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+      Psychopathology and politics | Project Gutenberg
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+<body>
+<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78273 ***</div>
+
+<h1>
+PSYCHOPATHOLOGY<br>
+AND POLITICS
+</h1>
+
+<p class="center">
+By<br>
+<span style="font-size:x-large">HAROLD D. LASSWELL</span><br>
+<br>
+Assistant Professor of Political Science, The<br>
+University of Chicago; and author of <i>Propaganda</i><br>
+<i>Technique in the World War, etc.</i><br>
+<br>
+<br>
+<i>“From him who has eyes to see and ears to hear</i><br>
+<i>no mortal can hide his secret; he whose lips are</i><br>
+<i>silent chatters with his fingertips and betrays</i><br>
+<i>himself through all his pores.”</i>—<span class="smcap">An Old Physician</span><br>
+<br>
+
+<br>
+THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS<br>
+CHICAGO · ILLINOIS
+</p>
+
+<hr class="front">
+
+<p class="center" style="font-size:smaller">
+COPYRIGHT 1930 BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO<br>
+ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. PUBLISHED OCTOBER 1930<br>
+<i>Second Impression May 1931</i><br>
+<br>
+COMPOSED AND PRINTED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS<br>
+CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, U.S.A.
+</p>
+
+<hr class="front">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_v">[v]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">
+    PREFACE
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>An understanding of political life can be sought by examining
+collective processes distributively or intensively.
+In my <i>Propaganda Technique in the World War</i> (New
+York and London, 1927), I undertook to analyze the factors
+which modified collective attitudes by examining the
+symbols to which many millions of people had been exposed,
+without paying heed to the order in which these
+symbols entered into the experience of any particular person.
+In this preliminary treatise on <i>Psychopathology and
+Politics</i>, I am likewise concerned with the factors which
+impinge upon collective attitudes, but the method of procedure
+is radically different. It is no longer a question
+of inspecting the symbols to which innumerable individuals
+have been exposed; the present starting-point is the
+lengthy scrutiny of the histories of specific individuals.
+The procedures and findings of psychopathology are relied
+upon for the purpose in hand, since they are the most
+elaborate and stimulating contributions to the study of the
+person which have yet been made.</p>
+
+<p>Candor enjoins me once more to express my indebtedness
+to my former teacher and present chief, Charles E.
+Merriam, of the University of Chicago, who some time ago
+sensed the importance of psychopathology for political
+science, and who has been willing to encourage my own
+forays in the field, without, of course, feeling bound to
+indorse my results either in principle or in detail. Through
+him it became possible to have facilities for special work
+with Professor Mayo, of Harvard University, whose perception
+of the bearing of psychopathology upon the understanding
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">[vi]</span>of social life is bearing fruit in novel and
+important experiments in business. The tenure of a Social
+Science Research Council Fellowship (1928–29) made it
+possible to continue my studies abroad.</p>
+
+<p>Circumstances have thus been such as to bring me in
+contact, sometimes fleeting and sometimes prolonged, with
+men who represent divers standpoints in psychopathology.
+Many of these have kindly placed their minds and their
+facilities at my disposal, and I hereby return thanks for
+the generosity and patience with which they treated an inquiring,
+if somewhat innocent, investigator. No one who
+knows the lay of the land in modern psychology, deeply
+pitted by the trenches and shell-holes of battling schools,
+will imagine that all the men whom I am to name see
+eye to eye with one another, or that they will look with
+equanimity upon the results of my explorations. To name
+them is, I hope, not unduly to incriminate them.</p>
+
+<p>Among those from whom assistance has been received
+are to be included: Dr. William Healy, Judge Baker Foundation,
+Boston; Dr. William A. White, superintendent of
+St. Elizabeth’s Hospital, Washington, D.C.; Dr. Ross
+Chapman, superintendent of Sheppard and Enoch Pratt
+Hospital, Towson, Maryland; Dr. Earl D. Bond, superintendent
+of the Pennsylvania State Hospital, Philadelphia;
+Dr. Mortimer Raynor, superintendent of Bloomingdale
+Hospital, White Plains, New York; Dr. C. MacFie Campbell,
+superintendent of the Boston Psychopathic Hospital,
+Boston; Dr. Harry Stack Sullivan, formerly of Sheppard
+and Enoch Pratt Hospital; Dr. N. D. C. Lewis, St. Elizabeth’s
+Hospital; Dr. Samuel W. Hamilton, Bloomingdale
+Hospital; Dr. Gregory Zilboorg, Bloomingdale Hospital;
+Dr. F. L. Wells, Boston Psychopathic Hospital; Dr. Edouard
+Hitschmann, Vienna; Dr. Paul Federn, Vienna;
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vii">[vii]</span>Dr. Alfred Adler, Vienna; Dr. Wilhelm Stekel, Vienna;
+Dr. S. Ferenczi, Budapest; Dr. Theodor Reik, Berlin; Dr.
+Franz Alexander, Berlin (now of the University of Chicago).
+My colleagues, Dr. Stewart B. Sniffen and Professor
+Leonard D. White, made valuable suggestions during
+the process of editing the manuscript, several of which
+I adopted.</p>
+
+<p>Permission to quote freely from my previous publications
+was received from the editors of the <i>American Political
+Science Review, American Journal of Psychiatry, Journal
+of Abnormal and Social Psychology, International
+Journal of Ethics</i>, and from the University of Chicago
+Press and the Chicago Association for Child Study and
+Parent Education.</p>
+
+<p>I wish especially to express my gratitude to those who
+cannot be singled out by name, but whose co-operation
+in submitting themselves to prolonged scrutiny was of the
+greatest possible help.</p>
+
+<p>It ought to be pointed out that the cases actually cited
+are only a fraction of those which I have examined, or
+which I have in my possession. Only enough cases have
+been abstracted to serve the purposes of exposition, to supply
+a background for the theoretical material. The obscurities
+which result from an unlimited multiplication of
+“little Willie stories” have been sought to be avoided by
+curtailing their number and their extent.</p>
+
+<p>The first part of the book proceeds in rather dogmatic
+fashion, and this no doubt tends to obscure the highly unsatisfactory
+nature of the materials and methods of contemporary
+psychopathology. The later chapters are given
+over to the critical and constructive discussion of these matters,
+and should fully indicate the highly provisional,
+though potentially significant, character of the whole.</p>
+
+<p class="right">
+  H. D. L.
+</p>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii"></a><a id="Page_ix"></a>[ix]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="TABLE_OF_CONTENTS">
+    TABLE OF CONTENTS
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+<table>
+  <tr style="font-size:x-small"><td class="tdr"></td><td class="tdl">CHAPTER</td><td>PAGE</td></tr>
+  <tr><td class="tdr">I.</td><td class="tdl"> Life-Histories and Political Science</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td class="tdr">II.</td><td class="tdl">The Psychopathological Approach</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_15">15</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td class="tdr">III.</td><td class="tdl">A New Technique of Thinking</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_28">28</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td class="tdr">IV.</td><td class="tdl">The Criteria of Political Types</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_38">38</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td class="tdr">V.</td><td class="tdl">Theories of Personality Development</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_65">65</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td class="tdr">VI.</td><td class="tdl">Political Agitators</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_78">78</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td class="tdr">VII.</td><td class="tdl">Political Agitators—<i>Continued</i></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_106">106</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td class="tdr">VIII.</td><td class="tdl">Political Administrators</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_127">127</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td class="tdr">IX.</td><td class="tdl">Political Convictions</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_153">153</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td class="tdr">X.</td><td class="tdl">The Politics of Prevention</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_173">173</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td class="tdr">XI.</td><td class="tdl">The Prolonged Interview and Its Objectification</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_204">204</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td class="tdr">XII.</td><td class="tdl">The Personality System and Its Substitutive Reactions</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_221">221</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td class="tdr">XIII.</td><td class="tdl">The State as a Manifold of Events</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_240">240</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td></td><td class="tdl" colspan="2">APPENDIX</td></tr>
+  <tr><td></td><td>A. Select Bibliography</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_268">268</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td></td><td class="tdl">B. Question List on Political Practices</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_276">276</a></td></tr>
+  <tr><td></td><td class="tdl">Index</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_283">283</a></td></tr>
+</table>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[1]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I">
+    CHAPTER I
+    <br>
+    LIFE-HISTORIES AND POLITICAL SCIENCE
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>Political biography as a field of political science has
+long been relied upon to furnish a vivid corrective to the
+overemphasis laid upon the study of institutional “mechanisms,”
+“structures,” and “systems.” The legal and customary
+position of the House of Commons, the House of
+Lords, the monarch and the electorate, as expounded in
+the commentaries of Gneist and Dicey, suddenly take on
+new meaning when viewed through the lens of Morley’s
+Gladstone, Strachey’s Victoria, or Lee’s Edward VII. The
+German imperial system of Laband is more fleshly and
+less transcendental when one has studied the lives of Bismarck
+or William II. An institutional account of the constitutional
+development of the United States without a life
+of Marshall and a life of Lincoln would be but the dregs
+of a rich and ebullient history. Political science without
+biography is a form of taxidermy.</p>
+
+<p>When the tumultuous life of society is flayed into precedents
+and tanned into principles, the resulting abstractions
+suffer a strange fate. They are grouped and regrouped
+until the resulting mosaic may constitute a logical and
+aesthetic whole which has long ceased to bear any valid
+relation to the original reality. Concepts are constantly in
+danger of losing their reference to definite events. Notions
+like liberty and authority require a new birth of meaning
+after they have followed the tempting path of abstraction
+but a little way. If conceptions are to serve and not to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[2]</span>master the mind, their terms of reference must intermittently
+undergo the most rigorous scrutiny.</p>
+
+<p>The use of “institutional” categories in describing political
+life is indispensable, but the publicists who employ
+them have little to say about the “personal” influences
+which modify the expected behavior of “legislatures,”
+“executives,” and “judiciaries.” It is no news that “leadership”
+is an important variable in predicting the course of
+events, but the standard treatises on politics have next to
+nothing to offer about the traits of various kinds of agitators
+and organizers, and nothing to say about the kinds
+of experiences out of which these differences arise.</p>
+
+<p>This limitation holds for the books about the theory of
+the state and of politics which are written by Englishmen
+like Sidgwick and Laski, Americans like Garner and W.
+W. Willoughby, and Europeans like Jellinek, Schmidt,
+Kjellén, and Kelsen. No doubt these men possess or have
+possessed a living sense of political realities. Of Sidgwick
+it is related that he was wonderfully adept in entertaining
+his circle for hours with incisive comments and amusing
+anecdotes about public men. But of this “humanity” of
+politics there is little to be found in what he wrote. Political
+biography has been relied upon chiefly to convey a
+sense of the unpredictable in human affairs, and to adorn
+an after-dinner tale. At its best, political biography has
+contributed to an understanding of the factors which differentiate
+one human personality from another. But it is no
+secret that the literary biography or autobiography omits
+or distorts much of the intimate history of the individual,
+and that many of the facts which modern investigators have
+found to be important are numbered among the missing.</p>
+
+<p>Where is it possible to secure a supply of life-histories
+in which the usual conventionalities are ignored, and which
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[3]</span>are taken by specialists in the sociological, psychological,
+and somatic influences which play upon the individual?
+There exist in modern society sizeable collections of such
+material which have hitherto been accorded slight attention
+by students of social science. I refer to the case histories
+of those individuals who have been ill, and especially
+those who have been cared for in hospitals and sanitariums.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_1_1" href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
+
+<p>The richest body of psychological and sociological facts
+is found in the files of the institutions for the care of the
+mentally disordered, although the material available in
+general hospitals is of value. The case history of a patient
+in a good mental hospital is a document to which many
+have contributed. There is a report of the physical condition
+of the patient as it is revealed in the routine examination
+on his admission to the institution. This may be
+supplemented by transcripts of previous and subsequent
+examinations. There is also to be found the rating attained
+by the subject on several general-intelligence and special-aptitude
+tests. There is a report of the preliminary interview
+and the diagnosis by the psychiatrist. This is amplified
+by a summary of the proceedings at staff conferences
+to which the patient is presented, and which is attended
+by the whole body of physicians and psychiatric social
+workers attached to the hospital. The usual routine is for
+the physician and social worker in charge to present a
+summary of the case, to introduce the patient for observation,
+and to engage in general colloquy upon the diagnosis
+and therapy after the patient has been escorted out of the
+room. The patient may be brought before several staff
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[4]</span>conferences for the purpose of discussing whether he is in
+a condition permitting of release, parole, or transfer. During
+his stay in the institution the nurses, as well as the
+physicians who make rounds, add their descriptive comments
+upon his behavior. The social service department
+gets in touch with relatives and acquaintances and prepares
+a biography of the subject. Occasionally the patient
+will volunteer an autobiography, which is filed with the
+general record. Correspondence with individuals who have
+interested themselves in the case will often disclose valuable
+details. The exhibits frequently include letters written
+by the patient before, during, and after his illness,
+together with published works, drawings, paintings, and
+plastic productions. In some instances the record of a
+single patient who has been admitted, released, or transferred
+becomes very voluminous.</p>
+
+<p>It is due to the growing emphasis upon the importance
+of understanding the personality as a functioning whole
+that modern medical men are willing and anxious to assemble
+data about the behavior of the individual in his family,
+business, and recreational relations. Such facts are often
+useful to the physician in making his diagnosis and in
+deciding how to handle the patient. The modern emphasis
+upon the rôle of reverie in developing one’s traits and interests
+has led to the inclusion of data about night dreams,
+daydreams, ambitions, grievances, enthusiasms, and loyalties
+of the subject. Not infrequently the productions of
+the patient are recorded in his own words by a stenographer
+who is present during certain interviews with physicians.
+All these psychological and sociological data increase
+the significance of the case record for the individual
+who studies it for the purpose of understanding the total
+developmental history of the person.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[5]</span></p>
+
+<p>Sometimes the case histories concern people who are
+without mental disorder, but who have, for one reason or
+another, been committed for observation. The German
+government was not the only one in the late war which
+sometimes resorted to the expedient of avoiding the appearance
+of internal dissension by referring pacifists to a
+mental hospital. The records of the kind obtained under
+these circumstances are often of men and women without
+pathology, and serve to control the conclusions which rest
+on the study of pathological cases.</p>
+
+<p>Quite often the specifically pathological features in the
+record of a sick person are very meager. Thus, one prominent
+politician, the mayor of a large city, was brought to
+a mental hospital suffering from an alcoholic psychosis,&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_2_2" href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+delirium tremens. He was only “insane” (to use a nonscientific
+term) when he was passing through this acute
+alcoholic episode, and was soon released. But the record
+of what he said and did during the delirium casts a
+brighter light on the deeper motivations of his political
+career than many pages of conventional biography. The
+hallucinations and delusions which he experienced were
+not entirely stereotyped for the disease. Since he was no
+longer able to maintain his repressions, his inner fantasy
+life came out in the clear, and his personality structure
+stood revealed. Another politician showed nothing abnormal
+except a propensity for collecting women’s shoe heels,
+which he found sexually stimulating. He came to the
+medical psychologist to be freed from his fetishist perversion,
+and in so doing he made possible the preparation of
+a document which intimately revealed the origin of certain
+political interests. From the point of view of the political
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[6]</span>scientist the most valuable parts of his history happened
+to be quite far removed from the narrowly circumscribed
+pathological symptoms.</p>
+
+<p>The value of some records is enhanced by the fact that,
+besides the pathological productions of the patient, they
+contain much information which is volunteered by the person
+when he is himself again. Some forms of mental
+disorder show recurrent intervals of disturbance and normality,
+and during the “clear” interludes the patient is
+quite competent to furnish autobiographical data. Often
+the “remissions” in the individual’s condition extend over
+several years, although they may be momentary. Another
+form of mental disease is characterized by the fact that
+the sufferer’s difficulties center about a single system of
+ideas which, if left untouched by the interviewer, permits
+him to be dealt with as an ordinary individual. It should
+be evident from the foregoing that, contrary to popular
+impression, the histories to be found in institutions for the
+care of the sick are by no means exclusively confined to
+pathological subjects or to the merely pathological aspects
+of the person.</p>
+
+<p>Some of the life-histories which are summarized in this
+monograph come from mental hospitals. Others have been
+collected from volunteers who were outside mental institutions
+and who were aware of no serious mental pathology.
+They have been undertaken on the understanding
+that our knowledge of human nature in politics would be
+advanced if “normal” individuals were studied with the
+same care which is often bestowed on the abnormal.</p>
+
+<p>So the book includes persons who are “sick” and persons
+who are “well.” In the main the material is printed
+for the first time. There are no retrospective interpretations
+of historical personages. The chief unity of the study
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span>lies in the fact that it is restricted to politically interesting
+people who have been studied while alive by specialists
+under conditions of unusual intimacy.</p>
+
+<p>The purpose of this venture is not to prove that politicians
+are “insane.” Indeed, the specifically pathological
+is of secondary importance to the central problem of exhibiting
+the developmental profile of different types of public
+characters. Our job is not to catalogue the symptoms
+at the expense of the main patterns of the personality. We
+have not finished when we know that a modern Rousseau
+suffered from paranoia; that a modern Napoleon has
+partly atrophied genitalia; that modern Alexanders,
+Caesars, and Blüchers are alcoholic; that a modern Calvin
+is plagued by eczema, migraine, and kidney stones; that
+a modern Bismarck is hysterical; that a modern Lincoln
+shows depressive pathology; that a modern Robespierre
+displays a eunuchoid habitus; or that a modern Marat
+suffers from arthritis, diabetes, and eczema. “Psychopathography”
+is legitimate and useful, but pathography
+is not our aim.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_3_3" href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nor is it the purpose of this book to make a hit-and-miss
+collection of isolated anecdotes about the relation between
+early experiences and specific political traits and interests.
+Not that this sort of thing is not a liberalizing experience.
+Our conventional schemes of “political motivation” seem
+curiously aloof from the manifold reality of human life
+when we discover the private basis of public acts. John
+B, to choose a random instance, is a busy, aggressive, and
+successful salesman who spends a great deal of time and
+money on the care of the blind. He takes time away from
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span>his business to serve on the board of governors of institutions
+for the blind, and he handles many financial campaigns
+on their behalf. Measures looking toward the improvement
+of public or private care for these unfortunates
+are certain of his support before legislative committees,
+on the platform, and in personal conference. The study
+of his early memories finally revealed the incident in which
+his ardent interest in the blind was rooted. When he was
+between three and four years of age, his little sister pulled
+an eye out of his favorite cat, and he was terribly distressed.
+His concern for the safety of his pets was the
+original drive toward protective work for the blind which
+matured into his adult activity. It would be possible to
+fill many pages with reports of “critical experiences” of
+this kind, and their importance is far greater than is usually
+supposed.</p>
+
+<p>If diagnostic labels and isolated anecdotes do not satisfy
+us, what do we want? The answer can be succinctly stated
+thus: We want to discover what developmental experiences
+are significant for the political traits and interests
+of the mature. This means that we want to see what lies
+behind agitators, administrators, theorists, and other types
+who play on the public stage. Can we conceive the development
+of the human personality as a functioning whole,
+and discern the turning-points in the growth of various
+patterns of political life? Can we uncover the typical
+subjective histories of typical public characters? Can we
+place this subjective history in relation to the physical
+and cultural factors which were developmentally significant?</p>
+
+<p>Even this ambitious project does not exhaust the scope
+of this study. We want to see whether the intensive investigation
+of life-histories will in any way deepen our
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span>understanding of the whole social and political order.
+The life-story of a Hottentot or an American reveals the
+concrete reality of images and moods as they are experienced
+seriatim by those whose life is caught up in the
+web of violently contrasting cultures. The trained student
+of society discerns a wealth of culture patterns whose full
+meaning in human experience can only be revealed by
+securing the subjective history of those who are exposed
+to them. In some cultures the child is slapped, switched,
+and beaten; in some cultures the child is rarely the target
+of corporal punishment. Does this mean that the children
+in the first culture will harbor revenge and welcome violence
+in social life? In some cultures, parental control
+is negligible from the fourth to the fourteenth year, and
+in other cultures supervision is strict and continuous.
+What difference does this make in the developing view of
+the world in successive generations? Those who are within
+the same culture are exposed to many minor variations
+in social practice, and we may hope to ascertain the consequences
+of these differences for the minds of those who
+undergo them.</p>
+
+<p>This book is in harmony with a trend which has been
+growing in strength in the social sciences. Social science
+has been moving toward the intensive study of the individual’s
+account of himself. This is a movement which
+is poorly conveyed by the phrase, “an interest in human
+biography,” because the term “biography” is full of irrelevant
+literary and historical connotations. The person’s
+own story is not a chronology of everything he thought
+and did, nor is it an impressionistic interpretation of what
+he experienced. The life-history is a natural history, and a
+natural history is concerned with facts which are <i>developmentally</i>
+significant. The natural history of the earth is
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span>not a rehearsal of every event included within the series,
+but a selective account of major changes within the series.
+Dated events matter, but they matter not because they
+have dates but because they mark phases. When biography
+is treated as natural history, the purpose is to pick and
+choose the principal epochs of development and to identify
+their distinctive patterns.</p>
+
+<p>The study of life-histories as natural histories is a very
+recent phenomenon. The social sciences have barely begun
+to exploit this approach. It is of very great significance
+that Comte, after spending a lifetime in the preparation
+of his great system, finally saw that the capstone was
+missing, and at the time of his death was frantically trying
+to improvise it. His projected treatise was to deal with
+personality development and differentiation (<i>La morale</i>).
+It was never finished. There is something symbolic of the
+history of the social sciences in this story of Comte’s long
+preoccupation with institutions, his belated recognition of
+the possibilities of personality study, his hurried effort
+to make good the omission, and the fragmentary nature
+of the results achieved. Social science is in the belated-hurried-fragmentary
+phase of growth.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_4_4" href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
+
+<p>Comte’s fragment was never expanded by French sociologists.
+The comparative morphology of culture became
+all-absorbing, and this was concerned with the pantomime
+of what men did, and sporadically with what men thought.
+Comte executed his earlier volumes only too well. When
+the mental processes of primitives came to be studied by
+Durkheim and the Durkheimians, these “primitive mentalities”
+were examined for the sake of revealing highly
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span>abstract “forms” of thought, and not to reveal the individual
+sequence of human experience under different social
+conditions. The efforts which have been made to fill the
+gap have rested upon no massing of empirical data and
+have been fortified by no critical reflection on the methodological
+problem of improving the reliability of the
+data. The most promising sign of the times in France is
+the synthetic approach to social psychology which is sponsored
+by Blondel at Strassbourg.</p>
+
+<p>In Germany the social scientists were so occupied with
+the <i>Streit um Marx</i> and the triumphs of the comparative
+historical school that a comparative morphology of subjective
+histories, if one may indulge the phrase, did not
+arise. The prodigious influence of Kant in the direction
+of multiplying epistemological subtleties stereotyped a
+penchant for high abstraction in the consideration of psychological
+phenomena. The great successes of the physical
+sciences seemed to rest upon the ruthless division and re-division
+of phenomena until they became amenable to
+manipulation and control. The combination of Kantian
+acuteness with scientific atomism was capable of producing
+the extremes of physiological psychology and the obscurantist
+revulsion against submitting the sacred mystery
+of personality to the coarse indignity of exact investigation.
+Curiously enough, the modern era of personality study
+was introduced as a protest against the laboratory emphasis,
+and meant a capitulation to the spirit of scientific
+irreverance. Personalities could be compared and typologized.
+The pioneer was Dilthey, the philosophic historian;
+but neither he nor those who followed him collected and
+published actual accounts of intimate subjective experiences.
+Sociological overemphasis on the group was only
+partially compensated in Simmel’s theoretical exposition
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span>of individuality, but there was no happy synthesis of
+category and fact in his work. The field ethnologists neglected
+to assemble autobiographical accounts, and only the
+fine sensibilities of Vierkandt made possible the utilization
+of fragments for the sake of comparing the inner life of
+primitive man with that of modern man, a task which
+was performed with rather more subtlety than by the
+French. The early social psychological impetus of Lazarus
+and Steindhal produced vast collections of folk-lore materials,
+but the task of threading folk lore and folk ways
+onto the developmental history of representative persons
+remained undone.</p>
+
+<p>The great innovator in the subjective field was Freud.
+His book on dreams is one of the most unique autobiographies
+in history, and his publications set the pace for
+those who wanted to record the actual outpourings of the
+unrestrained human mind. Here at last was a truly scientific
+spirit who recorded everything of which the human
+mind was capable, and looked at it critically in the hope
+of finding the laws of mental life. He broke through the
+irrelevant barriers of conventionality and brought dark
+continents of data into the light of inquiry. He proposed
+theories which were supposed to be tested by the data, and
+devised a special procedure for securing data.</p>
+
+<p>The scientific habilitation of the anonymous, intimate
+life-history document as a source for the study of culture
+was especially the work of William I. Thomas. He and
+Florian Znaniecki undertook and completed their remarkable
+study of <i>The Polish Peasant in Europe and America</i>.
+One volume was devoted to a long autobiography which
+included the most intimate facts in the life of a Polish immigrant
+to the United States. The work of Thomas left an
+abiding stamp on American sociology through the department
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span>at the University of Chicago. Franz Boas, dean of
+American ethnologists, has been keenly interested in the
+primitive’s story of himself, and has collected and urged
+the collection of many such documents. Paul Radin published
+the life-story of a Winnebago chief in 1916. The
+importance of “the boy’s own story” was early recognized
+by William Healy in his study of delinquents, and has
+been extended in every direction.</p>
+
+<p>So, in stressing the value of the study of the concrete
+sequence of individual experience for political science,
+we are expressing a trend of interest which is already well
+founded in social science. Our quest for full and intimate
+histories has led to the exploitation of a relatively new
+source of material, the case-history records of hospitals.
+It has led to the application of psychopathological methods
+to the study of normal volunteers as a control on the inferences
+drawn from the institutional cases. It has led to
+a detailed study of the prolonged interview technique as
+a method of personality study (especially psychoanalysis),
+and to the formulation of improved methods of investigation.
+It has led to the statement of a functional theory of
+the state, a theory which springs directly from the intensive
+scrutiny of actual life-histories, and the realization of
+what political forms can mean when seen against the rich
+background of personal experience.</p>
+
+<p>These studies are admittedly incomplete. The documents
+relied upon suffer from various shortcomings which
+have been specified in detail at an appropriate place. The
+number of documents on hand is limited. Caution would
+counsel deferred publication of even these materials. But
+the many objections to publication have been outweighed
+by certain positive advantages. The publication of such a
+collection of materials will serve to familiarize the professional
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span>students of government with the kinds of fact
+and interpretation which are now current among the specialists
+in important fields of study. Familiarization is especially
+necessary in dealing with personality histories
+because some of the material is unconventional and invariably
+produces initial emotional difficulties among unsophisticated
+readers. But science cannot be science and
+limit itself to the conventional. Some of the facts are not
+pretty, and they are not the topics of polite conversation.
+But the medical scientists who dabble with the excretions
+of the human body for the sake of diagnosing disease and
+understanding health are not bound by the limitations of
+banality and gentility in their work. And if political
+science is to become more of a reality and less of a pseudonym,
+there must be discipline in dealing objectively
+with every kind of fact which is conceivably important for
+the understanding of human traits and interests.</p>
+
+<p>Familiarization, then, is one function of this set of
+studies. Another purpose is to set up tentative hypotheses
+about personality growth on the basis of available materials.
+The mere statement of these hypotheses about the
+growth of agitators and administrators will sharpen investigation.
+Perhaps those who have direct access to better
+histories will be impelled to use them in checking and
+revising the working conceptions herein set out.</p>
+
+<p>The general scheme of presentation begins with some
+chapters which sketch the psychopathological standpoint
+in its historical setting and which review the current criteria
+of political types. Then comes selected life-history
+material. The concluding chapters discuss the bearing of
+personality studies on general political theory and criticize
+existing methods of study.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II">
+    CHAPTER II
+    <br>
+    THE PSYCHOPATHOLOGICAL APPROACH
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>One of the standing obstacles in the path of personality
+research is the difficulty of describing the personality as a
+whole at any given cross-section of its development. In despair
+at the myriad difficulties of the task, academic psychology
+has long evaded the issue and concentrated its
+attention upon the minute exploration of detached aspects
+of the individual. The manuals of physiological psychology
+are full of painstaking accounts of how atomized aspects
+of the individual’s environment (the “stimuli”)
+modify the reactions of selected parts of the individual.
+What these manuals characteristically omit is a workable
+set of conceptions for the classification of the phenomena
+which are the objects of investigation in personality
+research. It is impossible to found a science of geology
+without inventing terms to distinguish plateaus, plains,
+mountains, and continental blocs, even though all these
+phenomena possess the common attributes of “matter.”
+What matters for the geologist is how the differences and
+not the likenesses come to pass. Much of the academic
+psychology, in its quest for precision and prestige, has quit
+studying the problem with which it is ostensibly engaged,
+and has substituted a minor field of physiology therefor.
+In so doing, it has lost any criterion for testing the relevance
+of the results of particular researches for the understanding
+of personality because it has no master concepts
+of personality.</p>
+
+<p>The psychopathologist has never been able to evade the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span>necessity of summing up the personality as a whole because
+he has been compelled to make important decisions about
+the future of the personality as a whole. The psychiatrist
+must continually decide whether John B and Mary C will,
+if released from careful supervision, commit suicide or
+murder, or whether they will be dependable members of
+the community. Thus the clinician has found it imperative
+to search for signs which have high predictive value
+in relation to the major social adjustments of the individual.</p>
+
+<p>The psychopathologist has had the great advantage of
+seeing many trends of the personality which are normally
+subordinated to other trends when they have escaped from
+control and achieved Gargantuan proportions. The clinical
+caricature throws into imposing relief the constituent tendencies
+which make up the functioning person, and draws
+attention to their presence and their processes. “Normality”
+involves a complicated integration of many tendencies,
+a flexible capacity to snap from one mood, preoccupation,
+and overt activity to another as the changing demands
+of reality require. The pathological mind, if one may indulge
+in a lame analogy, is like an automobile with its
+control lever stuck in one gear: the normal mind can shift.
+One has a queer feeling as one passes around the wards
+of a hospital for the custody of the more seriously disordered
+patients that if one could assemble the scattered
+parts of the mind that one could create at least a single
+supermind. There in one corner is a melancholic who is
+stuck in the mood of despondency; in another corner is a
+manic who is expansive and elated; elsewhere is a man
+whose self-esteem has achieved cosmic dimensions; in the
+back wards is a deteriorated mind in perpetual repose.
+Every conceivable nuance of preoccupation and mood with
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span>which we are normally familiar seems to be dissatisfied
+with its minor rôle in a healthy integration, and intent
+upon autocratic mastery of the mind. The clinical caricature
+draws attention as sharply as possible to the components
+of the healthy mind. So every theory of pathological
+manifestations must presently become expanded or assimilated
+into a comprehensive account of human psychology.</p>
+
+<p>The gross clinical material reveals the intimate interrelationships
+between soma and psyche. The patient who
+suffers from obsessive ideas may find relief from obsession
+by showing hysterical symptoms; and hysterical symptoms
+may clear up, only to make way for obsessive symptoms.
+“Pure pictures” are almost pure theories. The
+patient who is suffering from a definite organic lesion may
+complicate his troubles by “worry,” and “worry” may be
+one of the factors in bringing about a physical disease
+picture. There is evidence that psychological factors are
+among those significantly operating in such diseases as
+common colds, asthma, catarrh, hay fever, hyperthyroidism,
+gall-bladder trouble, gastro-intestinal ulcers, irregular
+menstruation, and sexual impotence.</p>
+
+<p>Fresh vitality has come into modern psychology from
+the clinic. The psychopathological approach has gradually
+vindicated itself as more and more of its conceptions find
+a permanent place in the vocabulary of psychology and
+social science. Modern psychopathology is itself a recent
+development, and undoubtedly the most revolutionary figure
+is Sigmund Freud.</p>
+
+<p>The spectacular and influential nature of Freud’s work
+is sufficient justification for devoting some space to a brief
+account of his standpoint and his innovation in method.
+As we shall have occasion to illustrate, his method is of
+more general application to practical problems of political
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span>research and political practice than is usually understood.</p>
+
+<p>When Freud was a student in the University of Vienna,
+the triumphal progress of microscopic methods of studying
+cellular structure was sweeping all before it. Congeries
+of mental symptoms in the living were frequently found to
+be correlated with the discovery of certain definite cerebrospinal
+lesions on autopsy. The future seemed to rest
+wholly in the hands of those who used the dissecting knife
+and the lens. Before Freud graduated from the University,
+he became demonstrator to Brücke, the eminent physiologist;
+and he labored in the laboratory of Meynart, the distinguished
+psychiatrist of his day. Freud’s first publication
+was a result of laborious laboratory work.</p>
+
+<p>While materialism reigned, psychological phenomena
+were degraded to the status of trivial epiphenomena. But
+at this very time a revival of psychogeneticism arose in
+French psychiatry under the impetus of Charcot. Charcot
+had achieved eminence in pathological anatomy before he
+turned in middle life to the study of mental maladies.
+By 1883 he had demonstrated the possibility of producing
+hysterical symptoms by means of ideas (verbal stimuli).
+Time and again he hypnotized individuals and produced
+muscular contractures, hypersensitivity, and hyposensitivity,
+together with allied symptoms of hysteria.</p>
+
+<p>Breaking away from the laboratories of Vienna, Freud
+journeyed to the Salpêtrière Hospital in Paris to work with
+Charcot, where he stayed from the autumn of 1886 to the
+spring of 1887. Here he was thrown in touch with the
+current of ideas which was giving concrete content to the
+notion of the “out of conscious” and its dynamic consequences
+for human behavior. Pierre Janet was busily accumulating
+the observations which were published to the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span>world in 1889 under the title, <i>L’automatisme psychologique</i>.
+Early chapters appeared in the <i>Revue philosophique</i>
+as early as 1886.</p>
+
+<p>Freud had just missed a spectacular rise to fame when
+he failed to recognize the anaesthetic possibilities of cocaine
+in surgery. He published a review of the literature
+on cocoa; and a young Vienna colleague, Koller, struck
+by some of the data which Freud had assembled, announced
+the discovery in 1884 which immortalized his
+name in medical history. Freud pondered for many years
+on why the idea should have eluded him, and perhaps his
+desertion of the laboratory was due to his sense of partial
+failure.</p>
+
+<p>In Paris he acquired a point of view which was bound
+to bring him into conflict with the materialistic pundits of
+Vienna. Hypnotism was itself looked upon as an artifice
+of charlatans. Wagner-Jauregg reflected the ruling tradition
+when, only a few years ago, he said, “The trouble with
+hypnotism is that you never know who is pulling the other
+fellow’s leg.” Freud was met by derisive laughter when
+he announced at the Medical Society of Vienna that male
+hysterics were to be found in Paris. For hysteria, as one
+of the pedants reminded him, was philologically derived
+from “hysteron,” meaning uterus, and therefore couldn’t
+possibly occur in males. This was an echo of the days
+when hysteria was supposed to be due to a migratory
+uterus and women were turned upside down to bring it
+back in place.</p>
+
+<p>In 1881 and 1882 Breuer had treated a girl suffering
+from hysteria, and his interest was renewed in the case in
+conversation with Freud. Breuer remembered that when
+he treated the patient under hypnosis, she recalled the first
+episode in which a symptom had appeared, related it with
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span>every evidence of excitement, and discovered on waking
+that the symptom had disappeared. Breuer and Freud began
+to study hysteria from this point of view and published
+their results. Charcot had demonstrated that ideas could
+cause hysteria; Breuer had found that the discovery of
+pathogenic ideas could cure hysteria.</p>
+
+<p>In 1889 Freud returned to France, this time to the other
+center of hypnotic research, Nancy, where Liébeault and
+Bernheim were doing remarkable things. Freud here saw
+something the full significance of which did not at once
+dawn upon him.</p>
+
+<p>A subject was hypnotized and given a “post-hypnotic
+suggestion” to raise an umbrella at a certain signal after
+coming out of hypnosis. The subject was then awakened
+from hypnosis, and presently, when the stipulated signal
+was given, obediently raised the umbrella, although still
+inside the room. When asked why he raised the umbrella,
+<i>he said that he wanted to see whether it was his or not</i>.
+Thus did he rationalize (a concept later developed) the
+gratification of an impulse <i>which he did not himself at
+first recognize</i>. When challenged to explain himself, he
+merely produced a plausible interpretation of his own
+conduct.</p>
+
+<p>The immense significance of this train of events is great
+enough. It at once raises the searching question: To what
+extent are we in ignorance of our own motives and accustomed
+to improvise merely plausible explanations of and
+to ourselves? But an even more notable phenomenon occurred.
+<i>If the subject was asked again and again to try to
+remember why he raised the umbrella, he sooner or later
+recalled (to his own surprise) that he had been commanded
+to do it.</i></p>
+
+<p>The full import of this observation did not instantly
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span>dawn on Freud. But he continued to have difficulties with
+the patients whom he sought to hypnotize. They sometimes
+held out against his suggestions, even though they had
+accepted them many times before, and seriously impeded
+the progress of the search for the traumatic episode. He
+gradually abandoned hypnosis, leaving the patient in a
+waking state in a relaxed position with instructions to report
+every incident connected with the early appearance of
+the symptom under investigation. Vestiges of the hypnotic
+technique remained as late as 1895, when he would still
+lay his hand on the patient’s forehead as a stimulus to
+recollection.</p>
+
+<p>This method also encountered crippling difficulties. A
+patient would sometimes lie for hours without saying a
+word, totally unable to recover a relevant reminiscence.
+To meet this obstacle, Freud presently hit upon the simple
+expedient upon which he thenceforth relied. He instructed
+the patient to say anything and everything that popped in
+his head, regardless of its propriety, logic, or triviality.</p>
+
+<p>Freud found that all ramblings of his patient could furnish
+him with clues to the underlying and unavowed impulses
+of the sufferer. He became able to guess the nature
+of the buried episode in which the impulse had received
+its present type of manifestation. Thus the patient might
+begin by saying that she had seen a red-headed man in the
+street and that she always despised red-headed men—except
+of course her dear brother. Day after day apparently
+random allusions would build out the picture of her great
+interest in anything reminiscent of her brother’s looks and
+acts, all of which would be bitterly condemned. But if
+she were asked directly, she would maintain that her
+brother was a fine, upstanding man, and a credit to the
+family.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span></p>
+
+<p>The analyst, after listening to the eddies of talk, and
+noting the patterns along which they seemed to whirl,
+would presently locate a hidden rock beneath the innocent
+surface of the stream—in this case, an unacknowledged
+load of hatred against her brother. Bit by bit, stories of
+real or fancied childhood tyranny would come floating
+along the stream. Then suddenly, amid tears and violent
+gestures, might come the story of a long-forgotten incident
+which involved an intimate aggression on the part of the
+brother. The patient, manifestly relieved, might speedily
+recover from her hysterical disabilities and return to the
+active responsibilities of life.</p>
+
+<p>Freud’s theory of what he saw began modestly enough,
+leaned heavily upon Charcot, Bernheim, and Breuer, and
+was mostly founded upon observations made upon patients
+who were handled by hypnosis and not by the new procedure
+which later was called psychoanalysis. He published
+a contribution to the theory of the psychoneuroses
+in which he laid down the proposition that a distinction
+could be drawn between one group, the anxiety neuroses,
+which depended on mental conflict, and the actual neuroses,
+which were not due to mental conflict but to masturbation
+and coitus interruptus. In the first case, mental energy
+was converted into bodily symptoms, and in the latter case
+bodily energy was supposed to be converted into bodily
+symptoms. In Freud’s early articles there is little to forecast
+the course which he was to follow as his brilliant
+imagination viewed the behavior of the individual from
+the new vantage ground which he had discovered.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_5_5" href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p>
+
+<p>Whether his particular theories survive or fall, the
+standpoint which he achieved by ruthlessly applying his
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span>method is of the greatest value. His method, which grew
+from the necessities of an exasperated physician, led him
+<i>systematically to treat every manifestation of the individual
+as part of a related whole</i>. Freud’s mental set had been
+furnished by the data of hypnosis, which seemed to show
+that patients suffer from reminiscences. When he dropped
+hypnosis and tried to force recollections, his mental set
+had not altered, for he was still in search of the original,
+the traumatic episode. When he asked his patients to say
+anything that came into their heads, he was still hunting
+the elusive memory of a definite early experience. But
+quite without realizing it, his original mental set had widened,
+and with momentous consequences for his own subsequent
+development. If one were given to exaggerations,
+one could say that the world of psychological investigation
+had suddenly begun to turn on a new axis.</p>
+
+<p>What was the nature of this new mental set? Intently
+watching his patients, not for word for word accounts of
+what had happened, and looking upon everything else as
+“irrelevant,” Freud learned to look for meanings and not
+for reports. Every dream, every phrase, every hesitation,
+every gesture, every intonation, every outburst began to
+take on significance as possible allusions to the “traumatic”
+episode. Allusions to hated objects, reminiscent of
+a brother, failure to mention a hated sister until days had
+passed, although other members of the family had been
+passed in review—every deviation from comprehensiveness—was
+eagerly scrutinized for the clue it might afford.</p>
+
+<p>The technique of therapy consisted in using clues to
+facilitate the patient’s search for relief. The problem was
+to discover the nature of the patient’s conflict and to volunteer
+interpretations for the sake of helping the patient
+to dare to bring into full consciousness the unavowed impulse
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span>which had once frightened his socially adjusted self
+into frantic repression. This involved the interpretation
+of the symptom as a compromise product of the patient’s
+ideal of conduct; and the out-of-conscious impulse, which,
+though denied access to the full consciousness of the sufferer,
+possessed enough strength to procure partial gratification.
+The symptom was thus a symptom of conflict
+between the socially adapted portion of the self and the
+unadapted impulses of the personality, and the symptom
+was a compromise between partial gratification of the illicit
+and partial punishment by the conscience. The particular
+form of the “conflict” depended upon the traumatic
+experience and the antecedent history of the individual.</p>
+
+<p>Far more important than these therapeutic elaborations
+is the shift in standpoint which made them possible. Since
+Freud was on the search for the literal by way of the
+symbolic, he raised hitherto neglected manifestations of
+human behavior to the dignity of significant symbols, wrote
+them out, and introduced them into the literature of human
+behavior. There could be no sharper illustration of the
+prepotency of “mental set” for the seeing of “facts” than
+the difference between the clinical reports of Freud and
+Janet. Freud, convinced that the eluctable energies of the
+organism could betray themselves in every image and in
+every gesture, painstakingly recorded the dreams and day-fantasies
+of his patients. Janet, who continued to assume
+that dreams were nonsensical confusions attributable to
+the diminished tension of the sleeping organism, seldom
+made any allusion to dreams. His pellucid description of
+grimaces, gestures, sentiments, and theories of his patients
+led back to relatively recent moments when the patient
+failed of adjustment. This failure of the patient to mobilize
+his energies in smooth adaptation to the exigencies of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span>social reality was then imputed to a defective biopsychical
+mechanism, to a lowered “psychological tension,” due to
+a miscellany of possible causes, among which was mentioned
+“the exhaustive effects of emotional excitement.”
+Therapy consisted in restoring the capacity of the individual
+to mobilize and deploy his energies at the highest
+“levels” of adjustment. This was to be achieved by a
+variety of means—by hypnotic suggestion, rest in a simplified
+environment, and the usual repertory of the psychotherapist.</p>
+
+<p>But the golden flash of psychological insight eluded
+Janet. At bottom he had little respect for the concrete
+reality of the mental life of his patients. Although he
+talked the language of psychogeneticism, it had a poor and
+not a rich connotation in his mind. I think this is due to
+his too exclusive reliance upon hypnotism, for the mental
+set of the hypnotist is derogatory to most of the concrete
+productions of the patient. The patient, one feels with a
+shrug, will presently come to the important experience;
+why take the superimposed material too seriously? Then,
+too, the patient may be put in order by direct command.
+Janet relates with some pride how people in the waiting-room
+of his office would marvel when a woman, bent
+nearly double, would be admitted into his sanctum, presently
+to emerge, erect and cured—until the effect wore off.</p>
+
+<p>Freud learned a new respect for the concrete reality
+of mental life in his concentrated effort to divine the
+hidden conflict without resorting to hypnosis. His weakness
+as a hypnotist was in a sense the beginning of wisdom.
+A patient who is deeply hypnotized is but infrahuman.
+Barring commands which do violence to the moral code of
+the individual, the subject will passively execute the commands
+of the hypnotist. The patient descends from a complicated
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span>“nearly normal” person to a waxy caricature of
+a human being. The unhypnotized patient of Freud is in
+relatively full possession of all the resources of the ordinary
+waking self, and must be dealt with as a complex human
+being.</p>
+
+<p>The widest gateway to psychoanalytic development became
+the study of dreams. And here again we are dealing
+with something which came, not from laborious reflection
+upon underlying concepts, but from the urgencies of the
+clinical situation. Just as we found that Freud had taken
+up a new post of observation in practice before he discovered
+its implications in theory, we find that in such a
+detail as the investigation of dreams, his theoretical preoccupations
+contributed less than his everyday necessities.
+Freud’s patients continually thrust their dreams upon him;
+and he, now in pursuit of clues to what lay behind, presently
+took them seriously, and found in them many helpful
+indications of unspoken things. He would assist the
+free-fantasies of the patient by asking what came into his
+mind about any detail of the dream, and he attentively followed
+the long chains of superficially meaningless associations.</p>
+
+<p>It began to appear that Freud had stumbled upon, and
+then brilliantly elaborated the possibilities inherent in, a
+new way of using the mind. He trained his patients in a
+technique of free-fantasy which they could subsequently
+use for themselves as a supplement to the logical technique
+which society ostensibly tries to foster. It at once appeared
+that he had discovered a method of thinking which was applicable
+far beyond the confines of the clinic and which
+could be added to the repertory of the mind.</p>
+
+<p>The interpretation of dreams was the bridge which
+brought Freud from the confines of the clinic to the analysis
+of the whole psychology of individual development.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span>The dreams of patients and the dreams of non-pathological
+persons showed such homogeneity of symbolism that the
+gap between the “normal” and the “sick” seemed to close.
