landscapes, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a>;</li>
+      <li>on the tides, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_441'>441</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Winchester, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Wind blowers, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Wind-blown horns, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Winds, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>cause, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>;</li>
+      <li>local, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>;</li>
+      <li>names, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>;</li>
+      <li>qualities, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>;</li>
+      <li>supernatural production, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Wineland, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>position, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>Wolfelm of Cologne, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Woman, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Wonders of the world, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Wood, G. A., <a href='#Page_469'>469</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Works of the Six Days, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>;
+    <ul>
+      <li>medieval discussions of, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a></li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>World, medieval conception, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>World center, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>.
+    <ul>
+      <li><i>See also</i> Arin; Jerusalem</li>
+    </ul>
+  </li>
+  <li class='c025'>World Soul, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_419'>419</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Worms region, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Writings, Middle Age, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Xenophon, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Ydonus, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Yemen, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Ymer, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Youth, Fountain of, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a></li>
+  <li class='c004'>Zachary, Pope, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Zanzibar, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Zarqalī, Az-, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Zemarchus, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Zephyr, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Zin, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Zion, Mount, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_463'>463</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Zone maps, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a> (ill.)</li>
+  <li class='c025'>Zones, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a></li>
+  <li class='c025'>Zurich, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
+</ul>
+
+<div class='chapter'>
+  <h2 id='Errata' class='c005'>ERRATA</h2>
+</div>
+
+ <dl class='dl_1 c004'>
+    <dt>p.  <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>,</dt>
+    <dd>line 13: <i>for</i> Tanais <i>read</i> Tanaïs.
+    </dd>
+    <dt>p. <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>,</dt>
+    <dd>line  8: for <i>Hamm-burgensis</i> read <i>Hammenburgensis</i>.
+    </dd>
+    <dt>p. <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>,</dt>
+    <dd>line  7: <i>for</i> Borysthenes Dnieper <i>read</i> Borysthenes (Dnieper).
+    </dd>
+    <dt>p. <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>,</dt>
+    <dd>line 16 from bottom: <i>for</i> “Pison” <i>read</i> “Phison.”
+    </dd>
+    <dt>p. <a href='#Page_509'>509</a>,</dt>
+    <dd>line 16: for <i>Michael Scot, 1921–1922</i>, read <i>Michael Scot</i>, 1921–1922.
+    </dd>
+    <dt>p. <a href='#Page_516'>516</a>,</dt>
+    <dd>line 21: <i>for</i> Giordano <i>read</i> Giordano Carlo.
+    </dd>
+    </dl>
+
+<p class='c023'>The titles of Hugh of St. Victor’s <i>De arca Noë mystica</i> and <i>De arca Noe morali</i>
+are thus spelled in Migne, <i>Pat. lat.</i>, vol. clxxvi (not <i>De archa</i>, etc., as throughout
+the present volume).</p>
+
+<div class='pbb'>
+ <hr class='pb c002'>
+</div>
+<div class='tnotes x-ebookmaker'>
+
+<div class='chapter ph2'>
+
+<div class='nf-center-c0'>
+<div class='nf-center c026'>
+    <div>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES</div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+ <ul class='ul_1 c004'>
+    <li>Fixed typos; non-standard spelling and dialect retained.
+
+    </li>
+    <li>Corrected <a href='#Errata'>Errata</a>.
+
+    </li>
+    <li>Renumbered footnotes.
+    </li>
+  </ul>
+
+</div>
+
+<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78333 ***</div>
+  </body>
+  <!-- created with ppgen.py 3.57i (with regex) on 2026-04-01 17:12:21 GMT -->
+</html>
diff --git a/78333-h/images/cover.jpg b/78333-h/images/cover.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..18fcede
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/cover.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_067.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_067.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5446cba
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_067.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_067_hr.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_067_hr.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f3a2d9e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_067_hr.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_069.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_069.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fee04ad
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_069.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_069_hr.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_069_hr.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..845ff83
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_069_hr.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_122.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_122.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..664b6f5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_122.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_122_hr.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_122_hr.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0256cd8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_122_hr.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_123.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_123.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..00ad814
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_123.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_123_hr.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_123_hr.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..17e5794
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_123_hr.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_149.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_149.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fefa9c2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_149.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_149_hr.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_149_hr.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..eaa5a2c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_149_hr.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_245.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_245.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..73208ab
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_245.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_245_hr.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_245_hr.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a34e19f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_245_hr.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_250.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_250.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..289f243
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_250.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_250_hr.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_250_hr.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..dddda06
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_250_hr.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_276.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_276.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f2a467e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_276.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_276_hr.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_276_hr.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..caa7c73
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_276_hr.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_277.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_277.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0b97376
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_277.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_277_hr.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_277_hr.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..de66e25
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_277_hr.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_343.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_343.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..480c72f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_343.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_343_hr.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_343_hr.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a3f4a55
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_343_hr.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_422.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_422.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3f6296a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_422.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_454.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_454.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9157f08
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_454.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_454_hr.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_454_hr.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d3b5350
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_454_hr.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_455.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_455.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f2a65cf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_455.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_455_hr.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_455_hr.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..46e462f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_455_hr.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_457.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_457.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..bd36c15
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_457.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_457_hr.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_457_hr.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..69d97e6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_457_hr.jpg
diff --git a/78333-h/images/i_title.jpg b/78333-h/images/i_title.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a0064c4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/78333-h/images/i_title.jpg
diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6c72794
--- /dev/null
+++ b/LICENSE.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+This book, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..bc0eebd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for eBook #78333
+(https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/78333)