+Popular lore already furnished a clue to dreams as wish-fulfilments,
+whether found in the “well” or “ill,” but
+popular lore also treated them as reminiscences, prophecies,
+and omens, or as confusions, depending on the
+transitory context of the moment. Freud had a double
+orientation in dealing with the individual. He regarded
+him as motivated in the present by impulses which eluded
+his own consciousness. He regarded these motivations as
+having achieved their present form in concrete historical
+events in the life of the individual. The nature of the
+present could be made clear to the conscious mind if the
+organizing episode could be recalled. This recall could
+be greatly facilitated by paying special attention to the
+“irrational” or non-adjustive aspects of the person’s present
+conduct. The “irrational” would seem rational enough
+if the unacknowledged motives were made manifest, and
+if the historical as well as the contemporary allusions
+were sought after. Sooner or later the unrecognized motives
+would disclose themselves in consciousness, if the
+individual waited attentively; but the process could be
+greatly helped by using a different style of thinking than
+the logical.</p>
+
+<p>No one has more dramatically and repeatedly shown
+the limitations (as well as the advantages) of logical procedures
+of thought than Freud. No one has made a more
+important contribution to the technique of supplementing
+logical thought by other methods of thought than Freud.
+This is the aspect of Freud’s work which has immediate
+and constant relevance to political as to every other sort
+of thinking, and to which it is important to devote more
+extended consideration.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III">
+    CHAPTER III
+    <br>
+    A NEW TECHNIQUE OF THINKING&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_6_6" href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>The prevailing theory is that men who make important
+decisions in politics can be trained to use their minds
+wisely by disciplinary training in the practices of logical
+thought. Legal training is supposed to mold the mind to
+ways of dealing with the world which subordinate whim
+to principle. Formal instruction in the social sciences
+is intended to equip the mind for the detached consideration
+of social consequences, and everyone agrees that this
+implies a large measure of self-awareness for the sake of
+reducing the play of prejudice.</p>
+
+<p>The nature of logical thought has been carefully examined
+by an array of able writers. Their conclusions may
+be provisionally reported by saying that logic is a guided
+form of mental operation. It is not something marked
+off from impulse, but a progressive elaboration and differentiation
+of impulse. It proceeds by the affirmation of a
+starting-point, which is in fact a vague indication of the
+goal to be reached, and develops by the criticism of the
+material which appears in consciousness according to its
+relevance to the end in view. If the judge begins by wanting
+to settle a controversy consistently with precedents,
+he has indicated in advance the shadowy outline of the
+desired termination of his efforts. If an administrator
+wants to reduce complaints against his handling of the
+postal service, he starts with a different mental set from
+the judge, but, like the mental set of the latter, his first
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span>act is to bring into view the state of affairs which he hopes
+to find when he quits thinking. He is accustomed to guide
+the operations of his mind by this preliminary characterization
+of the terminus sought. No thinker can haul into
+the center of attention the material which indicates how
+the terminal situation is to be attained. The thinker must
+wait attentively for whatever appears. If he wants to
+deal with such a simple practical matter as getting to the
+railway station, and his mind continues to fill with images
+of the one he left behind him, his accustomed means of
+asserting control is to reiterate the practical end and to
+hope that he can “keep his mind on” taxicabs or autobusses.
+Alternating with periods of reiteration and expectancy
+and illumination are episodes of “No” and
+“Yes,” which evidence the existence of guided thought.</p>
+
+<p>It would be misleading to stop with this formal description
+of the characteristics of logical thinking. Logical
+thinking is not a hocus-pocus to be applied here and
+there and everywhere. The previewing of events presupposes
+familiarity with the sorts of events to which the
+previewing relates. It usually involves analysis of the contingent
+future in the light of analogies with the past, which
+is simply a means of refining general familiarity through
+systematic methods of inspecting reality. General knowledge
+of lending and borrowing must be supplemented, for
+many purposes, by detailed examination of the quantitative
+dimensions of various routines. The precise nature
+of the relationship between changes in the rediscount rate
+and the price of call money requires analysis far beyond
+impressionistic familiarity.</p>
+
+<p>There need be no illusion that the specification of the
+terminal situation provides an immovable constant for
+thought. We can imply, as we have implied, that logical
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span>thinking begins by sketching a figure on the canvass and
+leaves the details to be filled in during the course of the
+thinking. But the starting-point is often subject to many
+shifts, and the initial sketch is more or less subject to remaking.
+The judge who starts in pursuit of consistency-with-precedent
+characteristically must add conformity-to-principles-of-policy.
+A plurality of ends is always involved,
+and usually appears.</p>
+
+<p>Everybody knows that the pluralism of ends goes far beyond
+“official” ends. A sophisticated and discerning judge
+may discover an embarrassing conflict in the controlling
+precedents, and cast about for other social purposes than
+conformity-to-precedent to guide him. He may scrutinize
+the principal economic, cultural, and political changes in
+the society in which he operates, and discern the appearance
+of a new set of rising dominant values, and decide to
+diminish the cost of social change by seeking to facilitate
+their introduction. If this hypothetical judge believes that
+he should not consciously enact his private prejudices into
+law, and if the social values are so confused that uncertainty
+rules, the judge is well advised to flip a coin (in
+chambers) and govern his decision accordingly. If the
+judge finds himself favorably disposed toward any alternative
+to begin with, he will take himself as an object of investigation
+to determine the extent and origin of his prejudice.
+His logic thus involves the use of self-scrutiny for
+the exposure of private values which load the dice for
+or against a particular point of view. Besides the values
+which are “public,” there are complicating values which
+are the residue of one’s “private” history.</p>
+
+<p>All these points are stressed in greater or less degree in
+the current writing on the use of the mind. The avowed
+purpose of our professional schools is to increase the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span>amount of logical reflection in the world, and the set complaint
+is that people somehow or another manage to think
+very clumsily. In spite of our best efforts to disseminate
+logicality, people are always “letting their prejudices run
+away with them,” even when they have a baggage of good
+intentions.</p>
+
+<p>The stock alibi for the failure of the schools to improve
+the character of thinking among those who hold positions
+of power is that the human mind offers a perverse opacity
+to the rays of reason. Somehow or other our training
+doesn’t take; but this is attributed not to the deficiencies of
+logic but to the resistances to it. All this is reminiscent of
+the reply of the Christian to the taunt that Christianity has
+failed. He says that Christianity isn’t to blame, but the
+lack of it. The logicians say that the cure of bad logic is
+more and better logic. If the human mind refuses to be
+educated, that’s just too bad.</p>
+
+<p>Our thesis is that our faith in logic is misplaced. Exclusive
+emphasis upon logic (even where logic is adroitly
+used) incapacitates rather than fits the mind to function as
+a fit instrument of reality adjustment.</p>
+
+<p>The supposition that emotional aberrations are to be conquered
+by heroic doses of logical thinking is a mistake.
+The absence of effective logic is a symptom of a disease
+which logic cannot itself cure. We have been misled by
+supposing that the mind can rely upon a single technique
+of operation when this isolated technique has serious limitations.</p>
+
+<p>A totally different technique of thinking is needed to get
+on with the task of ridding the mind of the distorting
+results of unseen compulsions. Since our schools have
+found no place for the cultivation of this additional technique
+of thinking, our judges and administrators and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span>policy-makers are turned loose on the world armed with
+faith in logic and incapable of making their minds safe for
+logic. Logical thinking is but one of the special methods
+of using the mind, and cannot itself achieve an adequate
+inspection of reality because it is unable to achieve self-knowledge
+without the aid of other forms of thinking.</p>
+
+<p>The technique of free-fantasy offers many points of contrast
+with logical thinking. It is unguided rather than
+guided association. From a given starting-point, no effort
+is bent toward the exclusion of the trivial, the trite, the embarrassing,
+the filthy, the nonsensical. The mind is permitted
+to run hither and yon. It is hospitable to everything
+which germinates in the mind, and is subject only to the
+effort to steer clear of the molds of logical thinking. There
+is no specific definition of an objective, and no intermittent
+intervention in the flow of material to register its pertinence
+or impertinence to this rather specific objective.</p>
+
+<p>Free-fantasy is not to be confused with free word associations
+which begin with simple stimulus words and end
+when the first few words which pop into the mind are put
+down. Free-fantasy is not a momentary relaxation of selective
+criticism, but prolonged emancipation from logical
+fetters.</p>
+
+<p>Free-fantasy differs from the ordinary daydream, the
+night dream, and the visions which arise in sleeping or
+waking by the circumstance that it is embarked upon with
+the vague, generalized purpose of rendering available new
+subject matter for logical thought. The frequent interventions
+which characterize logical procedures are suspended,
+the better to serve the ultimate purposes of reality adjustment.
+Daydreaming which is not used for this general purpose
+does not represent a technique for using the mind.</p>
+
+<p>The ultimate paradox of logical thinking is that it is
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span>self-destroying when it is too sedulously cultivated. It
+asserts its own prerogatives by clamping down certain restrictive
+frames of reference upon the activity of the mind,
+and presently ends in impoverishing the activity which it
+purports to guide into creative channels. It becomes intolerant
+of the immediate, unanalyzed, primitive abundance
+of the mind, and by so doing destroys its own source.</p>
+
+<p>More seriously, too, for the mind which is engaged with
+social life, logical procedures exclude from the mind the
+most important data about the self. Directed thinking,
+whether about the self or something else as an object, is
+impatient of the seemingly trivial, and this impatience with
+the seemingly trivial is the rationally acceptable guise in
+which the impulse to avoid rigorous self-scrutiny gets itself
+accepted. The mind which is freely fantasying produces
+distasteful evidence of the facts about the self which the
+socialized self wants to avoid. This is why free-fantasy is
+not learned by rote, but achieved through trying experiences,
+usually under prolonged supervision.</p>
+
+<p>There are wide individual differences in acquiring the
+technique of free-fantasy. Logical controls are often so
+gradually released that progress is almost imperceptible
+for several weeks of daily contact with a psychoanalytic
+interviewer. Frequently, of course, the logical controls fall
+away quite rapidly, and the exposure of the underlying
+preoccupations proceeds apace. Freud developed the technique,
+and drills his subjects, largely in relation to their
+dreams, but this is in no sense its exclusive application.
+The purpose of the psychoanalytic interview is not served
+if the patient is merely relieved of a few annoying symptoms;
+its purpose is to equip him with a means of handling
+his mind which will enable him to go it alone. In developing
+the free-fantasy procedure, Freud added a powerful
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span>tool to the repertory of those who would use their mind
+with some hope of disentangling themselves from the compulsive
+domination of many vestigial remains of their “private”
+histories.</p>
+
+<p>It is quite possible to train people to use the free-fantasy
+method with considerable success and to outfit them with
+a device which they can use in the ordinary problems of
+professional and private life.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_7_7" href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The instances which I shall
+presently adduce are from the fantasies which were produced
+by a judge in the course of a series of interviews
+which he undertook after his curiosity about the method
+had been aroused by the therapeutic treatment of a member
+of his family. Any specific allusions are disguised.</p>
+
+<p>One day the judge commented at the beginning of the
+interview that a certain attorney irritated him in some unexplained
+way. He found himself acutely conscious of his
+own prejudice against the man, and in trying to deal fairly
+with him often leaned over backward and showed him
+an embarrassing favoritism in sustaining his objections.
+There was always a struggle to hold the balance even.
+This seemed to indicate the conspicuous operation of some
+unrecognized set of motives in relation to this particular
+individual. The judge, who was already partly skilled in
+the use of free-fantasy, began to report whatever came
+into his mind at the mention of the attorney, without regard
+to logic or scruple. “Cigar smoke ... black cigar ...
+vile and pungent and stuffy ... corridor ...
+courtroom ...,” and so on and on. The word “corridor”
+reappeared several times in the course of his associations,
+and the interviewer initiated a new chain by using
+the word as a stimulus. After some time, there came up a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span>vivid memory of an incident in the corridor of the law
+school where the judge had studied. A fellow-student, who
+was a man with a great reputation as a promising mind,
+dropped cigar ashes by accident on the judge’s overcoat.
+The judge remembered his angry impulse to “sock” the offender,
+an impulse which he instantly subdued, and that he
+accepted the apology, which seemed to end the incident.
+Associations were continued to find why the brilliant rival
+had so incensed the judge, and the trail led back to certain
+incidents and reveries in early adolescence, but this material
+is not relevant here. The connection of his hostility
+toward his former rival with the attorney before him was
+due to one of the attorney’s mannerisms, which recalled the
+way the student had flecked ashes off the end of his cigar.
+When this tie was exposed, the compulsive animosity and
+the overcompensatory reactions disappeared from the attitude
+of the judge in relation to the attorney.</p>
+
+<p>Another illustrative detail may be taken almost at random
+from the record. On one occasion the judge began to
+enumerate the three principal alternatives which lay before
+him in deciding a pending case. He remembered two of
+them but hesitated several seconds before the third came
+into his mind. This led him to remember that he had often
+casually noticed that this third possibility seemed to elude
+him, although on reflection he felt that it deserved as much
+attention as the other two. He began spontaneously to relax
+and report everything that crossed his mind, and produced
+a long string of catch phrases from law and politics like
+“freedom of contract,” “life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness,”
+“freedom of speech and assembly.” He presently
+noted that a picture was forming of one of his old law-school
+classrooms. He felt that someone was just about to
+speak to him, and had to resist the temptation to turn
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span>around. Then there came across his mind a long series of
+incidents in which one of his law professors was the principal
+figure. This teacher was reputed to possess a mastermind
+and a caustic tongue; and the judge, though he had
+always wanted to make a great impression on him, had met
+with no particular success. The professor had a habit of
+using his most ironic tone of voice when he spoke of “this
+freedom of contract.” Now it happened that the attorney
+who was arguing for alternative No. 3 before the court pronounced
+the word “freedom” with unction. This aroused
+in the judge’s mind the ironic tone of the old professor’s
+voice, and this in turn brought back the rather humiliating
+failure he had been in his efforts to impress the professor.
+He now exhibited a tendency to repress everything connected
+with the episode, including the attorney’s argument.</p>
+
+<p>The world about us is much richer in meanings than we
+consciously see. These meanings are continually cutting
+across our ostensible criteria of judgment, and compulsively
+distorting the operations of the mind whose quest for an
+objective view of reality is consciously quite sincere. Good
+intentions are not enough to widen the sphere of self-mastery.
+There must be a special technique for the sake of exposing
+the hidden meanings which operate to bind and cripple
+the processes of logical thought. With practice one
+may wield the tool of free-fantasy with such ruthless honesty
+that relevant material comes very quickly to the focus
+of attention which we call “waking consciousness.”</p>
+
+<p>It would be possible to fill many volumes with illustrations
+of the hitherto unseen meanings which have been discovered
+by men and women who have learned to use the
+free-fantasy technique. They have often been able to find
+how and why their emotions tended to be aroused favorably
+or unfavorably toward individuals of their own or the opposite
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span>sex who exhibited certain traits, and to understand
+why they tended to choose certain secretaries, to sponsor
+certain protégés, and to be impressed by certain witnesses
+and attorneys. They have been able to inspect the phraseology
+of law, politics, and culture, and to extricate themselves
+from many of the logically irrelevant private meanings
+which they read into it.</p>
+
+<p>Freud developed the technique of free-fantasy well over
+a quarter of a century ago, but it is still beyond the pale of
+the schools. Our professional and graduate schools make
+no effort to readjust their methods to fit the minds of future
+men of authority for self-knowledge. The sententious admonitions
+to “know thyself” are no adequate substitute for
+special discipline in the ways of self-understanding.</p>
+
+<p>We have tried to cure the failures of logical training by
+homeopathic doses of sermonizing, rather than by the discipline
+of supplementary techniques of using the mind. The
+mind is a fit instrument of reality testing when both blades
+are sharpened—those of logic and free-fantasy. Until this
+fundamental proposition is adequately comprehended, the
+professional training of our judges, administrators, and
+theorists will continue to furnish discipline in self-deception
+rather than self-analysis.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV">
+    CHAPTER IV
+    <br>
+    THE CRITERIA OF POLITICAL TYPES
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>The free-fantasy method of exploring the mind is of very
+general application to the problems of life. In particular
+we are interested in examining the results of its use for the
+purpose of laying bare the natural history of personality
+growth and differentiation. All sorts of politicians are met
+with in society, and our special task is to relate the selection
+of these adult rôles to certain critical experiences in
+individual development. But before we can proceed farther,
+we need to examine the nature of the criteria which
+are currently used in identifying various political types.</p>
+
+<p>The popular speech of every state and neighborhood
+swarms with names for varieties of political behavior and
+types of politicians. The study of political differences may
+very well begin by sifting the common vocabulary. Some
+of the popular images are derived from experience with
+government officials. Within the last hundred years the policeman
+has appeared over Western Europe, and a history
+of the popular conception of his rôle could be written
+around terms like “bobby,” “cop,” and “<i>Schupo</i>.” Whatever
+differences in dress, manner, social position, and common
+humanity are supposed to exist between a “civil servant,”
+a “<i>Beamter</i>,” and a “<i>fonctionnaire</i>,” there are common
+lineaments in the composite stereotype. A thick chapter
+in human experience could be entitled “The Bureaucrat,”
+wherein would be recorded the innuendo of popular
+comment on a necessary evil. The “legislator” is identifiable
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span>through all the detailed contrasts between the “congressman,”
+the “M.P.,” and the “M.d.R.”</p>
+
+<p>The popular tongue is rich in expressions which fill out
+the official cast of characters in the political drama by peopling
+the public stage with figures whose traits are essentially
+irrelevant to their office. There are men of ideas—“anarchist,”
+“socialist,” “liberal,” “communist,” “conservative.”
+There are men of ideas and of action—“reformer,”
+“revolutionary,” “martyr.” The history of American,
+British, French, German, medieval, Graeco-Roman,
+and every civilization could be written for the sake of showing
+how the carriers of public power figured in the eyes
+of the various groups within and without the culture.</p>
+
+<p>This profusion of types in the popular firmament of politics
+is supplemented by the types which have been isolated
+by serious students of culture, who have sought to impose
+order upon the life of the past. Among the political forms
+which have been described by the historians, the “benevolent
+despot” of the eighteenth century, the “demagogue” of
+Athenian democracy, the “prince” of the Italian Renaissance,
+and the “despot” of the oriental empires spring at
+once to mind. The masterly sketch of the evolution of the
+public official with which Max Weber&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_8_8" href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> has enriched social
+science is, it is to be hoped, the forerunner of many elaborate
+studies. The traits and arts of political leaders have
+been most systematically handled by Aristotle, Machiavelli,
+Robert Michels, Christensen, and Charles E. Merriam.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_9_9" href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p>
+
+<p>These typologies, whether popular or scientific, possess
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span>several features in common. They may converge to what
+is practically the same picture. When W. B. Munro described
+the “reformer,” he filled out the popular image
+which arose in the American mind at a certain phase of
+American political evolution.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_10_10" href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> Practically every scientific
+conception is a refinement and generalization of some term
+in general circulation, though with local connotations.</p>
+
+<p>The scientific and the popular typologies may include
+the same kinds of fact as their starting-points. The fact of
+supposed political conviction gave rise to the “liberal,” but
+it is a far cry from the rather shadowy lines of the popular
+image to the finely wrought lineaments of Ruggiero.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_11_11" href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> The
+means employed in encompassing political objectives christen
+the “lobbyist,” “propagandist,” and “agitator.” The
+idea that private motives are not merged in public motives
+is carried in “renegade,” “sorehead,” and “tyrant.” The
+idea that private motives have been firmly fused into public
+purposes is one connotation of the “martyr.” The fact
+of informal ascendancy is celebrated in the “boss.” In the
+“bureaucrat” it is implied that the office has molded the
+man, and that the office tends to attract those especially
+likely to develop such qualities. The Western European
+idea of a judge almost necessarily refers to a functionary
+who carries certain paraphernalia and proceeds with ceremony.
+The leanness of the “fanatical agitator” figured in
+the popular mind long before Kretschmer gave it his scientific
+blessing.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_12_12" href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p>
+
+<p>Both popular and scientific conceptions range from the
+particular to the general. The British “election agent” is
+closely bound to a recent, special social setting. The “leader”
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span>keeps a stable nucleus of meaning for the description
+of a social rôle among widely separated peoples in widely
+separated periods.</p>
+
+<p>Popular and scientific conceptions are at one in that they
+may present developmental and not merely descriptive implications.
+The notion of a lean and bitter agitator is not
+entirely a static, cross-sectional description of a fortuitous
+juxtaposition of traits, but a hypothesis that bodily irritations
+operate dynamically to foster the selection of forms
+of activity which enable the individual to give rather free
+vent to his animosities.</p>
+
+<p>Both popular and scientific types may be taken as objects
+of study to determine the factors in their formation. The
+popular idea of a “reformer” in America bears a certain
+photographic resemblance to actual personalities who figured
+as public advocates of restrictive laws. It is possible
+to study the process by which the stereotype of the lean
+and spinsterly kill-joy arose, and to see why it persisted.
+Every body politic has its gallery of political mummers,
+and political history needs to be rewritten to explain the
+unique and the typical qualities of these popularly conceived
+rôles. Stuart A. Rice has developed a technique for
+the identification of contemporary stereotypes of this kind.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_13_13" href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>
+Rice took photographs of a senator, a bolshevik, and a bootlegger,
+and after obliterating the names asked various test
+groups to tell what designation best fitted each picture. By
+examining the erroneous identifications, it became possible
+to detect the mental pattern popularly associated with the
+class name.</p>
+
+<p>An interesting contribution to social science would be the
+detailed examination of the factors affecting the rise and
+fall of those political typologies which have been seriously
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span>proposed by scholars. The exaggerated picture of the omnipotent
+leader drawn by Carlyle no doubt had something
+to do with Carlyle’s sexual impotence and his compensatory
+idealization of the potent; but the popularity which
+this exaggeration enjoyed among certain classes of English
+society was due to the dislocation of older economic institutions
+and the rise of threatening collective ideologies. The
+new business enterpriser felt the intoxicating vanity of the
+self-made man, and the decayed landlords felt the necessity
+of individualistic protests against the age of cities and machines.</p>
+
+<p>Suppose we examine in more detail the intellectual structure
+of scientific political types. This requires special attention
+to the two terms involved, the “political” and the
+“types.” Two ways of defining the “political” are current
+in social science. I will speak of them as the “institutional”
+and the “functional” methods of definition. Within any
+community there are many patterns of activity whose form
+and whose magnitude may be singled out for study. There
+is the production and distribution of material goods and
+services; the main patterns by which these operations proceed
+can be called the economic institutions of the community.
+There is the settlement of disputes, and the
+defense and extension of interests which are believed to be
+collective; these are the political or governmental institutions
+of the community. In the same way religious, charitable,
+and a host of other institutions may be discerned.</p>
+
+<p>These institutionally derived categories fall short of
+clarity and comprehensiveness. Some social processes occur
+within the framework of every institutional process.
+Thus the settlement of disputes is a prominent characteristic
+of government as we know it; but it is not, and never
+has been, and cannot by the nature of things be, a monopoly
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span>of government when government is defined as an institutional
+division of social labor. No institution ever quite
+monopolizes the function which it most distinctively exercises.
+But this need not lead to confusion. When the settlement
+of disputes is a prominent function of one group in
+society, and there is no other group which participates in
+the same function in the same degree, there is no hesitation
+in deciding to call the first group the “governors” and to
+call the patterns according to which they are selected and
+operate the “political or governmental” institutions of the
+community. If there is a rival adjuster of differences, the
+distinction is by no means clear, as when the “church,”
+“business,” and the “state” are rivals. Perhaps the governors
+can be identified by finding who it is who handles
+the coercion employed in defending or extending communal
+enterprises, though this criterion may from time to time
+fail to differentiate. But, on the whole, these doubts are
+marginal doubts. Ordinarily it is possible to find a division
+of labor and a set of sentiments which can be called
+the “government of the state.” The marginal instances call
+attention to the fact to which allusion has been made, the
+fact that no “institutional” process quite monopolizes the
+function which it most distinctively exercises. It is therefore
+advisable to describe communal processes by two sets
+of terms, one of which refers to “institutions” and the other
+to “functions” which are found within the various institutional
+frameworks. Much of the literature of social science
+consists in terminological quibbles about the “proper”
+words to use in this institutional or functional sense, often
+without appreciating the essential nature of the matter at
+issue. It is, of course, of the highest importance to understand
+the difference, and of minor importance to agree
+upon the words with which to describe the distinction.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span></p>
+
+<p>From what has been said, it is clear that a word like
+“political” may be given an “institutional” or a “functional”
+meaning in a particular context, and that—and this is
+the most important consequence—any contribution to the
+understanding of the “institutional” process is a contribution
+to the understanding of the wider “functional” process,
+and the reverse. In this resides the unity of the social sciences.
+The apparent disunity arises from the differences in
+starting-point of particular inquiries. One begins with a
+series of phenomena which are selected from a single institutional
+process, and another begins with a series of phenomena
+which are selected from several institutional processes
+according to some functional conception.</p>
+
+<p>This unity of destination and disunity of starting-point
+is abundantly manifested in the scientific study of human
+behavior. The specialist on some phase of the political
+process, institutionally conceived, who is asked to classify
+the types of political behavior, devises his categories on the
+basis of the institutional processes which he knew best.
+It would be possible, were it worth the effort, to pass in
+review the typologies which have been propounded from
+time to time by specialists in executive organization, public
+administration, judicial administration, legislation,
+political parties, propaganda and conspirative organizations,
+political revolution, nationalism, imperialism, interstate
+methods of adjustment (war, diplomacy, conference,
+adjudication, mediation, arbitration), and all the other
+topics in political science.</p>
+
+<p>At first glance, the functional method of defining political
+types would seem to lead to even greater congeries
+of categories than the institutional method. From the functional
+standpoint politics is found wherever, to use the
+older terminology, “wills” are in conflict. This implies that
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span>intensely political manifestations in society are not confined
+to government officials and parties, but to banking
+houses, manufacturing enterprises, distributing services,
+ecclesiastical organizations, fraternal associations, and professional
+societies. It is probable that the most aggressive,
+power-lusting individuals in modern society find their way
+into business, and stay out of the legislature, the courts,
+the civil service, and the diplomatic service. If this be true,
+the student of political personalities will find the most interesting
+objects of study in J. P. Morgan and Company,
+in the United States Steel Corporation, and among the
+clerical or educational or medical politicians.</p>
+
+<p>It follows from what has been said that the study of
+politicians who are chosen from a single institutional process
+makes a contribution to the general study of politicians
+in every institutional process, and that the conscious abstraction
+of categories until they are comprehensive opens
+a wider range of exact comparison. This may eventuate
+in an actual simplification of some fundamental conceptions.
+Of course, institutional processes differ in the scope
+which they give to certain human drives. Today the church
+offers less opportunity for the use of physical violence than
+it did in the sixteenth century, and very much less opportunity
+than the police force, the private detective agency,
+or the political gang.</p>
+
+<p>The advantages of comprehensiveness and possible simplification
+have been sacrificed by the political scientists of
+the schools because they have conceived their task in too
+narrow a spirit. They have been slow in studying the manifestations
+of human nature in politics because they have
+been saturated with sectarian pride in legal and philosophical
+distinctions; or they have checked their theories with
+their coats, and plunged into technical work. A body of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span>theory which interacts fruitfully with philosophy, law, and
+technology is still very poorly developed. The formal sociological
+systems have been sacked for “premises” but
+neglected for hypotheses. (Witness the exploitation of the
+concept of “solidarity” in recent juridical theory.) The
+task of the hour is the development of a realistic analysis
+of the political in relation to the social process, and this
+depends upon the invention of abstract conceptions and
+upon the prosecution of empirical research. It is precisely
+this missing body of theory and practice which Graham
+Wallas undertook to supply in England and which Charles
+E. Merriam has been foremost in encouraging in the
+United States. It is the deficiency which led Catlin to propose
+to substitute what I would call the “functional” for
+the “institutional” definition of the field of political science.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_14_14" href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>
+This necessarily implies a new respect for the possibilities
+of using the ingenious suggestions to be found in
+the sociological systematists, a new curiosity about diverse
+ways of approaching events, and a new sympathy for parallels
+to institutional phenomena.</p>
+
+<p>Various obscurities can be removed if we generalize our
+terms from the narrowly institutional to the broadly functional
+plane. Terms like “statesman” and “despot” were
+minted of the metal of political experience in communities
+where the high road to power was governmental. It is true
+that in Athens it was difficult to draw very sharp lines between
+governmental and other forms of communal activity,
+on account of the intimate interlacing of all institutional
+processes. Nevertheless, terms like “statesman” and “despot”
+came to refer to forms of political activity in a narrowly
+institutional sense, and such is their connotation
+today.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span></p>
+
+<p>But this connotation requires generalization and revision.
+The road to power in our civilization is by no means
+an exclusively governmental highway, for technical implements
+have scattered authority and created an industrial
+feudality. The directors of large corporations have to
+make decisions which are far more important for the daily
+happiness of mankind than most of the decisions of governments.
+Since government is so largely the agent of
+corporations, the government is hardly master in its own
+house.</p>
+
+<p>The concept of the statesman has long carried the implication
+that anyone who exercises social power outside the
+government is in hot pursuit of an exclusively private advantage.
+Is this any longer tenable? Is there not such a
+thing as the “institutionalization of business” which arises
+when a given enterprise plans to operate indefinitely and
+is thus forced to calculate its interests over long periods of
+time? One of the major elements in this calculation is the
+necessity of taking precautions against a withdrawal of
+favor on the part of the community at large. This is the
+core of the political way of thinking, and assimilates the
+policy of aggregations of private power to that of the state
+which is guided by statesmen. It is timely, therefore, to
+disentangle the concept of statesmanship from its historical
+association with a single institution.</p>
+
+<p>Some of the many senses in which the “politician” is
+used may be disposed of by drawing a clean distinction between
+the “business man” and the “politician.” The business
+man may be defined as one who pursues a private advantage
+with little regard for conceptions of public right.
+The politician, in the here-selected “best” sense of the
+word, uses persuasion on behalf of his conception of public
+right. The politician pursues a genuine integration of interests
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span>in the community; the business man is satisfied with
+a compromise among competing private interests. The importance
+to political theory of the distinction between integration
+and compromise has quite properly been stressed
+by Mary L. Follett.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_15_15" href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> An integration of interests is the solution
+of a conflict in such a way that neither “party” recognizes
+that so much has been won and so much has been lost
+in the outcome. It represents a reinterpretation of the situation
+in a sense which renders the old line of battle, the
+older definition of interest, irrelevant. It is illustrated
+when a wage controversy is disposed of by the decision to
+try to divide the advantages of economies in production
+which may be brought about through new co-operative procedures.
+The essence of the contrast between integration
+and compromise is that between a synthesis and a trade.
+The politician is a discoverer of inclusive advantages, and
+the business man is a higgler for special advantages.
+Whether, as Adam Smith said, an invisible hand shapes a
+social synthesis from the general pursuit of private profit,
+we do not have to decide upon here. The contrast is between
+the conscious objectives of the individuals concerned.
+It should be observed that politicians are not limited to
+government and that business men are not limited to private
+ventures. The “boss” is one form of the business man
+in government; the director of a large private concern may
+be a politician in the sense used here.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_16_16" href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p>
+
+<p>Having drawn a necessary distinction between the institutional
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span>and the functional meaning of the “political,” we
+are in a position to discuss the “type” concept. A “type”
+is a relation, and we may classify types according to the
+relations chosen. Political types may be set up on a three-fold
+basis: by specifying a nuclear relation, a co-relation,
+and a developmental relation.</p>
+
+<p>What is meant by the choice of a nuclear relation may
+be illustrated by the concept of the <i>Machtmensch</i> as elaborated
+by Eduard Spranger in his <i>Lebensformen</i>. Spranger,
+the distinguished educational psychologist of the University
+of Berlin, has developed a morphology of personality
+on an original basis. Dilthey, it will be recalled,
+ushered in the modern era of typological inquiry in his
+famous address before the Berlin Academy of Science.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_17_17" href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>
+Dilthey selected forms of distinguished cultural activity
+and posited trait-constellations to fit. By the process of
+abstracting from many concrete fields of achievement, he
+finally built up his description of the sensual, heroic, and
+contemplative types. Most eminent political figures naturally
+fall in the second category. Spranger’s approach has
+much in common with that of Dilthey. He proceeds on the
+hypothesis that all possible valuational dispositions are
+shared by all men. By inspecting human culture, Spranger
+comes to the conclusion that six distinctive cultural fields
+have materialized six valuational dispositions in man. Thus
+the cultural activities having to do with wealth production
+correspond to the economic value tendency. Science corresponds
+to the theoretical, art to the aesthetic, religion to
+the religious, the state to the power tendency, and society
+to the love tendency. Spranger goes on to deduce the attributes
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span>of each personality in which one value tendency
+predominates, and traces out the implications for each
+field of activity of the predominance of this tendency. Thus
+the political man is the one whose principal value is the
+pursuit of power. The essence of power is understood to
+be the capacity, and usually the will, to impose one’s own
+values as permanent or transitory motives upon others.
+The political man in science tends to substitute rhetoric for
+truth and to use ideas as forces (in the sense of Fouillée).
+In economics the political man tends to reach his ends by
+diplomacy and negotiation, by intimidation or violence, or
+by other political means. In art the political motive leads
+to efforts to impress by flamboyant decorative display. In
+social life the political motive, with its forcible urge toward
+self-aggrandizement, must usually disguise itself in
+fostering the interests of some collectivity. The god of
+the political man in religion is a god of might who requires
+mighty men to serve him.</p>
+
+<p>In developing his image of the <i>homo politicus</i>, Spranger
+is fully aware that his “pure” type seldom exists. The
+bold, frank aggrandizement of self is rarely tolerated in
+society, for “the greatest power manifests itself as collective
+power,” and the man who cherishes power must achieve
+some measure of socialization or he is outlawed. Although
+in principle no warm-hearted lover of his fellow-men, he
+must keep his contempt to himself or feign expansive sentiments
+of group loyalty. Indeed, self-deception is perhaps
+the rule, for the political personality with a strong artistic
+component possesses a florid imagination which dramatizes
+his personal history and subordinates all reality to ambitious
+plans. It seems to me that Spranger does not sufficiently
+stress this aspect of the political man, this large
+capacity for playing the impostor upon himself and others.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span></p>
+
+<p>The gist of Spranger’s generalization of the political man
+is schematically expressible in terms of desire-method-success.
+The political man desires to control the motives of
+others; his method may vary from violence to wheedling;
+his success in securing recognition in some community must
+be tangible. These are the nuclear relations which are essential
+to the type definition.</p>
+
+<p>Naturally there are a number of necessary annotations
+to be made on this formula. Sometimes the man with a
+thirst for power is unable to indulge and quench his thirst,
+for his physical and social equipment may be too meager.
+And how are we to appraise results? <i>Wer regiert denn?</i>
+Power over others is partially exercised by every living
+being; but in any hierarchy of the powerful, some are on
+the lowest tier, if current social criteria be applied. The
+bedridden, complaining wreck may be of no significance
+except as a burden upon the care of a single nurse. Accepting
+the current values of society, such an individual
+would be on the very bottom of the heap. And yet, as Alfred
+Adler has so often insisted as to make the point
+peculiarly his own, the hysteric may use his symptoms to
+win a high degree of submission from his immediate environment,
+and this may be all that he cares about. And
+some of those who give up the visible struggle for social
+influence may retire to distil their bile into poisoned darts
+against the pursuit of external pomp, and secure reputation
+and eminence by embodying the results in sparkling
+rhetoric.</p>
+
+<p>The man who runs his village may become more acutely
+aware that he does not run the county; and when he runs
+the county, that he does not run the province; and so on
+up the ladder. His appurtenances of power may be deferred
+to by those about him, yet his own soul may smart
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span>with the shackles of a larger slavery. Thus, Spranger is
+right in saying that, when one succeeds in penetrating the
+psychology of the search for power, it becomes comprehensible
+that he whose nature is bound up in the pursuit
+of authority is most keenly sensible to the limits of his own
+freedom, and consequently suffers so keenly from nothing
+else in life than his own subordination. Sensing this, the
+Stoics long ago contended that the essence of liberty is the
+self-sufficiency which makes no demands on others. Ascendancy
+involves dependence, a reciprocal relationship
+which has been exhaustively described by Simmel.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_18_18" href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> But
+there are some who combine easy success with indifference.
+These are no doubt recruited from among those who have
+natural suggestive power to certain groups—they possess
+the <i>charisma</i> of Max Weber.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_19_19" href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p>
+
+<p>Allowing for these annotations, the nucleus of Spranger’s
+thinking may be repeated. The <i>homo politicus</i> is characterized
+by the following relationship between desire,
+method, and success: desire to control the motives of others;
+methods varying from violence to wheedling; and success
+in securing communal recognition.</p>
+
+<p>Spranger’s subtle comments in elaborating this simple,
+central conception are among the most valuable in the
+literature of society. Starting from bold simplifications,
+he succeeds in formulating pictures which give richer
+meaning to the details of political life in all the institutional
+processes of culture. Of course the literature of
+political science is full of types which are described as
+Spranger has described the political man. Michels and
+Merriam have listed the qualities which they find in political
+leaders as a class. Conway has propounded his familiar
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span>trichotomy: crowd-compellers, crowd-exponents,
+and crowd-representatives. The possibility of defining
+types according to the reactionary, conservative, liberal, or
+radical nature of the opinions championed has often been
+discussed.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_20_20" href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p>
+
+<p>The scheme which will be employed in presenting case
+materials stresses the capacity of political personalities to
+play rôles which are either specialized or composite.
+Hobbes was a theorist and an agitating pamphleteer; he is
+scarcely thinkable as an agitating orator and organizer like
+Garrison. The “pure-type” agitator is represented by the
+Old Testament prophets. Bodin combined a memorable
+contribution to political theory with the arduous duties of
+a successful administrator. Masaryk won his spurs in
+philosophy, sociology, cultural history, agitation, and organization.
+Numberless are those who have shown excellent
+organizing ability but who have been innocent of theoretical
+interests or of agitating power. Some political assassins
+and tyrants have enjoyed the use of violence as a
+<i>ding an sich</i>. The central point in deciding where to place
+a political figure is to discover the form of activity which
+means the most to him, and to modify the classification
+according to his success in combining this with other rôles.
+Marx wanted to impress himself upon mankind, certainly;
+and he craved the skill of a Lassalle, who could step on the
+platform and dominate the turbulent emotions of the
+crowd. But more: Marx wanted unreserved admiration
+for the products of his mind. He toiled through years of
+isolation and poverty to make his assertions impregnable.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span>It was more important to attain theoretical completeness
+than to modify his technique of social intercourse. Lassalle
+was the composite leader who could woo an audience,
+organize activities all over Germany, write excellent books,
+and win a place for himself in many circles of life. Marx
+was the limited specialist who had to exact submission to
+the assertions of his mind, come what may.</p>
+
+<p>Table I brings out the distinction between specialized
+and composite types.</p>
+
+<h3>TABLE I<br>
+
+<span class="smcap">Political Rôles</span>
+</h3>
+
+<table>
+<tr>
+<td>
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+Administrator
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+Agitator
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+Theorist
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+<i>Specialized types</i>:
+</td><td>
+</td>
+<td>
+</td>
+<td>
+</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl lp">
+Hoover
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+*
+</td>
+<td>
+</td>
+<td>
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl lp">
+Old Testament prophets
+</td>
+<td>
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+*
+</td>
+<td>
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl lp">
+Marx
+</td>
+<td>
+</td>
+<td>
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+*
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+<i>Composite types</i>:
+</td><td>
+</td>
+<td>
+</td>
+<td>
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl lp">
+Cobden
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+*
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+*
+</td>
+<td>
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl lp">
+Bodin
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+*
+</td>
+<td>
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+*
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl lp">
+Lenin
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+*
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+*
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+*
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>Other combinations may be indicated. By adding a
+fourth column for those who resort to violence, the schematic
+possibilities are enlarged. Most theorists have been
+agitators in some measure, and it is often a matter of taste
+whether emphasis is to be placed on one or the other feature
+of their activity. Characteristically, the theorists have
+sought to appeal to the sentiments of their contemporaries
+by pamphleteering or by the direction of their speculative
+interests to immediate ends. Hobbes and Rousseau were
+shut off from oratory and organization, but no small part
+of their writing was intended to add fuel to the flames
+around them. Such men as Tom Paine are able to strike
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span>off excellent formulations of political theory in the heat
+of the fray.</p>
+
+<p>So far we have been discussing types which are distinguished
+according to some nuclear relation among a few
+variables. The characteristic mode of elaborating such a
+type is to imagine a host of situations in which the type
+may be found, and to describe the resulting picture. This
+is the elaboration of the preliminary sketch on the basis of
+sophisticated experience with social life. For these impressionist
+methods it is possible to substitute a more
+formal procedure. Having chosen a central primary relation,
+is it possible to find, by reference to specific instances,
+the relative frequency with which other traits are associated
+with the nuclear ones. The starting-point may be
+either institutional or functional, of course: those who are
+“judges,” “legislators,” or “bosses” may be investigated,
+or those who are “statesmen,” “conciliators,” or “administrators.”
+We have already had occasion to stress the
+point that institutional definitions and functional definitions
+do not precisely coincide, although either is a valid
+point of departure for research.</p>
+
+<p>The result of the formal procedure outlined is to define
+“co-relational” (correlational) types. A recent monograph
+by Fritz Giese may be used to illustrate the possibilities.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_21_21" href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>
+This is a statistical treatment of the data available in the
+German <i>Who’s Who</i> of 1914. After Giese had eliminated
+those who were included on account of their hereditary
+position only, he had over ten thousand names left. He
+then distinguished thirty-three varieties of activity, which
+were grouped into the five major categories of art, social
+science, physical science, technology, and practical life.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[56]</span>He also classified his subjects into those who were honored
+because of high-grade but essentially routine professional
+accomplishment, those who enriched their field of activity
+by some creative contribution, and those whose creativeness
+was unrestricted to their occupational field. The three
+types were the skilful, the productive, and the freely creative.
+Since the individual is not confined to one field of
+activity, the following scheme of connections was built up
+to show the relation between the person and the form of
+activity: (<i>a</i>) income source (the person regards a particular
+field as a “bread and butter” occupation); (<i>b</i>) successive
+activity field (the individual has deserted one field for
+another); (<i>c</i>) field of simultaneous double-production;
+(<i>d</i>) recreational activity. The relation of a person to a
+field of activity may show a splitting of his personality or
+a compensatory function. When a politician consciously
+decides to play golf or to collect pictures to relieve his
+mind from exclusive political preoccupations, he is realizing
+a compensatory value in this chosen field. When he
+finds himself impelled to try to live a double life of scientific
+investigation and political propaganda, he is exhibiting
+major, and contrasting, tendencies in his personality
+(splitting). Sometimes the tie between fields of activity
+which the same individual exploits is factual similarity,
+as when a politician becomes a literary man to the extent
+of writing the political history of a period. Sometimes the
+connection is a functional relationship, in that the same
+biopsychic dispositions are to be assumed to operate. Thus,
+business promotion and politics are intimately allied;
+sculpture and politics are not.</p>
+
+<p>Giese’s detailed analysis showed that those engaged in
+politics reveal the most heterogeneous affiliations and backgrounds.
+He raised the question whether it was proper to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[57]</span>think of a distinctive functional gift which would characterize
+all those in political positions. When compared with
+art, especially architecture, and engineering, the heterogeneity
+of the political population is very evident. Indeed,
+the manifold connections of politically active persons
+with other fields suggest that political life depends
+upon very widely dispersed capacities of human nature,
+as does teaching, history writing, and journalism. But
+there is one important exception which is clearly brought
+out by the figures. This was a group of politicians who
+rose from humble circumstances and devoted themselves
+assiduously to organization and agitation. They offer a
+sharp contrast to those for whom political life was a sport,
+hobby, or honorary distinction. For the organizing and
+agitating group we may postulate a functional disposition
+of some kind.</p>
+
+<p>The results show how the institutional approach to a
+problem may eventuate in the isolation of one group which
+very probably coincides closely with a functional group
+in other institutional activities. Some of the agitating and
+organizing people weren’t yet in politics at the time the
+1914 census was made, and some of them were so busy
+with private organizations that they never made the formal
+transition to politics in the institutional sense.</p>
+
+<p>Another conclusion which bears on the same point is
+Giese’s discovery that those who were freely creative in
+politics had much more in common with those who were
+freely creative in other fields than they had with those who
+were merely productive in their own. Giese’s method of
+classifying his freely creative group is too ambiguous to
+justify one in considering his conclusion of more than suggestive
+value, but it is possible that he has isolated a functionally
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span>homogeneous group which cuts across all institutional
+lines.</p>
+
+<p>Some of the studies of political personalities have carried
+the quantitative method far enough to substitute scales
+for rank orders at various points. Various reaction tests
+have been used in the hope of discovering constant differences
+among those who play different political rôles.
+Henry T. Moore undertook to decide whether there is such
+a thing as a temperamental predisposition toward conservatism
+or radicalism. He defined radicalism as “an attitude
+favorable to sweeping changes in social institutions, especially
+changes along lines opposed to class interest,” and
+classified the opinion expressions of students according to
+the degree of radicalism or conservatism indicated. He
+then applied a series of reaction tests to the students and
+reached the following conclusion:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Our evidence so far as it goes points to some innate basis of
+difference. This basis does not seem to be the level of general
+intelligence or of emotional stability, nor in any general superiority
+or inferiority in learning or attention, but in such specific
+factors as greater speed of reaction, ease of breaking habits, readiness
+to make snap judgments, and independence in the face of
+majority influence. The last of these differences is the one most
+clearly indicated.... If one man is by nature more keyed up
+for speed and flexibility, and the other is more designed for regularity
+of function, we can hardly expect that government of the
+hyperkinetic by the phlegmatic and for the phlegmatic can fail to
+develop periods of stress and strain.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_22_22" href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Floyd Allport classified students into typical and atypical
+members of the community, discovering whether they
+took up prevalent or minority positions on various political
+questions. He then applied a battery of tests to the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span>students and found that certain traits of the atypical
+(whether the opinions were “radical” or “conservative”)
+proved to be homogeneous. Thus, not only do the “extremes”
+meet, but also those who hold minority positions
+along a hypothetical continuum of opinion distribution.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_23_23" href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p>
+
+<p>W. H. Cowley, at the instigation of Charles E. Merriam
+and L. L. Thurstone, undertook to compare leaders in
+chosen situations. He used twenty-eight tests of such traits
+as aggressiveness, self-confidence, intelligence, emotional
+stability, and speed of reaction. While his tests were differentiating
+within the same group between leaders and
+followers, he reports that they did not distinguish between
+leaders as a class and followers as a class. He thus felt
+justified in denying that leadership is a universal trait of
+particular persons, and criticized efforts to itemize “traits
+of leadership.”&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_24_24" href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> Further applications of the blanket-test
+technique are under way.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_25_25" href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p>
+
+<p>Gilbert J. Rich opened out a new field of investigation
+when he studied certain complex physiological and biochemical
+variables among leaders and followers. He
+measured the hydrogen-ion concentration of the saliva, the
+acidity of the urine, alkali reserve of the blood, and creatinine
+excretion of the urine. The least excitable subjects
+showed the most acid saliva and the most acid urine. The
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span>rating of the subjects was open to criticism, and was obviously
+much less refined than the biochemical techniques
+employed.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_26_26" href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p>
+
+<p>The types which we have just been considering show
+more than a cross-sectional picture of the adult personality.
+They have made the transition from itemizing the
+instantaneous pictures to the selection of features of the
+immediate picture which show how the type has come to
+be. They are thus more than co-relational types; they
+have made some progress toward developmental types.
+When Giese found the group of political personalities of
+humble origin and persistent organizing and agitating
+activity, he postulated a common dynamic of development,
+a homogeneous functional disposition toward this sort of
+thing. Moore wanted to extricate the formative influence
+of temperamental reactive sets, and the other investigators
+have likewise sought to ascertain developmental factors in
+the production of the adult picture of traits and interests.</p>
+
+<p>Almost every nuclear and co-relational type carries
+developmental implications. The terms which are used to
+characterize motives have dynamic, genetic, formative
+coronas of meaning which, vaguely though they may be
+sketched, are emphatically present. When Michels says
+that a “Catonian strength of conviction” is one mark of the
+political leader, it is implied that if one pushed his inquiry
+into the adolescence, childhood, and even infancy of the
+individual that this ruling characteristic would be visible.
+Of course, Michels does not himself develop these implications;
+it is doubtful if he has tried to find the early
+analogues of the trait which he called “Cantonian strength
+of conviction” on the adult level. But the dynamic penumbra
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span>of the term can lead empirical investigators to scrutinize
+the behavior of children from a new point of view.
+Many of the terms which are used to describe adult traits
+are no doubt unpredictable from the less differentiated
+traits of infancy, childhood, and youth. But the growth
+of full-blown developmental types requires the sifting and
+refinement of terms until they are adequate to the description
+of sequences of growth. Developmental types will
+describe a set of terminal, adult reactions, and relate them
+to those critical experiences in the antecedent life of the
+individual which dispose him to set up such a mode of
+dealing with the world. Developmental types will not
+only include the subjective account of the history of the
+personality but will embrace the objective factors which
+were co-operating to produce the patterns described.</p>
+
+<p>The notion of a developmental type may be illustrated
+by examining the place which is assigned to the political
+man in the chief modern characterological systems. Hans
+Apfelbach has used five dimensions for the description
+of characters. Each one is described as a gamut between
+two polar opposites, and a sixth pair of polar opposites
+is introduced into the system. The scheme is indicated in
+Table II.</p>
+
+<p>This gives a formal range of sixty-four types of character
+formation without allowing for subtle variations in
+quantity. The first combination which Apfelbach specifies
+is, symbolically, ABCDEF. This is a very masculine,
+sadistic, hyperemotional, moral, intellectually keen, and
+upright character. Among men this is the type of the
+organizers, politicians, the great preachers, generals, dictators,
+and the like. Among women, this is the type of the
+organizer of every description, especially the political or
+patriotic enthusiast, like Joan of Arc. It should be observed
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span>that the terms “masculine” and “feminine” are
+not used in a mutually exclusive sense. Carrying on the
+tradition of Weininger and Fliess, these terms are employed
+to designate traits which may be present in different
+proportions in the same person.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_27_27" href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p>
+
+<h3>TABLE II</h3>
+
+<table>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdc">
+Dimension
+</td>
+<td class="tdc">
+Polar Elements
+</td>
+<td>
+</td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+Sexuality
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+Masculine
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+A
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+Feminine
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+a
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+Psychomotility
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+Psychosadistic
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+B
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+Psychomasochistic
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+b
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+Emotionality
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+Hyperemotional
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+C
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+Hypo-emotional
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+c
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+Morality
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+Moral
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+D
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+Immoral
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+d
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+Intellectuality (specialized)
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+Superior
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+E
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+Inferior
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+e
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+Accessory elements
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+Altruistic
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+F
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tdl">
+
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+Egotistic
+</td>
+<td class="tdl">
+f
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>The political man appears in Jung’s system at various
+intersections of his underlying scheme. The essential
+cleavage in Jung’s classification is between those whose
+psychic energy (libido) flows outward toward objects (extraversion)
+and those whose libido flows inward (introversion).
+The former enter into full affective relations
+with the world around; the latter are mainly focused on
+their private interpretations of experience. In addition
+to these fundamental dynamic relationships, Jung sub-classifies
+with reference to our fundamental psychological
+functions: thinking, feeling, sensation, intuition. These
+functions may operate against one another consciously or
+unconsciously. So, when thinking predominates in consciousness,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span>feeling is repressed; and the reverse. Intuition
+is understood to be a kind of instinctive comprehension,
+a function peculiarly dependent upon the unconscious.
+According to the predominance of one or another of these
+basic functions, Jung constructs four special types of extraversion
+and introversion.</p>
+
+<p>Certain conspicuous political types belong to Jung’s
+category of extraverted thinkers. These individuals try to
+bring their whole life-activity into relation with intellectual
+conclusions, which in the last resort are always oriented
+by objective data, whether objective facts or generally
+valid ideas. By his formula are good and evil measured:
+all is wrong that contradicts it, and all is right that corresponds
+to it; all is accidental that is neutral toward it.
+Just as the extraverted thinking type subordinates himself
+to his formula, he seeks to subordinate all others to it, as
+a manifestation of a universal inspiration. His moral code
+forbids him to tolerate exceptions, and he would bend
+all to suit the scheme. “One really should” or “one must”
+figure largely in his program. If the formula is wide
+enough, Jung remarks that the extraverted thinker may
+figure as a reformer, a ventilator of public wrongs, and a
+propagandist. But the more rigid his formula, the more
+likely he is to grow into a grumbler, a crafty reasoner,
+and a self-righteous critic.</p>
+
+<p>Many politicians answer to the general description which
+Jung gives of the extraverted, intuitive type. The intuitive
+is unattracted by the established values; he is drawn to
+the possible rather than to the actual. He seizes hold of
+new objects and ways of doing things with eager intensity,
+only to abandon them cold-bloodedly, when their implications
+become obvious. The irresistible magnet of the rising
+sun fires his imagination and guides his activity. For the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span>risen sun and the setting sun there is no enthusiasm, no
+special hostility, only indifference. Here is the facile promoter,
+who senses the dawning future and speeds from
+project to project, bored with routine and detail after
+projects have been accepted and the blueprints finished.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_28_28" href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p>
+
+<p>The types of Apfelbach and Jung are based upon a small
+number of reactive mechanisms which are supposed to
+influence in different degree the growth of the personality.
+These “mechanism” types may contain many useful leads,
+but the methodological problem in isolating these hypothetical
+mechanisms is unsettled. A “stable” reaction
+in adulthood may be far from stable when viewed at successive
+growth periods. These “mechanism” types seem
+to encourage endless classificatory ventures at the expense
+of detailed reporting of life-histories. For reasons which
+have been set forth, subjective histories are of the greatest
+importance to social science; and any excessive interest in
+“mechanism” which minimizes the importance of elaborate
+individual records is to be deplored. Jung and Apfelbach
+say very little about the principal epochs of individual
+development, and distract attention from the career as a
+whole, as this career is structuralized in successive phases.</p>
+
+<p>Before outlining our developmental conception of the
+<i>homo politicus</i>, we return to the work of Freud, for his
+method has enabled him to keep close to the subjective sequence
+and to use classificatory terms in relation to the
+successive phases of impulse organization in the developing
+personality.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V">
+    CHAPTER V
+    <br>
+    THEORIES OF PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>It will be remembered that Freud’s search for signs of
+the traumatic situation led him to uncover the contemporaneous
+functioning of all sorts of unconscious motivations
+in both the diseased and the healthy personality. The quest
+led him farther. Freud felt impelled to set up a schematic
+representation of the typical genetic development of the
+human personality. This grew out of the comparative
+study of very thoroughly analyzed cases and was rooted
+in empirical observation. Freud has always kept close
+to his data; and no matter how far his imagination soared,
+actual clinical experience was the starting-place and the
+landing-field for the flight.</p>
+
+<p>The energy of a developed personality can be treated
+as dispersed in three directions: in the affirmative expression
+of socialized impulses, in unsocialized impulses, and
+in the maintenance of resistance charges against unsocialized
+impulses. The original forms of energy expression
+which are available to the infant are in many ways incompatible
+with the demands of human intercourse. The infant
+must surrender many primitive forms of gratification,
+if he is to be loved, and to avoid discomfort and pain. He
+must build up a self which represents the demands of
+society. The surrounding adults coerce and wheedle him
+into taking their commands for his own laws. The conscience
+is the introjected environment which imposes limitations
+upon the antisocial impulses. As the infant and
+child grows, he avoids conflicts with the environment by
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span>removing the locus of the conflict within himself, and plays
+nurse, mother, and father to himself. He learns to control
+his own excretions and to chasten his own murderous rages.
+He achieves individuality of emphasis by accepting the
+socialization of his major impulses.</p>
+
+<p>But this incorporation of the requirements of the social
+order into the personality does not proceed smoothly, nor
+does it abolish the primitive psychological structures which
+have been developed and apparently discarded at each
+step of the way toward adulthood. Much of the energy
+of the personality is spent in blocking the entry of the
+unadjusted impulses of the self into consciousness and
+into overt expression. Careful scrutiny of individual behavior
+over a twenty-four-hour period strikingly shows
+the extent to which the personality is controlled by very
+elementary psychological structures. Moments of fatigue,
+moments of deprivation, moments of irresponsible reverie,
+all betray the presence of tendencies which are unassimilated
+to the world of adult reality.</p>
+
+<p>Freud began to build up his conception of personality
+development by the gradual universalization of phenomena
+which he encountered in actual clinical work, and which he
+first described in relatively modest and restricted terms.
+He began his original psychological contributions by
+stressing the rôle of sexuality in the etiology of certain
+neuroses. He found that all sorts of pathological conditions
+and developmental abnormalities were apparently
+due to some shortcoming in sexual integration. This emphasis
+upon sexual adjustment as a necessary prerequisite
+of healthy adulthood met with so much opposition that
+Freud’s energies were taken up with defending and elaborating
+his position. Now the sexual function is essentially
+a species function and stresses the biological uniformities
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span>of man at the expense of individuality. A topic
+like “personality development” requires a comprehensive
+theory of individuality, and this Freud did not develop
+until the split with Adler, who insisted upon the rôle of a
+drive toward individualization and who denied that the
+much neglected “ego instincts” of Freud were enough
+to support a comprehensive theory.</p>
+
+<p>The story of Freud’s neurosis-sexuality-personality
+theories begins with his earliest independent psychological
+contributions. Many clinicians before Freud had been
+abundantly impressed by the frequency with which sexual
+troubles seemed to beget “nervous” troubles. In his hypnotic
+work, Freud was especially struck by the frequency
+with which specifically sexual episodes were involved in
+the pathogenic experiences. Freud now proceeded to generalize
+about the sexual element in neurosis, and announced
+that neurosis was a function of deviated sexual
+life.</p>
+
+<p>Freud armed in defense of his generalization with two
+new weapons. The first was his experience in letting his
+patients talk it out and in treating most of their productions
+as symbolic of something else. He acquired facility
+in interpreting what other people took literally as being
+a disguised representation of something else. So, when
+Freud was confronted with cases which were not manifestly
+sexual, he felt able to treat the non-sexual elements
+as symbolic representations of sexuality and to justify himself
+by claiming that his more intensive research procedure
+supplied him with the sustaining facts. Needless to say,
+those who had not themselves experienced the shift in
+standpoint which Freud had achieved were alienated by his
+seeming arbitrariness.</p>
+
+<p>Freud’s second reliance was on an inclusive theory of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span>sexuality. Undaunted by the ridicule heaped upon his
+sexual theory of the neurosis, he carried the war into
+enemy territory by extending the whole concept of sexuality
+backward from puberty through the life of the growing
+child to infancy.</p>
+
+<p>At first glance this might appear to be a cheap, dialectical
+trick to confound his critics by telling them that “sex”
+meant all the things they had called by other names.
+Freud’s <i>Three Contributions to Sexual Theory</i> was saved
+from being a rhetorical quibble by the virtuosity of his
+imagination and by the apparent definiteness of the connections
+which he traced between the various features of
+childhood development and the patterns of healthy and
+perverse adult sexuality. Careful analysis of biologically
+efficacious intercourse shows that it is a complex integration
+of many acts. It involves a partner of the opposite
+sex. Its essential feature is an increasing tension until the
+point of explosive release, followed by perfect relaxation.
+The male must be sadistic enough to run the risk of hurting
+the female by injecting the penis in the vagina. The
+participants must be willing to indulge in all sorts of preliminary
+play for the sake of heightening the critical tension,
+involving tongue, lips, nipples, and all the erogenous
+zones of the body.</p>
+
+<p>Comparing the details of this completed pattern of the
+unambiguously sexual act with the earlier activities of
+the infant and child, Freud drew a host of analogies.
+Children indulge in play in sexual postures, exhibit their
+sexual parts to one another, and take pleasure in sexual
+peeping; but Freud carried his analysis of the sexuality of
+children much farther. Child specialists had often remarked
+that the nursing male child frequently exhibits
+the phenomenon of an erect penis and a desire to suckle
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span>for some time after hunger contractions cease. The general
+pattern of the sequence hunger-nursing-peaceful relaxation
+follows the characteristic curve of the sexual act.
+Freud suggested that inspection of the nursing pattern reveals
+that the pleasure derived by the child goes far beyond
+immediate biological necessities. This excess gratification
+Freud treats as a primitive outcropping of the
+sexual instinct, which need not be supposed to appear
+suddenly with the maturation of the glandular apparatus,
+but may be thought of as growing like the usual biological
+process by integrating partial components into one complex
+synthesis.</p>
+
+<p>Sexual differentiation arises gradually, for at first distinctions
+of sex are not recognized by the child. The
+human animal is bisexual, a concept which Freud took
+over with some reservations from Wilhelm Fliess. Distinctions
+are achieved within the world of family experience.
+The child is attracted sexually toward the parent
+of the opposite sex but is too weak to compete for the
+loved object. Thus the father, who is too mighty to be
+killed and put out of the way, is copied by the son, who
+seeks to absorb his power into his own personality. The
+repression of the father-hostility, mother-love sentiments
+produces the Oedipus complex. The child achieves a socialized
+self by playing the rôle of the father in relation
+to his own impulses. The “latency period” arises from
+four to six, according to Freud, when the early sexual
+struggle against the father is given up. The fear of the
+father (the “castration complex”) leads to the passing of
+the Oedipus phase of growth.</p>
+
+<p>Now Freud specified a variety of difficulties which arise
+whenever there is failure to achieve successful integration
+of the partial components of the sexual instinct. He connected
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span>homosexuality, psychological frigidity and impotence,
+exhibitionism, sadism, masochism, voyeurism, and
+a variety of other abnormalities with definite failures in
+integration. Sometimes the individual becomes obsessed
+by ideas which have a disguised sexual meaning, and sometimes
+he indulges in physical symptoms which possess a
+similar unconscious significance. The first is an obsessional
+neurosis, and the second is hysteria.</p>
+
+<p>The stress which Freud laid upon the sexuality of the
+child, and upon socialization by intimidation, broke with
+revolutionary violence in a culture which swaddled its
+infants in sentimentality. The child of the poets was like
+this:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+  <div class="poetry">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <div class="verse indent4">Not in entire forgetfulness,</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">And not in utter nakedness,</div>
+      <div class="verse indent0">But trailing clouds of glory we do come</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">From God, who is our home:</div>
+      <div class="verse indent0">Heaven lies about us in our infancy!</div>
+      <div class="verse indent8">—<span class="smcap">William Wordsworth</span></div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="noindent">The child of the Freudians was like this:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The child, at one time or another in its life, is, in a sense, auto-erotic,
+narcissistic, exhibitionistic, inclined to play the rôle of
+“Jack the Peeper,” incestuous, patricidal, or matricidal, homosexual,
+fetichistic, masochistic and sadistic [G. V. Hamilton, <i>An
+Introduction to Objective Psychopathology</i>, p. 301].</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>As early as 1898 Freud had begun to elaborate the
+idea that sexuality begins at birth. But as late as 1900,
+when the <i>Interpretation of Dreams</i> appeared, he wrote in
+a footnote that “childhood knows nothing, as yet, of sexual
+desire.” With the elaboration of his sexual theory,
+Freud became less preoccupied in defending himself
+against his psychiatric colleagues than in perfecting defenses
+against his friends. Freud began to build up a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span>circle in 1903. Of the original group, Alfred Adler and
+Wilhelm Stekel were the two who were destined to achieve
+the most subsequent attention. By 1906 Ferenczi of Budapest
+and the Zürich contingent—the eminent Bleuler and
+his assistants—became cordial and interested. In 1908 a
+conference was held at Salzburg, and in 1909 G. Stanley
+Hall invited Freud to lecture at Clark University. In 1910
+an international society was organized at Nuremberg, and
+the institutionalization of the psychoanalytic trend was well
+launched.</p>
+
+<p>The first cleavage came about when Freud and Adler
+finally broke in 1911. In and out of season Adler stressed
+the “masculine protest,” the drive of the human being to
+master every situation in which he finds himself. The individual
+specializes in overcoming his short stature, his
+enuresis, his ugliness, and his other defects; his principal
+drive is to differentiate himself rather than to perform his
+species function.</p>
+
+<p>Adler represented several other currents of dissent from
+Freud. Freud had felt compelled to stress the antisocial
+drives of human nature, and Adler held a less Hobbesian
+view. The “social-feeling” component of human nature
+was accorded a place in the Adlerian system; and when the
+“socially useful” norms of individual adjustment were
+violated by the individual, “inferiority feelings” ensued.
+Therapy consisted in bringing this interpretation home to
+the maladapted person, leading him to relinquish his socially
+useless means of mastery and to allow his “social
+feelings” to express themselves more freely. Adler’s therapy
+showed that he represented a pedagogical-ethical reaction
+against Freud’s denial of the training function of
+the scientific analyst. Freud said repeatedly that the business
+of the analyst is to expose the patient to himself, and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span>to leave it to the patient to work out his particular modes
+of adaptation to reality. Adler wants to give the patient
+a general scheme of thinking and to let him have some
+practice in indulging the “social feelings” of his nature.</p>
+
+<p>Adler likewise represented a protest against the complexities
+of Freud’s style of thought. The distinction can
+be drawn best, perhaps, by saying that Freud proceeded
+from symptoms to meanings, and from meanings to other
+meanings, and from other meanings to conditions. The
+analysis consists in uncovering lifelong chains of meaning
+attached to particular objects. Janet never achieved this
+process, and Adler short-circuited it. Adler begins with
+the symptom and proceeds as directly as possible to the
+condition. His books abound in succinct characterizations
+of cases, and “symbolic” material is at a minimum. Employing
+his orienting principle, he directs attention to a
+sympathetic reconstruction of the social relationships of
+the patient and selects those problems which the individual
+has tried to master by antisocial or personally crippling
+devices. The “common-sense” simplicity of Adler’s observations
+commends his doctrines in circles which are repelled
+by the alien terminology and the elaborate interpretative
+machinery of Freud.</p>
+
+<p>Under the perpetual hammering of Adler, Freud undertook
+to expand upon his sketchy theory of the ego. At
+first Freud was inclined to say that Adler had nothing to
+add because he had himself spoken of the ego instincts as
+well as the sexual instincts. Such a solution was hardly
+satisfying, and the self did not find a suitable resting-place
+in Freud’s theoretical system until the rôle of narcissism
+(love of the self) was taken up and set forth at length.
+This “saved” the sexual theory, and it made the analysis
+of ego processes a problem of major interest to psychoanalysis.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span>Stress was laid upon the fact that when the individual’s
+libido flows outward toward objects, and when
+obstacles or deprivations are imposed upon this outward
+reaching, the libido turns back upon the self. This excessive
+libidinization of the self rendered subsequent adjustment
+to reality very difficult, and many personality
+deformations and formations are traceable to this developmental
+warp.</p>
+
+<p>The break between Freud and Jung in 1913 had less
+immediate importance for personality theory than the previous
+schism. Like Adler, Jung undertook to subordinate
+the rôle of sexuality; but Jung accomplished his purpose,
+less by postulating concurrent ego-instincts than by invoking
+an inclusive energy concept which would embrace
+sexuality, ego-drives, and many other accessory manifestations.
+Jung, paralleling Adler again, came to the rescue
+of human nature, postulating a moral trend in the unconscious.
+And Jung, like Adler, frankly advises and trains
+his patients. Jung’s two distinctive lines of innovation
+were concerned with dream interpretations and ethnological
+applications. Jung expanded dream interpretations for
+the sake of laying bare the “racial unconscious.” Using
+saga material and dream material, Jung undertook to
+deflate the claims of sexuality and to demonstrate the
+limited applicability of the Oedipus idea.</p>
+
+<p>Freud was assailed at a vital spot and rallied to defend
+himself in <i>Totem and Taboo</i>. He scored a point over Jung,
+who had relied on saga material, by drawing heavily on
+the ethnological summaries of Frazer in the <i>Golden Bough</i>
+to justify the universality of the Oedipus complex. This
+was Freud’s first contribution to systematic social theory,
+and will come up for consideration in that connection.
+From the standpoint of personality theory, perhaps the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span>most valuable passages are those which describe the infant’s
+overvaluation of thought—the “omnipotence of
+thought,” as it was phrased by a patient.</p>
+
+<p>Some years later Jung, now on his own for some time,
+devised his classification of personality types and vastly
+increased popular and technical interest in the subject.
+This in turn has stimulated the group around Freud to
+develop a formal psychoanalytic characterology. In this
+task they were assisted by some early communications of
+Freud, wherein he took note of some of the character types
+met with in his practice. This literature will be referred to
+in connection with the case histories which are to be discussed
+immediately.</p>
+
+<p>The other schisms between Freud and his pupils (involving
+Stekel and Rank) have been less significant for
+personality theory thus far, although Rank’s sociological
+interests may germinate now that he is away from the immediate
+presence of the master.</p>
+
+<p>Freud, who had obstinately clung to the phraseology of
+sex, rejecting every proposal for an overmastering set of
+terms which would carry less restricted connotations, executed
+a brilliant maneuver in 1926 and proposed to regard
+human activity as manifestations of two principles,
+the life and the death instincts. Life consists in accumulation
+and the release of tension; and, generalizing this
+phenomenon, we have the life and death drives.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_29_29" href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p>
+
+<p>Suppose we put aside further exposition of the analytical
+personality theories, and in the light of these conceptions
+set up a general formula which describes the developmental
+history of the political man. The most general
+formula would employ three terms. The first component,
+<i>p</i>, stands for the private motives of the individual as they
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span>are nurtured and organized in relation to the family constellation
+and the early self. We shall have occasion to
+see that primitive psychological structures continue to
+function within the personality long after the epochs of
+infancy and childhood have been chronologically left behind.
+The prominence of hate in politics suggests that we
+may find that the most important private motive is a repressed
+and powerful hatred of authority, a hatred which
+has come to partial expression and repression in relation
+to the father, at least in patrilineal society, where the male
+combines the function of biological progenitor and sociological
+father.</p>
+
+<p>The second term, <i>d</i>, in such a formula describes the
+displacement of private motives from family objects to
+public objects. The repressed father-hatred may be turned
+against kings or capitalists, which are social objects playing
+a rôle before and within the community. Harmonious
+relations with the father of the family may actually depend
+upon the successful deflection of hatred from private
+to public objects.</p>
+
+<p>The third symbol, <i>r</i>, signifies the rationalization of the
+displacement in terms of public interests. The merciless
+exploitation of the toolless proletariat by the capitalists
+may be the rational justification of the attitude taken up
+by the individual toward capitalism.</p>
+
+<p>The most general formula which expresses the developmental
+facts about the fully developed political man reads
+thus:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+  <i>p</i> <span class="bracket">}</span> <i>d</i> <span class="bracket">}</span> <i>r</i> = <i>P</i>,
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="noindent">where <i>p</i> equals private motives; <i>d</i> equals displacement onto
+a public object; <i>r</i> equals rationalization in terms of public
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[76]</span>interest; <i>P</i> equals the political man; and&nbsp;<span class="bracket">}</span> equals transformed
+into.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>p</i> is shared by the political man with every human
+being. Differentiation rises first in the displacement of
+affects on to public objects, and in the molding of the life
+in such a way as to give an opportunity for the expression
+of these affects. The non-political man may feel himself
+aggrieved against a brother and against every fellow-worker
+with whom he comes in contact. His mind may be
+taken up with personal fantasies of love or hate for specific
+people, and his ideological world (his attitudes toward
+the state, the church, the destiny of man) may be
+very poorly elaborated. He is a fly in the meshes of his
+immediate environment, and his struggles are fought in
+terms of the world of face-to-face reality. When such a
+man displaces his affects upon a person who happens to be
+a public object, this does not make him a political man.
+Impulsively killing a king who happens to insult one’s
+sister does not make a politician of the regicide; there
+must be a secondary elaboration of the displacement in
+terms of general interest. It is the rationalization which
+finally transmutes the operation from the plane of private
+to the plane of public acts. Indeed, the private motives
+may be entirely lost from the consciousness of the political
+man, and he may succeed in achieving a high degree
+of objective validation for his point of view. In the
+“ideal” case this has gone so far that the private motives
+which led to the original commitment are of feeble current
+importance.</p>
+
+<p>Upon what does the displacement and the rationalization
+depend? No doubt the general answer is that the selection
+of certain public objects depends upon the “historical”
+accident of the patterns offered by the personal environment
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[77]</span>of the individual at critical phases of growth. It is
+safe to predict that more politicians rise from families
+with political traditions than without them. But this very
+broad conclusion requires no technique of intensive investigation
+of individual instances to support it. If the
+psychopathological approach to the individual is worth
+the trouble, it must disclose a variety of relatively novel
+circumstances which dispose individuals to adopt, reject,
+or modify the patterns of act and phrase which are offered
+in the environment. Provisionally, we may assume that
+the puberty phase of biological growth, which coincides
+with increasing social demands, may be the period in
+which the attitudes toward the invisible environment most
+rapidly crystallize.</p>
+
+<p>The details may be more hopefully dealt with if somewhat
+homogeneous groups of politicians are investigated
+for the purpose of bringing out significant differences in
+their developmental history. The agitators are the first
+to whom special attention will be paid.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI">
+    CHAPTER VI
+    <br>
+    POLITICAL AGITATORS
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>The essential mark of the agitator is the high value
+which he places on the emotional response of the public.
+Whether he attacks or defends social institutions is a secondary
+matter. The agitator has come by his name honestly,
+for he is enough agitated about public policy to
+communicate his excitement to those about him. He idealizes
+the magnitude of the desirable social changes which
+are capable of being produced by a specific line of social
+action. From the standpoint of the administrative mind,
+we may say that an agitator is one who exaggerates the
+difference between one rather desirable social policy and
+another, much as the lover, according to Shaw, is one who
+grossly exaggerates the difference between one woman and
+another. Whether agitators behave like physicians or surgeons,
+as Munro would have it, they are united in expecting
+much good to come from single acts of innovation.
+The agitator easily infers that he who disagrees with him
+is in communion with the devil, and that opponents show
+bad faith or timidity. Agitators are notoriously contentious
+and undisciplined; many reforming ships are
+manned by mutineers. The agitator is willing to subordinate
+personal considerations to the superior claims of
+principle. Children may suffer while father and mother
+battle for the “cause.” But the righteous will not cleave to
+their families when the field is ripe for the harvest. Ever
+on the alert for pernicious intrusions of private interest
+into public affairs, the agitator sees “unworthy” motives
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[79]</span>where others see the just claims of friendship. Believing
+in direct, emotional responses from the public, the agitator
+trusts in mass appeals and general principles. Many of
+his kind live to shout and write. Their consciences trouble
+them unless they have periodic orgies of moral fervor.
+Relying upon the magic of rhetoric, they conjure away
+obstacles with the ritualistic repetition of principles. They
+become frustrated and confused in the tangled mass of
+technical detail upon which successful administration depends.
+Agitators of the “pure” type, when landed in
+responsible posts, long to desert the official swivel for the
+roving freedom of the platform and the press. They glorify
+men of outspoken zeal, men who harry the dragons
+and stir the public conscience by exhortation, reiteration,
+and vituperation.</p>
+
+<p>The first life-history to be excerpted here is that of
+Mr. A. This is no “institutional” case. Mr. A is aware
+of no mental pathology, and has never consulted a neurologist,
+psychiatrist, or “nerve doctor.” He is one of those
+who at first reluctantly, then whole-heartedly, allowed
+himself to be studied with the same thoroughness, intimacy,
+and detachment with which an obviously unstable person
+would be scrutinized. Mr. A at once saw the advantage for
+the progress of science of an accumulation of life-histories
+taken from men who regard themselves as perfectly normal,
+since so much of our case material is from the ill.</p>
+
+<p>A’s claim to a place among the agitators is not open to
+question. He was compelled to resign his position when
+the United States went into the World War on account of
+the tenacity with which he argued the pacifist position. He
+had previously run for Congress on the socialist ticket. Suspected
+of unorthodoxy in the theological school, he steadily
+became more radical in his views, and was expelled
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[80]</span>from one denomination. Previously he had been the secretary
+and principal spokesman for a civic reform organization
+which had vigorously attacked corruption in municipal
+affairs. He gradually became convinced that “white
+collar reforms” were futile as long as the capitalistic system
+prevailed in this country, and presently threw his
+energy into the propaganda of labor organization and socialism.</p>
+
+<p>A leading characteristic as moralist, socialist, and pacifist
+has been his truculence in public on behalf of his
+cause. Mr. A speaks rapidly, with great fervor and earnestness,
+and his discourse is studded with abusive epithets,
+sarcastic jibes, and cutting insinuations. He confesses that
+he has taken an unmistakable pleasure in “rubbing the fur
+the wrong way.” He enjoyed nothing better than accepting
+invitations to lecture on social and economic subjects
+before conservative audiences, and scandalizing them by
+declaring that “organized business and organized crime
+are hard to distinguish from one another,” “corruption
+and capitalism are one and inseparable,” and “capitalism
+depends on markets, markets ultimately depend on force,
+and force means war.” Thus war was the logical result
+of the capitalistic system.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. A prides himself on his ability to cut holes in the
+logical fabric spun by conspicuous men. He has engaged
+prominent preachers of the gospel in correspondence,
+arguing that something in their writings leads logically
+to the conclusion that any war, not excepting the last one,
+is wrong, and that they should confess this openly, declaring
+their sorrow for having been infected with un-Christian
+war-hysteria.</p>
+
+<p>He believes that right reason is the hope of mankind,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[81]</span>and the name of science is exalted in his mind. He was
+glad to lay his own life-story on the altar of science, and
+in the name of science to endure the embarrassment of
+recalling private facts which most of us try to forget.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. A’s later convictions have been held with enough
+intensity to redefine many of his earlier opinions. Thus
+his pacifism brought him into sharp opposition to the government,
+which resented his expression of the truth as he
+understood it. Mr. A warmly champions the cause of the
+individual against official interference in matters of taste
+and conscience, and has modified his early enthusiasm for
+prohibition.</p>
+
+<p>Although censorious, accusatory, didactic, and defiant
+in public address, he is cordial and winning in those face-to-face
+situations where he is unaware of hostility. His
+eyes twinkle with good humor, and he is gentle, responsive,
+and anxious to impress. His speech and gestures are
+quick, and his manner is alert and often tense.</p>
+
+<p>A’s physique inclines toward the asthenic end of a hypothetical
+pyknic-asthenic scale, such as Wertheimer and
+Hesketh have constructed from Kretschmer’s observations
+on physical types.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_30_30" href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> He is noticeably lean, but strikes the
+impressionistic observer as being toward neither the tall
+nor the short end of the scale. The legs are somewhat
+longer than the length of the body warrants, and the bony
+structures of shoulder, hip, knee, and ankle are prominent.
+The thin face is rather delicately molded, and is
+given added dignity and distinction by a neat Van Dyke
+beard. The chest is flat, and the upper ribs fall inward.
+His erect carriage seems to be a compensation against a
+predilection toward a scholarly stoop. In middle and later
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[82]</span>middle life he has been bothered by gastro-intestinal disorders.</p>
+
+<p>The second son of an impecunious village parson, he
+grew up in straitened circumstances with a brother somewhat
+his senior. The mother died when A’s youngest sister
+was born, and the children were cared for by the father
+and a succession of elderly housekeepers who left faint
+memories behind them. A and his brother went to an old-fashioned
+ungraded school, entering at the same time in
+spite of their disparity in years, so the younger one would
+not be left alone in the house.</p>
+
+<p>From a very early age A had a certain sense of hostility
+toward his brother, and a feeling of his own superiority.
+For a reason that is not clear, the school children teased
+his brother as the preacher’s son, but left him alone. A
+was more agile than his brother, and climbed trees and
+wriggled into tight places with ease. He prided himself
+in doing things which his brother hesitated to try, and
+seems to have awed him somewhat, for he remembers having
+heard his brother tell another schoolboy to let A alone,
+“because when he gets mad, he can lick me.”</p>
+
+<p>The older boy was held responsible by the father for
+pranks which were really joint enterprises. On one representative
+occasion, the father left the house to make a
+call, ordering the boys to stay indoors. They decided to
+go out, and their father, who discovered footprints in the
+snow outside the door, gave the older boy a sound whipping,
+but let A off scot-free. The younger son was unquestionably
+the favorite, and his father would frequently
+chide the older boy for being a dullard, and point with
+pride to the ease with which A could get his lessons.</p>
+
+<p>Indeed, A got on famously at school. One of his teachers,
+who chanced to be a college man, told his father that
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[83]</span>A was brilliant and promising. A also remembers a glow
+of elation when a relative wrote to say that arrangements
+must be made for him to have a college education, since
+he had shown that he could be a worthy successor to his
+uncle. This uncle was a famous professor, who had written
+well-known philosophical books, and remained a great
+hero in the eyes of the family.</p>
+
+<p>The father slept in the same bed with his two sons
+until they were well along in the teens. For as long as he
+can remember, A found the touch of his father very pleasant,
+though the touch of his brother was repugnant. A’s
+strong hostility against his brother, based on their rivalry
+for the affections of the father, received a certain justification
+in the critical episode which occurred as his older
+brother, who matured early, approached puberty and began
+to have emissions. The preacher was horrified, for
+he took this as a sign of masturbation, and masturbation
+was sinful and dangerous.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_31_31" href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> When he thought that A was
+sound asleep, he would gravely lecture the older boy on
+the evil consequences of self-abuse. Sometimes the son
+would wake up in the morning and discover that an emission
+had taken place during the night. In a hushed and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[84]</span>contrite whisper he would say to his father, “I’ve gone
+and done it again!” at which the parent would exclaim
+reproachfully, “Oh!” The boy was presently taken to a
+physician who seems to have modified the excitement of
+the father and in some measure to have reassured the son
+that his manhood was not irreparably lost. Dark rumors
+about self-abuse were whispered through the village from
+time to time. The neighborhood idiot was supposed to
+have brought idiocy upon himself by self-abuse, and a
+bachelor in the village who went insane was supposed to
+have suffered from the same vice.</p>
+
+<p>A listened to the rumors and to the nocturnal dialogues
+between his father and elder brother, and gathered that
+ominous things were connected with handling one’s self.
+He felt ashamed of his brother, who brought so much
+suffering on his father, and silently determined never to be
+a disappointment to his father. The tag end of a biblical
+passage about bringing the gray hairs of his father to
+the grave in shame ran through his mind, and he resolved
+never to repeat his brother’s weaknesses.</p>
+
+<p>A’s older brother surprised everybody about this time
+by suddenly changing from a phlegmatic lad into a fervent
+religious enthusiast. He became converted under
+dramatic circumstances and joined the church, thus propitiating
+the unknown powers which might visit horrible
+punishment upon him for his private iniquities. In this
+he was running true to the adolescent pattern. Adolescence
+is notoriously the time when the temptations of the “flesh”
+multiply and when many youths, oppressed by their “animal”
+impulses, seek to escape from the burden of guilt
+by adopting the ceremonial patterns provided in the religious
+observances of society. Adolescence is so often a
+period of high ideals, which are typically reaction formations
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[85]</span>to “low desires,” that adolescence is the happy hunting
+ground for proselyters of every breed.</p>
+
+<p>When A’s own emissions began, he was terribly upset
+by worry and self-accusation. About fifteen he got an
+emission after a boy had fooled with his genitalia, thinking
+he was asleep. He was taut with sinful pleasure while
+the seduction was taking place, which added to his guilty
+feelings. This was the time when he, too, exhibited a
+fervent interest in the church. He quickly “overcame”
+masturbation, but until late in life there was always a
+“fight” to overcome his “wayward” impulses and his erotic
+imaginings. In his dreams he often saw roosters and hens
+performing sexual acts in the barnyard of his old home,
+and the reappearance of the old scenes is indicative of
+his early sexual curiosity. Many more of his dreams used
+common sexual language. Sometimes he was making his
+way across a valley of snakes, or he was naked and walking
+toward a goal he could never quite make out. The nude
+female figure was usually repressed, though it occasionally
+came through.</p>
+
+<p>He was taken off the farm, on which his father eked
+out a supplement to his meager salary, by an aunt, who
+insisted that the boy must have better school facilities.
+This aunt had always taken a great interest in this promising
+motherless nephew, and tried to fill his life with the
+affection which would have been his had his mother lived.
+As a small boy he had often come on short visits to his
+aunt. He had slept in the same bed with her, and his lively
+curiosity about the female figure was partly satisfied by
+glimpses of his aunt at the morning bath. The aunt had a
+family with all of whose members he was on good terms,
+and he was supremely happy to live in town with them.
+Out on the farm he had been undernourished, but here
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[86]</span>he was filled out and flourished. He took an active part in
+the church and in the social activities of the neighborhood.</p>
+
+<p>The early intellectual promise which A had displayed
+was no mere flash in the pan. He was one of the brilliant
+students in high school, and passed his college-entrance
+examinations with such distinction that he entered college
+with a mild intellectual halo. He resolved to make good
+scholastically, and this he did, finishing the four years at
+a first-rate institution at the top of his class.</p>
+
+<p>As time passed, he began to dissent from many of the
+dogmas of his immediate social environment. During high-school
+days he had been assigned to act the devil’s advocate
+and defend the free-trade side in a tariff debate. The more
+he read and thought about it, the more convinced he was
+that the free-trade position was sound. His relatives without
+exception were high-tariff Republicans, and his arguments
+were countered with sentimental rather than rational
+appeals. A’s conversion to free trade led him to come out
+for the Democratic candidate for the presidency. He remembers
+that the first time he announced this heresy one
+of his aunts violently pushed her chair away from the
+table, exclaiming in vexed, incredulous, and reproachful
+tones, “And to think that my own sister’s son could say
+such a thing!” His college course in biology converted
+him to evolution, and he argued this out at great length
+with one of his uncles, who was a traditionally minded
+preacher. A began to develop a feeling that intellectual
+brilliance meant dissenting from the convictions of middle-class
+people like his own relatives.</p>
+
+<p>So far his nonconformity was strictly confined to a few
+theories. He was a member of the prayer-meeting group
+in college, and his fraternity consisted mainly of embryo
+doctors of theology who scrupulously upheld a rigorous
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[87]</span>code of personal abstinence from alcohol, tobacco, strong
+language, and women. One of the young men who had the
+temerity to enter the house with a lighted cigarette had it
+gently but firmly removed from his lips. It was in college
+that A took part in his first law-enforcement drive. The
+state prohibition law was poorly observed, as A had good
+reason to know, since he had a collection route which took
+him to “drug stores” and other equivocal establishments
+about town. “Tea” was openly ordered at the bar and
+drunk on the premises. A conceived the idea of leaving
+posters in these places to advertise the law-enforcement
+meetings, thus creating something of a stir.</p>
+
+<p>Just before graduating from college A had a talk with
+a favorite professor. The professor asked him what he
+proposed to do, and was much interested when A said
+that he wanted to become a minister. The professor said
+that during his own active years in the pulpit, before he
+began to teach, he had learned at least one thing. Every
+man who was intellectually honest and independent would
+sooner or later discover that he questioned his own dogmas,
+and a period of bitter anguish would ensue. If a man were
+intellectually honest, he would never flinch from the truth,
+even for the sake of wife and family. But when the
+period of doubt arose he advised A not to abandon his
+work too abruptly. He had himself lived through six
+months of torture during which he had been on the verge
+of dropping everything and going into business. But
+finally he had arrived at a faith which he could defend,
+and stuck to it. “I would rather be drawn and quartered
+than preach anything I do not believe,” he declared emphatically.
+This conversation made a deep impression
+upon A, leading him to anticipate doubts as a mark of
+intellectual keenness and honesty.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[88]</span></p>
+
+<p>Thus far in his life he had never questioned the tenets
+of the strict and simple theology of his immediate surroundings.
+Indeed, he had never met anybody who questioned
+it. Only a single episode had slightly jarred his
+complacency and left a tiny scar behind. At one time
+his Sunday-school teacher had been a young professor of
+theology who was much more liberal than his contemporaries.
+A boy in the class had dared to ask something
+about the authority of the Bible, and the teacher, without
+the least trace of embarrassment, had replied that authority
+should not rest on blind faith but upon clear reason.
+“If the Bible told you to kill your father and your mother,
+you would not do it. You would not be bound to do it.
+The justification of the Bible is that its teachings prove
+to be sound in the experience of all reasonable men.”</p>
+
+<p>In the divinity school the first course which A attended
+was on the authority of the Bible. It was taught by a
+smug and full person of some eminence. A was accustomed
+to distinguish himself by bold opinions, and he
+undertook to challenge several of the propositions which
+were supposed to be accepted and repeated by rote. His
+main point was that authority rested on reason, not on
+faith. For his pains he got the reputation of being a smart
+and troublesome upstart of doubtful orthodoxy. His
+former Sunday-school teacher was a member of the faculty,
+and A wrote a thesis on the authority of the Bible,
+in which he elaborated the line of argument which had
+so much impressed him. Only the constant intercession
+of this professor kept A from being disciplined, or even
+expelled, at various times.</p>
+
+<p>The young man was disposed to take rigid theology
+none too seriously on account of his increasing disrespect
+for his father. A and his brother both felt duty bound
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[89]</span>to return home every summer to help with the farm work.
+Their father was happy enough to have them rejoin him,
+but matters never ran smoothly. The father was quick
+to reassert his parental authority and to criticize freely.
+Most of the unpleasantness was as usual at the expense of
+the older son, but some of it was deflected against A. Both
+sons were uncomfortably aware of the uncouthness of
+their father in comparison with city preachers. He laughed
+too boisterously at his own stale witticisms. His ever present
+dignity was a little ludicrous when he wore an alpaca
+coat into the fields on the hottest midsummer day.</p>
+
+<p>The social life at the divinity school was wholly satisfying.
+The students were warmly welcomed by the maidens
+of the local churches, and several became engaged.
+A proposed to two girls during his career there, and was
+turned down as often. He very quickly recovered his good
+spirits after a night or so of melancholy. The first girl
+was a relative whom he had known for many years, and
+the second was a close friend of the family. The double
+defeat was something of a bruise to his dignity and fed his
+determination to make a dent on the world.</p>
+
+<p>A’s first congregation was in one of the poorer quarters
+of a little city. A had no doubt of his towering intellectual
+superiority over his parishioners, and he found it exasperating
+when an uneducated housewife presumed to gossip
+about the dubious orthodoxy of his beliefs. At the end of
+three years he resigned in disgust at the peppering of
+criticism directed against his ideas. Looking back at the
+incident, he feels that he was too hasty.</p>
+
+<p>It was at this first charge that A began to make good
+copy for the press, and to win a reputation as a sensationalist.
+He organized a Law and Order League to harry criminals
+and the police. His pulpit rang with stinging philippics
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[90]</span>against law-breakers and cowardly public officials.
+All this gave him a zestful sense of making a stir in the
+world of real affairs, so that he turned down an offer to
+join the faculty of a famous university where his old
+Sunday-school teacher was now located.</p>
+
+<p>A’s new pastorate was among working people in a large
+city. He at once began to hound the officials for non-enforcement
+of the law. He led raiding parties to visit the
+biggest gambling hells and put it up to the police to shut
+them. Renewed criticisms began to appear of his opinions,
+and the governing body of his denomination asked him to
+recant or resign. He refused to budge, and he was soon
+expelled. He was immediately called to lecture before an
+ethical society, where his comments on current religious
+and social problems won a wide hearing. Although attracting
+much attention, the society was exceedingly poor
+and A spent a little legacy which he had received upon it,
+indifferent to his own future.</p>
+
+<p>During these exciting troubles he became a socialist and
+joined the socialist party. He had sympathized with the
+hard lot of the poor since he could remember, and had
+cast his vote for Bryan as a symbol of protest against the
+indifference of the privileged classes to the privileges of
+anyone but themselves. His favorite college professor had
+lost his job during the anarchist hysteria, when he came
+out against the “judicial murder” of the Haymarket suspects.
+A was profoundly moved by the spectacle of a man
+who backed his precepts of independence with sacrifice
+for their sake. The argument which finally won him for
+socialism was that political democracy is impossible until
+economic democracy is realized, and that socialism is simply
+democracy in industry. The principles of democratic
+brotherhood, once put to practice in the world of work,
+would soon govern public relationships of every kind.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[91]</span></p>
+
+<p>His new convictions opened to A a new field of agitation
+and publicity. Ignoring or overcoming the coolness
+of certain “horny-handed” elements, he rushed into the
+little band of socialists, and was presently the congressional
+candidate. In this campaign he conducted a whirlwind
+tour of the district and enjoyed himself immensely.</p>
+
+<p>A finally married a capable, motherly school-teacher
+whom he had known for several years, but whom he had
+been prevented from marrying until the death of her parents,
+who heartily disapproved of him. During his bachelor
+years in the ministry he had certain knowledge that
+various women were far from averse to becoming the
+preacher’s wife or mistress. One married woman became
+the foremost worker in the church and passionately assured
+him, “I am at your service day or night.” Another
+woman, whom he barely recognized, came to the pastor’s
+study, declaring that they must be married at once and
+“end this awful agony for both of us.” He had not been
+aware that any agony had begun, and was in no mood
+to begin it. He recognized that a wife would be a protection,
+but most of the women who threw themselves in his
+way were so homely that abstinence remained a pleasure
+as well as a principle.</p>
+
+<p>For many years there had lurked in his mind the fear
+that he might not be potent, and he was humiliated to find
+that he was at first unable to consummate the sexual act.
+Since he first attempted sexual intercourse when nearly
+fifty, and had practically never masturbated, his troubles
+were not atypical, and they fortunately proved to be transitory.
+He regretted having failed to consult a physician
+before marriage, and was not at ease until the first of his
+children came.</p>
+
+<p>Shortly after marrying, A came to the end of his financial
+resources, and found it necessary to relinquish his
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[92]</span>lecturing for other work until a suitable congregation
+should requisition his services. When a call finally came,
+the war broke out in Europe, and A denounced it with his
+customary ardor. He had read a book which popularized
+Prince Kropotkin’s thesis that mutual aid and not struggle
+is the key to the evolutionary process. War was irrational
+because it contravened the principle of mutual aid, and
+it was un-Christian because it set the hand of man against
+his brethren. As the hour of America’s participation drew
+nearer, A saw that his outspoken position would cause
+trouble. But he was accustomed to take a radical view
+and stick to it, and the idea of compromising his independence
+for the sake of family obligations was intolerable.
+His characteristic optimism also misled him into overestimating
+the amount of pacifism which his congregation
+would put up with, and soon he was forced to resign.</p>
+
+<p>A was left financially high and dry, and rather hoped
+that his wife would be willing to starve with him, if need
+be, as a gesture of sanity in a war-mad world. He was left
+financially dependent upon his family, and upon such support
+as was forthcoming from wealthy radical sympathizers.
+Since his own professional opportunities were curtailed,
+and he never applied for other types of work, he
+was left dependent upon others. He was somewhat embarrassed
+by this, but was never depressed by it, or by the
+social ostracism which was entailed by his unpopular
+stand. As he once expressed it, “melancholy is alien to
+a fighting nature.”</p>
+
+<p>Looking back over A’s career, certain private motives
+appear which were well organized in his early family life,
+and continued to operate with considerable strength during
+his adult years.</p>
+
+<p>A had a strongly repressed hatred for his brother. He
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[93]</span>was consciously aware of his own coldness toward the
+brother, but succeeded in barring from consciousness any
+recognition of the emotional charge on this attitude. The
+older boy was his rival for the affection of his father, and
+A’s quickness and boldness were cultivated in an effort to
+outstrip his brother. He showed many of the traits of the
+over active younger child, as Adler has frequently described
+them. A felt rather ashamed of his brother, who
+went through school and college with no special distinction,
+and whose modest subsequent career was prosaically respectable.
+A struggled to keep hostile thoughts about his
+brother out of his mind, and sought to keep his attention
+away from the brother by corresponding or visiting with
+him infrequently.</p>
+
+<p>Although A never frankly faced his own animosity
+toward this brother, he was plagued by a sense of guilt for
+his unfraternal attitude. This conflict was partially resolved
+by a reactive formation and by displacement. The
+reactive formation was the reverse of the anti-brother drive,
+but it was only supportable by displacing his affection
+upon remote social objects. He generalized his own prohibition
+against brother-hatred to all society, and identified
+himself with the workers and with humanity at large, serving
+a poverty-stricken congregation, spending his own
+money on the work of the church, adopting the socialist
+dream of a brotherly state, and demanding the abolition of
+fratricidal war.</p>
+
+<p>His love for the downtrodden and for humanity (this
+reactive displacement of his own brother-hostility) was buttressed
+by the usual rationalizations. The democratic ideal
+in politics, the ideal of effective equality in political power,
+had his support, and he adopted socialism when it was
+presented to him as industrial democracy (brotherhood),
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[94]</span>the indispensable antecedent of genuine political democracy
+(brotherhood). His early prohibition appeals were cast in
+the form of an appeal to the brotherhood sentiments. He
+argued that every man was his brother’s keeper, and therefore
+bound to refrain from an example which might lead
+his weaker brother to dash his foot against a stone. War
+meant the destruction of mutual (brotherly) aid among
+those who were brethren in Christ. A’s brother-hatred, so
+manifest in his younger days, and so potent in arousing
+guilt feelings, created this disposition to choose generalized
+brother-substitutes to love, and to elaborate brotherly ideologies
+to defend his position. Then by keeping his distance
+from the physical brother, he could maintain a comfortable
+adjustment.</p>
+
+<p>Another significant private motive, whose organization
+dates from early family days, but whose influence was
+prominent in adult behavior, was A’s struggle to maintain
+his sexual repressions. He erected his very elaborate personal
+prohibitions into generalized prohibitions for all society,
+and just as he laid down the law against brother-hatred,
+he condemned deviations from the rigid puritanical
+code by which he lived. Individuals who possess superego
+structures of such rigor often try to protect themselves
+from the strain of sexual excitement by keeping away from
+“temptation,” or by removing “temptation” from their
+environment. Thus Mr. A avoided exposing himself to
+“lewd speech” and “immoral suggestion.” Consciences of
+such severity can often be traced back in deeply analyzed
+cases to unusually strong repressions at the time when infantile
+masturbatory activities are being curbed. And it
+often happens that the rôle of the intimidator is taken not
+only by the male but by the female imago. In another
+highly moralistic person, who was thoroughly psychoanalyzed,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[95]</span>this came out distinctly. Thus for several days the
+subject dreamed of standing before a butcher shop where
+he had been sent by his mother, and where he saw his
+father sharpening long knives. Or he saw his mother,
+dressed as Brünnhilde, carrying a sword, while he cowered
+on a marble stairway. After many dreams of this kind,
+the original situations finally burst into view. They involved
+what were interpreted as direct threats to cut off a
+hand if the child didn’t cease handling himself.</p>
+
+<p>That A was never able to abolish his sexuality is sufficiently
+evident in his night dreams and daydreams. In
+spite of his efforts to “fight” these manifestations of his
+“antisocial impulses,” they continued to appear. Among
+the direct and important consequences which they produced
+was a sense of sin, not only a sense of sexual sin,
+but a growing conviction of hypocrisy. His “battle”
+against “evil” impulses was only partially successful, and
+this produced a profound feeling of insecurity.</p>
+
+<p>This self-punishing strain of insecurity might be alleviated,
+he found, by publicly reaffirming the creed of repression,
+and by distracting attention to other matters. A’s
+rapid movements, dogmatic assertions, and diversified activities
+were means of escape from this gnawing sense of
+incapacity to cope with his own desires and to master himself.
+Uncertain of his power to control himself, he was
+very busy about controlling others, and engaged in endless
+committee sessions, personal conferences, and public meetings
+for the purpose. He always managed to submerge
+himself in a buzzing life of ceaseless activity; he could
+never stand privacy and solitude, since it drove him to a
+sense of futility; and he couldn’t undertake prolonged and
+laborious study, since his feeling of insecurity demanded
+daily evidence of his importance in the world.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[96]</span></p>
+
+<p>A’s sexual drives continued to manifest themselves, and
+to challenge his resistances. He was continually alarmed
+by the lurking fear that he might be impotent. Although
+he proposed marriage to two girls when he was a theology
+student, it is significant that he chose girls from his immediate
+entourage, and effected an almost instantaneous recovery
+from his disappointments. This warrants the inference
+that he was considerably relieved to postpone the
+test of his potency, and this inference is strengthened by
+the long years during which he cheerfully acquiesced in the
+postponement of his marriage to the woman who finally became
+his wife. He lived with people who valued sexual
+potency, particularly in its conventional and biological
+demonstration in marriage and children, and his unmarried
+state was the object of good-natured comment. His
+pastoral duties required him to “make calls” on the sisters
+of the church, and in spite of the cheer which he was sometimes
+able to bring to the bedridden, there was the faint
+whisper of a doubt that this was really a man’s job. And
+though preaching was a socially respectable occupation,
+there was something of the ridiculous in the fact that one
+who had experienced very little of life should pass for a
+privileged censor of all mankind.</p>
+
+<p>He had long practice in the art of the impostor. From
+the plight of his older brother, A learned that he would
+lose the affection of his father if he was discovered to have
+indulged in certain practices like masturbation. He resolved
+never to do anything to cause his father to withdraw
+his affection, and when he was not entirely successful in
+living up to this ideal, he pretended to virtues which he did
+not possess. Never once was he found out, and his life was
+the life of a “model” boy and man. This reputation he
+owed in part to his abstinences, but likewise to his concealments.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[97]</span>He learned to cultivate the mask of rectitude,
+and succeeded in carrying off the rôle so successfully that
+he was never found out during adolescence or adulthood.</p>
+
+<p>Cut off by his impotence fears from loving others fully
+and completely, A loved himself the more. He had unbounded
+confidence in the brilliance of his mind, and this
+intellectual arrogance was nourished by the easy ascendance
+which he won over the poorly educated people among
+whom he worked. He was careful to keep in environments
+where his mind would not be put to the test of keen competition.
+A didn’t compete with the clergymen who had the
+largest posts in his denomination, he struck out for himself
+in no hazardous business or professional enterprise, he
+took up and finished no piece of investigation; instead he
+cut a big figure among the workers, among whom he was
+the best-educated and the best-known leader. His chances
+of being elected to Congress when he was nominated were
+never good, and he had everything to gain and nothing to
+lose by making a campaign. After the days of his scholarly
+ascendance in high school and college, A fell out of competition
+in academic pursuits.</p>
+
+<p>He valued his capacity to produce words. Ferenczi remarked
+in conversation with me that the revolutionary agitators
+who had come to his attention had been noticeably
+deficient in the intensity of their emotional attachment to
+objects. They were notably indifferent to the accumulation
+of property, and they were lacking in possessive jealousy
+in their sexual life. This deficiency in warmth of affective
+experience was sensed by the revolutionaries themselves,
+who felt that they were in some way estranged from others.
+Their orgiastic indulgence in language is to be interpreted
+as an effort to heighten the affective intensity of their own
+lives. Either because the emotional life is physiologically
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[98]</span>defective or because the libido is too narcissistically fixated,
+this general description holds true of some obsessive
+and many psychotic persons. It was no doubt a factor
+in the history of A.</p>
+
+<p>Before following out the full implications of this struggle
+of A’s to repress his sexuality, we will take up another
+topic of major and not unrelated importance. I refer to A’s
+ambivalence toward his father. A was not conscious of the
+full force of his hatred and his love for his father, but his
+personality history is full of evidence of the formative
+influence of these bipolar attitudes. In the course of his
+competition with his older brother, A accepted abstinence
+from genital indulgence as the price of holding paternal
+preference. Now psychoanalytic findings are unanimous in
+showing that genital indulgence is not given up without a
+continuous struggle, and that recurring waves of sexuality
+break against the barrier of the introjected prohibition, and
+reanimate hostile impulses against the sanctioning authority.
+It is of the utmost importance for A’s development that
+he fought to bar from consciousness any hostile thought
+directed against his father, and that he succeeded in repressing
+his father-hatred very deeply. He was able to
+identify himself with the father, and to copy many of the
+paternal standards and attributes. The strength of these
+identifications is indicated by the tenacity with which A
+held to certain paternal patterns. Although his much-touted
+uncle had been a famous writer and professor, A
+remained a preacher, even when tempted by a flattering
+offer to leave his first humble parish for the faculty of a
+great university. He cherished the paternal prejudice
+against money-making and money-makers. His boyhood
+home was where some wealthy people spent their summers,
+and A’s father would speak contemptuously of “the fashionables”
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[99]</span>who loitered ostentatiously past the house. This
+was an additional determiner of A’s subsequent devotion to
+the welfare of the poor, which manifested itself in financial
+sacrifice and socialist agitation. A was very susceptible
+to old men, and idealized not only his early teachers,
+but a venerable pacifist who approved of his wartime conduct.</p>
+
+<p>The negative side of A’s attitude toward authority came
+out in the choice of the abstract (remote) objects upon
+which to vent his hatred. The hostility which was denied
+conscious recognition and direct indulgence against the
+actual father was displaced against substitute symbols,
+such as the dogma which required the acceptance of the
+Scriptures by faith, of the capitalistic system, and of the
+militarists.</p>
+
+<p>When A was introduced to a stranger, he was genial,
+talkative, and anxious to impress. When he was aware of
+opposition in his environment, he overreacted at once, hurling
+a vast repertory of jibes and flouts and sneers at the
+offender. This gives a clue to an important element in his
+makeup which will come out very distinctly in subsequent
+cases, namely, a strong latent homosexual trend. When the
+individual is not able to achieve full heterosexual adjustment,
+the sexual libido tends to work itself out in more
+primitive ways, and one of the phases of emotional development
+is the homosexual epoch. Earlier, however, than
+the adolescent homosexual period is the phase connected
+with the suppression of auto-erotic activities. The child
+characteristically uses its nutritional object (nurse-mother)
+for the sake of stimulating his own erogenous zones as
+much as possible. This “incestuous” drive is curbed, and
+the child is denied the pleasure of promiscuously fingering
+others, and of manually stimulating his own genitalia.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[100]</span>Though the nurse or mother, who is the target of the desires
+of the child, also administers the prohibitions, the
+sanction which lurks most prominently in the background
+is the strength of the father. Reduced to its ultimate expression,
+this sanction is the threat of depriving the child
+of his much-valued organs unless he observes the “hands
+off” prohibition. The “normal” development is for the
+hostile protest at authoritarian interference to subside, and
+for the child to copy the idealized father. The repression
+of hostilities and the identification with the father do not
+take place instantly. Identification is not achieved without
+a phase in which the child plays a femininely passive
+rôle toward the father, and this is the passively homosexual
+reaction which may for one reason or another be
+unusually strong. A’s fantasies of his father’s beautiful skin
+are common screen fantasies for more primitive drives.</p>
+
+<p>A’s tendency to overreact to the stranger who is merely
+polite, and to interpret the stranger’s interest as a “personal”
+one, is characteristic of the one in whom this passive
+“winning” rôle is of some importance. He tries to create
+an overpersonal relationship in those somewhat formal
+situations where ordinary conversational requirements are
+such as to force conventional compliments.</p>
+
+<p>The overreactive hostility toward those who merely differ
+from him is partially motivated by the desire to punish
+those who have rejected the affection which he all too quickly
+volunteers. This wound to his narcissism demands that
+wounds shall be inflicted on the offending objects. Now it
+is commonly observed that repressed drives are likely to
+secure partial gratification in the very activities which are
+in part a protection against them. Sneers and jibes would
+at first seem to free him from those who arouse and reject
+him, but this is not the whole result. A exceeded the bounds
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[101]</span>of convention and became recklessly provocative. His wild
+assaults and defiances tended to provoke the social environment
+into attacking him, and thus to gratify two powerful
+unconscious drives. He wanted to be forced into a passive,
+feminine, victimized rôle, and to inflict upon himself the
+punishment which he deserved for excessive hatred of
+others. Thus A felt quite happy, escaping moods of depression,
+as long as he was indulging his hostility against
+conspicuous conventional authorities in society, and as long
+as he was suffering from society’s retaliatory measures.
+His romantic idea of starving to death as a gesture of
+sanity in a war-mad world is indicative of his pleasure in
+the “martyr rôle.”</p>
+
+<p>He could not endure “inharmonious” people, and built
+up a “soft” and overindulgent group around him. He had
+a small group of admirers who turned to him for advice
+and who looked up to his superior wisdom and moral
+courage. Nothing pained him more than the slightest jar in
+personal relations. This disparity between his demands for
+gentleness in the primary group, and his genius for creating
+a disturbance in a secondary group, suggests the tension
+produced within his personality by the struggle with
+the feminine component. He was careful to keep away
+from close-working subordination to a powerful personality.
+He stayed in environments where his authority was
+unchallenged. In the church he was both a financial pillar
+and the pastor, and among the socialists he was sustained
+by the halo of moral and cultural prestige.</p>
+
+<p>It is noteworthy that though A was venomous when publicly
+opposed, he was capable of a wooing and persuasive
+strain which he could effectively use in his proselyting
+work. His humor was of the mock-modesty variety, and
+relieved the moral earnestness of his discourses. A showed
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[102]</span>much tenacity and skill in following people whom he once
+loved and respected, and in attempting to convert them to
+a community of views with him. He displayed a strong
+impulse to enter into and to cultivate personal interchanges
+by correspondence.</p>
+
+<p>That A found the task of asserting himself in the world
+rather arduous is suggested by the desire for dependence
+upon women. He entered into a whole series of “platonic”
+friendships (“platonic” in the popular and not in the correct
+use of the word) with women, and he accepted economic
+support from his wife for several years. He was
+very “sensitive,” and required a great deal of coddling in
+the home.</p>
+
+<p>There are indications of the way in which his very early
+experiences influenced his trait formation. The infant
+takes pleasure in activities centering about the mouth, and
+this at first involves pleasurable sucking and later on, as
+the teeth begin to push through, this involves pleasurable
+biting. In our culture this leads to a withdrawal of the
+nipple, precipitating one of the major crises of growth.
+Weaning is the first substantial loss which is inflicted upon
+the individual after birth, and the way in which it is met
+establishes reaction patterns which may serve as important
+prototypes for subsequent behavior. About the time that
+the weaning deprivation occurs, the child is exposed to
+another set of conditions which demand sacrifice. He is
+supposed to control the elimination of his feces by giving
+up a part of his body at regular intervals. The growing
+child is also supposed to sacrifice another source of irresponsible
+pleasure by blocking his impulses to handle his
+genitalia. When the taboo on handling the genital organs
+for erotic purposes is set up with particular stringency by
+the methods adopted to curb early masturbation, some of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[103]</span>the energy of the personality regresses to reanimate previous
+auto-erotic dispositions. This involves strengthening
+of the anal and oral components of the personality.</p>
+
+<p>On the basis of the oral and anal origin of various traits,
+Karl Abraham has worked out a psychoanalytic theory of
+character formation.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_32_32" href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> The material which is available on
+A is too scanty to reveal the psychological mechanisms of
+infancy and early childhood. If a cross-section of his later
+character traits be tentatively interpreted in the light of
+Abraham’s scheme, it may be said to show a predominance
+of traits from the oral phase of development. A striking
+characteristic of A has always been his optimism. He has
+never become despondent and passed through serious “blue
+spells,” whether he lost his job, reached the end of his
+financial resources, lost a bride, or suffered social ostracism
+from all but a small though admiring circle. Disappointments
+and some illness have brought him comparatively
+little worry. Abraham traces this trait to the earliest level
+of character organization, saying that it indicates a child
+who, thanks to the abundance of nursing care, is accustomed
+to find the world responding copiously and quickly
+to his demands. A always felt an inner assurance that he
+would be cared for, and that all would come out for the
+best in the end “to those who serve the Lord, and are
+called according to his purpose.” He accepted a position
+of economic dependence upon his wife, and upon the charity
+of radical ladies, without conflict. His nurse was still
+there to provide for him. A never showed any interest in
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[104]</span>accumulating money, and generously shared all that he
+possessed. His small legacy was eaten up by the society
+over which he presided, and he was always on the poverty
+line.</p>
+
+<p>He not only gave bountifully of such money as he possessed,
+but copiously of his ideas. Automatically he took
+the lead in conversation, genially pouring forth streams
+of ideas. The savagery of his attack on those who disagreed
+with him, though an oral trait in part, stems, according to
+Abraham, not from the sucking phase of early development,
+but from the next succeeding or oral-sadistic phase.</p>
+
+<p>Those individuals who have difficulty in accepting their
+heterosexuality are cut off from normal sex life, and seek
+to emphasize the acts preparatory to, and not consummatory
+of, copulation. An interest in sexual peeping was in
+some measure gratified by A’s experiences in listening to
+the personal difficulties of those who came to him for counsel.
+The high value which he placed on appearing before
+the public, while perhaps adequately accounted for on the
+basis of his father-identification, probably had the additional
+advantage of gratifying his exhibitionistic drive.
+Since drink is in legend and life a frequent precursor of
+copulation, the reformer exaggerates its importance, and
+tries to stop it. Alcohol was early associated with sexual
+excesses in the mind of A, and his hostility to it was something
+more than a simple reflection of his milieu.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_33_33" href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p>
+
+<p>A’s intensity of manner betrayed the magnitude of the
+neurotic conflicts within his own personality. This intensity
+is not alone due to the insecurity arising from the failure
+to exterminate his own conscious awareness of sex, nor to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[105]</span>his sense of sin for erotic impulses, nor to his fears of
+impotence, nor to the reaction organized when he was competing
+with his brother for the attention of the father. His
+sexual inhibitions removed from him one of the most dependable
+means of disposing of the tensions which arise
+from the miscellaneous frustrations met with in the course
+of daily life.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_34_34" href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p>
+
+<p>We have traced A’s demand for widespread emotional
+response to his difficulties of personal adjustment, especially
+in the field of early sexual development. We have
+followed through the displacement of the drives, which
+were originally organized with reference to the family circle,
+on to remote social objects, resulting in the espousal
+of ideals of social change. We have seen that A’s particular
+technique for arousing emotional response was denunciatory
+oratory, and that such a technique expressed
+important underlying drives of his personality. Since A
+happened to be a socialist, it is natural to compare him
+with the socialist thinkers studied by Werner Sombart in
+<i>Der proletarische Sozialismus</i>. There is no doubt that A
+is numbered among the “artificial” rather than the “natural”
+men, since his relation to reality is less direct than
+with the “natural” type. But it cannot be said that social
+criticism was as deeply motivated in his life as among the
+men mentioned by Sombart. He expressed himself not
+only in radical agitation but in conservative, moralistic
+agitation. His career was not wrecked at any particular
+point in his history, and he possessed no mania for destruction,
+although showing much resentment against his
+family, and indulging in an active fantasy life. He was
+fundamentally an agitator, and secondarily a social radical.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[106]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII">
+    CHAPTER VII
+    <br>
+    POLITICAL AGITATORS—<i>Continued</i>
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>B is an agitator who uses his pen instead of his tongue.
+He has achieved eminence in newspaper work, beginning
+as a news editor and editorial writer. At twenty, when he
+held his first newspaper job, B led a fight against the red-light
+district of the city, exposing the pimps, panderers,
+and prostitutes in sensational style. He has always responded
+quickly to the appeal of the underdog and revealed
+injustices wherever he found them, and he won great
+popularity among minority racial and national groups
+whose claims he championed before the American public.
+It is noteworthy that B has never been converted to “isms”
+and responds to the call of specific abuses. No one who
+knows B has ever questioned his sincerity, for the news
+value of his campaigns is often much less than the personal
+risks incurred.</p>
+
+<p>B has a high reputation for absolute truthfulness and
+reliability, often carrying his scruples to what his fellow-newspapermen
+think are unwarranted extremes. On one
+occasion, he threw up an excellent job on a very well-known
+newspaper on a point of honor. The paper had divulged
+the source of a story which he had received in confidence,
+and which he communicated to the editor in confidence.
+Later he was made the editor of an important newspaper.
+For five months he produced brilliant results, when a misunderstanding
+arose with the proprietor over another point
+of honor. In a despondent moment he resigned, but the
+proprietor refused to let him leave, offering a substantial
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[107]</span>raise. He let himself be persuaded to go back, but refused
+to accept the raise. Before long, new points of honor arose,
+and he broke away for good. His passion for justice made
+him a favorite with his staff; and his quiet good sense and
+studiousness made him a name among older men and intellectuals.</p>
+
+<p>Some of his reforming campaigns were very thinly
+veiled displacements of his own private motives. At the
+age of fourteen he was seduced by a colored woman, and
+he reacted to this experience with fright and disgust. He
+left a school which he attended after a series of boyish
+escapades which culminated in an argument over missing
+laundry. The laundryman was a negro. It was on his first
+newspaper job that he led the fight to clean up a red-light
+district, featuring the fact that both colored and white
+prostitutes were available.</p>
+
+<p>B was one of the numerous family of a Civil War
+veteran on the Confederate side. His father carried himself
+like a soldier and expected his children to act like
+soldiers under all circumstances. He was spare, thin, and
+active, and his temper was short. He was boss in the
+house, ordering his wife about a great deal, and demanding
+implicit obedience from the children.</p>
+
+<p>The mother of B was eleven years younger than her
+husband. She had ten children in quick succession, and
+she spoiled them, and was much beloved. She did all the
+cooking, washing, and ironing for the household, and
+slaved to allow the children to obtain an education. Everybody
+but her husband thought she worked too hard. She
+was herself eager for learning, but had no opportunity to
+continue her studies after marriage. Although poor, she
+was proud, and never asked alms or assistance of any
+kind. Though “obstinate as a mule,” she was timid and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[108]</span>shrinking in ordinary relations. Her routine was only
+broken by occasional headaches.</p>
+
+<p>The father was a very suspicious man, and B bore the
+brunt of it. B was the sixth child and from an early age
+had trouble with his next older brother, who was three
+years his senior. On one memorable occasion the elder
+brother attacked him with a knife. B was able to take the
+knife away from him without being hurt. The affair was
+reported to the father by an aunt who was living in the
+house, and who always sided with the older boy. She said
+that B had been the aggressor, and in spite of his indignant
+assertions of innocence, B was soundly whipped. Such
+episodes aroused in him a deep protest against injustice,
+and an abiding hostility against his father. Years afterward
+the truth came out, and the father apologized, but animosities
+had grown too formidable to be ceremoniously
+brushed aside. B cherished a long list of grievances
+against his father. Once his father asked him to print some
+letters; he presently found that this was for the purpose of
+comparing them with an inscription on the lavatory wall.</p>
+
+<p>Genital activities had their usual connotation of sinfulness.
+His father went so far with his prudery that B, who
+was once discovered naked in his own room, where he was
+slowly dressing, was severely reprimanded. Shortly after
+being seduced by the negro woman, his sense of guilt,
+combined with his ever present resentment against his
+father’s unjust treatment, led him to run away from home.
+After staying away from home and working his way
+through school for about a year and a half, he returned
+home and went to work in the neighborhood, attracted
+chiefly by the prospect of being back with his mother.</p>
+
+<p>It is noteworthy that in his career B was constantly finding
+pretexts to escape from a situation in which he was
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[109]</span>popular and successful. Salary increases, promotions, and
+social recognition came to him, but he managed to extricate
+himself from every such situation, often on a “point
+of honor.” An excellent journalist, he always had a new
+door open. Thus he passed from one editorial desk to another,
+and even to a private news-service venture which
+turned out well in spite of the heavy handicaps on such
+an undertaking.</p>
+
+<p>How can such behavior be accounted for? Let us suppose
+that friendly treatment on the part of superiors tends
+to activate a strong homosexual drive which has been repressed,
+but which continues to threaten to find expression.
+This unconscious drive urges him to intimacy with persons
+in the environment, whereupon his conscience, reacting
+blindly against the outlaw impulse, seeks to provoke a
+flight from the environment, and thus to escape from the
+exciting objects of desire. The outcome is a compromise
+formation in which the illicit hope of being attacked and
+violated by the environment is gratified by imagining that
+the environment has compromised his “honor.” The conscience
+is gratified by the retreat from temptation. No
+sooner is B in a new environment than the tension begins to
+accumulate all over again. By throwing himself with zeal
+into a new and strange position, where the environment is
+impersonal, success comes, and with success and habituation
+to the milieu, there come familiarity and friendship. This
+produces the familiar strain by reactivating the unconscious
+homosexuality, and the defending conscience finds
+another retreat imperative.</p>
+
+<p>What specific justification is there for the hypothesis
+just proposed? B finally came into a situation from which
+he could scarcely escape by the usual tactics. He scored
+one of the great successes of his career by being invited to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[110]</span>accompany a government commission which investigated
+conditions abroad, and covered the assignment in brilliant
+style. He was shown all manner of courtesy. Working
+under high pressure, he plunged into another assignment,
+and once more had the journalistic world at his feet. But
+the strain of success was too much. This time he sought release,
+not by flight to a new job, which was difficult, but by
+developing a delusional system. In short, B went into a
+psychotic phase, and substituted for the world of reality a
+fantasy world of such sinister dimensions that he was justified
+in trying to escape from it. Unable to concentrate on
+his work, he moved restlessly from one town to another, and
+launched forth on long automobile tours with his wife.</p>
+
+<p>The actual content of his delusional productions gives
+a clue to his mental conflict. He had ideas of reference,
+imagining that people on the street were looking at him
+mysteriously. He claimed that he was a party to the Teapot
+Dome scandal and that there was a dictaphone in the house.
+On the way to be examined at a sanitarium he claimed that
+he was being trailed by policemen. Upon admission he
+claimed that the orderlies were policemen, that he was
+being electrocuted, that his bed was wired to record all
+his movements, and that filthy songs were sung to him
+(with homosexual content). Discharged from the sanitarium,
+he was taken to a family reunion. He claimed to be
+treated as a negro, and declined to eat with family or sleep
+in the house. B claimed that a forest fire was caused by
+him and that books in the library were re-written on his account.
+On a motor trip he claimed that insulting remarks
+were made to him at every gas station. He turned against
+his wife (he had been sexually inactive in marriage), and
+finally called her a snake who ought to be killed, and proceeded
+to try it.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[111]</span></p>
+
+<p>During the course of his psychosis it emerged that he
+recalls a sexual seduction by his older brother, and that
+he had been bothered by this fancy all his life. There was
+material to show that his father was likewise implicated in
+his homosexual fantasies, and that he had “eroticized” the
+injustices of his father and the physical attacks of his
+brother.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_35_35" href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p>
+
+<p>The history of B belongs to a borderline group between
+agitators and administrators. His administrative
+ability is manifest in the managing editorships which he
+held, and in the special service which he organized and for
+a time conducted. His rôle as an agitator (in writing) began
+when he was twenty, and continued for more than another
+score of years. When this record is taken in juxtaposition
+to that of A, it shows how differences in displacement
+affect the growth of the personality. B was never
+able to displace his hatred and affections to remote, impersonal
+objects with the degree of success which characterized
+A. The campaigns of B against injustice were
+more concrete, more limited, and more personal than the
+agitations of A. It will be remembered that B’s first crusade
+was against black-and-tan houses of prostitution, and
+this was in the nature of a revenge and a penance for his
+early experience with the colored woman. B was raised in
+a relatively inarticulate environment. His father made no
+public appearances, no member of the family achieved
+more than a rudimentary education, and no conversation
+was possible beyond the visible environment. Since B went
+to work at sixteen, he saw the world more from a concrete
+point of view while A was peering at the universe through
+the theoretical lenses of the schools. His history shows
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[112]</span>prolonged preoccupation with his own specific grievances
+against the original objects—against the father, brother,
+and aunt. This was a factor which disposed him to greater
+susceptibility to persons in the immediate environment
+than A. Although driven to become a rather seclusive child
+who read books more often than he played, no one took a
+special interest in his intellectual prospects. His maternal
+grandfather was said to have been a brilliant teacher, but
+not much was made of this model when B was a boy.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_36_36" href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p>
+
+<p>Unlike A, B lacked the trick of dramatizing himself
+before a crowd. Inspection of his early history in the home
+shows that he lacked the practice in imposture which may
+be a prerequisite of this ability. B was never able to
+carry off a pose to impress his family with his own virtue
+and promise. Indeed, he had very early evidence of his
+own shortcomings, and his father not only accused him of
+sins he did commit, but padded the record with many that
+he had not contemplated. B was never able to get away
+with much.</p>
+
+<p>The foregoing excerpts from the history of B illustrate
+how closely the behavior of the victim of a functional disorder
+may connect with the fundamental drives of the personality.
+Functional mental disorders are efforts at adjustment
+that fail, and the materials employed are those
+which the personality has available on the basis of its developmental
+history.</p>
+
+<p>In the paranoid case just discussed, “grandiosity”—delusions
+of grandeur—was not as prominent as it often is.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[113]</span>Grandiose delusions seem to be linked with very strong impotence
+fears. This connection may be shown in gross clinical
+caricature in the case of C. This man belongs to the
+well-known group of verbose cranks who often surround
+themselves with admiring circles of disciples, and do nobody
+much harm. C went so far as to run for president of
+the United States on a minority ticket.</p>
+
+<p>C came into medical hands quite by accident. He belongs
+to a very common type which preserves the personality
+sufficiently intact from deterioration to pass for well,
+though eccentric. C got into a dispute with a colored expressman
+over the charge for moving his goods to a new
+apartment, and the expressman called the police, who presently
+turned C over to a hospital. C imagined that the
+negro was plotting to ruin him by stealing his most valuable
+books and manuscripts. He announced that he was going to
+be the next president of the United States of America, since
+the reign of the present incumbent was to be short, and
+damned short at that. On the next inauguration day he
+will take charge by divine power, and after that his red-headed
+wife will be given full authority. He said that during
+the last presidential campaign he had a conference
+with the governor of New York concerning the leadership
+of American parties. At that time the governor told him
+that he was a wonderful man and a logical party leader.
+He declared that though as a rule he does not believe in
+prophets, one absolutely reliable prophet had testified that
+he would be president. This man had a vision in which a
+wedge was drawn between the Democrat and Republican
+parties, and an unknown man arose who was to rule the
+world. This man would have six letters in his name. He
+is “Six and Six,” and this exactly fits C. C’s real name is
+“Arabulah the Divine Guest.” Using this name, he wrote
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[114]</span>a nine-thousand-word treatise on politics and world-peace
+which he said was thought to be supernaturally brilliant.</p>
+
+<p>He was sure that he got into the hospital through a damnable
+trick of his enemies. “It is prophesied that I am to
+be the next president. To defeat this, they put me here.
+I’m just a martyr, but I’ll come out on top in the end.” He
+would be president in fulfilment of prophecy.</p>
+
+<p>C more than hinted at the scientific secrets at his command.
+He had recently consulted Dr. A of the government
+about his process for the manufacture of diamonds. More
+pressure was all that was needed. He declared that he is
+a wonderful amateur chemist, and that he has a process for
+manufacturing coal that he learned confidentially from a
+shoemaker.</p>
+
+<p>When a young man he was appointed a clerk in one of
+the government departments, but was thrown out of a job
+when the Democrats were elected in the late eighties. He
+then became what he called a promoter of inventions and
+an inventor.</p>
+
+<p>A clue to the source of his delusional system is furnished
+by his sexual history and fantasies. At the age of
+fifty-nine he married a widow with two children. He describes
+his wife as of surpassing beauty, and as for himself,
+he declared that he possessed three testicles, and that
+he is a perfect specimen of a man, a most beautiful Apollo
+from the neck down, and asked to pose as a model. He
+refused, however, to be photographed, or to disclose anything
+further about his sexual history.</p>
+
+<p>Impotence fear as the root of the luxurious tree of
+grandiose delusions is sometimes directly demonstrated by
+the obvious nature of the invention on which the individual
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[115]</span>is engaged. The mysterious perpetual motion machine
+turns out to be a crude version of the sexual organs.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_37_37" href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p>
+
+<p>Shortly after C left the hospital, he was busy on the
+stump, haranguing large audiences as a presidential candidate
+on a protest ticket.</p>
+
+<p>C would not be taken seriously by many people of much
+culture and discernment, but there are paranoid types who
+are plausible enough in their accusations to win the support
+of discriminating men. Many of them are “litigious
+paranoids,” and, as implied by the term, they are characterized
+by the legal and agitational means which they exploit
+for the redress of grievances. They succeed in rationalizing
+their motives so adroitly that they are very dangerous
+troublemakers. Even when psychiatrists diagnose them
+as psychotic, they are able to put up a front so successfully
+that they are often released from custody by judge or
+jury. Were the data available it would be interesting to
+calculate how much this active and by no means uncommon
+element in society costs in terms of litigation fees and
+damaged reputations.</p>
+
+<p>One of the smoothest customers of this description is D.
+After leaving high school because of his ambition to earn
+money, he presently became a traveling salesman for an
+electrical company. He was very successful and soon accumulated
+enough to start himself in business, aided somewhat
+by the money of the woman whom he married. From
+the beginning he was involved in numerous lawsuits with
+big corporations. He was finally sent to the penitentiary
+for having assumed the name of another company which
+was already operating. Since the address of the new company,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[116]</span>as well as the name, was so similar to that of the
+older concern, he received mail and checks intended for
+the corporation. His own story is that he was persecuted
+by a certain big corporation, which tried consistently to
+ruin his business, even poisoning the mind of his wife
+against him (who soon divorced D). Whenever a suit was
+being tried against him, he claims always to have found a
+representative of the big corporation in town. These ideas
+of persecution extended through the trial, which he asserts
+was unfairly conducted, and to the penitentiary, where he
+claimed that officials were in league with the corporation
+to keep him imprisoned. His conduct was such that he
+was finally transferred from the prison to a mental hospital,
+where his attitude was that of contemptuous superiority.
+He collected evidence against the hospital, listening
+to all who complained of any sort of cruelty and incompetence,
+and constantly occupied himself with schemes to
+release prisoners and expose his persecutors.</p>
+
+<p>D has an impressive, deliberate manner. There are no
+marks of the maniac about him to fit into the popular idea
+of a “crazy man.” In conversation with strangers he puts
+his own case, and the case of others, with seeming moderation,
+emphasizing the obvious difficulties in the way of collecting
+conclusive evidence, and showing scrupulousness
+about affidavits and other documentary material. He has
+succeeded in establishing connections with prominent people
+in many walks of life, and is devoting himself to the
+cause of the underdog, with special reference to those unfortunates
+who are thrown into insane asylums and kept
+there by enemies who league themselves with doctors and
+superintendents.</p>
+
+<p>He is associated with groups of people who band together
+in little agitational organizations with such unexceptionable
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[117]</span>names as Vigilantes of the Constitution, Foundation
+for Legal and Human Rights, American Equity Association.
+Their indictment of modern jurisprudence is
+pithily formulated in the slogan, “One Law for the Rich—Another
+Law for the Poor.” The object of one of these
+associations is:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>To secure to all persons the rights, privileges, and immunities
+which are theirs under the Constitution and laws of the United
+States, and to which they are justly entitled as members of the
+human family.... Those aided are: worthy cases unable to
+hire legal counsel; victims of corrupt practices; friendless and
+unfortunates restrained in Institutions, who require assistance;
+ex-service men who have not been able to have legitimate claims
+considered, etc., etc.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>One of the cases which is often referred to in the papers
+published by this group is that of William J. O’Brien. The
+headline of one article reads as follows: “Poor Private
+Wm. J. O’Brien, Sane Veteran of the Apache Indian Campaign,
+Railroaded to the Madhouse. Denied Justice—Denied
+His Day in Court—No Trial—No Lunacy Proceedings—Illegally
+Held 34 Years....” In the body of the
+article this statement occurs: “Mr. O’Brien indulged in
+some disorderly conduct in the office of the War Department.
+He was immediately arrested, charged with assault
+which he did not commit, and brought into the Supreme
+Court.” I examined the record of the O’Brien case and
+found that “some disorderly conduct” consisted in visiting
+the War Department, shooting two clerks, and trying to
+shoot some more before his gun jammed.</p>
+
+<p>The inference should not, of course, be hastily drawn
+that all the claims made by agitators, even of the psychotic
+stamp, are pure fabrications. That is to be determined in
+the individual instance. Thus the slogan about “One Law
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[118]</span>for the Rich—Another Law for the Poor” has very reputable
+support in the findings of such surveys of criminal
+justice as the one at Cleveland, in which Dean Pound of
+Harvard had a responsible share. But in the case of the
+litigious paranoids the underlying private motivation is so
+imperious that wholesale distortions of truth are inevitable.
+Sometimes reckless accusations bring cruel results, as
+when another psychotic, E, claimed that a certain Captain
+K was shot in the back while circling over a flying field.
+This fabrication got to the family of the soldier, who had
+been informed that the Captain had been killed in an aeroplane
+accident, and caused much unnecessary suffering.</p>
+
+<p>The history of F affords some contrasts to what has gone
+before. F took up agitation in middle life. It will be remembered
+that A directed much of his agitational zeal
+against culture objects which were sanctioned by his family
+and the “substantial” elements in the nation. F was the
+reverse of a nonconformist. He was no pacifist, but a
+soldier-patriot. The enemies of his country were his enemies,
+and he denounced them up and down the land. The
+authority of revealed religion was not a debatable question;
+the enemies of Christianity were his enemies and he
+went on the platform to expose them.</p>
+
+<p>Several of his patriotic and religious lectures became
+famous among the smaller communities of the land. He
+told the story of a renegade who impersonated Christ for
+the purpose of collecting funds to start an insurrection
+against the American government in one of our dependencies.
+He gave a thrilling account of how he sought out and
+apprehended this monster. A Y.M.C.A. worker, in a testimonial
+letter, declared, “Every man sat spellbound as the
+speaker bared the facts in the most sacrilegious undertaking
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[119]</span>of modern times to thwart the plans of the American
+government.”</p>
+
+<p>F was a moving spirit in the opposition to the Covenant
+of the League of Nations because the name of God was not
+mentioned in it. His argument on the point is said to have
+impressed President Harding. One of F’s public pronouncements
+on the subject read as follows:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>There might be no trespass in an “Association of Nations for
+Conference” coming together if they did nothing but <i>confer</i>, and
+did no acting or legislating whatever, <i>if</i> they beforehand and by
+common consent did the following before the whole world:</p>
+
+<p>1st, Acknowledge Almighty God before the world, with a
+promise to serve <i>Him!</i></p>
+
+<p>2nd, Acknowledge allegiance to God’s Peace Plan—the Kingdom
+of the Prince of Peace—for world peace, which the Bible
+provides for!</p>
+
+<p>3rd, Ignore all man-made plans for peace, such as World
+Federations, Hague Tribunals, World Leagues, World Courts and
+all forms of <i>Human</i> world-governments, which the Bible provides
+against!</p>
+
+<p>4th, Refrain absolutely from everything that has the slightest
+tinge of world-alliance, world-control, or world-domination influence
+or world concert of civil action, the human instrumentalities
+that Holy Writ severely prohibits.</p>
+
+<p>5th, Especially for the United States. Refrain absolutely from
+everything that contravenes our U. S. Constitution and the Declaration
+of Independence! (And every nation should alike protect
+their Constitution!)</p>
+
+<p>When thru centuries of trial the world failed to keep <i>the
+Covenant</i> written at Sinai by the Hand of Almighty God Himself
+and <i>He</i> promised that <i>He</i> would give the world “A New Covenant”
+for peace, which <i>He</i> did, then how can the world, except
+anything whatsoever from <i>The League of Nation’s Covenant</i> written
+at Paris by the mortal hands of just mere men like Wilson,
+Lloyd George, Clemenceau &amp; Co.?</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>After serving in the army as a young man, F joined the
+secret service, and spent several years in pursuit of the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[120]</span>enemies of law and order. His record was excellent, and
+when the World War came he was put in charge of secret
+military police. He became overzealous in the performance
+of his duties, spending an altogether disproportionate
+amount of time investigating two Mennonite ministers who
+were alleged to have letters in their possession written in
+German criticizing the Liberty Loan. He claimed to have
+found ground glass in the bread served to men in camp.
+When the laboratory did not confirm his findings, he said
+that he mixed ground glass with flour and submitted a
+sample to the laboratory, which reported no ground glass,
+thus confirming his suspicions that the laboratory staff
+was composed of aliens—a German, an Austrian, and a
+Turk. He began to make direct accusations that some of
+the camp officers were in league with the enemy. One of
+them he accused of using a German private in his office for
+translation work, and intrusting him with a key to the iron
+safe where the United States secret codes were kept. Presently
+F was referred to a psychiatrist for examination, to
+whom he complained that he was the victim of a persecution
+by a little clique of officers. He managed to publish an
+interview in the press asserting that ground glass in the
+food had made fifty men ill at a certain training camp, and
+this led to much unnecessary anxiety among the folks at
+home.</p>
+
+<p>F’s anxiety to “do his bit” in the suspicion-ladened atmosphere
+which surrounded America’s entry into the war
+led his suspicious nature to overdo the matter. When some
+of his efforts were blocked by fellow officers, he began to
+develop persecutory ideas. But he was soon able to dispense
+with them by reinforcing his identification with the
+interests of the nation and God, and displacing his suspicions
+upon more generalized foes. When his secret-service
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[121]</span>work was blocked, he was able to make a transition to
+agitation, where he balanced the lost gratification of cherishing
+secret knowledge with the pleasure of exhibiting it
+in public. The record does not contain enough early childhood
+material to justify one in venturing to select the determiner
+of his capacity to make such an adjustment. The history
+simply furnishes a striking example of how a flight
+into agitation may perform the function of keeping the personality
+in some sort of passable relation to reality, when it
+has met a serious setback. It gives another instance to the
+sum of those which show the difficulties which may be created
+in society by those whose personality is influenced by
+strong paranoidal trends.</p>
+
+<p>The histories so far abstracted have had to do with male
+agitators of various kinds. Miss G, when thirty-five years
+of age, came to the physician complaining that she was
+constantly bothered by blushing, stage fright, uncertainty,
+palpitations of the heart, and weeping spells. She is known
+to be forceful, ambitious, and aggressive. Her contentiousness
+is notorious. She is active in the support of all kinds
+of measures, particularly for the emancipation of women
+from the domination of men. She rose to her present distinction
+from a very humble position as a handworker, and
+she champions the radical cause.</p>
+
+<p>An early reminiscence was recovered during analysis
+which had been completely buried before. Sometime between
+the ages of five and three she had been asked by a
+nurse to touch her nurse’s genitals, and threatened with
+dire things if she told. When she was in bed with her
+mother, she had to fight against a powerful compulsion to
+touch her mother’s genitalia. This early assumption of
+the male rôle was strengthened by her father-identification.
+In the analysis she reported that she and her father possessed
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[122]</span>many common traits, such as stubbornness. As
+sometimes happens with children showing traits of the opposite
+sex, their brothers or sisters reveal cross-traits. Thus
+her younger brother cooked and sewed. Her father took
+her side in family altercations with the mother (the father
+was an artist). The mother was religious, and on the death
+of her mother the patient was religious for six months from
+a sense of possible guilt for having precipitated her death.
+Everybody said that she ought to have been a boy since
+she showed so much physical dash and hardihood. Between
+six and ten she often stole money from her parents,
+and was caught reading other people’s letters.</p>
+
+<p>As a child she suffered seriously from vague worries.
+At the age of seventeen she was unable to read her own
+compositions before the class. She talked rather badly in
+groups and before strangers, but was very effective in face-to-face
+conversations. In public she spoke best when attacked.
+She had a constant fear of being subordinated to
+a man, and was constantly on the alert to assert herself.
+She had a horror of marriage, which she thought of as
+gross subordination to the crude physical desires of men.
+One budding love affair broke up when the man went insane
+and died.</p>
+
+<p>For a long time she longed to have a child, but only
+one child. She wished that there were some other means of
+impregnation than by using a man, but finally decided to
+bend to the inevitable. Several years before analysis she
+looked around to select a man to be the father of her
+child. It was a year after she became acquainted with
+the man before she could bring herself to coitus, and she
+felt befouled. After the birth of the child she became
+utterly indifferent to the man, and broke off their relationship.
+She was, of course, sexually frigid.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[123]</span></p>
+
+<p>What is the meaning of this demand for a child, and for
+but a single child? It was essentially a subconscious demand
+for the penis to finish her assumption of the male
+rôle. The psychoanalytical study of the growth of the female
+personality stresses the importance which this motive
+assumes.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_38_38" href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> Gregory Zilboorg has analyzed certain post-pregnancy
+psychoses from this point of view, and in so
+doing has thoroughly surveyed the theoretical field.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_39_39" href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p>
+
+<p>Castration dreams appeared in the guise of losing muffs
+and keys. Homosexual dreams took the usual shape of a
+nude homosexual figure. Horrified by dreams of sexual
+intercourse with her father, she began the analytical process.
+Her narcissism expressed itself in both simple and
+disguised form. She dreamed of being the mayor and of
+humiliating men in all manner of ways. She dreamed of
+influencing the whole world (telepathic dreams). Incidentally,
+she credits dreams with some prophetic significance.
+Once she dreamed of a clay field over which she
+was passing which changed to plowed land, signifying
+work, and, sure enough, she found a job the next day.
+Another time she was crossing a brook and saw an ugly
+body in the stream, and developed laryngitis the next day.</p>
+
+<p>The narcissistic component was strong. She felt the
+universal rule of the analytical situation to say everything
+that crosses the mind to be a personal command from the
+doctor. She bitterly resented this subordination to a man,
+and finally broke off the analysis. She showed a record of
+having been quite rebellious against those in authority
+over her—shop foremen and party leaders.</p>
+
+<p>Miss G had an enormous masculine complex. She chose
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[124]</span>masculine goals, and ruled out the female rôle as far as
+she could. Her narcissism brought her from obscurity to
+distinction, though at the cost of several neurotic difficulties
+in which her repressed drives found crippling expression.
+She swings between vanity and inferiority feelings. She
+blushes when praised, she blushes in public because of
+the dependence of her sex on men, and she is timid in the
+presence of academic people. She always feels ill at ease
+with strangers, and lives in isolation from society.</p>
+
+<p>In theory and in practice Miss G is for free love, and
+for the complete equality of the sexes. She sought out
+politics as a career as a means of expressing the male rôle
+of dominance, a drive which was powerfully organized in
+her early childhood experiences.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_40_40" href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p>
+
+<p>What has been said about the agitator may be brought
+together at this point in a provisional summary. Our general
+theory of the political man stressed three terms, the
+private motives, their displacement on to public objects,
+and their rationalization in terms of public interests. The
+agitator values mass-responses. Broadly speaking, this requires
+an extension of the theory to make it possible to
+divide politicians among themselves according to the means
+which they value in expressing the drives of their personalities.
+Now what is there about the agitator’s developmental
+history which predisposes him to work out his affects
+toward social objects by seeking to arouse the public
+directly? Why, to state it another way, is he the slave of
+the sentiments of the community at large? Why is he not
+able to work quietly without regard to the shifts of mood
+which distinguish the fickle masses? Why is he not able to
+cultivate interests in the manipulation of objective materials,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[125]</span>in the achievement of aesthetic patterns, or in the technical
+development of abstractions? Why is he not principally
+concerned with the emotional responses of a single
+person, or a few persons in his intimate circle? Why is he
+not willing to wait for belated recognition by the many or
+by the specialized and competent few?</p>
+
+<p>Agitators as a class are strongly narcissistic types. Narcissism
+is encouraged by obstacles in the early love relationships,
+or by overindulgence and admiration in the
+family circle. Libido which is blocked in moving outward
+toward objects settles back upon the self. Sexual objects
+like the self are preferred, and a strong homosexual component
+is thus characteristic. Among the agitators this
+yearning for emotional response of the homosexual kind
+is displaced upon generalized objects, and high value is
+placed on arousing emotional responses from the community
+at large. The tremendous urge for expression in
+written or spoken language is a roundabout method of
+gratifying these underlying emotional drives. Agitators
+show many traits which are characteristic of primitive
+narcissism in the exaggerated value which they put on the
+efficacy of formulas and gestures in producing results in
+the world of objective reality. The family history shows
+much repression of the direct manifestation of hatred.
+There is often a record of a “model boy” during the
+early years, or of a shy and sensitive child who swallowed
+his resentments. Repressed sadism is partly vented upon
+objects remote from the immediately given environment,
+and favors the cultivation of general social interests. The
+youth has usually learned to control by suppression and by
+repression the full amplitude of his affects, and this is a
+discipline in deceit. The narcissistic reactions prevent the
+developing individual from entering into full and warm
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[126]</span>emotional relationships during his puberty period, and
+sexual adjustments show varying degrees of frigidity or
+impotence, and other forms of maladjustment.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_41_41" href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> Speaking
+in terms of early growth phases, the agitators as a group
+show marked predominance of oral traits.</p>
+
+<p>Distinctions within the agitating class itself may be
+drawn along several lines. The oratorical agitator, in contradistinction
+to the publicist, seems to show a long history
+of successful impostorship in dealing with his environment.
+Mr. A, it will be recalled, was able to pass for a model,
+and became skilled in the arts of putting up a virtuous
+front. Agitators differ appreciably in the specificity or the
+generality of the social objects upon which they succeed
+in displacing their affects. Those who have been consciously
+attached to their parents, and who have been successful
+impostors, are disposed to choose remote and general objects.
+Those who have been conscious of suppressing serious
+grievances against the early intimate circle, and who
+have been unable to carry off the impostor’s rôle, are inclined
+to pick more immediate and personal substitutes.
+The rational structure tends toward theoretical completeness
+in the former case. Displacement choices depend on
+the models available when the early identifications are
+made. When the homosexual attitude is particularly important,
+the assaultive, provocative relation to the environment
+is likely to display itself; when the impotence fear
+is active, grandiose reaction patterns appear more prominently.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[127]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII">
+    CHAPTER VIII
+    <br>
+    POLITICAL ADMINISTRATORS
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>Some administrators are full of ideas and others are
+seldom attracted by novelty. Some do their best work
+under a rather indulgent chief; others fall to pieces unless
+there is strong pressure from above. There are administrators
+who derive their influence over subordinates from
+the authority of their positions rather than from the authority
+of their personalities. There are some who may be
+depended upon for the conscientious performance of detailed
+tasks, while others neglect details and think in terms
+of general policy.</p>
+
+<p>Viewed developmentally, it appears that one group of
+administrators is remarkably akin to the agitators, differing
+only in the fact that they are bound to particular individuals
+more closely, and thus displace their affects upon
+less generalized objects. This gives a certain independence
+to the administrator from the compulsion to “get a rise
+out of” large numbers of the population. It ties him more
+securely, however, to the members of his own environment,
+whose relations he seeks to co-ordinate. The administrator
+is a co-ordinator of effort in continuing activity.</p>
+
+<p>The group which is allied to the agitators includes those
+who show imagination and promoting drive. The history
+of H belongs in this class, and has the incidental interest
+of showing how H behaved in war time.</p>
+
+<p>While it is accurate to say that H is diplomatic and seemingly
+open and frank in dealing with his superiors, it
+should be added that in situations which involve the fate
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[128]</span>of his own projects, he is noticeably overtense, and likely
+to evaluate himself much higher than others. He becomes
+slightly accusatory if his demands are rejected. The elderly
+executive with whom H did his best work sometimes
+complained that a conference with H was as fatiguing as a
+whole day’s work. The older man felt that H might be
+entirely broken up if his projects were rudely rejected, and
+he also believed the young man to be too valuable to damage.
+H recognizes that he has often found himself shirking
+when his superiors let him alone, and wonders why this
+attitude, which is contrary to his own interests, should take
+hold of him. H displays a tendency to behave arrogantly
+toward subordinates, and when he was in the army it was
+obvious that he could maintain discipline only through the
+formal authority vested in him.</p>
+
+<p>H is an only child. His father was a big, overpowering
+person, who was a strict disciplinarian. The parents were
+very prudish in sexual matters, and one of his embarrassing
+memories is the confusion and vexation of his mother
+when he asked her about babies. Left to his own resources,
+and stimulated by a variety of incidents to explore sexual
+problems on his own initiative, the boy became involved in
+a set of episodes and reveries which he tried to keep from
+the family, and thus met every family situation with some
+anxiety lest his sins should find him out. H grew into a
+hyperactive and seemingly light-hearted youngster, who
+obeyed his parents implicitly and met strangers with ingratiating
+charm. H was constantly occupied with the task
+of adopting a manner toward authority which would conceal
+his secret preoccupations.</p>
+
+<p>About the age of four, H surprised his parents in a
+sexual embrace, and vividly recalled his own mixture of
+burning curiosity and embarrassment. Some of his early
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[129]</span>dream fragments indicate that he repressed a powerful
+hostility toward his father, who he thought was hurting
+his mother, and likewise repressed hatred of his mother,
+who he felt was disloyal to him.</p>
+
+<p>His experiences continued through a long chain of incidents.
+There was mutual exposure of sexual parts between
+him and a playmate of his own age. A deeply repressed
+episode was a seduction in which he played the
+principal part. He was meanwhile completely successful
+in playing the rôle of model boy.</p>
+
+<p>When H was ten years of age, however, there transpired
+an incident which for a time branded him in the neighborhood
+as a nasty little renegade, and which had many subsequent
+repercussions. He touched the exposed sexual parts
+of a neighbor girl, who was somewhat his junior. The sister
+and brother of the girl were interested spectators. The
+children told the cooks, and the news finally got around to
+the mother of the girl. She took it calmly enough, but
+thought she ought to tell the boy’s mother. H’s mother
+passed the story to his father, which was the worst thing
+that could happen, from H’s point of view. His father
+administered a sharp dressing-down, and forbade him to
+play outside the yard for a fortnight. H’s father was very
+angry, and lectured him about his sins every night for a
+while. Presently the father went over to see the neighbor,
+and seems to have taken the line that the girl was as much
+to blame as his son if not more so. This tactless behavior
+completely alienated the neighbor.</p>
+
+<p>Now this neighbor happened to edit an important newspaper,
+and ever afterward this newspaper lost no opportunity
+to assail the efficiency of the department in the city
+government headed by H’s father. These attacks continued
+over many years, and H’s father occasionally threw
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[130]</span>it up to him that he had been responsible for the original
+quarrel.</p>
+
+<p>As it was, the boy was ostracized in the neighborhood
+for a year or more, and was not invited to go to parties,
+although he could play with the children. But H was self-conscious,
+and sought companionship farther away. The
+brother of the girl thought that he ought to turn against
+H, and there were some fights.</p>
+
+<p>At fourteen H began to go to high school. He kept away
+from the swimming pool during the first year or two because
+he was much embarrassed by the lack of hair around
+his genitals. This supposed retardation, about which he
+worried a great deal, lasted but a short time, when a new
+set of worries came up. He now believed that his penis was
+abnormally large, and that his testicles were too low-hanging
+and perhaps deformed. In college he was nicknamed
+“Cocky,” on account of his jauntiness, but he secretly suspected
+that this was an allusion to his penis.</p>
+
+<p>A chum taught him how to masturbate, and he continued
+to do so for about six months, when his emissions became
+so frequent that his mother told his father. For once, H’s
+father handled the situation with good sense, and after a
+kindly interview in which the father explained that it was
+not a good idea to indulge excessively, H quit. But even
+this matter was not terminated, for the disturbing reverie
+remained that perhaps his excessive masturbation had permanently
+impaired his manhood.</p>
+
+<p>H had a lively curiosity about his mother’s body of
+which he was intensely ashamed. He recalls loitering in
+his mother’s room while she made ready to change her
+clothes, hoping that she would forget to send him out. He
+found himself speculating about the shape of her body,
+and was several times on the verge of spying through the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[131]</span>keyhole. But his impulse was inhibited when he remembered
+the story told by his father in which a “peeper” was
+spoken of with the greatest contempt. H dreamed of sexual
+intercourse with his mother on several occasions,
+nearly always during periods of unusual strain. These
+dreams were deeply buried and came out into the clear
+with great difficulty.</p>
+
+<p>His sexual curiosity extended to animals, and he stimulated
+the sexual parts of his dog. This further associated
+sex with the bestial and unclean, and convinced him of his
+own guilt for so much as wondering about it.</p>
+
+<p>H’s first sexual intercourse cost him much worry. It
+occurred during his second year in high school. He had
+been sent with the family automobile to drive home a
+guest, and noticed a girl of about his own age who was
+gay and flirtatious. On the way home he picked up the
+girl with two boys whom he knew slightly. All of them
+had sexual intercourse with the girl. He was terribly worried
+that he might reach home too late. His strict father
+had laid down the rule that if he got home at any hour of
+the night, he was to wake up the family and give an account
+of himself. In his haste he neglected to inspect the
+car and his father found some hairpins in the tonneau.
+H denied that he knew anything about them. The incident,
+however, was not closed. He saw an item in the newspaper
+about several men who were arrested for rape, and wondered
+whether he had committed a horrible crime himself
+with his companions. Before long the girl became
+pregnant and was brought before the juvenile court. She
+named another gang of boys, and this gang accused H and
+his two companions of being to blame. He was horrified
+at the prospect of going into court and dragging his family
+to disgrace. H was afraid that his partners in wrongdoing
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[132]</span>would confess, but he denied everything to his father, and
+his father’s political influence kept him from being haled
+into court. But for at least a year the black cloud of possible
+exposure hung on the horizon of his mind.</p>
+
+<p>All during his high-school days he had occasional sex
+intercourse, but every episode was marred by some disagreeable
+features. While there were such experiences
+with girls of low social standing, he had many friendships
+with girls of good social position whom he idealized as
+above sexuality. He attended a private school which was
+patronized almost exclusively by children from very
+wealthy families, and H, who was handsome, well dressed,
+quick, and agreeable, found his friends among them. He
+was often in their homes and admired the signs of wealth
+and culture. He became sensitive of the cultural limitations
+of his own parents, and was afraid to entertain his
+school friends at home, but fortunately from his point
+of view his father was willing to furnish enough money to
+make it possible to hold up his end of the social bargain at
+exclusive clubs and restaurants.</p>
+
+<p>In college H continued to draw a sharp line between
+those who could be petted, but who were too rich and
+refined to be approached for intercourse, and those who
+could be petted, and who were poor enough to be asked
+for intercourse. He continued to associate with a smart
+and wealthy set, and finally concentrated his attention on
+the daughter of a rich business man whom he wanted to
+marry. His left-handed affairs continued at irregular intervals,
+and he felt remorseful when he had the perversions
+performed on him.</p>
+
+<p>Enough has been reported to convey an impression of
+H’s inner state. His unsatisfied sexual curiosity had been
+whetted by his prudish parents. His father defended his
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[133]</span>own ascendancy in the home by ordering the boy about a
+great deal, and H responded to authority by a system of
+reactions which became characteristic of him. He was
+tactful, deferential, and acquiescent, qualified by inner
+resentment and rare gestures of defiance. The father was
+not a friend but a barrier to be circumvented, and the
+father’s hegemony was protected by the sense of guilty
+inferiority which he had created in his son. Family differences,
+such as arose when the father objected to housekeeping
+details, or when the boy wanted more freedom
+to use the car, always showed the same balance of forces—mother
+and son versus the father. The mother did not
+defend herself by robust contradiction but by weak complaints.
+There were only two instances in which the boy
+flared up enough to resist his father openly.</p>
+
+<p>If H had been more successful in winning applause outside
+the family, it is quite possible that his position would
+have been made much easier inside it. His social charm
+brought him into the most influential circles, and this gratified
+his parents, but his father was a man of action who
+felt that while wealthy friends were an asset, his son ought
+to show more positive achievements. Though he never
+nagged H, the father’s sternness, suspiciousness and absence
+of praise made a deep impression on the boy, and
+gave him a sense of insecurity and inadequacy. Although
+H scored no great successes, he went along without academic
+catastrophe until college. He was suspended at the
+end of his Freshman year for poor work, but came back
+after six months, during which he pretended to his father
+that he was still in school. The suspension was partly due
+to the advice given to the dean by his fraternity brothers,
+who had found him very hard to manage, and wanted to
+“bring him to his senses.” H was having a fling, since
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[134]</span>he was away from home for the first time, and away from
+the intimidating father. Presently he steadied down
+enough to get along.</p>
+
+<p>Reminiscences of his guilty sexual experiments, deeply
+charged with guilt-feeling, were continually bobbing up to
+interfere with his progress. Once he was assigned to debate
+in high-school public-speaking class. His opponent proved
+to be the brother of the girl with whom he had the notorious
+incident several years before. The brother was a
+prominent school leader who had no doubt forgotten the
+affair, but it continued to weigh on H. He always had
+felt uncomfortable in the other boy’s presence, and on this
+occasion, being poorly prepared, the situation became so
+unbearable that he fainted.</p>
+
+<p>He began to study agriculture at college, but soon found
+that he had made a mistake. His family owned a ranch
+which he often visited during vacations, and very much
+enjoyed. Farming was an avocation of his father, and H
+had the idea that ranching was a genteel occupation without
+much work, and with much ordering of other people
+about. He vaguely thought of himself as a country gentleman
+of cultivated leisure. The war saved H from agriculture.
+He took up aviation, without losing “credits,” partly
+because the snobbish mother of his favorite girl was bowled
+over by the uniform, and partly because he thought it
+would be better to go into the war, if he had to go, as an
+officer than as a private. His father’s influence secured
+a deferred classification for him in the draft, and H,
+though feeling quite small about it, said to himself that it
+was better for people to die who were without his own
+advantages and achievements.</p>
+
+<p>His career as an officer in the camp brought out the
+traits to which reference has previously been made. His
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[135]</span>engaging deference toward his superiors won them all,
+but he had trouble with the men. His own insecurity led
+to an arrogant pose on his part that offended every man
+in the company. He also discovered that the moment
+discipline was relaxed he became very careless in performing
+his own duties.</p>
+
+<p>The same constellation of traits reappeared in his administrative
+career, modified by the fact that he learned
+to assume a less provocative attitude toward his subordinates.
+He made a very good record, and proposed a number
+of changes that were adopted for the improvement
+of the service.</p>
+
+<p>Looking back over H’s history, the striking thing is
+his prolonged worry about his adjustment to specific persons.
+H was never able to make the hurdle into abstract
+interests. Even his administrative ideas were closely tied
+to the immediate context of the service. H’s life was very
+much dominated by his relationship to definite people,
+and this meant a prolonged carry-over of early attitudes
+to these individuals. Unlike B, who could rightly feel
+that his father and brother and aunt were treating him
+unjustly, H was all too aware that he “deserved” more
+than he got. His success as an impostor was rudely interrupted
+in some early episodes.</p>
+
+<p>Another “marginal” history shows what happens to some
+men with agitating aspirations who are not able to disentangle
+themselves from a place inside an organization
+and to give themselves up wholly to agitational work. Mr.
+I is a type occasionally met with inside administrative
+staffs who makes a serious problem for himself and others.
+He radiates plans that he neglects to execute, and he is
+supercilious and defiant toward superiors. He lacks the
+drive, however, to move over into agitational work entirely
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[136]</span>by identifying himself with a sufficiently dramatic cause.
+Sometimes this is due, as in I’s own case, to powerful early
+identifications with particular projects, and with administrative
+work as such. When such a person can be pried
+loose from certain of these early fixations, he often proves
+capable of fulfilling the expectations which he is able to
+arouse.</p>
+
+<p>The father of I was a man whose extraordinary talents
+won him great distinction, but who never quite managed to
+come through as brilliantly as people had a right to expect
+from one so richly endowed. I’s father could talk five or
+six languages and read many more. He was educated in
+England, France, and Italy, and after serving as a professor
+of modern languages, his interest in educational problems
+led him to become the head of a famous preparatory
+school, and later of a public school. He spent most of
+his time reading, and during the last decade of his life
+drank heavily, but without impairing the quality of his
+work. Someone who knew him pronounced the man “a
+self-centered intellectual who died without a friend.” The
+mother of I was an adopted daughter of a member of the
+British aristocracy, and was brought up in distinguished
+social and intellectual circles. The mother was exceptionally
+active in all sorts of humanitarian enterprises but
+lavished much time and love on the boy, who was “dreadfully
+spoiled,” and accepted everybody’s judgment that
+he was a budding genius.</p>
+
+<p>True to anticipations, the boy shot through school like
+a meteor, ranking first in his subjects, and taking every
+available honor with ease. In college he branched out into
+social and political life on a large scale, and joined about
+twenty organizations, managing to have himself put on
+every important committee.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[137]</span></p>
+
+<p>Like his father, the son took up public-school work.
+Becoming interested in psychology, he did some graduate
+work, and quickly published a book that received very
+favorable comment among those best qualified to judge
+it. The idea of educational reform fired his imagination,
+and he lectured far and wide, engaging in agitations to
+secure legislation which would authorize a number of experimental
+schools.</p>
+
+<p>The part of his history which is especially interesting
+to the student of administration is this: He was continually
+at outs with his superiors and colleagues. His first
+teaching position began with a feud, and lasted but a little
+while. He was invited to resign his next post. He was
+asked to resign the next position. He was asked to resign
+the next position. These entries appear monotonously
+through his record.</p>
+
+<p>Everybody conceded the brilliance and fertility of his
+mind, and did homage to the originality of his plans. He
+began work but failed to carry it far, seeming to think that
+work planned was work done. His methods were always
+aggressive. Seized of an administrative idea, he went to
+his superiors. When they criticized the scheme, or rejected
+his suggestion, he often took the bit in his teeth and tried
+to run the ship in his own way.</p>
+
+<p>More than once financial irregularities have been discovered
+in connection with his work. He has given out
+checks when no funds were available, and run unduly
+large expense accounts. Whenever he has been in financial
+jams, he has turned to other people for aid as a matter
+of course, seeming to feel that he has a claim on the
+world for support.</p>
+
+<p>He has always been childishly dependent on his wife
+for praise. He resented his wife’s motherhood, but has
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[138]</span>been overindulgent with the two children, who, his wife
+says, have no respect for him. He likes to be the center
+of attention, and is a clever showman, and a great deal of
+a bluffer. He is usually not high tempered but affectionate.
+He is inclined to be accusatory toward his wife—“a vixen”—but
+his wife appears to be a keen person, who was
+enough impressed by his precocious brilliance to marry
+and to pamper him, but who in later years has delivered
+herself of pointed comments on his character.</p>
+
+<p>It seems that he has gone through several periods of
+alternating exhilaration and despondency. The exhilarations
+came when he had a position and when life became
+a little monotonous or a little hard. At least one of these
+swings was sufficiently pronounced to lead to a period of
+retirement in a sanitarium. During this time he was asked
+what kind of work he liked best, and replied, “Reforming
+the world—my first choice; second, exploiting the world.”</p>
+
+<p>The strength of his narcissism is self-evident, and the
+feminine marks in his character are numerous. He expects
+to be nurtured and supported by the world as a matter
+of right. He demands constant “mothering” from his wife,
+and coddles the children. His father-hatred, which was
+thoroughly repressed in the family, comes out in his difficulty
+with father-surrogates, and in his determination to
+change the educational system at points where the father
+took it for granted or overtly defended it. The selection
+of the pedagogical rôle is itself indicative of the strength
+of his father-identification. What seems to have happened
+in his development is a fixation of interests in a relatively
+narrow sphere in which the affects are so powerful and at
+the same time so contradictory that difficulties are assured.
+He finds it impossible to shake off his managerial aspirations
+sufficiently to devote all his time to the propagation
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[139]</span>of ideas. Although his affects are displaced upon abstract
+problems, they are not displaced upon objects sufficiently
+removed from his father, and the displacement does not
+succeed in making it possible for him to achieve an impersonal
+attitude toward his superiors and colleagues in educational
+administration. The exaggerated praise heaped
+upon him as a boy had much to do with the narcissism.
+His incapacity to follow through is no doubt related to
+his early conflicts over genital activity. The chief point
+of significant contrast with A is that the narcissistic component
+interfered more seriously with H’s development,
+since it led him to insist upon playing an administrative
+rôle. A’s environment was less prostrate before him, and
+he was able to avoid assuming administrative obligations
+where he would be cramped and subordinated.</p>
+
+<p>The history of J, which has been reported by Alexander,&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_42_42" href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>
+shows what lies behind a powerful administrator’s thirst
+for responsibility, and reveals how changes in the working
+relations inside an organization may disorganize the individual.</p>
+
+<p>J was a driving executive whose superiors deferred to
+his judgment and accepted his plans. His abounding energy
+sought an outlet through the assumption of heavier
+and heavier responsibilities inside the organization. Finally,
+a change in the chief executive brought J under the
+immediate control of a man who handled him with cool
+assurance, holding him firmly but considerately to his
+own formal sphere of action. Confronted for the first
+time in his life by a more powerful personality who knew
+how to regulate him, J took the wife of another man for
+his mistress, and in spite of the remonstrances of those
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[140]</span>who knew him, he held tenaciously to both the mistress
+and the wife.</p>
+
+<p>An analysis showed that J was characterized from early
+childhood by a notable split in his personality. Side by
+side with his aggressive, masculine drive there existed a
+strongly repressed, though powerful, feminine tendency.
+His personality is to be rendered intelligible only as a
+compromise formation between those two incompatible motives.
+The repression of the passive component produced
+a regressive fixation upon the wife, who was compelled
+to play a markedly maternal rôle, and to humor his every
+whim. He resented it if his every wish was not defined
+and fulfilled before he had to go to the trouble of putting
+it into words. J has delicate aesthetic sensibilities, and is
+a cultivated amateur in the arts.</p>
+
+<p>In sharpest imaginable contrast to his behavior at home
+was his insatiable thirst for authority and responsibility
+in his professional life. One of his dreams acutely symbolized
+him as a giant automobile of untold horse-power,
+whose body was a light French coach of the rococo period.</p>
+
+<p>As Alexander comments, J’s life-problem was to indulge
+his passive demands without doing violence to his masculine
+ideal. But this was not accomplished without strain.
+He could earn periods of indulgence in aesthetics by exaggerated
+aggressiveness in his work, but as his feminine
+tendencies were gratified, his masculine ideal was endangered,
+and he would be driven back to high-pressure management.
+The psychological significance of his work was
+symbolized in the following dream: He was penetrating
+a thick sheet of cardboard with a needle, and continually
+asking for new sheets to bore through. He succeeded in
+going through several thicknesses. The cardboard represented
+his occupational problems, and the needle his penis.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[141]</span>His professional activity was largely a sublimation of his
+aggressive, active sexuality.</p>
+
+<p>The equilibrium between his aggressiveness in work and
+his passivity in marital life was upset by the new chief
+executive, who skilfully hemmed in his activity. Alexander
+remarks that it is impossible for a man who has
+struggled all his life against very strong unconscious homosexuality
+to serve under a strong man. The dominating
+personality arouses the latent attitude, and the subordinate
+must resort to special means of maintaining his repression.
+In the case of B, which we have previously considered,
+the means of restoring some sort of equilibrium was escape
+(by resigning), but when that became very difficult,
+he fled into a world of fantasy (a psychosis). J met the
+crisis by breaking through the sublimation of his heterosexuality,
+and taking a mistress as an outlet for his
+thwarted drives. Further than that, he vindicated his masculinity
+in a very dramatic way. He not only took a mistress,
+but he took the wife of another.</p>
+
+<p>From now on, he was dependent on both women to preserve
+the equilibrium of his personality. Previously the
+equilibrium had been maintained between wife and work;
+now it depended on wife, mistress, and work, for the aggressive,
+masculine component required the mistress to
+make up for the limitations imposed upon his working
+sphere.</p>
+
+<p>Alexander reports that in the course of a long analysis
+this remarkable split in the personality was traced back
+to early childhood. “At the age of four he was already
+the same person.” At the age of four he continued to
+drink milk out of a bottle, stubbornly resisting every effort
+to break him of the practice. But—and it was with an emphatic
+“but” that J produced the reminiscence—at the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[142]</span>same time the boy was especially adventurous and independent,
+riding all by himself out on the highway. Here
+was the same antithesis that later expressed itself in his
+peculiar relation to wife and work. The child won the
+right to indulge his infantile, oral tendencies in one particular
+by exaggerated boldness in other respects. This
+solution was the prototype for his later life.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The rôle of the bottle was later taken by his wife, whom he
+often treated like an inanimate object whose only function was to
+minister to his needs, while his work, and later his mistress, were
+the successors to the bicycle, by means of which he was able to
+prove his independence and his masculinity to himself and the
+world.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The castration fear, which was aroused by the means
+adopted to break up his infantile masturbation, favored
+the oral fixation, and came into conflict with his strong
+masculine genital drive, laying the basis for this notable
+character split.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>The records so far discussed have had to do with inventive
+or driving administrators. A type often met with
+in the public service is the conscientious, overscrupulous
+official, whose touchiness, fondness for detail, delight in
+routine, and passion for accuracy at once preserve the
+integrity of the service and alienate the affections of anybody
+who has to do business with the government. K was
+such a man. For some years he was in the forestry service,
+where part of his duties was to mark the trees that
+might be cut by private lumbermen. The lumbermen naturally
+argued that the straight, sound trees should be cut
+and the damaged ones left for seed. K took a variety of
+other factors into account, and spent days measuring and
+estimating position, growth rates, and shade area, exasperating
+the lumbermen with his everlasting and often
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[143]</span>superfluous scrupulousness. He keenly felt his responsibilities
+as a public servant, and disliked the very appearance
+of succumbing to private pressure. At one time K
+resigned the service in disgust because of “uncivil” treatment
+by a superior, but his “touchiness” was much more
+deeply rooted in his nature than he had any idea.</p>
+
+<p>The record of K is not only the story of a pedantic
+official but of an ardent patriot. One of the highest forms
+of patriotism is supposed to be volunteering for posts of
+conspicuous danger in war. K pulled all the wires within
+reach to get a place on the front line, and only the point-blank
+refusal of his superiors to allow him to squander
+his technical ability prevented him from achieving his
+desire. From a close examination of his intimate history
+we learn how one variety of superpatriot comes to be.</p>
+
+<p>K was the youngest of four children. His next brother
+was eight years his senior, his sister was five years older
+than this brother, and his oldest brother was eighteen years
+ahead of him.</p>
+
+<p>He never remembered a time when his mother and
+father, who were divorced when he was eight, were on
+good terms with each other. They seldom spoke, except
+to quarrel. This family background was reflected in the
+mental life of the growing child. K was notoriously nervous
+and timid. From a very early day he began to be
+preoccupied with why he was different from everybody else
+in the world. His sense of isolation and strangeness led
+him to believe that perhaps he was the only real person
+in the world and that everybody else was an illusion. He
+would sometimes come up wonderingly to touch his mother,
+and then himself, to see if she, too, were real. He speculated
+on how he could get away from the human shadows
+around him, and became convinced that he could fly. Several
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[144]</span>times he laboriously climbed up on the seat of a
+kitchen chair, spread his arms like a bird, and leaped into
+space. Every time he crashed to the floor, his frightened
+mother rescued him, but he always felt surprised and
+rather aggrieved that he should fall, and secretly believed
+that he could fly after all. This type of reaction characteristically
+appears where emotional conflicts in the home
+create an acute problem of emotional orientation for the
+child.</p>
+
+<p>As a small boy he was sent by his mother to follow
+his father when he left the house, and to report where
+he went. K developed a strong sense of guilt for this, and
+after the divorce was afraid that his father would return
+and take revenge on him in some unknown and horrible
+way. His father did occasionally reappear, and once invited
+the boy to spend the night with him, but K was too
+frightened to accept.</p>
+
+<p>The family often lived in the country, and the self-consciousness
+of K in the presence of strangers was heightened
+by frequent removals into new and often isolated places.
+One of the towns near which he lived when about nine
+was on a frontier. Gun-play was frequent, and K remembers
+having seen the corpses of men who had been shot
+down in street brawls. There were ominous-looking fellows
+around town, and the boy gave them a wide berth.</p>
+
+<p>The death of his mother when he was twelve robbed K
+of his main emotional support in a dangerous world. She
+died after two years of suffering from an infected limb.
+She would also spit into bits of papers and burn them in
+the stove. K wondered why she did this, and later developed
+a reverie the importance of which will soon appear.</p>
+
+<p>The older members of the family were left with K on
+their hands, and they decided to club together and put all
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[145]</span>thought of marrying out of their heads until he was able
+to stand alone. The boy did not then realize the sacrifices
+they made for him, but he later discovered that his older
+brother put off marrying the girl of his choice until she
+broke off the engagement and married someone else. It
+was not until about the time that he graduated from high
+school and the home was broken up that he became aware
+of what he owed them, and ever after he was plagued by
+the thought of his unworthiness, and his incapacity to repay
+his brothers and sister for their care. Up to that time
+he had experienced no particular sense of gratitude, and
+although his older brother once or twice referred to his
+dependent position, his private feelings were mainly of
+resentment against the restrictions imposed upon him.</p>
+
+<p>And these restrictions were not inconsiderable. The
+family ran a greenhouse, and the drudgery involved in
+such an occupation was incessant. There were slips to
+transplant, beds to weed, and loads to pull and carry.
+There were long hours of boredom over routine occupations.
+K was expected to dash home from school at the
+earliest possible moment, and to lend a hand with the endless
+chores about the place.</p>
+
+<p>Occasionally he succeeded in evading his duties. He
+stopped to play on the way home from deliveries, and he
+stayed at school on some pretext or other to join the drill
+squad. But he was always haunted by fear and guilt. His
+older brother was a strict disciplinarian, and beat him
+several times. His sister occasionally let him have some
+spending money, but as a rule he was tightly cramped
+financially. When his gang organized into a drill squad,
+and chose their uniforms, he was humiliated when the
+necessary dollars were not forthcoming from home.</p>
+
+<p>K was worried by what appeared to be a lack of physical
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[146]</span>stamina and endurance. This idea (which had no
+basis in fact) in part grew out of his efforts to do what
+his brothers did. They occasionally broad-jumped or
+pulled weights, and of course K made a poor showing
+beside them. But for the unconscious hostility against them,
+such unequal results would not have disturbed him. His
+morbid worries about his strength led him to submit to
+a great deal of bullying by town toughs.</p>
+
+<p>His adolescent years were marred by perpetual anxieties
+about his social adequacy. He had been the victim of an
+explosion which left his face marked with powder stains,
+and this repugnant tattooing, which disappeared very gradually,
+embarrassed him for years.</p>
+
+<p>K’s older brothers and sister sometimes took him with
+them to parties because there was nobody to leave him
+with, and an annoying sense of being in the way added
+to his growing sense of social inadequacy. During high-school
+days he fell in love with the daughter of the most
+influential man in the locality, but as her social standards
+became more exacting, his lack of money, leisure, and
+prestige made it impossible for him to travel with her set.
+One of the most humiliating episodes in his life was the
+one which broke up their relations. K had arranged to
+meet her at a dancing class. Another girl called up to see
+if he would take her, but he said he wasn’t going. His
+oldest brother had listened in on the telephone extension,
+and was astonished to see K appear all dressed up and on
+the way out. He launched forth on a tirade, declaring
+that K gallivanted around throwing money away and shirking
+his job, though he was absolutely dependent on others
+for his daily bread. K was cut to the quick, and went
+back to his room churning with too many emotions to call
+up and offer explanations to the girl.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[147]</span></p>
+
+<p>K had taken it for granted ever since he was a small
+boy that he would go to college. He traced back his determination
+to an incident when he was driving across the
+plains one magnificent starry night. He sat in the bottom
+of the rig, rapt in contemplation of the sparkling sky,
+while his mother chatted with her neighbor. Suddenly he
+asked how he could find out about the stars, and she replied
+that people could study all about them in college.
+He then and there resolved to go to college, and never
+had a moment’s doubt about it, although the members of
+his immediate family went no farther than the common
+school.</p>
+
+<p>In spite of his inferiority feelings, K was not cut off
+from some measure of recognition in high school. His dependable
+and sympathetic qualities impressed themselves
+upon those who came into close daily contact with him,
+and he was made an officer of his high-school class. He
+was respectful toward his teachers and good in his studies.</p>
+
+<p>College was an entirely different affair. His personal
+worries multiplied during the transition period. Lacking
+funds, he sought a scholarship. The only one tenable from
+his district to the state university was in ceramic engineering,
+and after looking up “ceramic” in the dictionary,
+he applied and was selected for admission. The work
+proved to have no particular interest for him, and his social
+life was even less satisfying. He was met at the college
+town by the members of a church group who lived together
+in a dormitory (some friend had written them), and he,
+though never devout, stopped with them during the first
+term. This marked him as a non-fraternity man. He
+waited tables in a fraternity house, and as bad luck would
+have it, a former teacher wrote highly recommending him
+to the consideration of this particular fraternity. When
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[148]</span>a committee broke the news to him, he was utterly confused
+and made such a lamentable impression that it was not
+possible to extend him the bid. One of his odd jobs was
+beating carpets at a sorority house, and this turned out
+to be the sorority that had pledged the girl with whom he
+had been (and still felt) in love.</p>
+
+<p>For relaxation K was forced into the domain of the
+kitchen maids. A servant girl struck up a friendship with
+him, and he had sexual relations with her. He had tried
+intercourse once during high-school days, and had a premature
+emission, a practice which often bothered him
+later, providing a permanent source of humiliation.</p>
+
+<p>Transferring to another college, he began his work in
+forestry, in which he had acquired some interest during
+hikes with a friendly high-school teacher. Handicapped
+by lack of money and worried by a mounting sense of
+social inadequacy, his life was no more successful than
+before. In high-school days he envied a talkative lad who
+astonished the company by glibly recounting anecdotes
+about Napoleon. One of his relatives whom he had known
+as a boy left an ideal of social charm which never was
+attained.</p>
+
+<p>K’s inner uncertainties finally reached a point which
+led him to resolve that he ought to discover once for all
+whether forestry would prove to be a proper vocation. He
+left college and joined the government service. This was
+to be the great test of his ability to master himself.</p>
+
+<p>So keen was his preoccupation with self-mastery that he
+resented every effort to influence him, and acted with unnecessary
+strictness in dealing with private lumbermen.
+He was often deprived of human relationships during his
+days in the field, and gradually his mind became more
+and more enmeshed in morbid reflections about himself.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[149]</span>His mind simply refused to concentrate on the technical
+volumes which he had brought with him to improve the
+solitude. Reveries which had been slowly germinating on
+the periphery of his attention now began to foliate. K had
+always wondered why his mother burned those little bits
+of paper. It dawned on him one day that she might really
+have died of tuberculosis, and that he must therefore be
+predisposed toward that disease. Early in his high-school
+days, he had begun deep-breathing exercises, though he
+had never freely admitted to himself or anybody else what
+lay behind it. He always gave the usual account of his
+mother’s death to insurance examiners, smothering his
+doubts in affirmation.</p>
+
+<p>This was his state of mind when America entered the
+war. He found himself saying that since he was going to
+die anyhow from a loathsome disease, he might as
+well die at once and get it over with. Enlisting without
+delay, he sought to reach an exposed position as rapidly
+as he could. But the government had different ideas, and
+assigned him to a branch of the service where his technical
+skill would prove useful. In his disappointment, all the
+old feelings of inadequacy returned. Interviewed by an
+officer he floundered and stumbled, neglecting to report
+essential facts about his training and experience. The accidental
+intervention of an acquaintance straightened out
+the matter, and secured the authority to which his record
+entitled him. At first he was very much embarrassed in the
+company of lumberjacks, but his behavior never showed
+his confusion. His actual record was, as usual, excellent,
+and his conscientious efficiency won the indorsement of
+everybody who knew him.</p>
+
+<p>K married a rather dominating school-teacher whom he
+had known for some time. When things went badly, as
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[150]</span>they often did, he was partially impotent, and also showed
+the phenomenon which has been christened “Sunday neurosis.”
+Every Sunday afternoon when he was at home he
+would find himself assailed by deep depression, and would
+weep quietly to himself.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_43_43" href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> In spite of these neurotic
+troubles, K was able to make an important place for himself
+inside a bureaucracy, when he came back from the
+army.</p>
+
+<p>From one point of view, K’s character may be summed
+up by saying that his overscrupulous performance of duty
+was an elaborate effort to demonstrate his potency, and
+that his longing for danger came at a time when he was
+willing to surrender the struggle. K’s morbid moods and
+persistent feelings of inadequacy are self-imposed penalties
+for his hostilities against the environment. He possessed
+very powerful aggressive drives which were partly
+expressed in the adoption of a self-ideal which was far
+more ambitious than anything deemed feasible by the family.
+His narcissism was such that he was prevented from
+viewing himself as an object, and from modifying his demands
+upon the world for recognition, and upon himself
+for production, until these demands bore a closer relationship
+to his own skills and opportunities. The basis for his
+obsessive scrupulousness was laid during early childhood,
+when he was torn between father and mother-loyalties, and
+acted out within his own nature the clashes that occurred
+between them. His strong mother-identification is shown
+by his belief that he suffered from her diseases, and would
+die from tuberculosis as she had died. He preferred death
+to a reduction in his demands upon himself and the world.
+Such a reaction has in it the primitive demand of the child
+to treat the world as controllable at will by the omnipotent
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[151]</span>fantasy. His genital difficulties testify to the intensity of
+the castration conflict, and show the passive-oral regression.
+K deeply resented having to adjust to the world at
+all. His capacity for hard work was achieved against high
+resistance, and in part had the value of a penance. Thus
+when workless days came around, he was always ill at
+ease, and sometimes showed the spells of weeping on Sunday
+afternoons. To work was to prove his potency, and
+to supply a ritual substitute for and defense against his
+antisocial impulses. He was unable to emancipate himself
+very far from the reactions of the people in his immediate
+environment.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>As a class the administrators differ from the agitators
+by the displacement of their affects upon less remote and
+abstract objects. In the case of one important group this
+failure to achieve abstract objects is due to excessive preoccupation
+with specific individuals in the family circle,
+and to the correlative difficulty of defining the rôle of the
+self. Putting agitator A at one end of the scale, we may
+place administrator K or H near the other. Agitator B was
+less able to displace than A, as shown by the more personal
+character of the reforms which interested him. K
+or H were so concerned about definite people, and about
+their own failures in relation to many of them, that emancipation
+was unattainable.</p>
+
+<p>As a hypothetical construction from these “marginal”
+cases, we may suggest that another group of administrators
+is recruited from among those who have passed smoothly
+through their developmental crises. They have not overrepressed
+powerful hostilities, but either sublimated these
+drives, or expressed them boldly in the intimate circle.
+They display an impersonal interest in the task of organization
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[152]</span>itself, and assert themselves with firmness, though
+not with overemphasis, in professional and in intimate
+life. Their lack of interest in abstractions is due to the
+fact that they have never needed them as a means of
+dealing with their emotional problems. They can take
+or leave general ideas without using them to arouse widespread
+affective responses from the public. Tied neither
+to abstractions nor to particular people, they are able to
+deal with both in a context of human relations, impersonally
+conceived. Their affects flow freely; they are not
+affectless, but affectively adjusted. Very original and
+overdriving administrators seem to show a fundamental
+pattern which coincides with that of the agitators; the differences
+in specific development are principally due to
+the cultural patterns available for identification at critical
+phases of growth.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[153]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IX">
+    CHAPTER IX
+    <br>
+    POLITICAL CONVICTIONS
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>Political prejudices, preferences, and creeds are often
+formulated in highly rational form, but they are grown in
+highly irrational ways. When they are seen against the
+developmental history of the person, they take on meanings
+which are quite different from the phrases in which
+they are put.</p>
+
+<p>To begin, almost at random, with L. He believes that
+the United States ought to join the League of Nations and
+that our government ought to lead the world toward conciliation
+and peace. He is a Republican in party preference,
+and possesses well-rationalized judgments on a number
+of public questions. It is for none of these reasons that
+his history is of special value to the political scientist.
+What his intimate history does disclose is an exact parallelism
+between his political opinions and those of his father
+and mother, and, besides that, a conscious anxiety on his
+part to conform to the parental pattern of belief and occupation.
+He has a strange premonition that if he goes
+his own way something terrible will happen. Thus L is
+not only a simple conformer, but a compulsive conformer.</p>
+
+<p>He is the youngest of four children. The next older
+member was a brother who was killed when L was eight
+and the brother was seventeen. Since L was so much
+younger than the other children, he was at first petted and
+spoiled. He slept around with all the members of the
+family, but mostly with his mother. A cousin of his own
+age with whom he visited provided the immediate point
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[154]</span>of departure for much exaggerated sexual fantasy. The
+cousin initiated him into various sexual practices when L
+was seven. He began very early to masturbate, and the
+habit stayed with him as a problem until he was through
+college. A certain masochistic element appeared when he
+got erections at an early age upon being spanked by a girl
+playmate. He was sexually stimulated when attending to
+the natural wants of small children.</p>
+
+<p>L developed his guilty fantasies about his sinful impulses
+until he began to fear that grave retribution would
+be visited upon him or his family on account of his secret
+crimes. It was at this time that his brother, who was his
+favorite in the family next to the mother, was killed while
+out on a boyish escapade. L was profoundly stirred by
+this. His forebodings of disaster seemed to have direct
+confirmation, and he soon developed whole congeries of
+compulsive rituals.</p>
+
+<p>When L went to the bathtub, he felt that something terrible
+would happen to his family, and especially to his
+mother, unless he plunged his head under water and held
+it there just as long as he had the breath. He became
+afraid of taking a bath because of this compulsive drive
+to duck his head under the water. Often in the bathroom
+he had the same feeling that disaster could be prevented
+only if he succeeded in drinking all the water that gushed
+out of a faucet. At night he would be seized by the sudden
+conviction that he must bury his face in the pillow and
+keep it there just as long as he possibly could without
+suffocating. Once he swallowed a pin after long inner debate
+over the efficacy of this measure. Several times he
+hung over the edge of the roof on top of the house until
+he barely had strength enough to swing back to safety on
+top of the porch. He felt that he could permit no one
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[155]</span>to pass him on the street. Later he thought he must outstare
+people, and calculated that if he kept staring until seven
+out of ten people dropped their eyes, that all would be
+well.</p>
+
+<p>His mother was the central figure in L’s anxieties. He
+evolved quite independently a theory which had been anticipated
+many centuries before by some primitive people
+and philosophers. He believed that his mother had a spirit
+which left her body the moment any member of the family
+left her alone, and that this spirit was forced to undergo
+all sorts of trials and tests. The spirit would always come
+back to his mother’s body before any member of the family
+spoke to her. In some magical fashion his own acts relieved
+the burden which was laid upon his mother’s spirit.
+Even in adulthood, he found an occasional fantasy which
+was reminiscent of the preoccupations of those years. Not
+long ago he was floating on the water in a swimming pool
+and found himself thinking that his mother could never
+hold her head under water as long as he could hold his
+foot under water.</p>
+
+<p>With all his timidity, removal to a strange environment
+was a severe trial. Just before high-school days his
+family moved to a new community, and he never quite
+overcame his sense of strangeness. He had always been a
+coward, shrinking from physical combat. One of his first
+memories is of sitting on a curb with an older brother,
+who suddenly proposed that he should fight the little
+brother of another boy. L began to fight, but was overcome
+by fear and ran away. Later he was the center of a
+small clique of children in his block, all of whom were
+very much his junior. One of his group bragged about
+L’s physical prowess to the leader of another group, but
+when the challenge was issued L backed down. He was
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[156]</span>worried by his own timidity, but seemed unable to do anything
+about it.</p>
+
+<p>He made a handful of friends in the new environment,
+but was on intimate terms with no one. With one boy he
+was able to talk somewhat freely about sexual fantasies,
+and L once proposed a sexual experiment to a neighbor
+girl. When he was repulsed, his guilt was enormously
+increased.</p>
+
+<p>About this time L began to think seriously of entering
+the ministry, so that he might always think “pure” thoughts
+and do “pure” things. When he went to college he at first
+roomed with boys from his high school, but they talked
+so openly about sex that he felt the atmosphere was deplorable
+and demoralizing. Before the month expired, he
+sought a new room and went into a solitary retreat. During
+the first year of his college life he was acutely religious
+and besought church services regularly. He sought
+guidance from the sermons upon personal and political
+questions.</p>
+
+<p>Having developed the idea that he must live up to the
+family ideal at any price, L felt that he could never depart
+from the opinions and customs of his parents. In
+politics he was a stout Republican, and later, when in a
+religious mood, he heard his preacher espouse the League.
+He felt that he ought to support the League, but was
+plunged into a serious conflict, because he thought his parents
+were against it. Greatly to his relief he discovered
+that his father and mother had also been won over to the
+League by a preacher, and that his lapse from orthodox
+Republicanism would not bring dishonor on the family.</p>
+
+<p>His father-hatred fantasies were very oppressive. They
+took the form of believing that if only his father were
+dead, his mother would have a much easier time of it. L’s
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[157]</span>father was suffering from a steadily advancing paralysis.
+At nine he dreamed that his father was in the bathtub and
+that around him were fat, red snakes that were bound to
+devour him. L who was standing by in the dream, awoke
+in a fright. He often dreamed that his father was away
+and that his mother was happy with him.</p>
+
+<p>L still shows many signs of his early neurosis in some
+of his ceremonial acts, and in the timid conservatism of
+his character. The private meaning of his political convictions
+is clear enough, for they are self-imposed obligations
+to lift his load of guilt for the murderous and incestuous
+fantasies which he long struggled to repress. The
+opinions of the family were sanctioned as a kind of religion.
+It is interesting to see how at first he invented a
+large array of ceremonial practices to substitute for his
+own illicit impulses, and later worked off his guilt feelings
+through the religious patterns which were provided by
+society, and which were revalidated on the basis of his
+private meanings. The acceptance of the political convictions
+of the family was on a par with the acceptance
+of theological dogma.</p>
+
+<p>Among the nonconformists to the family pattern we
+may choose M, whose history was taken by Stekel. M was
+a prominent socialist who agitated for an economic brotherhood
+of man, and whose most important private motive
+in this particular was a bitter hatred of his own brother.
+Most of this hatred was displaced from his brother on to
+capitalistic autocracy, and overreacted against by a social
+ideal of fraternal equality. His hatred of his own brother
+was not entirely disposed of by this displacement, and it
+was necessary to keep at a distance from him, and from
+many of his traits. Thus M despised music because his
+brother liked it, followed a style of dress at the opposite
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[158]</span>pole from his brother, and nearly walked out on the physician
+when he discovered that the physician had treated
+his own brother.</p>
+
+<p>M spent the years agitating at home and abroad, spending
+a year and a half in prison. Thus he succeeded in
+gratifying his masochistic desire to be punished for his
+hatred by provoking society to avenge itself on him. The
+motivation in this personality is notably similar to that
+which has been more elaborately sketched in the history
+of A.</p>
+
+<p>Another nonconformist appears in the history of an anarchist
+who was once a patient of Stekel. N carried his
+social doctrine beyond the sharing of property, insisting
+that wives should be in common. He took the initiative
+by urging his wife to cohabit with the male members of
+his anarchistic society, while he demanded access to the
+wives of others. His own wife finally fell in love with
+another man, and asked N for a divorce. But before arrangements
+could be made, she became pregnant by her
+new partner, who was poor, and asked N to acknowledge
+the new child as his own, since this child would fall heir
+to some money from its supposed grandfather, the father
+of N. He consented to this, as he had to the divorce, but
+his self-esteem was hurt by his wife’s desertion. He had
+always felt elated when his wife came back to him after
+each of her erotic adventures, and now he was all broken
+up. Stekel believes that N’s espousal of communal principles
+in theory and practice was powerfully motivated by
+an irrational desire to humiliate his father by playing a
+generous rôle with his sexual partner, and substituting
+the morality of generosity for his father’s possessive monopoly
+of the mother. When his wife-mother deserted him,
+N’s brilliant career was ruined, and he resorted to opium,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[159]</span>and finally secured a revenge on his father by blocking
+his ambitions for a successful son.</p>
+
+<p>A father-hatred (due to unrequited love) of remarkable
+intensity was the basis of another career which Stekel
+examined. O was the young leader of an anarchist band
+whose anarchism went beyond precept to dramatic practice.
+O had his companions conduct some holdups to
+get money to start an anarchist paper. O was an illegitimate
+child who was brought up and spoiled by an overindulgent
+mother. When he realized that he had a father
+who was still living, but whose identity was never divulged,
+his anger boiled up against his mother upon whose affections
+he no longer had monopolistic claim, and against his
+unknown father, who refused him love and distinction.
+For he had no doubt that his father was a rich and important
+personage. O displaced much of his animosity on
+to remote, abstract symbols of authority, like kings and
+capitalists, and devoted himself to destroying them. Much
+of his affection was likewise displaced upon abstract ideals
+of a fatherless fraternal society, living together without
+coercion. His sadistic impulses were by no means entirely
+sublimated upon remote goals and harmonious means,
+for he led his companions on common robberies. O threw
+a thick mantle of rationalization over his murderous impulses
+and his criminal acts, seeking to justify coercion
+in the name of a coercionless ideal which could only be
+laboriously achieved in the world.</p>
+
+<p>It is the history of such cases, in which the emotions
+are peculiarly intense, which leads one to conclude that
+political assassins have hated their fathers with unusual
+bitterness. E. J. Kempf remarks in his psychopathology,
+after reviewing the historical evidence in the cases of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[160]</span>Guiteau, the assassin of President Garfield, and of Booth,
+the assassin of President Lincoln, as follows:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The writer does not hold that every case of severe affective
+repression in youth, due to the father’s hatred or a father equivalent’s,
+will lead finally to a parricidal or treasonable compulsion.
+It is only held that such affective repressions produce a revolutionary
+character which, if given an appropriate repressive setting
+during maturity, will then converge upon the parricidal act.
+Without the rather specific type of affective repression in his
+youth, he would be invulnerable to parricidal suggestions later
+on.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_44_44" href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="noindent">Illegitimate children, especially when the identity of their
+father is undisclosed, carry with them the perpetual query,
+“Who is my father?” Indeed, the fantasy of belonging
+to other parents than those physically in the family is
+sufficiently widespread as a disguised hostile reverie
+against the actual parents to enable everyone to appreciate
+in some measure the mental state of the illegitimate child.
+“My father may be rich and powerful.” “My father may
+be an aristocrat of distinguished lineage, and he is denying
+me all my just privileges.” Such fantasies are taken
+up and spun out in the reveries of the victim. There is a
+presumption that those who suffer from this kind of social
+inferiority are especially numerous among those who commit
+acts of political violence, as Lombroso held.</p>
+
+<p>P accepted violence, but of a different kind. P is a
+patriot who proved his patriotism by volunteering in the
+late war during the course of which he was distinguished
+for bravery in action. His deepest longing is for war to
+come again. He is in favor of an aggressive foreign policy
+since it increases the chances of war, and war he would
+welcome again as he welcomed it before.</p>
+
+<p>P has a younger brother and an older sister. His mother
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[161]</span>died when he was six and his relations have been strained
+with his stepmother, who entered the family shortly afterward.
+His father was a very successful professional man.</p>
+
+<p>P began to fall behind in his schoolwork when he was
+about seven years old. This brought him into disrepute
+at home, for his previous promise led everyone to expect
+much from him, and the change seemed to prove that he
+was “lazy.” The family has nagged him ever after, hoping
+to stimulate him to work harder. Just why he failed to
+continue to cope successfully with the demands of school
+becomes fairly clear when his reminiscences of the period
+are recovered. He had loved his second-grade teacher and
+had been her special favorite, and both his marks and his
+enthusiasm were high. The third-grade teacher impressed
+him as stern and cruel, and he soon began to despise the
+sight of her. The boy’s work began to crumble, for his
+mind was full of hostile fancies about his new teacher,
+and of yearning fancies for the teacher whom he had just
+lost.</p>
+
+<p>His emotional life was further disturbed about this
+time by the loss of his nurse. P’s stepmother discharged
+her as soon as she came. Now the nurse was the lad’s main
+love, for his own mother had been ill for some years before
+her death. The nurse’s presence gave the child that stable
+reassurance which is so necessary if the mind of the child
+is to be kept free from morbid fears. In P’s case, there
+were strong reasons why this reassurance was necessary.
+An insane man lived across the street and terrified the
+passers-by by screaming at everyone who passed. Shortly
+after his mother’s death P went under ether for a minor
+operation and was terrified that he would die. The fear
+of suffocation reappeared in dreams and nightmares, and
+he was very timid about learning to swim.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[162]</span></p>
+
+<p>The stepmother was a disturbing element as a strange
+and unknown quantity in the environment, and a competitor
+for the affection of the father. When she discharged
+the nurse, P thought of her as a malignant influence. His
+troubles at school were exaggerated by his home changes,
+and his mind became preoccupied with fantasies directed
+against his stepmother, or some substitute.</p>
+
+<p>P’s father was ambitious for the boy. P remembers him
+as quick to reprove and slow to praise. He dreamed of
+his father’s death, and of seeing his father in an accident.
+But his manifest attitude was one of respectful affection.
+No matter what happened in the home, he excused his
+father by reflecting that the stepmother was to blame.
+However, on the deeper level, it appeared that he held his
+father accountable for the death of his mother and the
+disappearance of his nurse.</p>
+
+<p>At school P was popular because of his good physique
+and his docile nature. But his studies came hard. Having
+failed on college-entrance tests, P bolted and joined the
+army. The war came along just in time to give him a
+dignified retreat from an unbearable personal situation.
+He hoped that his father would think about him with pride.
+He was bitterly self-accusatory because of his failure to
+“make good,” and felt a strong unconscious need of punishment.
+Under these conditions he entered army life with
+enthusiasm, and made a fine record for personal courage.</p>
+
+<p>Once the war was over, his troubles began again. He
+succeeded in entering college, but college felt like a nursery.
+He felt that his army experience sophisticated him
+above schoolboy tasks and chatter. All his old worries returned,
+complicated by his longing for a new war. He
+had a long series of difficulties in his occupational life.</p>
+
+<p>Seen against this background, his militarism is perfectly
+intelligible. War gave him a chance to destroy,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[163]</span>wildly and extensively, and also a chance to work off his
+guilt feelings by exposing himself to death. His repressed
+hatreds were partly turned against himself. An interesting
+feature of his ideology is that his longing for personal
+participation in war is combined with indignation against
+the exploitation of backward peoples by the imperialist
+powers. He identifies with the “underdog.”</p>
+
+<p>Q, a contrast to P, is a pacifist and a socialist. His intimate
+history shows that relatively simple association of
+ideas upon which this depends. From an early age Q
+showed a morbid fear of blood. Later on, when he heard
+that western capitalism meant war and bloodshed, he experienced
+a profound emotional revulsion against “capitalism,”
+“imperialism,” and their associated concepts, and
+called himself a “socialist,” “pacifist,” and “internationalist.”</p>
+
+<p>The blood-phobia itself was a powerful factor in developing
+his character. By slow degrees, he was able to push
+the screened memories back until he recovered a simple
+incident which was heavily ladened with affect, and whose
+recollection disposed of the blood-phobia, even though it
+was not completely analyzed. Q’s father was accustomed
+to shave in the kitchen on Saturday afternoon, and Q as
+a small child took a great interest in the proceedings.
+Occasionally the father cut a pimple on his face with the
+big razor he was using, and flinched as the blood spurted
+out. He immediately swabbed the cut, and presumably
+forgot it. But Q did not forget so quickly. He found himself
+much engaged in speculating about it, drawing the
+inference that all the reddish projections on the body are
+full of blood, that, indeed, the body is a reservoir of
+blood; and that the reddish formations are in danger of
+being punctured, so the blood will spurt out and run off.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[164]</span></p>
+
+<p>Q had previously seen his father naked in the bathtub,
+and he thought that his father had rubbed soap over his
+nipples with the palm of his hand and not with the fingers,
+from which he concluded that the nipples must be especially
+tender, and whenever he washed himself, Q carefully
+avoided his own nipples and massaged them most delicately
+with the palm of his hand.</p>
+
+<p>His brother had the habit of biting his finger nails until
+the blood came, and the family reproached him for it,
+prophesying that all sorts of infections might set in. Q
+began to expect that something disastrous would happen,
+and he was not altogether averse to having it happen because
+of his jealousy of the brother. But it came with a
+great shock when his brother did actually develop an infection,
+thus confirming his own suspicions about the necessity
+for stopping outflows of blood.</p>
+
+<p>About this time Q was playing with his older sister, and
+in the course of a scuffle his hand slid down his sister’s
+body and over her breast. Q distinctly felt a nipple catch
+for a moment beneath his fingers, and he was instantly
+terrified for fear that his sister would bleed to death. The
+breasts, he thought, must be partly filled reservoirs of
+blood, since they were soft and yielding.</p>
+
+<p>During his fourth year Q’s grandmother died, and he
+was horrified to think of what would happen to one he
+loved. He had seen a photograph of a reclining nude with
+a beatific smile and the caption “Death” beneath. From
+this he surmised that people were undressed when they
+died, and lowered naked into the ground. But he had seen
+worms in the ground, and the worms would attack the
+body. Since the nipples were prominent and therefore
+easy to reach, the nipples would be eaten through first.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[165]</span>He shuddered to think of the worms gnawing away at his
+grandmother’s nipples, and sometimes woke up in a fright,
+having dreamed that the worms were biting off his own
+nipples.</p>
+
+<p>Once Q came running into his aunt’s house and discovered
+a small infant cousin nursing at the breast. His aunt
+hastily readjusted her dress. Because of the care with
+which the breasts were guarded from exposure by his
+mother, sister, and aunt, he leaped to the conclusion that
+they had something to do with the secret relations of men
+and women.</p>
+
+<p>He had all sorts of trouble trying to figure out how
+these relations were conducted, but when he was about
+eight he originated a theory that temporarily solved the
+problem. Q figured that a man and woman must lie on
+the bed with their faces close together. The male would
+then squeeze the breasts, alternately pressing and releasing
+them, as if they were balloons. Then they turned over and
+rubbed their anuses together. Not long after, he completed
+his theory of procreation by imagining that children must
+be born through a hole in the stomach from which the
+blood gushed copiously. The cutting must be very painful
+and bloody.</p>
+
+<p>Haunted by the fearful prospect of a world which might
+at any time knock a hole in his body and deprive him of
+blood, Q was a bundle of excessive timidities. He was
+afraid of his grandmother’s cat, he ran to his mother if
+he saw a dog, and he was afraid that a horse would bite
+off his hand if he fed it. He hated to watch a ball game
+for fear a foul tip would hit him, and he avoided bugs,
+worms, and lizards like the plague. Q never put up a fight
+outside the house, and cried when the other boys of the
+neighborhood bullied him. Sometimes he was taunted as
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[166]</span>a Jew but he never fought back, much to the disgust of
+his father. His forebodings spread to thunder, lightning,
+fire, redness, and numerous articles of food.</p>
+
+<p>In marked contrast to his cringing demeanor abroad was
+his attitude toward the older brother, ten years his senior.
+Time after time he would pick a quarrel and pummel the
+older youth, until the brother tired of the situation and
+gave him a sharp blow. Thereupon he went to someone
+for comfort. Q’s father felt that the older boy might be
+a little rough, but that the little fellow had something
+coming to him. The mother was uniformly comforting,
+although she reproved both boys for not behaving as brothers
+should.</p>
+
+<p>The boys were profoundly hostile to each other, although
+usually cordial. The older brother made himself conspicuous
+for his tenderness during a serious illness of Q, running
+errands with alacrity, and watching constantly by the
+bedside. When it became clear that Q would live, the
+older boy’s devotion stopped abruptly, indicating the unconscious
+basis of the exaggerated reaction. He was overreacting
+against a death wish against his brother as an
+intruder between him and the mother.</p>
+
+<p>Q envied the achievements of his older brother, and
+often compared himself unfavorably with him. The older
+boy not only stood at the head of his classes, but earned
+his way by playing the violin. Although Q stayed at the
+head of his classes, he was by no means as self-supporting
+as his brother. The brother-hatred appeared in such
+dreams as:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p><i>Dream 1.</i>—My brother is getting married. He is in a dress
+suit. A long line of young men in dress suits are coming up to
+congratulate him. As the first one reaches out his hand, he falls
+backward and all the others fall over one another like tenpins.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[167]</span></p>
+
+<p><i>Dream 2.</i>—My brother and I are walking down the street near
+home. I hear a scream. An Italian is chasing a woman with a
+baby who seeks refuge in a store. The Italian knocks her down.
+Then my brother goes into the store and tries to deal with the
+Italian, but is knocked down. I enter and knock down the Italian.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The brother-jealousy is of secondary significance in Q’s
+history. The crux of the blood-phobia was a critical experience
+whose traumatic effects were due to the strength
+of the affects which were mobilized and repressed. Q slept
+with his father, and the blood-letting incident aroused his
+slumbering desire for the death of his father and his own
+active fear of suffering mutilation (castration). Blood derived
+its significance because it involved a reinstatement of
+the most acute phase of the conflict. To escape from it, Q
+fainted unless he succeeded in getting out of the sight of
+blood at once. It is noteworthy that Q did not at once
+faint when the razor cut the pimple; it was not until the
+elaboration of the fantasy had continued, and the affects
+had become greatly concentrated, that the blood came to
+signalize an instant and overwhelming emergency from
+which a kind of suicide (fainting) was the only escape.</p>
+
+<p>The following terse dream expresses something of the
+underlying situation:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p><i>Dream 3.</i>—I am looking down a city street which is covered
+with snow and lighted by street lights. The President of the
+United States is walking along the street and suddenly slips and
+falls. My attention is then called to a place farther down the
+street where two tumblers are leaping over a rope stretched across
+the street. They are leaping backward and forward with a curious
+mechanical motion.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The rhythmic leaping is a pictorial symbol for the
+pulsations of genital excitement. The President is an authority
+substitute for the father. When the father is out of
+the way, genital activity will become safe. Since the father
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[168]</span>prescribes sexual abstinence (abstinence from handling the
+genitals), this expresses a desire to give greater freedom
+to the repressed impulses of the subject’s character. The
+repressed positive identification with the brother shows itself
+in opposing two tumblers instead of one to the father.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p><i>Dream 4.</i>—A goose or ducklike creature is being chased back
+and forth across the road by two dogs. The creature has a red
+bill and head, a blue back and wing feathers, and a white breast.
+The white, fuzzy dogs chase the animal back and forth but do not
+reach it because of their overanxiety. After two round-trips the
+animal, which moved with a curiously mechanical motion, runs
+toward a man who has come to the door and jumps between his
+legs. The man is middle-aged and his hair is white. He is in white
+pajamas. He says, “My leg is the leg of weakness; my health is
+hell....” I am in a winter coat standing outside the house of
+a friend of my sister’s in whom I remember having had a mild
+interest, but which led to nothing since she was older than I, and
+not very attractive. I had just delivered a valentine. The scene
+is illuminated by a street light, and is especially clear because
+snow is on the ground. The man in the picture is unknown.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The odd creature with the red bill and head symbolizes
+the penis. The two dogs (brothers) try to capture it, but
+the father protects it. However, the hope of achieving
+masculinity is not wholly dashed because the old man is
+growing weaker.</p>
+
+<p>For some time the productions of Q showed that sexuality
+was powerfully linked with death, and that the death
+was to be his own rather than that of his father, or simultaneously
+with the death of his father. As the castration
+anxiety lifted, the blood fear abated, and dreams, word-associations,
+posture, and other significant reactions altered
+toward greater ease and assertiveness.</p>
+
+<p>We have seen that well-rationalized theories and preferences
+are not alien fungi on the personality, but an important
+expression of the essential trends of the personality.
+Thus theories are at least as indicative of the individual
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[169]</span>who espouses them as of the ostensible subjects
+of speculation. Pessimism, for example, is common in old
+age, when the sexual powers decline and the individual
+projects upon the world the sinfulness which he feels for
+wanting to indulge beyond his powers, and defy his inadequacy.
+The mechanism of this sort of thing stands out
+most clearly in extreme cases, such as R. R believed that
+the world was going from bad to worse and that wars and
+rumors of wars were devastating the earth. He spent so
+many hours over a plan to secure the peace of the world
+forevermore that he developed a confusion state. He would
+go out in a park, find a secluded spot and weep over the
+troubles of the world as Jesus wept over Jerusalem. One
+day in passing a market he saw some chickens in a coop
+without any water. The cruelty of this was more than he
+could bear, so he went home and went to bed. His ideas
+were that he had been chosen to work out the salvation of
+the world, and that he had been endowed with unusual,
+indeed supernatural, understanding of men’s motives, and
+special power to heal insanity.</p>
+
+<p>R elaborated a private form of religion. He said that
+he was worshiping the sun as God, as a symbol of Christ
+and truth (actually, of masculine virility). When it became
+necessary for him to commune with his spirit, he was
+in the habit of facing the sun and repeating a litany of
+his invention, which ran:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>To the sun, the heart of the world! It warmeth the earth with
+its loveliness. Glory to God! It riseth in the east, lighting the
+dark corners of ignorance and wickedness. Glory to God! It
+chaseth the darkness before it like the host of Syria before the
+children of Israel. Glory to God! It chaseth the darkness before
+it like the host of Syria before the children of Israel. Glory to
+God! etc., etc.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>He began to chant, and then assumed an exalted, heroic
+pose, with his arms and head thrown back. Presently he
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[170]</span>felt that a big storm was coming that would ruin the world.
+The world is like a giant serpent, a serpent asleep.</p>
+
+<p>R’s story is not sufficiently detailed to show much about
+the development of those reaction patterns which disposed
+him to meet old age in such a way. He was the only child
+of a poverty-stricken family who played by himself and
+got on well with his books. Some local lawyers took an
+interest in him and helped him through school. He read
+law and was admitted to the bar. After making a precarious
+living for a number of years, he was elected to various
+local offices, and then to Congress. He was reputed to be an
+impractical dreamer, and enjoyed making rather fanciful
+speeches. His legislative career as recorded in the <i>Congressional
+Record</i> was undistinguished, containing the usual
+quota of pension bills and “extensions of remarks” during
+tariff debates. He was opposed to the annexation of
+the Philippines, and hostile to imperialism; in this he went
+along with his party, and likewise indulged a personal conviction.
+He practiced law desultorily, after having been defeated
+for the legislature, and devoted himself to study
+and writing. His one published volume is a vague disquisition
+on human affairs, which accurately reflects the indeterminate,
+rhetorical, and meliorative quality of his
+thinking. He married a woman of his own age when he
+was a young man. There were no children.</p>
+
+<p>When the paranoid rather than the manic-depressive
+strain runs through the character, nebulous and all-embracing
+pessimism about the world is sharpened to specific
+accusations. Everyone who is prominent in public life is a
+potential object of such attacks. One might hazard the conjecture
+that the importance of an individual in the community’s
+estimation may be measured by the number of
+“crank” letters to him and about him. One such crank, S,
+wrote a trunkful of letters accusing public men of graft,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[171]</span>of being dominated by “Big Biz,” and offering suggestions
+to government officials. He complained of being persecuted
+and victimized by prominent people, especially by
+Harry F. Sinclair, the oil man. This was attributed by him
+to the fact that he had written a letter to the Chief Justice
+of the Supreme Court calling His Honor’s attention to the
+Teapot Dome scandal which was being ventilated in the
+press, and naming Mr. Sinclair as the responsible party.
+Since then Mr. Sinclair had prevented him from getting
+a job, and paid his own sister to throw him out on the
+street. During his divorce proceedings he wrote to the
+American Bar Association to protest against the “shyster
+lawyers” who were representing his wife, and claims that
+Mr. Taft and Mr. Root answered him in the papers the
+following day. When Mr. John W. Davis was a presidential
+candidate he wrote to him, describing the various attacks
+to which he, S, had been subjected. Mr. Davis neglected
+to reply and did nothing about it, so S prevented his
+election, and feels that Mr. Coolidge owes him something
+for being elected. “I wrote to Hearst and I believe that
+turned the trick.” In this letter he divulged the fact that
+Mr. Davis was connected with Wall Street, and this hint
+was enough to arouse Mr. Hearst. In reply to the routine
+question, “What is going on in the world?” he answered,
+“More deviltry than there ever was before.”</p>
+
+<p>Unfortunately the history is too meager to explain S’s
+development, except by analogy with others who have displayed
+the same behavior. Certainly his life-story would,
+if accessible, reveal the effects of a disorganizing family
+environment. We do know that his father was drunk much
+of the time, and that the children had an unhappy lot. At
+five S went to live with his grandparents who wanted to take
+him away from his drunken father. At about fifteen he
+came back for a while. Shortly afterward he saved his
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[172]</span>sister from being strangled to death by their father, who
+in a drunken tantrum had her by the neck against the wall.
+S became a good mechanic, but disintegrated in later life.</p>
+
+<p>Another “crank” devised an ingenious theory to explain
+President Wilson’s conduct. T says that he discovered
+that Mr. Wilson was not a citizen of the United States. He
+first made this revelation on his draft questionnaire, and
+when this became generally known, Mr. Wilson went to
+France to escape the anger of the enraged citizenry of the
+United States; later Mr. Wilson fell ill of a guilty conscience
+at new revelations that he made. Mr. Wilson was
+part of the Masonic conspiracy which had been hatched
+against him when he was very young. T’s stepfather, who
+was a Shriner, probably furnishes the material for this
+delusion. As for T himself, he believed that he descended
+directly from Mary, Queen of Scots, and that he had foreknowledge
+of the approaching end of the world. The members
+of the millennium are “a creed and not a denomination,”
+and only twenty million people will be saved, over
+whom T will rule.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>From the excerpts included, it appears that the significance
+of political opinions is not to be grasped apart from
+the private motives which they symbolize. The degree of
+insight into objective relationships is one thing; the extent
+to which “private meanings” are accreted to the “public”
+or “manifest” meanings is another. When we see the private
+meaning of public acts, the problem of interpreting
+the full significance of political behavior presses itself
+upon our attention. Are there any implications for the general
+theory of the political process which follow from the
+intensive scrutiny of individual subjective (and objective)
+histories? This is the question to which we next turn.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[173]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_X">
+    CHAPTER X
+    <br>
+    THE POLITICS OF PREVENTION
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>Political movements derive their vitality from the displacement
+of private affects upon public objects. The
+intensive scrutiny of the individual by psychopathological
+methods discloses the prime importance of hitherto-neglected
+motives in the determination of political traits
+and beliefs. The adult who is studied at any given cross-section
+of his career is the product of a long and gradual
+development in the course of which many of his motivations
+fail to modify according to the demands of unfolding
+reality. The adult is left with an impulse life which
+is but partially integrated to adulthood. Primitive psychological
+structures continue in more or less disguised form
+to control his thought and effort.</p>
+
+<p>The state is a symbol of authority, and as such is the
+legatee of attitudes which have been organized in the
+life of the individual within the intimate interpersonal
+sphere of the home and friendship group. At one phase
+of childhood development the wisdom and might of the
+physical symbol of authority, typically the father, is enormously
+exaggerated by the child. Eder traces the significance
+of this for the state in the following words:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>What occurs as we come more in touch with the external
+world, when the principle of reality develops, is the finding of
+surrogates for this ideal father. We discover that the parent is
+not all-wise, all-powerful, all-good, but we still need to find persons
+or abstractions upon which we can distribute these and similar
+attributes. By a process of fission these feelings are displaced
+on to and may be distributed among a number of surrogates. The
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[174]</span>surrogates may be persons, animals, things or abstract ideas; the
+headmaster, the dog, the rabbit, the Empire, the Aryan race, or
+any particular “ism.”</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="noindent">He comments that it is upon this self-ideal that is formed
+the possibility of leadership, of leaders, and of the supreme
+leader, who is the one capable of doing all that
+the child once thought the physical father could do. The
+unconscious motivation is reflected in the sober formula
+of Blackstone, “The sovereign is not only incapable of
+doing wrong, but even of thinking wrong: he can never
+mean to do an improper thing; in him is no folly or weakness.”&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_45_45" href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p>
+
+<p>There is very deep meaning in the phrase of Paley’s
+that “a family contains the rudiments of an empire.”
+The family experience organizes very powerful drives in
+successive levels of integration, and these primitive attitudes
+are often called into play as the unobserved partners
+of rational reactions. To choose another extract from
+Eder:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The behaviour of the elected or representative politician betrays
+many characteristics derived from the family. For example,
+during the time I filled a political job in Palestine I noticed in
+myself (and in my colleagues) the satisfaction it gave me to
+have secret information, knowledge which must on no account
+be imparted to others. Of course good reasons were always to
+be found: the people would misuse the information or it would
+depress them unduly and so on—pretty exactly the parent’s attitude
+about imparting information, especially of a sexual nature,
+to the children....</p>
+
+<p>At the back of secret diplomacy, and indeed the whole relationship
+of the official to the non-official, there rests this father-child
+affect. This also serves to explain the passion aroused in
+former days by any proposed extension of the franchise.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[175]</span></p>
+
+<p>In the sphere of political dogma, unconscious conflicts
+play the same rôle which Theodor Reik discussed
+when he drew a parallel between religious dogma and
+obsessive ideas.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_46_46" href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> Dogma is a defensive reaction against
+doubt in the mind of the theorist, but of doubt of which
+he is unaware. The unconscious hatred of authority discloses
+itself in the endless capacity of the theorist to
+imagine new reasons for disbelief, and in his capacity
+to labor over trivialities, and to reduce his whole intellectual
+scheme to a logical absurdity. Sometimes this appears
+in a cryptic formula to which some sort of mysterious
+potency is ascribed, but which is hopelessly contradictory
+in so far as it possesses any manifest meaning.
+The celebrated doctrine of the unity of the trinity is an
+instance of such culminating nonsense. Words lose their
+rational reference points and become packed with unconscious
+symbolism of the ambivalent variety. The description
+of sovereignty found in Blackstone refers to nothing
+palpable, and functions principally as an incantation.
+Much solemn juridical speculation, since so much of it
+is elaborated by obsessive thinkers, ends thus. Deep doubts
+about the self are displaced on to doubts about the world
+outside, and these doubts are sought to be allayed by
+ostentatious preoccupation with truth.</p>
+
+<p>Defiance of authority is defiance of the introjected conscience,
+and involves a measure of self-punishment. We
+have seen how a powerful need for self-punishment is the
+stuff out of which martyrs and sensational failures are
+made; but of more general importance is the rôle of the
+sense of guilt in supporting the <i>status quo</i>. Deviation from
+accepted patterns becomes equivalent to sin, and the conscience
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[176]</span>visits discomforts upon those who dare to innovate.
+Radical ideas become “sacrilegious” and “disloyal” in
+the view of the primitive conscience, for they tend to
+represent more than a limited defiance of authority. They
+put the whole structure of the personality under strain.
+The childish conscience is easily intimidated into preserving
+order on slight provocation; it knows little of the
+capacity to consider the piecemeal reconstruction of values.
+“Radicalism” is felt as a challenge to the whole system
+of resistances which are binding down the illicit impulses
+of the personality, rather than as an opportunity for
+detached consideration of the relation of the self to the
+rest of reality. There is little boldness in political thinking
+which is not accompanied by an overdose of defiance,
+for even those who succeed in breaking through the intimidations
+of their infantile consciences must often succumb
+in some measure and “pay out.” Much of the
+struggle, the fearful <i>Sturm und Drang</i> of the emancipated
+thinker, is his unconscious tribute to the exactions of the
+tribunal which he erected within himself at an early age,
+and which continues to treat innovation as <i>ipso facto</i>
+dangerous. The non-obsessive thinker is one who can
+coolly contemplate revisions in the relations of man to
+reality unperturbed by his antiquated conscience. Often
+readjustments of human affairs which are proposed are
+driven to absurdity because the original mind is compelled
+to transform his mere departure from the conventional
+into a defiance of conventionality. When one perceives
+the operation of this powerful self-punishment
+drive, and the secondary efforts to free one’s self from
+feelings of guilt for defying the authorized order, it is
+possible to remain understandingly tolerant of the eccentricities
+of creative minds. To put the point a bit sharply,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[177]</span>it is safe to say that the adult mind is only partly adult;
+the conscience may be four years old. The conscience,
+the introjected nursemaid, reacts undiscriminatingly to
+change, and construes it as rebellion.</p>
+
+<p>The organization of motives which occurs in adolescence
+possesses direct significance for the interpretation
+of political interests.</p>
+
+<p>The physical and mental storm of puberty and adolescence
+often culminates in the displacement of loves upon
+all humanity or a selected part of it, and in acts of
+devotion to the whole. It is here that the fundamental
+processes of loyalty are most clearly evident as they relate
+to public life. S. Bernfeld has written extensively on
+the psychology of the German youth movement. He comments
+on the very different lengths of puberty, and distinguishes
+between the physical and the psychological
+processes. When the psychological processes outlive the
+physical ones, certain characteristic reaction types arise.
+Dr. Bernfeld believes that the discrepant type prevails
+most characteristically in the youth movement, and he
+enumerates its characteristics. The interests of this group
+are turned toward “ideal” objects like politics, humanity,
+and art. The relation to these objects is productive, since
+the youth tries to produce a new form of politics or art.
+There is always a great deal of self-confidence present, or
+many symptoms of a repression that has failed. This is
+expressed in the high opinion of one’s self and the low
+opinion one holds of his companions. An outstanding
+individual, the friend or master, is loved and revered.
+Often this love for a friend is extended to the whole group.
+The sexual components of the personality do not concentrate
+on finding objects, but in creating a new narcissistic
+situation. Bernfeld distinguishes this secondary narcissism
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[178]</span>from infantile narcissism on the ground that it is accompanied
+by deep depression reminiscent of melancholia.
+The reason lies in the formation of an ideal self that attracts
+a great part of the libido and enters into contrast with
+the real ego, a process which is particularly characteristic
+of the complex or discrepant type which he found in the
+youth movement.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_47_47" href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p>
+
+<p>Political life seems to sublimate many homosexual
+trends. Politicians characteristically work together in
+little cliques and clubs, and many of them show marked
+difficulties in reaching a stable heterosexual adjustment.
+In military life, when men are thrown together under intimate
+conditions, the sublimations often break down and
+the homosexual drives find direct expression. A German
+general has gone so far as to declare that one reason
+why Germany lost the war was that the command was
+shot through with jealousies growing out of homosexual
+rivalry. Dr. K. G. Heimsoth has prepared a manuscript
+describing the rôle of homosexuality in the volunteer
+forces which continued to operate against the Poles and
+the communists after the war. In the case of certain
+leaders, at least, the reputation for overt homosexuality
+was no handicap; indeed, the reverse seemed to be true.
+Franz Alexander has suggested that one reason why homosexuality
+is viewed with contempt in modern life is the
+vague sense that complex cultural achievement depends
+on an inhibited sexuality, and that direct gratification
+tends to dissolve society into self-satisfied pairs and
+cliques. The observations of Heimsoth throw some doubt
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[179]</span>on the wisdom of this “vague sense.”&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_48_48" href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> The prominence
+of alcoholism and promiscuity among like-sex groups has
+often been observed, and both indulgences appear to be
+closely connected with homosexual impulses.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_49_49" href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p>
+
+<p>Political crises are complicated by the concurrent reactivation
+of specific primitive impulses. War is the classical
+situation in which the elementary psychological
+structures are no longer held in subordination to complex
+reactions. The acts of cruelty and lust which are inseparably
+connected with war have disclosed vividly to all
+who care to see the narrow margin which separates the
+social from the asocial nature of man. The excesses of
+heroism and abnegation are alike primitive in their manifestations,
+and show that all the primitive psychological
+structures are not antisocial, but asocial, and may often
+function on behalf of human solidarity.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_50_50" href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p>
+
+<p>Why does society become demoralized in the process
+of revolution? Why should a change in the political procedures
+of the community unleash such excesses in behavior?
+Reflection might lead one to suppose that since
+important decisions are in process of being made, calm
+deliberation would characterize society. Evidently a reactivating
+process is at work here; there is a regressive
+tendency to reawaken primitive sadism and lust. The conspicuous
+disproportionality between the problem and the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[180]</span>behavior necessitates an explanation in such terms. Federn
+published a sketch of the psychology of revolution in
+his pamphlet <i>Die vaterlose Gesellschaft</i> in 1919. When
+the ruler falls, the unconscious triumphantly interprets
+this as a release from all constraint, and the individuals
+in the community who possess the least solidified personality
+structures are compulsively driven to acts of
+theft and violence. An interview which Federn gave to
+Edgar Ansel Mowrer in 1927 on the occasion of the Vienna
+riots reviews in somewhat popular form some of his
+conceptions.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p><span class="smcap">Vienna, Austria</span>, July 20.—“Distrust of father was the chief
+cause of the Vienna riot,” said Paul Federn, onetime president
+of the Psychoanalytical Society. From a psychoanalytical standpoint
+all authority is the father, and this formerly for Austria was
+incorporated in the imposing figure of Emperor Franz Josef. But
+during the war the father deceived and maltreated his children,
+and only the material preoccupations of life and the joyous outburst
+when at the close of the war the old authority broke asunder
+prevented Austria from having a revolution then.</p>
+
+<p>The state again built up the old ruling caste and began to
+hope for restoration, and therefore an abyss opened between
+Vienna, which under socialist leadership is trying to replace the
+traditional father principle by a new brotherhood, and the Austrian
+federal state, which had returned to a modified father idea.
+Trust in father is the child’s deepest instinct. Vienna first respected
+the Austrian republic, but gradually this belief was undermined
+by the continual misery, by newspapers preaching
+fanaticism and by legal decisions which virtually destroyed the
+people’s belief in the new father’s justice.</p>
+
+<p>Accordingly there occurred a spontaneous manifestation which
+unconsciously drove the disillusioned and furious children to destroy
+precisely those things on which the paternal authority seems
+to rest—namely, records and legal documents.</p>
+
+<p>Why the peaceful Viennese should suddenly be transformed
+temporarily into mad beasts is also clear to the psychoanalysts.
+Had the police offered no resistance the crowd would soon have
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[181]</span>dispersed and no harm would have been done. But once the police
+fired blood flowed and the mob reacted savagely, responding
+to the ancient fear of castration by the father which is present
+in all of us unconsciously in the face of the punishing authority.
+Therefore, fear grew along with the violence, each increase
+leading to new violence and greater fear, as appeasement
+can only follow a complete outbreak and as the inhabitants were
+widely scattered in their houses it took three days before the last
+hatred could fully get out.</p>
+
+<p>One further point can only be explained by psychoanalysis.
+The social democratic leaders are at heart revolutionary, but
+they did not wish this demonstration. They realized that revolution
+in little Austria today would be suicidal, and, therefore, at
+a given moment called out the republican guard with orders to
+interfere and prevent violence. The guard arrived much too late.</p>
+
+<p>Why did not the leaders send out the guard at 6 a.m. when
+they knew the demonstration was beginning? They say they “forgot.”
+This is <i>a flagrant</i> example of unconscious forgetfulness.
+The socialists forgot to take the only step which could have prevented
+something which they consciously disapproved, but unconsciously
+desired.</p>
+
+<p>The Vienna riots were in the deepest sense a family row.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_51_51" href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Eder speculates about the unconscious factors in the
+well-known tendency of certain political alternatives to
+succeed one another in crude pendulum fashion.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>I think it was Mr. Zangwill who once said that it is a principle
+of the British Constitution that the King can do no wrong
+and his ministers no right. That is to say, the ambivalency originally
+experienced toward the father is now split; the sentiment
+of disloyalty, etc., is displaced on to the King’s ministers, or on
+to some of them, or on to the opposition.... Modern society
+has discovered the principle of election, and the vote to give expression
+to the hostile feelings toward their rulers. Psychoanalytically
+an election may be regarded as the sublimation of regicide
+(primary parricide) with the object of placing oneself on the
+throne; the vote is like a repeating decimal; the father is killed
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[182]</span>but never dies. The ministers are our substitutes for ourselves.
+Hence the political maxim of the swing of the pendulum.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Alexander and Staub have undertaken to explain the
+unconscious basis of the crisis which is produced in the
+community when criminals are permitted to go with no
+punishment or with light punishment. The study of personality
+genesis shows that the sublimation of primitive
+impulses is possible on the basis of a kind of primitive
+“social contract.” The individual foregoes direct indulgences
+(which have the disadvantage of bringing him into
+conflict with authority), and substitutes more complex
+patterns of behavior on the tacit understanding that love
+and safety will thereby be insured. When another individual
+breaks over and gratifies his illicit impulses
+directly on a primitive level, the equilibrium of every
+personality is threatened. The conscious self perceives
+that it is possible to “get by,” and this threatens the whole
+structure of sublimation. The superego tries to maintain
+order by directing energy against the ego, perhaps subjecting
+it to “pricks of conscience,” for so much as entertaining
+the possibility of illicit gratification, and seeks to
+turn the ego toward activities which reduce temptation.
+This may involve the reconstruction of the environment
+by seeking to eliminate the “non-ideal” elements in it,
+and may be exemplified in the panicky demand for the
+annihilation of the outsider (who is a criminal) for the
+sake of keeping the chains on the insider (who is a criminal).
+Every criminal is a threat to the whole social order
+since he reinstates with more or less success an acute
+conflict within the lives of all members of society. The
+success of the superego depends upon imposing certain
+ways of interpreting reality upon the self. When reality
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[183]</span>grossly refuses to conform to the “ideal,” the energies of
+the self are divided, and an acute crisis supervenes. The
+superego undertakes to reinforce its side of the contradictory
+ego trends by punishing the ego, and by forcing
+the projection of this situation upon the outer world.
+Certain aspects of the outer world become “bad” because
+they are connected in private experience with the
+pangs inflicted by the taskmaster within, the conscience.
+A strong conscience may enforce this “distortion” of
+reality upon the self to such a degree that the self acts
+on quite fantastic assumptions about reality. These are
+most acutely manifested in such phenomena as confusion
+states, hallucinations, and delusions, all of which are
+forms of deformed reality. When reality becomes “ominous,”
+violent efforts to change may appear futile, and
+safety is sought in physical flight, or in physical passivity
+and autistic preoccupation. Since our conceptions of
+reality are based upon little “first-hand” experience of
+the world about us, the superego usually has a rather
+easy time of it.</p>
+
+<p>Political movements, then, derive their vitality from
+the displacement of private affects upon public objects,
+and political crises are complicated by the concurrent
+reactivation of specific primitive motives. Just how does
+it happen that the private and primitive drives find their
+way to political symbols? What are the circumstances
+which favor the selection of political targets of displacement?</p>
+
+<p>Political life is carried on with symbols of the whole.
+Politics has to do with collective processes and public
+acts, and so intricate are these processes that with the
+best of intentions, it is extremely difficult to establish an
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[184]</span>unambiguous relationship between the symbols of the
+whole and the processes which they are presumed to
+designate. To the common run of mankind the reference
+points of political symbols are remote from daily experience,
+though they are rendered familiar through constant
+reiteration. This ambiguity of reference, combined with
+universality of use, renders the words which signify parties,
+classes, nations, institutions, policies, and modes of
+political participation readily available for the displacement
+of private affects. The manifest, rational differences
+of opinion become complicated by the play of private
+motives until the symbol is nothing but a focus for the
+cumulation of irrelevancies. Since the dialectic of politics
+is conducted in terms of the whole, the private motives
+are readily rationalized in terms of collective advantage.</p>
+
+<p>Politics, moreover, is the sphere of conflict, and brings
+out all the vanity and venom, the narcissism and aggression,
+of the contending parties. It is becoming something
+of a commonplace that politics is the arena of the irrational.
+But a more accurate description would be that
+politics is the process by which the irrational bases of
+society are brought out into the open. So long as the
+moral order functions with spontaneous smoothness, there
+is no questioning the justification of prevailing values.
+But when the moral order has been devalued and called
+into question, a sincere and general effort may be made
+to find a reflectively defensible solution of the resulting
+conflict. Politics seems to be irrational because it is the
+only phase of collective life in which society tries to be
+rational. Its very existence shows that the moral order,
+with all its irrational and non-rational sanctions, is no
+longer accepted without a challenge. A political difference
+is the outcome of a moral crisis, and it terminates
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[185]</span>in a new moral consensus. Politics is the transition between
+one unchallenged consensus and the next. It begins
+in conflict and eventuates in a solution. But the solution
+is not the “rationally best” solution, but the emotionally
+satisfactory one. The rational and dialectical phases of
+politics are subsidiary to the process of redefining an emotional
+consensus.</p>
+
+<p>Although the dynamic of politics is to be sought in
+the tension level of the individuals in society, it is to be
+taken for granted that all individual tensions are not removed
+by political symbolization and exertion. When Y
+hits a foreman in the jaw whom he imagines has insulted
+him, Y is relieving his tensions. But if the act is construed
+by him as a personal affair with the foreman, the
+act is not political. Political acts are joint acts; they depend
+upon emotional bonds.</p>
+
+<p>Now people who act together get emotionally bound
+together. This process of becoming emotionally bound is
+dependent on no conscious process. Freud said that he
+was made clearly aware of the emotional factor in human
+relations by observing that those who work together extend
+their contact to dining and relaxing together. Those
+with whom we work are endowed with rich meanings on
+the basis of our past experience with human beings. Since
+all of our motives are going concerns within the personality,
+our libido is more or less concentrated upon those
+with whom we come in touch. This reinforces the perception
+of similarities, and supplies the dynamic for the
+identification process. Even the negative identification is
+a tribute to the extent to which the affective resources
+of the personality become mobilized in human contact.</p>
+
+<p>People who are emotionally bound together are not
+yet involved in a political movement. Politics begins when
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[186]</span>they achieve a symbolic definition of themselves in relation
+to demands upon the world. The pre-political phase
+of the labor movement as sketched by Nexo in his <i>Pelle
+the Conqueror</i> is an able characterization of what the facts
+may be. The workers had plenty of grievances against
+their employers, but individuals took it out in sporadic
+acts of violence, and in frequent debauchery. It was not
+until a new “set” of mind was achieved with the appearance
+of socialist symbols, and their adoption, that the
+tension found an outlet in political form. When J hits
+a foreman on the jaw because the foreman swore at him,
+J is not acting for the working classes; but after J becomes
+a socialist, his acts are symbolically significant of the expanded
+personality which he possesses. Acts cease to be
+merely private acts; they have become related to remote
+social objects. The conception of the self has new points
+of reference, and points of reference which interlock
+with those of others.</p>
+
+<p>It is of the utmost importance to political science to
+examine in detail, not only the factors which contribute
+to the raising and lowering of the tension level, but the
+processes of symbolization. In regard to the former aspect
+of the problem, data will have to be taken from
+specialists of many kinds, but in regard to the latter
+problem, the student can come into ready contact with the
+raw material. The stock in trade of realistic politics is
+the analysis of the history of “pressure groups,” ranging
+from such associations as the Fabian Society through
+political parties to conspirative organizations. What are
+the conditions under which the idea is itself invented, and
+what are the conditions of its propagation? That is to
+say: What are the laws of symbolization in political activity?</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[187]</span></p>
+
+<p>I wish to call attention to certain possibilities. Several
+social movements will be found which represent a desire
+on the part of an intimate circle to perpetuate their relationship
+at the expense of society. It is worth remembering
+that Loyola and the other young men who founded
+the Jesuits were in long friendly relationship before they
+hit upon their famous project. Not only that: they were
+anxious to remain in some sort of personal relation
+through life, and they invented many expedients before
+they hit on the final one. What we had here was a friendly
+group which desired to preserve their personal connections
+before they knew how they could actually do it.
+It is less true to say that institutions are the lengthened
+shadow of a great man than that they are the residue of
+a friendly few.</p>
+
+<p>Other social movements will be found to have adopted
+their project from a lone thinker with whom they have
+no direct connection. The process here is that one member
+of the group, with whom the others are identified, is impressed
+by the scheme, and interprets and defends it to
+the others. He gets a hearing because of his emotional
+claim on the others, and he may whip the doubters and
+waverers into line by wheedling or by threatening to
+withdraw affection.</p>
+
+<p>The formation of a radiating nucleus for an idea is
+especially common among adolescents, and among those
+who function best in single-sex groups. Thrasher has
+described gangs which had a mission in his book on <i>The
+Gang</i>, and the literature of youth study is full of instances
+of two’s, three’s and quartettes which have sworn undying
+fealty to one another, and to a project of social reform.
+When the idea is embraced later in life it not infrequently
+appears among those who have shown pronounced evidence
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[188]</span>of emotional maladjustment. Much social and political
+life is a symptom of the delayed adolescence of
+its propagators, which is, of course, no necessary criticism
+of its content.</p>
+
+<p>The psychology of personal, oratorical, and printed
+persuasion by means of which support is won for particular
+symbols has yet to be written. William I. Thomas long
+ago commented on the quasi-sexual approach of the revivalist
+to the audience. Some orators are of an intimate,
+sympathetic, pleading type, and resemble the attempts
+made by some males to overcome the shyness of the female.
+Other orators fit into the feared yet revered father-pattern;
+others are clowns who amuse by releasing much
+repressed material; others address the socially adjusted
+and disciplined level of the personality. Thus the relationship
+between the speaker and the audience has its
+powerful emotional aspects, which are not yet adequately
+explored. There are some who excel in face-to-face relations,
+but who make a poor showing out on the platform.</p>
+
+<p>The processes of symbolization can be studied with particular
+ease when widespread and disturbing changes occur
+in the life-situation of many members of society.
+Famine, pestilence, unemployment, high living costs, and
+a catalogue of other disturbances may simultaneously
+produce adjustment problems for many people. One of
+the first results is to release affects from their previous
+objects, and to create a state of susceptibility to proposals.
+All sorts of symbols are ready, or readily invented, to
+refix the mobile affects. “Take it to the Lord in prayer,”
+“Vote socialist,” “Down with the Jews,” “Restore pep
+with pepsin,” “Try your luck on the horses”—all sorts
+of alternatives become available. The prescriptions are
+tied up with diagnoses, and the diagnoses in turn imply
+prescriptions. “A sinful world,” “Wall Street,” “a collapse
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[189]</span>in the foreign market”—all sorts of diagnoses float
+about, steadily defining and redefining the situation for the
+individuals affected. Political symbols must compete with
+symbols from every sphere of life, and an interesting
+inquiry could be made into the relative polarizing power
+of political and other forms of social symbolism. Certainly
+the modern world expects to fire the health commissioner
+rather than burn a witch when the plague breaks
+out.</p>
+
+<p>The competition among symbols to serve as foci of concentration
+for the aroused emotions of the community
+leads to the survival of a small number of master-symbols.
+The mobilization of the community for action demands
+economy in the terms in which objectives are put. The
+agitation for the control of the liquor traffic passed through
+many phases in America until finally legal prohibition
+became the chief dividing-line. To prohibit or not to prohibit
+grew into the overmastering dichotomy of public
+thought.</p>
+
+<p>Symbolization thus necessitates dichotomization. The
+program of social action must be couched in “yes” and
+“no” form if decision is to be possible. The problem of
+he who would manipulate the concentration of affect about
+a particular symbol is to reinforce its competitive power
+by leading as many elements as possible in society to
+read their private meanings into it. This reinforcement
+and facilitation of the symbol involves the use of men of
+prestige in its advocacy, the assimilation of special economic
+and other group aims, and the invention of appeals
+to unconscious drives. Propaganda on behalf of a symbol
+can become a powerful factor in social development because
+of the flexibility in the displacement of emotion
+from one set of symbols to another. There is always a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">[190]</span>rather considerable reservoir of unrest and discontent in
+society, and there is nothing absolutely fixed and predestined
+about the particular symbol which will have attracting
+power.</p>
+
+<p>The analysis of motives which are unconscious for most
+people, though widespread, gives the propagandist a
+clue to certain nearly universal forms of appeal. The
+moving pictures which have been produced by the communist
+government in Russia are often remarkable examples
+of the use of symbols which not only have their
+conscious affective dimension, but which mobilize deep
+unconscious impulses. In one film, for instance, it is the
+mother who suffers under tsarism and fans the flames of
+revolt. Analysis has disclosed the general, and presumably
+universal, meaning of the attachment to the land.
+The boy-child’s wish for union with the mother, for all-embracing
+care and protection, undergoes some measure
+of sublimation in social life. Eder remarks that it finds
+expression in attachment to the earth, the land, the mother-country,
+home. The <i>Heimweh</i> of the Swiss, the pious
+Jew’s desire for burial in Palestine, and a host of similar
+manifestations are instances of this emotional tie whose
+significance for state loyalty is large.</p>
+
+<p>At first sight it might appear questionable that political
+science can ever profit from the disclosure of motives
+which are supposed to operate in the unconscious of every
+human being. If these motives are equally operative, how
+can they throw any light on differences in political behavior?
+And are we not able to point to conditions of a
+more localized and definite nature which suitably explain
+why the Republican party loses out when the farmer loses
+his crops? Or why there is revolution in 1918 and not in
+1925?</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[191]</span></p>
+
+<p>The mere fact that motives are more or less universal
+does not mean that they are always activated with the same
+intensity. They may block one another, until some exciting
+condition disturbs the adjustment and releases stores
+of energy. Indeed, the exploration of unconscious motivation
+lays the basis for the understanding of the well-known
+disproportionality between responses and immediate stimuli,
+a disproportionality which has been the subject of
+much puzzled and satiric comment. Farmers do vote
+against the Republicans when the crops fail through adverse
+weather conditions, although reflection would tend to
+minimize the possibility that the party in power exercises
+much authority over the weather. Oversights in personal
+relations which seem very slight do actually give rise to
+huge affective reactions. The clue to the magnitude of
+this notorious disproportionality is to be found in the
+nature of the deeper (earlier) psychological structures
+of the individual. By the intensive analysis of representative
+people, it is possible to obtain clues to the nature of
+these “unseen forces,” and to devise ways and means of
+dealing with them for the accomplishment of social purposes.</p>
+
+<p>Modern democratic society is accustomed to the settlement
+of differences in discussion and in voting. This is
+a special form of politics, for differences may also
+be settled with a minimum of discussion and a maximum
+of coercion. In its modern manifestation, democracy and
+representative government have enthroned “government
+by discussion,” that is, “government by public opinion.”
+President Lowell some time ago pointed out that public
+opinion could only be said to exist where constitutional
+principles were agreed upon. Differences must be treated
+as defined within an area of agreement. Democratic and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">[192]</span>representative institutions presuppose the existence of the
+public which is made up of all those who follow affairs
+and expect to determine policy in discussion and by measures
+short of coercion. The public has a common focus of
+attention, a consensus on constitutional principles, and a
+zone of tolerance for conflicting demands respecting social
+policy.</p>
+
+<p>When debate is admissible, some standards of right are
+tacitly admitted to be uncertain. The zone of the debatable
+is not fixed and immutable, but flexible and shifting. Questions
+rise and debate proceeds; and presently the resulting
+solution is no longer discussible. It has become sanctified
+by all the sentiments which buttress the moral order,
+and any challenge is met by the unanimous and spontaneous
+action of the community in its defense. In the
+presence of a challenge, the public may be dissolved into
+a crowd, by which is meant a group whose members are
+emotionally aroused and intolerant of dissent.</p>
+
+<p>What light does the study of the genesis of personality
+throw on the factors which determine which symbols are
+debatable? What is the mechanism of the process by
+which the moral patterns are broken up, discussed, and
+eventually reincorporated in more or less modified form
+into the moral consensus of the community?</p>
+
+<p>The growth of emotional bonds among individuals of
+diverse cultural and personal traits is the most powerful
+solvent of the moral order. A valuable treatise could be
+constructed on the theme, “Friendship versus Morality.”
+It is well-known that governments are continually handicapped
+in the impersonal application of a rule by the play
+of personal loyalties. Robert E. Park has stressed the
+importance of curiosity in the field of interracial relations.
+In no small measure this is very primitive curiosity about
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[193]</span>the sexual structure and behavior of odd-looking folks.
+When personal ties are built up, exceptions are made in
+favor of the friend; what, indeed, is the constitution among
+friends?</p>
+
+<p>The mechanism is clear by which issues once settled are
+presently non-debatable. Growing individuals incorporate
+the end result into their own personalities through the
+process of identification and introjection. Once a part of
+the superego of the rising generation, the moral consensus
+is complete. Where no dissent is tolerated and dialectic
+is impossible, we are dealing with a superego phenomenon.
+Certain symbols are sacrosanct, and aspersions upon them
+produce the crowd mind and not the public.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_52_52" href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p>
+
+<p>Even this brief sketch of political symbolization has
+shown ample grounds for concluding that political demands
+probably bear but a limited relevance to social
+needs. The political symbol becomes ladened with the
+residue of successive positive and negative identifications,
+and with the emotional charge of displaced private motives.
+This accumulation of irrelevancy usually signifies
+that tension exists in the lives of many people, and it may
+possess a diagnostic value to the objective investigator.
+The individual who is sorely divided against himself may
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">[194]</span>seek peace by unifying himself against an outsider. This
+is the well-known “peacefulness of being at war.” But
+the permanent removal of the tensions of the personality
+may depend upon the reconstruction of the individual’s
+view of the world, and not upon belligerent crusades to
+change the world.</p>
+
+<p>The democratic state depends upon the technique of
+discussion to relieve the strains of adjustment to a changing
+world. If the analysis of the individual discloses the
+probable irrelevance of what the person demands to what
+he needs (i.e., to that which will produce a permanent
+relief of strain), serious doubt is cast upon the efficacy
+of the technique of discussion as a means of handling
+social problems.</p>
+
+<p>The premise of democracy is that each man is the best
+judge of his own interest, and that all whose interests are
+affected should be consulted in the determination of policy.
+Thus the procedure of a democratic society is to clear
+the way to the presentation of various demands by interested
+parties, leaving the coast clear for bargain and
+compromise, or for creative invention and integration.</p>
+
+<p>The findings of personality research show that the individual
+is a poor judge of his own interest. The individual
+who chooses a political policy as a symbol of his
+wants is usually trying to relieve his own disorders by
+irrelevant palliatives. An examination of the total state
+of the person will frequently show that his theory of his
+own interests is far removed from the course of procedure
+which will give him a happy and well-adjusted life. Human
+behavior toward remote social objects, familiarity
+with which is beyond the personal experience of but a few,
+is especially likely to be a symptomatic rather than a
+healthy and reflective adjustment.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">[195]</span></p>
+
+<p>In a sense politics proceeds by the creation of fictitious
+values. The person who is solicited to testify to his own
+interest is stimulated by the problem put to him to commit
+himself. The terms in which he couches his own interest
+vary according to a multitude of factors, but whatever the
+conditioning influences may be, the resulting theory of his
+interest becomes invested with his own narcissism. The
+political symbol is presumably an instrumental makeshift
+toward the advancement of the other values of the personality;
+but it very quickly ceases to be an instrumental
+value, and becomes a terminal value, no longer the servant
+but the coequal, or indeed the master. Thus the human
+animal distinguishes himself by his infinite capacity for
+making ends of his means.</p>
+
+<p>It should not be hastily assumed that because a particular
+set of controversies passes out of the public mind
+that the implied problems were solved in any fundamental
+sense. Quite often the solution is a magical solution
+which changes nothing in the conditions affecting the tension
+level of the community, and which merely permits
+the community to distract its attention to another set of
+equally irrelevant symbols. The number of statutes which
+pass the legislature, or the number of decrees which are
+handed down by the executive, but which change nothing
+in the permanent practices of society, is a rough index
+of the rôle of magic in politics.</p>
+
+<p>In some measure, of course, discontent is relieved in
+the very process of agitating, discussing, and legislating
+about social changes which in the end are not substantially
+affected. Political symbolization has its catharsis function,
+and consumes the energies which are released by
+the maladaptations of individuals to one another.</p>
+
+<p>But discussion often leads to modifications in social
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[196]</span>practice which complicate social problems. About all that
+can be said for various punitive measures resorted to
+by the community is that they have presently broken
+down and ceased to continue the damage which they began
+to inflict on society.</p>
+
+<p>Generalizing broadly, political methods have historically
+been of three kinds: the method of violence, of exhortation,
+and of discussion. All these methods have the
+common characteristic that they are to be applied in the
+settlement of conflicting demands, and not in the obviation
+of conflict. In so far as they rest upon a philosophy,
+they identify the problem of politics with the problem of
+coping with differences which are sharply drawn.</p>
+
+<p>The identification of the field of politics with the field
+of battle, whether the theater be the frontier or the forum,
+has produced an unfortunate warp in the minds of those
+who manage affairs, or those who simply think about the
+management of affairs. The contribution of politics has
+been thought to be in the elaboration of the methods by
+which conflicts are resolved. This has produced a vast
+diversion of energy toward the study of the formal
+etiquette of government. In some vague way, the problem
+of politics is the advancement of the good life, but this
+is at once assumed to depend upon the modification of the
+mechanisms of government. Democratic theorists in particular
+have hastily assumed that social harmony depends
+upon discussion, and that discussion depends upon the
+formal consultation of all those affected by social policies.</p>
+
+<p>The time has come to abandon the assumption that the
+problem of politics is the problem of promoting discussion
+among all the interests concerned in a given problem.
+Discussion frequently complicates social difficulties, for
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">[197]</span>the discussion by far-flung interests arouses a psychology
+of conflict which produces obstructive, fictitious, and irrelevant
+values. The problem of politics is less to solve
+conflicts than to prevent them; less to serve as a safety
+valve for social protest than to apply social energy to the
+abolition of recurrent sources of strain in society.</p>
+
+<p>This redefinition of the problem of politics may be
+called the idea of preventive politics. The politics of
+prevention draws attention squarely to the central problem
+of reducing the level of strain and maladaptation in society.
+In some measure it will proceed by encouraging
+discussion among all those who are affected by social
+policy, but this will be no iron-clad rule. In some measure
+it will proceed by improving the machinery of settling
+disputes, but this will be subordinated to a comprehensive
+program, and no longer treated as an especially
+desirable mode of handling the situation.</p>
+
+<p>The recognition that people are poor judges of their
+own interest is often supposed to lead to the conclusion
+that a dictator is essential. But no student of individual
+psychology can fail to share the conviction of Kempf
+that “Society is <i>not</i> safe.... when it is forced to
+follow the dictations of one individual, of one autonomic
+apparatus, no matter how splendidly and altruistically it
+may be conditioned.” Our thinking has too long been misled
+by the threadbare terminology of democracy versus
+dictatorship, of democracy versus aristocracy. Our problem
+is to be ruled by the truth about the conditions of harmonious
+human relations, and the discovery of the truth is
+an object of specialized research; it is no monopoly of people
+as people, or of the ruler as ruler. As our devices
+of accurate ascertainment are invented and spread, they
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[198]</span>are explained and applied by many individuals inside the
+social order. Knowledge of this kind is a slow and laborious
+accumulation.</p>
+
+<p>The politics of prevention does not depend upon a
+series of changes in the organization of government. It
+depends upon a reorientation in the minds of those who
+think about society around the central problems: What
+are the principal factors which modify the tension level of
+the community? What is the specific relevance of a proposed
+line of action to the temporary and permanent
+modification of the tension level?</p>
+
+<p>The politics of prevention will insist upon a rigorous
+audit of the human consequences of prevailing political
+practices. How does politics affect politicians? One way
+to consider the human value of social action is to see
+what that form of social action does to the actors. When
+a judge has been on the bench thirty years, what manner
+of man has he become? When an agitator has been
+agitating for thirty years, what has happened to him?
+How do different kinds of political administrators compare
+with doctors, musicians, and scientists? Such a set
+of inquiries would presuppose that we were able to
+ascertain the traits with which the various individuals
+began to practice their rôle in society. Were we able to
+show what certain lines of human endeavor did to the same
+reactive type, we would lay the foundation for a profound
+change in society’s esteem for various occupations.</p>
+
+<p>Any audit of the human significance of politics would
+have to press far beyond the narrow circle of professional
+politicians. Crises like wars, revolutions, and elections
+enter the lives of people in far-reaching ways. The effect
+of crises on mental attitude is an important and uncertain
+field. Thus it is reported that during the rebellion of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[199]</span>1745–46 in Scotland there was little hysteria (in the technical
+pathological sense). The same was true of the French
+Revolution and of the Irish Rebellion. Rush reported
+in his book <i>On the Influence of the American Revolution
+on the Human Body</i> that many hysterical women were
+“restored to perfect health by the events of the time.”
+Havelock Ellis, who cites these instances, comments that
+“in such cases the emotional tension is given an opportunity
+for explosion in new and impersonal channels, and
+the chain of morbid personal emotions is broken.”&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_53_53" href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p>
+
+<p>The physical consequences of political symbolism may
+be made the topic of investigation from this point of view:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>When the affect can not acquire what it needs, uncomfortable
+tensions or anxiety (fear) are felt, and the use of the symbol or
+fetish, relieving this anxiety, has a marked physiological value in
+that it prevents the adrenal, thyroid, circulatory, hepatic and
+pulmonic compensatory strivings from becoming excessive.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_54_54" href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Political programs will continually demand reconsideration
+in the light of the factors which current research discloses
+as bearing upon the tension level. Franz Alexander
+recently drew attention to the strains produced in modern
+civilization by the growing sphere of purposive action.
+He summed up the facts in the process of civilized development
+in the following way: “Human expressions of instinct
+are subject to a continual tendency to rationalization, that
+is, they develop more and more from playful, uncoordinated,
+purely pleasure efforts into purposive actions.”
+The “discomfort of civilization” of which Freud recently
+wrote in the <i>Unbehagen der Kultur</i> is characteristic of the
+rationalized cultures with which we are acquainted. Life
+is poor in libidinal gratifications of the primitive kind
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">[200]</span>which the peasant, who is in close touch with elementary
+things, is in a position to enjoy.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_55_55" href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> Modern life furnishes
+irrational outlets in the moving picture and in sensational
+crime news. But it may be that other means of relieving
+the strain of modern living can be invented which will have
+fewer drawbacks.</p>
+
+<p>Preventive politics will search for the definite assessment,
+then, of cultural patterns in terms of their human
+consequences. Some of these human results will be deplored
+as “pathological,” while others will be welcomed
+as “healthy.” One complicating factor is that valuable
+contributions to culture are often made by men who are
+in other respects pathological. Many pathological persons
+are constrained by their personal difficulties to displace
+more or less successfully upon remote problems, and to
+achieve valuable contributions to knowledge and social
+policy.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_56_56" href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> Of course the notion of the pathological is itself
+full of ambiguities. The individual who is subject to
+epileptic seizures may be considered in one culture not
+a subnormal and diseased person, but a supernormal person.
+Indeed, it may be said that society depends upon
+a certain amount of pathology, in the sense that society
+does not encourage the free criticism of social life, but
+establishes taboos upon reflective thinking about its own
+presuppositions. If the individual is pathological to the
+extent that he is unable to contemplate any fact with
+equanimity, and to elaborate impulse through the processes
+of thought, it is obvious that society does much to
+nurture disease. This leads to the apparent paradox that
+successful social adjustment consists in contracting the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">[201]</span>current diseases. If “health” merely means a statistical
+report upon the “average,” the scrutiny of the individual
+ceases to carry much meaning for the modification of social
+patterns. But if “health” means something more than
+“average,” the intensive study of individuals gives us a
+vantage ground for the revaluation of the human consequences
+of cultural patterns, and the criticism of these
+patterns.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_57_57" href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p>
+
+<p>If the politics of prevention spreads in society, a different
+type of education will become necessary for those
+who administer society or think about it. This education
+will start from the proposition that it takes longer to train
+a good social scientist than it takes to train a good physical
+scientist.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_58_58" href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> The social administrator and social scientist
+must be brought into direct contact with his material
+in its most varied manifestations. He must mix with rich
+and poor, with savage and civilized, with sick and well,
+with old and young. His contacts must be primary and not
+exclusively secondary. He must have an opportunity for
+prolonged self-scrutiny by the best-developed methods of
+personality study, and he must laboriously achieve a capacity
+to deal objectively with himself and with all others
+in human society.</p>
+
+<p>This complicated experience is necessary since our scale
+of values is less the outcome of our dialectical than of our
+other experiences in life. Values change more by the unconscious
+redefinition of meaning than by rational analysis.
+Every contact and every procedure which discloses
+new facts has its repercussions upon the matrix of partially
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[202]</span>verbalized experience, which is the seeding ground of conscious
+ideas.</p>
+
+<p>One peculiarity of the problem of the social scientist
+is that he must establish personal contact with his material.
+The physical scientist who works in a laboratory spends
+more time adjusting his machinery than in making his observations,
+and the social scientist who works in the field
+must spend more time establishing contacts than in noting
+and reporting observations. What the instrumentation
+technique is to the physicist, the cultivation of favorable
+human points of vantage is for most social scientists. This
+means that the student of society, as well as the manager
+of social relations, must acquire the technique of social
+intercourse in unusual degree, unless he is to suffer from
+serious handicaps, and his training must be directed with
+this in mind.</p>
+
+<p>The experience of the administrator-investigator must
+include some definite familiarity with all the elements
+which bear importantly upon the traits and interests of
+the individual. This means that he must have the most
+relevant material brought to his attention from the fields
+of psychology, psychopathology, physiology, medicine,
+and social science. Since our institutions of higher learning
+are poorly organized at the present time to handle this
+program, thorough curricular reconstructions will be indispensable.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_59_59" href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>What has been said in this chapter may be passed in
+brief review. Political movements derive their vitality
+from the displacement of private affects upon public objects.
+Political crises are complicated by the concurrent
+reactivation of specific primitive motives which were organized
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[203]</span>in the early experience of the individuals concerned.
+Political symbols are particularly adapted to serve
+as targets for displaced affect because of their ambiguity
+of reference, in relation to individual experience, and because
+of their general circulation. Although the dynamic
+of politics is the tension level of individuals, all tension
+does not produce political acts. Nor do all emotional bonds
+lead to political action. Political acts depend upon the
+symbolization of the discontent of the individual in terms
+of a more inclusive self which champions a set of demands
+for social action.</p>
+
+<p>Political demands are of limited relevance to the
+changes which will produce permanent reductions in the
+tension level of society. The political methods of coercion,
+exhortation, and discussion assume that the rôle of politics
+is to solve conflicts when they have happened. The
+ideal of a politics of prevention is to obviate conflict by
+the definite reduction of the tension level of society by
+effective methods, of which discussion will be but one.
+The preventive point of view insists upon a continuing
+audit of the human consequences of social acts, and especially
+of political acts. The achievement of the ideal of
+preventive politics depends less upon changes in social
+organization than upon improving the methods and the
+education of social administrators and social scientists.</p>
+
+<p>The preventive politics of the future will be intimately
+allied to general medicine, psychopathology, physiological
+psychology, and related disciplines. Its practitioners will
+gradually win respect in society among puzzled people
+who feel their responsibilities and who respect objective
+findings. A comprehensive functional conception of political
+life will state problems of investigation, and keep receptive
+the minds of those who reflect at length upon the
+state.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[204]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XI60">
+    CHAPTER XI&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_60_60" href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>
+    <br>
+    THE PROLONGED INTERVIEW AND ITS OBJECTIFICATION
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>The empirical material assembled in this book has appeared
+in the course of prolonged interviews with individuals
+under unusually intimate conditions. This method
+of the prolonged interview has now had a history of some
+thirty years in the form devised by Freud, but so far there
+are very few efforts to objectify the events which transpire
+there. Otto Rank has written a series of studies of the
+“interview situation” which is the most important effort
+so far made to characterize the distinctive features of the
+method. But the empirical material which is so far reported
+does not rest upon the verbatim recording of what
+happens, except in a few specimen instances of highly
+pathological cases, and attempts are only now being made
+to record some of the principal physiological changes in
+the subject.</p>
+
+<p>It will be remembered that Freud learned to predict the
+future course of reminiscence by watching word slips,
+random movements, and many other acts which were formerly
+dismissed as chance occurrences. He also found
+that he could abbreviate the laborious efforts of the patient
+to recall the traumatic (the original) episode by
+proposing various interpretations. It is at this point that
+the cautious physician and psychologist have picked serious
+quarrels with psychoanalytical findings. They allege
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[205]</span>that the patient produces the kind of material which the
+analyst suggests is to be brought forth, and that the whole
+process is one of putting a rabbit in the hat which you
+triumphantly extricate later on. They have seized upon
+the schisms in the analytical fold, and declare that you
+eventually dream about anima figures if you are analyzed
+by Jung, that you relive birth traumas if you are analyzed
+by Rank, and that you welter in a galaxy of anal, oral,
+and urethral symbols if you are deeply analyzed by Freud.
+You talk about inferiority feeling if you work with Adler,
+and about castrative anxiety if you work with Freud.</p>
+
+<p>One might suppose that after thirty years of labor there
+would be in existence a body of documents which could be
+consulted by a group of competent specialists who were
+trying to reconcile their differences and doubts about
+what actually goes on in the analytical interview.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_61_61" href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> At the
+present time the interview situation is poorly reflected in
+the notes taken by the analyst at the expiration of each
+period (if and when he takes them). Nobody knows what
+processes distort the reporting practices of different listeners,
+and nobody knows the value of the published
+scraps. Since one of the avowed purposes of therapeutic
+analyses is to bring the person to stand on his own feet
+and to stop leaning on others, or upon symptom indulgences,
+personal relations are usually broken off at the
+end of the interview. This obviously impedes the possibility
+of following up the subsequent history of the personality,
+and of ascertaining the stability of the supposed
+therapeutic results. The case-history documents available
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[206]</span>in good institutions have the advantage of representing
+the combined product of several people who are in touch
+with the subject, and who may be supposed to operate
+as a check upon one another. But these documents are
+usually short, and betray the psychopathological slant of
+the ones chiefly responsible. And these documents are
+typically incomplete in reporting the whole personality
+of the subject on account of the clinician’s interest in the
+more circumscribed disease phenomena displayed.</p>
+
+<p>When John Brown reports an episode in which he was
+told that his nose would be cut off if he didn’t quit handling
+himself, how do we know what importance to assign
+to the alleged reminiscence? Are we to accept this as a
+historical statement? Are we to construe it as a fabrication
+which, however, shows what he wanted to have happen,
+or supposed would happen, if he disobeyed orders?
+Are we to interpret it as a sign of his fear of the interviewer,
+couched in the language of the past, because this
+mode of exercising the imagination has been trained into
+him? Are we to interpret this as a sign of his hatred of
+the interviewer, on the theory that a self-punishing fantasy
+is a defense of the conscience against a murderous impulse
+of the unadjusted portion of the self? Are we to accept it
+as an effort to win the approval of the interviewer by reporting
+the kinds of things which he has learned to suppose
+the interviewer wants to hear, a supposition which is
+based upon a private study of psychoanalytical literature?
+Are we to accept it as an “original trauma” and to expect
+an immediate or eventual decrease in the neurotic anxiety
+which the individual shows? Are we to look upon it as a
+screen reminiscence for a genuinely traumatic episode in
+which the threat was made, not against his nose, but
+against his penis? Or is it a screen for a prohibited impulse
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[207]</span>which was once activated, and which seized upon a
+past episode and gave it the significance of a threat?</p>
+
+<p>These are a few of the specific questions which can be
+raised about the proffered material, and the scientific problem
+is to devise more convincing demonstrations of the
+available theories, or more conclusive refutations, than we
+now have. What are some of the criteria of a “traumatic
+episode”? If the reminiscence is accompanied by much
+affect (excitement), there is a presumption of its authenticity.
+And how is affect measured? We depend at the
+present time upon the observer’s judgment of the variations
+in the voice, and shifts in posture, or the twitches and jerks
+of the body. This can be augmented under experimental
+conditions by taking a continuous record of variations in
+blood pressure, respiration, galvanic reflex, etc.—all of
+which offer some indication of excitement.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_62_62" href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> We are thus
+able to improve our assessment of the possible significance
+of the reports, speculations, and general fantasies of the
+subject. It may be that in due course we shall be able to
+differentiate on a physical basis between “suppressions”
+and “repressions,” and that we shall be able to follow
+through the transformations from beginning to end of the
+interviewing process.</p>
+
+<p>Our judgment of the “traumatic episode” is also influenced
+by the subject’s certainty. If the subject reports that
+he believes what he remembers, this has some value in
+raising a presumption. This is especially true if the subject
+has fought against the idea, but it has spontaneously
+continued to appear and plague his associations. But a reported
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[208]</span>sense of certainty is flimsy stuff, unless this certainty
+survives for some time. We know that individuals
+try to escape from anxiety feelings by a flight into explanations,
+and that they are ready to volunteer or to accept all
+kinds of interpretations of their behavior rather than to
+continue to endure anxiety. This is the basis for the credulity
+of the neurotic, and explains why everything from
+mysterious “glandular unbalances” to “astral perturbations”
+are accepted from time to time as completely adequate
+explanations of personal troubles. So the subject’s
+reported certainty must survive even disparaging suggestions
+and prolonged self-scrutiny, and become emancipated
+from affect, if it is to be taken very literally.</p>
+
+<p>Another criterion is the consistency of the reported episode
+with all the other relevant facts. There must be something
+wrong about the report that K was brutally punished
+by his father at a time which was some years after
+the parent’s death.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_63_63" href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></p>
+
+<p>The obstacles which lie in the path of a research program
+which calls for objective records of as much as possible
+of what transpires in the interview situation are not
+to be minimized. The bulk of a verbatim report of an
+hour’s conversation per day over several months is almost
+overwhelming. But historians are accustomed to plow
+through whole libraries of pages about Napoleon or
+Bismarck, and from the standpoint of a comprehensive
+theory of personality development any personality is almost
+as good as any other, although high elaboration and
+distinguished achievement are advantages.</p>
+
+<p>There are some points in favor of applying this technique
+of personality study to people who are normal, at
+least in the sense that they are suspected of normality by
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">[209]</span>themselves and others. There is a moral to be learned from
+some of Freud’s early mistakes when he assigned critical
+significance to certain childhood experiences which later
+investigation showed were very common. The clinical
+caricature is invaluable for the high relief in which certain
+tendencies of the normal are revealed. Indeed, “normality”
+is more difficult to understand than disease, from one
+point of view, since it involves a complicated integration
+of many tendencies, a flexible capacity to snap from one
+mood, preoccupation, and overt activity to another, as the
+changing demands of reality require. Normality is complexity
+and integration, and it ought to be approached as
+directly as possible as a control on the pathological.</p>
+
+<p>The main advantage which the normal subject hopes to
+glean from the analytical interview is a judgment of the
+importance of this, in comparison with other, psychological
+methods. Records being as they are today, only one who
+has been through the mill can talk with much assurance
+about what happens, and if he has a critical mind, he isn’t
+too sure then. The analytical interview is a discipline in
+self-scrutiny. The subject learns to exploit a new method
+of using the mind, which he tries to cultivate and to correlate
+with the logical methods to which he is partly accustomed
+in ordinary adult life. The new technique of using
+the mind is the free-fantasy technique, whose chief function
+is to produce new material for logical consideration.</p>
+
+<p>The interview necessitates the reactivation of the individual’s
+struggle with his antisocial impulses. This happens
+be the subject sick or well, for every individual possesses
+more or less active and powerful antisocial drives. Every
+personality displays some pathology in the form of remainders
+of the Oedipus phase of growth. The socially
+adjusted portion of the personality takes up the battle again
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">[210]</span>against the unsublimated drives, and a considerable amount
+of neurotic anxiety is generated in the process. The problem
+is to encourage the subject to face these unadjusted
+remnants frankly, to bring them to the full focus of waking
+consciousness, and to discharge their bound energy.
+This comes to pass in the roundabout way of recapturing
+the original episodes in which the neurotic solution was
+invented. The work of reminiscence is the preliminary to
+liberation and understanding.</p>
+
+<p>The interview substitutes the talking-out for the acting-out
+of personality drives. One learns to recover the critical
+points in one’s past history by watching the present for
+clues to the full meaning of the present situation, and this
+includes the inspection of reminiscences. A reminiscence
+is always relevant to a present situation, and serves the
+double rôle of annotating the present and reporting the
+past. The interview experience is long and arduous, and
+the subject learns very slowly to deal with himself as an
+object in a world of objects, and to free his judgment more
+and more from the distorting effects of primitive psychological
+structures.</p>
+
+<p>The analytical situation is so arranged as to facilitate
+this process of self-inspection. The provocations to act out
+rather than think out are reduced by simplifying the sensory
+present. The subject lies in a relaxed position, and is
+better able to observe those stiffenings of the body,
+those variations in respiration, those oscillations of visceral
+tension, those impulses to scratch and finger which escape
+ordinary attention, but which are indicative of the meanings
+put in the current situation. The sensory environment
+remains substantially constant, and the interviewer handles
+the situation on a rather fixed routine. The subject is temporarily
+encysted from the demands of professional and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">[211]</span>conventional tasks, but the interviewer is present to prevent
+the individual from dissipating his energy in musings
+which are quickly forgotten. The interviewer is a prod to
+associate freely, and a spur to the critical consideration
+of the material supplied by the freely moving fancy. The
+necessity for verbalization brings the acts of fantasy into
+clearer focus than usual, which is a necessary preliminary
+to moments of sustained logical reflection. Since the interviewer
+permits the subject to disregard the usual amenities
+of society, and to let his fantasies fly for the sake of
+finding where they land, regressive responses are permitted
+to appear. That is, the individual is not required to adjust
+to a conventional world of adult reality, but is permitted to
+reactivate earlier forms of dealing with the world. In the
+world of adult reality, the multiple tendencies of the individual
+are canalized into conventionally acceptable forms,
+and the most maladapted drives may display themselves
+in unobtrusive variations on the pattern. When conventional
+reality is no longer present, and the individual is
+encouraged to watch his partly forming responses, rather
+than to co-ordinate, condense, ignore, or suppress them,
+these tendencies spread forth diffusely in imagination and
+reminiscence. When this process continues far enough, the
+individual achieves a high degree of insight into the genetic
+development of his current preoccupations and traits.</p>
+
+<p>Since the analytical process is a period of strain for the
+subject, it may be wondered why it is bearable. Fortunately
+for the investigator, there are many advantages to
+the participant which sustain and fortify his conscious purpose
+to persevere until understanding has been substantially
+deepened. The analyst treats every manifestation of
+the personality, no matter how trivial, with respectful interest.
+This is exaggerated unconsciously by the subject,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">[212]</span>who greatly overestimates the personal affection which the
+interviewer has for him. Some of the energy of the personality
+is always free to begin new object attachments, and
+this energy is concentrated upon the interviewer. The subject
+is permitted to talk at length about himself, and when
+the interviewer listens attentively and patiently, the subject
+identifies himself with the listener on the basis of a
+common attitude of interest in a beloved object. The interviewer’s
+ascendancy in technical knowledge (his authority)
+resembles the authority of the adults who were once supposed
+to possess unlimited knowledge. The day-by-day
+solicitude tends to reinstate the emotions of the early family
+situation in which the child could play irresponsibly,
+under the watchful, responsible care of the adult. The subject
+relaxes the effort to keep bawdy, disloyal, mean, and
+revengeful thoughts from welling into this mind. The frank
+expression of these thoughts in ordinary social life would
+bring down punishment upon his head, or mark him out
+as a victim of mental disorder. The subject is enabled to
+welter in unsocial or antisocial ravings and imaginings,
+and the process of developing these symptoms in the presence
+of another person becomes an absorbing part of his
+daily, weekly, and monthly existence. The subject intensifies
+his warm emotional interest in the one who exempts
+him from society’s code of reticence. This is a mark of the
+analyst’s tremendous power, and also of the analyst’s
+special interest in the subject. The free-fantasy procedure
+even exempts the individual from abiding by the ordinary
+forms of logic and grammar. He is also able to enjoy
+the pleasure of impressing someone else with the brilliance
+of his language. From time to time, new insight comes into
+old habits and worries, and the zest of intellectual comprehension
+is added to the other pleasures.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">[213]</span></p>
+
+<p>At first sight the teaching or research interview might
+seem to sacrifice the most powerful motive upon which the
+interviewing procedure has relied, namely, that of securing
+relief from disturbing symptoms. The individual who is
+suffering from some crude pathological disturbance, like a
+functional gastro-intestinal disorder, psychological impotence,
+obsessive ideas and compulsions, comes to the interviewer
+as a weak person seeking aid of a stronger. If he
+has been shuttled from one internist to another perhaps
+receiving derisive looks and contemptuous preachments,
+the objective interest with which the psychotherapist treats
+his symptoms produces a keen conscious and unconscious
+gratification. Even the symptoms are beloved parts of the
+self, and like the ugly ducklings, they are sometimes treated
+with special affection (Ferenczi). The hope of being relieved
+of the annoying symptoms, which is consciously
+present in many pathological cases, is supported on the
+unconscious level by an old infantile attitude which expects
+the interviewer to work miracles. Even some of the antisocial
+impulses of the personality may welcome the therapeutic
+situation. These antisocial tendencies are themselves
+not entirely gratified in the symptoms, for the nature of a
+symptom is a compromise between these antisocial tendencies
+and the socialized impulses of the self. Nunberg has
+pointed out that the unsocialized portions of the personality
+may support the misguided hope that the outcome of
+therapy will be the boundless and unlimited gratification
+of their demands. There is also evidence of the existence
+of a compulsion to confess (Reik) to antisocial tendencies,
+which are rejected by the socialized self, and thus to gratify
+an unconscious need of punishment.</p>
+
+<p>Now the sense of being sick and the desire to get well
+are not entirely absent from any normal person. No one is
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">[214]</span>entirely free from remnants of his adjustive problems, and
+no one is entirely satisfied with himself. At the beginning
+of the interview, this motive may appear in consciousness
+as nothing more substantial than the innocuous belief that
+any increase in self-knowledge will enable one to deal
+even more satisfactorily with personal problems as they
+arise.</p>
+
+<p>Among the other motives which play into the analytical
+situation, and enable the subject to go through with it, may
+be mentioned a few very primitive ones. Life has meant
+the blocking of many impulses by authorities whose power
+cannot be successfully defied on the spot. Hatreds can only
+express themselves under these conditions with some prospects
+of success when they seek to overcome the superior by
+trying to take his power into one’s own personality by copying
+him. That is to say, the individual seeks to identify
+himself with the one who possesses superior knowledge in
+the analytical situation, and by becoming like him, to
+secure independence, and thus to annihilate him as an intimidating
+and obstructive external object. There may be
+a desire to secure a weapon by means of which other people
+may be eviscerated, and deprived of their power to outstrip
+the individual. On the conscious level, these motives
+are partly visible in excessive aspirations for self-mastery
+and control. This taking-in and biting-off of the analyst’s
+power is also rooted in some of the earliest reaction patterns
+which the infant displays toward objects. The sheer
+pleasure of talking, and giving and withholding information
+is also present.</p>
+
+<p>As the subject withdraws attention from the original
+symptoms or motives, concentrates on the game of dilating
+upon the past, and indulges in prohibited delights, the
+analytical situation becomes an orgy of illicit pleasure.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">[215]</span>Emotions are released from old channels and find new objects
+of crystallization, especially in the person of the
+analyst. The interviewer who permits this “transference”
+is now in a position to aid the subject in coming to grips
+with the underlying unsocialized impulses of the personality.
+The behavior of the subject has by this time given a
+host of clues to the history of his emotional growth. The
+analyst continues to stimulate the individual to scrutinize
+his associations, to state honestly the wayward wishes flit
+across his mind, or which lurk half-seen in the marginal
+recesses of attention. Back and forth, bit by bit, there is
+reconstructed the subjective history of a life. To put it
+metaphorically, old sores run anew, smoldering embers of
+jealousy and lust flame once more, and ancient wounds
+yawn again. Reminiscence reguilds the faded tapestries of
+the past, and restores to the full glare of consciousness the
+cobwebs of the mind which house the spiders of malevolence
+and lechery. Primitive meanings, once appropriate
+to a situation, and later projected unintentionally into the
+adult world, are recovered and criticized in the light of
+their appropriateness to society. Regressive reliving, which
+is powerfully supported by narcissism and the repetitive
+compulsion, is observed and overcome.</p>
+
+<p>It should not be supposed that the secrets of the mind
+are exposed for the asking. The method of repression is
+a primitive means by which the feeble, nascent self seeks
+protection from impulses which, if tolerated, if not shut
+out with unreflecting violence, would overrun it (Alexander).
+When the self becomes strong and stable, primitive
+impulses can be permitted to develop farther in consciousness
+without imminent danger that they will pass
+over into action by controlling the motor apparatus. Now
+the critical, reflecting, deciding self must not be crippled
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">[216]</span>by an unduly strong conscience. The structure which we
+know as the conscience is begun in early childhood, and
+is formed by the incorporation into the self of the orders
+and commands which are administered by authority. When
+the self is weak, as during these formative years, the conscience
+relies on crude methods to protect its hard-won
+ascendancy over the antisocial drives in the personality.
+It visits penalties of anxiety upon the self whenever there
+are any signs of leniency toward these impulses. The conscience
+keeps its summary, sadistic quality long after,
+and neurotics are properly said to suffer from an excess of
+conscience. Blind denial of the existence of fundamental
+trends in the personality must be supplanted, and the <i>obiter
+dicta</i> of the conscience subjected to the criticism of the
+more mature and experienced self. An obstacle to this
+procedure is furnished by those energies of the personality
+which are specialized in resisting the antisocial impulses
+which have been repressed and denied direct and undisguised
+access to consciousness. Any lowering of resistance
+subjects the individual to acute anxiety, as the conflict between
+the socialized and the unsocialized drives is reinstated.
+All sorts of subterfuges are hit upon to obviate
+the necessity for enduring this anxiety and bringing the
+hidden into consciousness, where it can lose its charge.
+The overcoming of this resistance to taking up the battle
+again is a major process in the prolonged analysis.</p>
+
+<p>The recapitulation of the drives which the individual
+has experienced throughout his life is the process which
+lends unique value to the psychoanalytic interview record.
+The literature of psychoanalysis is full of sample fantasies
+which are assigned to places in the hypothetical sequence
+of personality growth. Over twenty years ago
+Freud wrote some preliminary remarks on character types,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">[217]</span>especially stressing the rôle of certain excretory pleasures
+in the development of some psychological structures.
+The sucking, biting and anal retention interests of the
+infant and young child have been the subject of theoretical
+treatment by several analysts, among whom Abraham is
+the most important. Ferenczi has sketched a comprehensive
+theory of the rise of genital interests on the part of
+the child, and this has been amplified in various directions
+by Reich. The differences between male and female development
+have been sketched by Sachs, Deutsch, and
+Horney.</p>
+
+<p>It is not within the necessary limits of this discussion to
+go farther into the nature of the hypotheses which have
+been proposed by these various investigators. We will
+be able to formulate them more precisely when we have
+succeeded in objectifying what happens in the course of the
+interview, and this is to be achieved along the lines previously
+sketched. Some day we can state hypotheses more
+definitely which can be taken and tested by non-analytical
+methods. Some of these conceptions can be confirmed or
+eliminated by the direct observation of children of all age
+groups. It is quite possible, however, paradoxical though
+it may sound, that the best way to study some phases of
+infancy and childhood will be to study the adult. There
+is some reason to believe that the superior expressive
+power of the adult, whether in words or in drawing, may
+render explicit many states which are beyond the scope
+of one who merely looks at movements. If we find that
+the subjective reconstructions during the adult analysis
+check closely with the results secured by modified analytical
+and behavioristic procedures applied directly to older
+children, we will have more confidence in the material
+which purports to relate to very early experience. We may
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">[218]</span>also test out as far as possible the “historicity” of the
+reminiscences produced at different phases of the analysis.
+It should be said in passing that the analysis of children
+requires important revisions in the externals of the technique,
+as Anna Freud has shown.</p>
+
+<p>I want to stop at this point to comment upon the significance
+of the fact there should be such a thing as the
+psychoanalytic method of dealing with the genesis of
+personality. How does it happen that at the end of the
+nineteenth century there appeared in Western European
+civilization this remarkably intricate procedure? Why do
+we regard it as worth while to spend months or even
+years in constant introspection?</p>
+
+<p>Viewed in the large, I suppose this is the most spectacular
+sign of the value crisis in our civilization. Here
+is an effort to stimulate the individual to the reconstruction
+of values, not on the basis of imposed authority, but
+through prolonged scrutiny of the self as a process. The
+processes of the human personality are subjected to the
+same patient, arduous, and minute inspection which has
+proved so successful when applied to the objects of the
+physical world by the naturalist, astronomer, and microscopic
+specialist. The end result of a long and successful
+analysis is an individual who is able to interpret his relation
+to the world in terms of a few master-symbols. These
+symbols take on meaning because they have been acquired
+in the course of a long apprenticeship under the exacting
+eye of another. These symbols define for the individual
+in comprehensive terms his relation to unfolding reality.
+They permit in favorable instances added smoothness of
+adjustment, and offer a means of relief from disproportionate
+feelings of futility, despondency, persecution, and
+omniscience.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">[219]</span></p>
+
+<p>The appearance of a system of communicable master-symbols
+for the definition of one’s relation to the universe
+is anything but a novel phenomenon in the culture history
+of mankind. At one time a leading question was, “What
+is God’s will for me?” The belief was that this could be
+made manifest after the reading of Holy Writ, reverent
+supplication, and sudden revelation. Our Western civilization
+has sapped at the pillars of this structure of thinking.
+We are committed to the persistent querying of the
+world of change, and the problem is always “<i>How</i> does
+it change?” How do the routines of the seeable, smellable,
+touchable, audible, tasteable universe actually work? In
+what characteristic order do the subjective events of the
+mind follow one another? In what order do subjective
+and objective events occur? And no matter how many
+intermediate links in the sequence have been named there
+always remain new intermediate and new all-embracing
+frames of reference to be identified and placed in orderly
+relationship.</p>
+
+<p>Values are sought to be defined, not on the authority
+of another, but in the act of scrutinizing processes. We
+place enormous value upon the quest for sequences, and
+discover our new values in the act of broadening or deepening
+our understanding of change. If you tell a sophisticated
+carrier of Western culture that God reveals his
+wisdom after the reading of a printed passage, he will
+be less impressed by what is put in than by what is left
+out of the account. What relation is there between what
+is read and what is decided? Can you set up controlled
+repetitions for the sake of testing the predictive value of
+these generalizations? Are there other words which can
+be read but which will result in the same decisions when
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">[220]</span>the reader has the same pecuniary stake in acting a certain
+way? And so on and on.</p>
+
+<p>It is worth noticing that the symbols supplied by analysis
+are not “ought” words but “process” words. You are
+not told to die for your country; you are told to face all
+the values which you can find in the situation. This does
+not, however, eliminate the “arbitrary” character of decisions
+actually reached. The decision comes with all the
+shock of revelation, of inevitability, of unexpectedness;
+the individual may only control decisions by rehearsing
+the pertinent values until he finds himself in the clutches
+of a judgment. This willingness to accept uncertainty, to
+scrutinize intermediate terms and pertinent values, is an
+outcome of the analytical discipline.</p>
+
+<p>Such a procedure grew up in a civilization whose values
+have been in confusion since the medieval cosmology broke
+down. President Masaryk, serious thinker and scholarly
+writer, began his sociological work with a study of suicide,
+which he found to be a rough index of the value strains in
+culture. When emotional bonds are forged with exponents
+of life-patterns of different design, the mental stage
+is set for both creative originality and destructive disintegration.
+The individual must assume the load of working
+out his own scheme of values, and many are disorganized
+in the attempt.</p>
+
+<p>The validation of the prolonged interview as a contributor
+to our dependable knowledge about life depends upon
+objectifying its processes; the achievement of its implications
+for the reconstruction of the hierarchy of individual
+values is an impressionistic and often turbulent experience.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_64_64" href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">[221]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XII65">
+    CHAPTER XII&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_65_65" href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>
+    <br>
+    THE PERSONALITY SYSTEM AND ITS SUBSTITUTIVE REACTIONS
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>So far in this book human behavior has been interpreted
+in terms of various “tendencies” which such behavior
+is supposed to manifest. Suppose we call into question
+this type of psychological explanation. What, after
+all, is a “tendency”? It postulates a relationship between
+events, one of which is taken as the terminal situation,
+and others of which are treated as relative approximations
+to the type situation. Terms like “wishes,” “desires,”
+“instincts,” “impulses,” “drives,” and “motives”
+are all employed in this sense.</p>
+
+<p>For purposes of analysis, tendency interpretations may
+be divided into five main classes, depending on the nature
+of the relationship which is postulated between the approximate
+and the terminal situation. First, personality
+events may be interpreted as approximations toward, or
+realizations of, goals (terminals) which are communicated
+by the subject. We may believe a man who tells us
+that he is running for a train when we see him dashing
+along the street toward the railway station.</p>
+
+<p>Second, personality events may be interpreted as degrees
+of approximation to subsequent events which are
+actually observed. Mr. C’s solicitude for the health and
+welfare of the needy ones of the district may be construed
+in the light of his subsequent campaign for Congress.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">[222]</span></p>
+
+<p>Third, personality events may be treated as degrees of
+resumption of terminal situations of a type which have already
+been observed. Lying in bed after waking up in
+the morning, whenever there are difficulties to cope with,
+may be interpreted as a reactivation of an earlier psychological
+impulse to lie still and be waited on.</p>
+
+<p>Fourth, personality events may be construed as approximations
+to “normal” terminal events which are observed
+for the biological or cultural category of the individual.
+Thus heterosexuality may be postulated as a tendency
+of a human being, although he consummates no heterosexual
+adjustments.</p>
+
+<p>Fifth, personality events may be interpreted in terms
+of end situations which are “extreme” for the members
+of the species or the culture. Thus the acts of man may
+be viewed as degrees of approximation to murder, suicide,
+and incest.</p>
+
+<p>Each sense in which the tendency conception is used is
+valid and useful for certain purposes, and is exposed to
+characteristic liabilities to error. Thus if we accept the
+man’s statement that he is running to catch a train, we may
+be wrong; he may be running to the woods beyond to escape
+the constable.</p>
+
+<p>The reactive type of statement is an alternative (I should
+prefer to say a supplement) to tendency generalizations.
+When we make a reactive statement, we specify quite definitely
+the antecedent-consequent relation to which reference
+is made. The specific stimulus-response description
+of the events which elicit the knee jerk, or call out an
+avoidance reaction to yellow cloth, illustrates what is meant
+here. Of course the stimulus-response style of thinking is
+not nearly as exhaustive, and the tendency style of thinking
+is not nearly as ambiguous in actual application, as might
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">[223]</span>appear at first glance. The stimulus-response statement of
+how to elicit the knee jerk which is usually given may be
+predictively valid in eight cases out of ten; but there are
+“exceptions” which show how wide is the context of factors
+which it would be necessary to include in the picture, were
+it nearly complete. And when the stimulus-response mode
+of thinking is extended from such relatively stable and
+touchable situations to those which involve complex central
+(subjective) events in the sequence, it becomes in
+reality a disguised form of tendency interpretation.</p>
+
+<p>The chief possible virtue of tendency conceptions is in
+introducing some sort of order in complex phenomena.
+If the observer tries to enumerate all the body movements,
+all the electronic gyrations, all the nuances of social adjustment
+which are thinkable in a given constellation of
+personality events, he is likely to become lost in aimless
+classification, and to prove barren in the invention of procedures
+which are calculated to elicit particular aspects
+of the whole which may be of high predictive value. The
+human mind is able to operate with a very small number
+of categories with which to introduce order into events,
+particularly when these are, for the most part, still defined
+qualitatively. Clarity of thought demands economy in the
+orienting frames of thought.</p>
+
+<p>How a tendency simplification may lead to fruitful
+research for predictively valuable particulars is shown in
+the case of Freud, in contrast to Janet. Janet made remarkably
+clear classifications of the psychopathological facts
+as he saw them, and although his terms and categories were
+abundant, his work was comparatively sterile of novel procedures
+for the modification of human personalities. Even
+his classificatory pursuits were hampered by his little-criticized
+assumptions. His notion that dreams were passing
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">[224]</span>confusions which were traceable to diminished psychological
+tension in sleep deprived dream material of all
+significance as classifiable data, and he almost completely
+ignored it. Freud, who tended to operate with a few bold
+tendency simplifications, brought into the range of observation
+whole categories of data which have high predictive
+value.</p>
+
+<p>When tendency simplifications are used until vast numbers
+of instances accumulate of their supposed operation,
+“subtendencies” (such as the variations of the manifestations
+of the Oedipus constellation) multiply apace until
+the problems of rendering one tendency consistent with
+the expressions of another one carry scientific speculations
+into the logical molds of legalism and dogmatic theology.
+If the subtendencies are not modified, and long lists of
+special tendencies are added, terminological difficulties
+likewise arise in applying the unwieldy list. The long
+inventories of supposed instincts are less at fault because
+they imply an unwarranted assurance about the innate
+propensities of man than because they are “too numerous
+to mention,” and introduce confusion rather than orienting
+principles in the field of study.</p>
+
+<p>Although the prediction of one set of tangible reactions
+from another is the aim of scientific formulation, this by
+no means implies, then, that the reactive style of thinking
+is the one best calculated to guide the attention of the
+thinker to the selection of the most fruitful hypotheses
+(“if” predictions). Indeed, especially valuable results
+have been secured in the personality field by the pattern
+of thinking which views a cross-section of facts as an expression
+of a few tendencies.</p>
+
+<p>But a reactive style of thinking which operates with a
+few simplifications might prove useful in the study of human
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">[225]</span>personality at the present time, since both the psychoanalytical
+and the “itemistic” psychologies have a plethora
+of particulars with which they are familiar, but suffer
+from certain crippling viewpoints inherent in their early
+starting-points. Psychoanalysis is well accustomed to the
+use of a few orienting terms, but since these are stated
+in “tendency” form, there is much lack of emphasis upon
+rendering the objective marks of their manifestation precise.
+The inventory psychologies though accustomed to
+precision are accustomed to overlooking the woods for the
+trees.</p>
+
+<p>Can the personality be viewed as a system, and can
+we think of it in a few terms which can be gradually objectified,
+and which indicate the principal varieties of
+personality manifestation? If the personality is a true
+system, interferences which are introduced at various
+points ought often to produce substitutive reactions at
+many remote parts of the personality. Personalities may
+be compared from one cross-section to another, and from
+one personality to another, by exposing them to similar
+interferences, and by examining the substitutive reaction
+sequences which emerge.</p>
+
+<p>For the purpose of summing up the personality at any
+given period, we may consider it to be a constellation of
+the following action patterns: object orientations, adjustive
+thinking, autistic reveries, somatic reactions.</p>
+
+<p>The object orientations of the individual are describable
+as various degrees of assertiveness, provocativeness,
+or submissiveness toward sexual and non-specifically sexual
+objects in the environment. In extreme instances the
+individual may be abusive, insulting, domineering toward
+superiors, colleagues, clients, and subordinates in his profession,
+and toward his wife or mistress in intimate life;
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">[226]</span>or he may be cowed in his work and timid in his sexuality;
+or he may show extreme variations between his professional
+and private levels of behavior. These are the
+differentiating reactions upon which it is hoped to throw
+some light by the examination of the personality system in
+its principal manifestations.</p>
+
+<p>Adjustive thinking has to do with the relationship of the
+individual to reality. It issues in socially relevant acts,
+which on the creative level mean contributions to science,
+art, administration, and philosophy. Autistic thinking is
+highly egocentric, but adjustive thinking when it dwells
+upon the relationship of the self to its surroundings is
+able to treat the self as an object among objects.</p>
+
+<p>Autistic reveries are non-adjustive to reality. They may
+be divided into several classes of which morbid-suicidal,
+pessimistic, megalomanic, denunciatory, and persecutory
+reveries are particularly common. In exaggerated form
+they become the most conspicuous feature of the personality,
+and various clinical names are used to distinguish
+them. Common, and representative, themes are suggested
+by these quotations: “I’m a hopeless sinner”; “The world’s
+going to the dogs”; “I’m the slickest guy in the world”;
+“The President is the Judas of mankind”; “The President
+is using death-rays on me.” Autistic thinking flourishes
+in greater or less abundance in every personality whose
+history is taken for any length of time.</p>
+
+<p>The somatic reactions at any given cross-section of the
+personality are striped muscle movements and tensions;
+heart and circulatory reactions; gastro-intestinal responses;
+skin adjustments; organic sexual behavior; respiratory,
+pupillary, and urogenital adaptations; inner glandular action
+on the biochemical balance of the blood; heat production
+(fever and certain metabolic alterations not included
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">[227]</span>before); electrical conductivity; and immunological responses.
+Under the same environing conditions individuals
+show wide variations in physical behavior, and when
+these manifestations show certain gross deviations from
+norms, though no organic lesion can be shown to be present,
+the presumption is that the energy of some mental
+process has been converted into somatic form. This notion
+of hysteria (and what may be called hysteroid reactions)
+was classically formulated by Freud. Every individual
+who is closely scrutinized shows, from time to time,
+tendencies to urinate excessively (though no adequate physical
+explanation is apparent), to refrain from passing
+feces, or to suffer pains in the back or neck.</p>
+
+<p>The comparisons which may be made among personalities
+on the basis of the nature of the substitutive reactions
+which arise when they are subjected to similar conditions
+may be illustrated on the gross level by citing some
+“experiments” which society has tried. Mr. A is a member
+of the city council in one of our large cities. On two
+occasions, when he was defeated for re-election, he developed
+autistic reveries to such an extent that he was
+confined in a sanitarium under the care of a psychiatrist.
+Thus Mr. A met a deprivation in the sphere of his orientation
+to social objects (political activity) by developing
+exaggerated autistic reveries (depressive preoccupations).
+The case of A may be thrown up against that of Mr. B.
+When Mr. B lost out in his campaign for re-election to the
+legislature, he began to worry about his health, and although
+the physicians could find no adequate physical
+basis for his trouble, he developed a host of gastro-intestinal
+disturbances which incapacitated him from regular
+professional life. His substitutive reaction was somatic.
+Another man, a Mr. C, was defeated and spent most of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">[228]</span>his time writing a subsequently well-recognized book on
+political theory. His substitutive reaction was in the sphere
+of consecutive, theoretical, adjustive thinking. It will be
+remembered that one of our driving administrators, J,
+had his administrative duties curtailed and immediately
+took the wife of another for his mistress showing that his
+object orientation in the world of affairs was a substitute
+for his object orientation in the sexual field.</p>
+
+<p>From this point of view, we are able to examine the
+relative function which political activities and preoccupations
+play in the personality integration of the individual.
+For one it is an alternative to mental disorder, for another
+it is an alternative to physical disease, for another an
+alternative to aggressive sexuality.</p>
+
+<p>Now it is of interest and importance to observe that the
+study of the life-histories of these men showed that their
+mode of meeting the world had become organized rather
+early. The man who developed somatic symptoms had
+shown a physical upset after losing a contest for the presidency
+of his class in college, and also in adolescent and
+preadolescent deprivation situations. Alexander traced the
+basis for the personality splitting in J to very early childhood.</p>
+
+<p>I want now to indicate how the prolonged interview
+throws much light on personality development, and lends
+itself to consideration from the point of view outlined here.
+If the analyst is “insulted” by the subject in the course of
+a day’s interview, the subject may the next day report
+somatic trouble, or morbid reveries, or unusual kindliness
+toward an annoying person, or a burst of creative work.
+The interviewer, taking such facts in juxtaposition to others,
+may be able to predict the kind of substitutive reactions
+which this person is likely to show in a whole range
+of social situations, and to predict retrospectively the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">[229]</span>form of reaction which was manifested at different levels
+of development. The trained psychoanalyst watches the
+subject like a hawk for clues of this kind; the possibility
+of removing his “hunches” from the realm of art into the
+area of dependable knowledge depends upon the objectification
+of his observations, and upon the development of
+specifically experimental methods.</p>
+
+<p>A method by which some certainty is to be introduced
+in personality records is by testing the coincidence of
+observations taken through time by observers who occupy
+specified positions in relation to the subject. Very important
+applications of this procedure have been made to
+child study by several child psychologists, more particularly
+by Florence Goodenough and Dorothy Thomas. A
+set of categories were set up to describe various acts,
+such as “smiling,” “physical contact with other child,” and
+“physical contact with object.” The definiteness of each
+term was then tested by having two independent observers
+make the same number of observations at fixed intervals
+during a prescribed period. The results showed which
+categories were ambiguous, and which categories were sufficiently
+clear to justify their inclusion in behavior studies.
+It was discovered, for example, that “smiling” behavior
+showed much less definiteness than “physical contact with
+another child.” This procedure makes it possible to measure
+the error of a measuring procedure and is strictly
+comparable to the calibrating process common to the physical
+sciences in determining the relative reliability of
+measurements made by a particular instrument. The social
+scientist is compelled to rely on the use of his eyes,
+and the problem is to standardize the use so that objective
+results can be secured.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_66_66" href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">[230]</span></p>
+
+<p>Such methods of devising and testing categories for the
+observation of behavior need urgently to be developed for
+the study of courtroom, legislative, committee, mass meeting,
+and other types of behavior in situations of immediate
+political interest. It is possible to record the differential
+reactions of participants, and to distinguish that which is
+inherent in the rôle performed (chairman), and that which
+is the individualized penumbra of the act (individual
+gesture).</p>
+
+<p>These objective categories and recording practices can
+be extended to the study of behavior wherever dominating
+and submissive behavior is found. The gap between
+the studies of children and the study of personalities in
+complicated adult political situations can be filled in with
+the idea of finding reliable criteria of the stability of
+political reactions. Some early studies have been made
+which suggest that types of dominating behavior are
+isolable at very early ages. Charlotte Bühler detected
+children who dominated through pressure of activity, despotic
+behavior, and “leadership” behavior. Her monograph
+reproduces photographic illustrations of what she
+means by the terms employed.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_67_67" href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> An outgrowth of her work
+is the experimental study by Marjorie Walker at the Minneapolis
+Institute of Child Welfare (under direction of
+Anderson and Goodenough). An observational study by
+Mildred Parten at the same place showed that in uncontrolled
+play activities the dominating or submissive rôles
+might be strikingly monopolized by individual children.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_68_68" href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">[231]</span>By methods which are less objective but much better than
+simple impressionism, there have been a number of “political
+types” observed in later development. Karl Reininger
+kept a careful record of the behavior of his pre-puberty
+schoolboys, and brought out very clearly the functional
+distinction between the “leader” and the “specialist.” The
+specialist might temporarily guide the group in some activity
+for which he was particularly competent, but the
+leader kept him within limits and reassumed the direction
+as soon as the special activity was over. Reininger has
+many shrewd observations to offer about the bearing of
+what he saw on the whole range of social psychological
+theory, and his monograph is a beautiful example of how
+a circumscribed empirical study can be given meaning
+and distinction against a broad theoretical background.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_69_69" href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>
+Hildegard Hetzer watched the spontaneous groupings of
+children in play groups, and shrewdly distinguished organizers,
+specialists, and social leaders from one another.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_70_70" href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p>
+
+<p>At a still later level is the study which Viktor Winkler-Hermaden
+made of the psychology of youth-movement
+leaders. These leaders are recruited from youths who
+are not much ahead of their groups in age, and in a well-balanced
+and penetrating chapter he contrasted the “ruler,”
+“teacher,” and “apostle.”&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_71_71" href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p>
+
+<p>Special studies of dominating and submissive types in
+various situations ought to be made with some reference
+to the reaction-type classifications for the age period which
+are made by competent students. Since puberty-adolescence
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">[232]</span>is of so much importance, the categories which are
+proposed in the literature ought to be examined by the
+special investigator. H. Hoffman gives a modified list of
+the puberty types described by Spranger and Croner in
+one section of his general book on character formation.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_72_72" href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>
+Suggestions on various distortions of development which
+lie behind certain forms of dominating and submissive
+behavior are to be found in August Aichhorn’s lectures
+on <i>Verwahrloste Jugend</i>.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_73_73" href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> This is the most valuable book
+to a student of youth which has yet been explicitly devoted
+to the subject by an analyst. Aichhorn reports in his
+eighth lecture the results of an extremely important experiment
+which he made with the most aggressive and uncontrollable
+boys under his supervision (he has served
+for many years as the head of a home for homeless boys).
+The whole group was put together, and the staff members
+were instructed never to interfere with them, short of
+stopping permanent injury. These “hard-boiled” youths
+broke up the furniture, mauled one another, and wore out
+several attendants before they gradually tamed down.
+After having learned that they could not taunt the environment
+into punishing them, and into justifying their own
+suspicions of it, they went through a process of character
+re-education. The behavior of the group is reported in
+graphical form, and representative instances of what occurred
+are recited in the text of the lecture. Several specific
+genetic hypotheses are set up to explain particular
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">[233]</span>kinds of behavior on the part of the boys with whom
+Aichhorn has had intimate touch.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_74_74" href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p>
+
+<p>Will we be able to predict from objective studies made
+of preadolescent boys who dominate their play groups
+that one set of them will stand a high chance of dominating
+play and work groups in adolescence? Can we thus
+isolate rather stable developmental sequences for various
+trait constellations which are of direct importance to the
+student of politics? Can we achieve a composite picture
+for a given culture by studying overlapping age groups
+for a two-year period? Certainly the way is becoming
+clearer to an effective relationship between political science
+and the disciplines associated with the study of the
+growing individual.</p>
+
+<p>One of the difficulties which lie in the path of successful
+collaboration with psychiatrists and child psychologists
+is that the political scientists have not themselves made it
+entirely clear just what the adult differentials are whose
+genetic history they would like to understand. What are
+the questions about the specifically political life of the
+individual which the political scientist would like to have
+included in any master-inventory of possible facts about
+the intensively studied individual?</p>
+
+<p>The following classification of political attitudes is intended
+to have suggestive value rather than formal completeness.
+The first section of this classification refers to
+the political preferences and expectations or forebodings
+of the individual investigated. Some individuals cherish
+a fraternal and some a paternal ideal. The anarchist, socialist,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">[234]</span>and democrat talk the language of equality among
+a family of brothers; the monarchists preserve a father.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_75_75" href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>
+A series of other ideological distinctions are perhaps sufficiently
+clear from the terms used.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="center" style="font-size:larger">CLASSIFICATION OF POLITICAL ATTITUDES</p>
+<p class="center">SECTION A. POLITICAL VIEWS</p>
+
+<p>I. Preferences</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+  Paternal ideal<br>
+  Fraternal ideal<br>
+  <br>
+  Strong central authority<br>
+  Weak central authority<br>
+  <br>
+  Revolutionary ideal<br>
+  Counter-revolutionary or reactionary ideal<br>
+  <br>
+  Cataclysmic change<br>
+  Evolutionary change<br>
+  <br>
+  Indulgent toward coercion, secrecy, ruthlessness<br>
+  Insistent upon persuasion, openness, scrupulousness<br>
+  <br>
+  Emancipatory, defensive, expansive ideal for group<br>
+  World-unity ideal
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>II. Expectations and forebodings</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+  Small political change can have great results<br>
+  Small political change can have some results of value<br>
+  Little of value can be accomplished by politics<br>
+  Revolutionary changes imminent, eventual, contingent
+</blockquote>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>It is probably in relation to political practices, as distinguished
+from political views, that the intensive study
+of the individual has the most to offer. I have included a
+list of questions in Appendix B which are intended to suggest
+the sort of thing which is directly pertinent to the interest
+of the political scientist in this regard. How has the
+individual acted as a subordinate when confronted by superiors
+of various kinds (in the army, in school, in fraternity
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">[235]</span>organizations, in business, in party clubs, in propaganda
+organizations, in administrative hierarchies, and the
+like)? How has the individual acted as a superior when
+confronted by subordinates of various kinds? Besides considering
+the behavior of the person as subordinate or
+superior, we may inquire into his attitude toward individuals
+who have not been members of his various organizations,
+but who have been possible helpers or obstacles.
+Thus he may have approached strangers for money, or
+sought to win diplomatic support from another organization
+against a common menace. His tactics may be classified
+according to the means employed and the measure of
+success attained. Special attention may likewise be devoted
+to the behavior of the individual, not toward particular
+persons, but toward publics, which are necessarily
+anonymous. Summarizing:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="center">SECTION B. POLITICAL PRACTICES</p>
+
+<p>I. As subordinate</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+<p>Confronted by superiors who are<br>
+A. Strong, brutal<br>
+B. Masterful but rather objective<br>
+C. Weak<br><br>
+Reaction (conscious)</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>1. Does not assume a friendly mask (exterior) even though
+he sees it would be an advantage (seeks to escape, becomes
+stubborn, surly, assaultive, joins anti-authoritation
+acts engaged in by associates, continues to contemplate
+revenge long after)</p>
+
+<p>2. Does not see or press up own individual advantage because
+of attachment or intimidation (deference without
+conscious hostility, pronounced affection, intimidated
+sacrifice of associates to curry favor, overgratitude)</p>
+
+<p>3. Combines friendly mask with conscious acts of hostility
+(plays up qualities admired by chief, whether imitative
+of chief or expressive of the chief’s repressions)</p>
+
+<p>4. Irrational elements in adaptation at a minimum</p>
+</blockquote>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">[236]</span></p>
+
+<p>II. As authority</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+<p>Confronted by subordinates who are<br>
+A. Strong, hostile, dangerous rivals<br>
+B. Strong and objective<br>
+C. Weak<br><br>
+Reaction</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>1. Does not refrain from taking up a hostile front even when
+it is recognized to be inappropriate</p>
+
+<p>2. Takes apparently friendly line while pursuing hostile
+purposes</p>
+
+<p>3. Does not take strong-enough measures to secure efficiency
+or respect (too indulgent of mirrors of self or of those
+who work out frustrations)</p>
+
+<p>4. Objective (inflicts narcissistic wound when advantageous,
+reassures when useful, develops abilities of subordinates,
+thwarts when dangerous)</p>
+</blockquote>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>III. In dealing with possible helper or obstructor who is outside
+organization (most effective tactics chosen and range of
+tactics)</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+Appeals to logical standards<br>
+Appeals to sentiment<br>
+Non-violent and violent coercion<br>
+Inducement (tangible advantage)<br>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>IV. In dealing with public</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+Types of tactics chosen, success
+</blockquote>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Forms of expression, thought, and interest may be singled
+out for special consideration. What is intended here
+is sufficiently apparent from the captions:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="center">SECTION C. FORMS OF EXPRESSION, THOUGHT, INTEREST</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">I. Forms of expression</p>
+
+<p>(Includes all symbolizing forms: political editorials, novels,
+poems, paintings, cartoons, plastic media, plays, acting)</p>
+
+<p>Most effective style</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+Analytical and dialectical<br>
+Persecutory (sarcastic, denunciatory)<br>
+Enthusiastic<br>
+Humorous<br>
+Commanding
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">[237]</span></p>
+
+<p>Range of style wide or limited</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">II. Mode of thought</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+Quick or slow to suggest policies or tactics<br>
+
+Almost totally uninventive<br>
+
+Systematically collects data prior to judgment<br>
+
+Impressionistic improvisation<br>
+
+Welcomes suggestion and criticism before decision<br>
+
+Impatient of suggestion and criticism before decision<br>
+
+Anxious to justify decision to those about or to world<br>
+
+Indifferent about justifying decision<br>
+
+Stubbornly holds to decision<br>
+
+Oscillates in decision<br>
+
+Much influenced by facts and arguments (or little)<br>
+
+Much influenced by appeals to sentiments (or little)<br>
+
+Much influenced by personal inducements (or little)<br>
+
+Much influenced by coercion (or little) (note that influence
+may be negative as to direction)<br>
+
+Genuine pursuit of general interest in exercise of discretion,
+or not<br>
+
+Elated by victory or depressed<br>
+
+Genuine or narrow in sharing credit<br>
+
+Deeply depressed by defeat or satisfied in defeat<br>
+
+Interested in programs and values<br>
+
+Interested in processes and methods<br>
+
+Long-run or short-run objectives<br>
+
+Aims at immediate or eventual political action<br>
+
+Presses through to a decision capable of being tested<br>
+
+Conclusions or decisions vague<br>
+
+Ideal of responsible personal participation<br>
+
+Consistency between opinion and practices<br>
+
+Self-consciousness of own techniques<br>
+
+Conforms or not to family pattern (exaggerated, adoption
+of opposite, ...)
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="noindent">III. Political interest</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+Formulated early and persists through life<br>
+Formulated early, lies dormant, reawakened<br>
+Aroused early, disillusioned<br>
+Aroused late
+</blockquote>
+</blockquote>
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">[238]</span>
+
+<p>By this time it is perhaps superfluous to comment that
+every fact is defined from the point of view of an observer,
+and that the problem is to specify as definitely as possible
+the angle of observation of the recorder. Trait lists are
+meaningless unless they can be filled in by a fact-collecting
+process which surveys the various situations with respect
+to which it is of possible relevance. It is very obvious
+to the psychopathologist that the man who is “aggressive”
+at work may be “timid” in sexuality. All too frequently
+personalities are supposed to be “aggressive”
+when a certain number of raters have agreed on it, without
+stopping to consider whether the raters have a chance
+to become acquainted with the behavior of the individual
+in many situations. The multiplication of ratings by persons
+who are in a poor position to judge the subject (even
+by “intimate” friends who do not, however, act as sexual
+partners) adds nothing but a spurious specificity to the
+data. The interviewer who listens to the intimate life
+of the individual through many weeks and months is in
+a very strategic position to become acquainted with details
+of individual reactions which even intimates have not seen.
+A “rating” must be taken with special reference to the
+history of the relations of the rater and the rated. It may
+be that we shall presently find that the ratings of analysts
+in dealing with certain types of people who can
+be easily identified do not substantially deviate from those
+of “intimates” or even rather casual acquaintances of certain
+kinds. Such knowledge will enable research to proceed
+with more certain pace toward the time when we
+shall know what to look for and how to elicit what we
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">[239]</span>want with the maximum of economy. The specialist who
+interviews a man for an hour may be able, during the
+course of what appears to be an ordinary social relation,
+to find the tell-tale signs which detailed research has
+shown to be invariably, or almost invariably, connected
+with particular impulse systems and developmental histories.
+As Bjerre so well put it:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>As soon as our intercourse with a certain person is no longer
+governed by common interests, but by a desire to acquire a
+knowledge of his inmost being, we immediately abandon the formal
+content of his utterance and begin unconsciously to seek for
+whatever indication of his inner life appears in his speech independently
+of, or even in spite of, his conscious will.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_76_76" href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>What is achieved is a correlation of the results of
+“casual” contact and “intensive” study, a correlation
+which is the common target of a converging attack upon
+the understanding of the human personality.</p>
+
+<p>Some day we shall know how to validate the saying of
+the old physician which is on the title-page of this book:
+“From him who has eyes to see and ears to hear no mortal
+can hide his secret; he whose lips are silent chatters with
+his fingertips and betrays himself through all his pores.”</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">[240]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIII">
+    CHAPTER XIII
+    <br>
+    THE STATE AS A MANIFOLD OF EVENTS
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>Implications have continually been drawn in the foregoing
+pages about the bearing of the intensive study of
+individual personalities upon the meaning of the political
+process as a whole. Since the psychopathological approach
+to the individual is the most elaborate procedure
+yet devised for the study of human personality, it would
+appear to raise in the most acute form the thorny problem
+of the relation between research on the individual
+and research upon society. We are therefore justified in
+devoting more extended attention to the theoretical problem
+involved than we have yet taken occasion to do.</p>
+
+<p>It may be asserted at the outset that our thinking is
+vitiated unless we dispose of the fictitious cleavage which
+is sometimes supposed to separate the study of the “individual”
+from the study of “society.” There is no cleavage;
+there is but a gradual gradation of reference points.
+Some events have their locus in but a single individual,
+and are unsuitable for comparative investigation. Some
+events are widely distributed among individuals, like
+breathing, but have no special importance for interpersonal
+relations. Our starting-point as social scientists is
+the statement of a distinctive event which is widely spread
+among human beings who occupy a particular time-space
+manifold.</p>
+
+<p>Subjective events occupy definite positions in the flow
+of events, and the problem of explanation is the problem
+of locating stable relations. Since subjective events are
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">[241]</span>not open to direct observation, but are inferred from movements,
+the observer, O, must infer the existence of subjective
+terms in the sequence by imagining what he would
+experience under all the similar circumstances which he
+can survey and compare to his own experience. Reduced
+to its simplest terms, the observer’s procedure is that of
+isolating a subjective event which he wishes to investigate,
+and of searching for the “externals” which will make the
+conditions of its occurrence clearly communicable to others.
+These externals are sometimes fairly clear, and can readily
+be stated in precise, “touchable” form. The sensation of
+“roughness” can be predicted to follow the application of
+certain objects to specified parts of the skin. A transition
+from a rough to a smooth object may also produce “flinching,”
+which can be somewhat definitely described, and
+which accompanies and (perhaps) initiates some of the
+subjective events.</p>
+
+<p>When any observer undertakes to talk about the state,
+he may choose specific subjective experiences, such as a
+sense of loyalty to a community, and say that all who have
+this experience (and/or certain others) under specified
+conditions make up the state. Such specified conditions
+may include the act of testifying to it when asked by an
+intimate friend, or when warned that the community is
+in danger. The concept of the state may be amplified by
+searching for the external circumstances which precipitate
+the appearance of the subjective events which are
+characteristic of stateness.</p>
+
+<p>Such a method of defining the state absolves us from
+“superindividual” constructs. The locus of the subjective
+events is still individual. The group is not a superindividual
+phenomenon but a many-individual phenomenon. The
+time-space abstraction of the “group” is just as “real”
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">[242]</span>or “unreal” as the time-space abstraction called the “individual.”
+They are both equally real or unreal, and they
+stand and fall together.</p>
+
+<p>The state has duration. It is a time-space frame of
+reference for individual events. Particular individuals
+may pass on, but if the overwhelming majority of those
+who occupy a certain geographical area continue to experience
+the subjective events of the type chosen as critical
+for the state, the state endures. The state is thus independent
+of any one individual, but it ceases to exist when
+enough individuals change their minds or die without procreating.</p>
+
+<p>I have not yet defined the particular events which are
+to be treated as the marks of the state. In the sea of
+subjective events we must choose certain typical ones.
+Now definitions of this kind can be developed most advantageously
+when we proceed, not by a method of rigorous
+exclusion, but of relative emphasis. Suppose we tentatively
+begin by saying that the distinguishing experience is
+that of communal unity, when it is manifested by the use
+of coercion against outside and inside disturbers of the
+communal order. Imagine an observer is overlooking a
+primitive village. He sees a band of young men whose
+behavior he interprets thus: They are wearing painted
+stripes, brandishing spears, and having left the village, they
+engage in fighting a band of young men from a neighboring
+village. Is this evidence of the existence of the state?
+The facts are insufficient to justify a decision. Closer observation
+may show that these young men all live in one
+quarter of the village and that other young men are idling
+about. When the “warriors” come back, they are only
+cheered by those who live in one section. Those who live
+there may prove to be members of one family, some of
+whose young men have avenged a private wrong in which
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">[243]</span>the village as a whole has no part. The system of claims
+and expectations which is the essence of the communal order
+is not at stake. The communal order must be involved
+if the state is involved.</p>
+
+<p>Robert H. Lowie&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_77_77" href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> has shown that the term “state” may
+properly be used to designate even the most primitive
+communities, and that the common distinction between
+a prestate and a state period of cultural development is
+a distortion of the facts. The simplest peoples known, the
+Yurok of northwestern California, the Angami of Assam,
+and the Ifugao of northern Luzon, all have a sense of
+belonging to a social unit larger than a kin group, and
+act in overt defense of this order. The theft of property
+of one kin group, when committed by a fellow-villager,
+is mulcted by a traditional fine, but the theft, when committed
+by a marauding outsider, is punished by death. In
+the case of adultery, warring families inside the village
+are merely engaged in adjusting the size of the penalty;
+it is universally assumed that some penalty is due.</p>
+
+<p>The marginal cases notoriously play havoc with definitions.
+The statement made before that the distinguishing
+mark of the state is the experience of communal unity,
+when it is manifested by the use of coercion against outside
+and inside disturbers of a communal order, is too narrow to
+cover a small but extremely interesting series of facts.
+There may be no use of coercion against outsiders, for
+the war pattern may be entirely absent from the community,
+although violence against insiders who threaten the
+communal system of claims and expectations appears to
+be universal.</p>
+
+<p>The view so far proposed rests upon a frank acceptance
+of social “parallelism.”&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_78_78" href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> Hans Kelsen has subjected
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">[244]</span>the theories of parallelism of psychological states (common
+emotion and the like) to a sharp, and in many ways
+devastating, criticism. He says that “common emotion,
+common volition and common idea can never mean anything
+more than a description of the coincidence in consciousness
+of a number of individuals.” But</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="noindent">if one really wished to consider the state as consisting of a community
+of consciousness such as this, and as a matter of fact,
+such a realistic, empirical psychological meaning is often attributed
+to what is called the collective will or the collective interest
+of the state, then, in order to avoid inadmissible fictions, one
+would have only to be consistent enough really to consider the
+state as formed only by the contents of those whose consciousness
+had shown the necessary agreement. One would be bound to
+realize that community of will, feeling or thought, as a psychological
+group manifestation, fluctuates tremendously at different
+times and places. In the ocean of psychic happenings, such communities
+may rise like waves in the sea and after a brief space be
+lost again in an ever-changing ebb and flow.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_79_79" href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>In this keen dialectic Kelsen has been led astray by
+a failure to recognize the time dimension of the events
+referred to by such a concept as the state. Subjective
+facts are located in time in relation to one another when
+viewed from the standpoint of any observer. The concept
+of the state involves similar events in relation to one another
+within a duration. The concept of the state includes
+this idea of a temporal frame, and can best be grasped
+as a relational system (a manifold) in which a certain
+frequency of subjective events is maintained. Thus the
+state is not abolished when some individuals sleep or occupy
+themselves with the banalities of existence, unless
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">[245]</span>the state is defined with reference to a duration of a few
+seconds or hours or days. But there is no reason whatever
+for choosing such a transitory frame of reference. It
+is just as valid to use a year as a minute, or a decade as
+a year, for the time dimension. Thus the state can be
+treated in what Kelsen speaks of as an “empirical psychological”
+sense. It is a durable empirical fact just so
+long as a certain frequency of subjective events occurs.
+If Kelsen agrees that contents of consciousness are
+“empirical,” he is bound to see them in a world of duration,
+and he has no authority to prescribe that the state
+must refer to subjective events as a “knife-edge instant.”</p>
+
+<p>The state, then, is a time-space manifold of similar subjective
+events. Kelsen is incorrect in alleging that the acceptance
+of the parallelism of psychological phenomena
+as a fundamental fact destroys the state as a permanent
+institution.</p>
+
+<p>Mere parallelism of psychological events does not give
+us the state, for a distinguishing type of subjective event
+must be selected if we are to characterize the state, the
+family, and other social groups. Kelsen is entirely correct
+in criticizing those theories of the state which invoke
+parallelism but neglect to specify the particular “contents
+of consciousness,” “since not every and any group
+manifestations formed upon the parallelism of psychic
+processes is able to constitute that community.”</p>
+
+<p>That subjective event which is the unique mark of the
+state is the recognition that one belongs to a community
+with a system of paramount claims and expectations. This
+recognition of belonging does not necessarily imply an
+indorsement of this state of things. The essence of the
+state is this recognition, and the individual may indorse
+or deplore the fact without abolishing it. One need not be
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">[246]</span>sentimentally bound to the order; it is enough if the order
+is noted.</p>
+
+<p>This unique experience is never found unassociated
+with other subjective events. The recognition is usually
+amplified by pride in belonging to the state, and by a determination
+to enforce the order upon one’s self and others.
+One’s recognition of the order is usually accompanied
+by an idealization of one’s participation in it, by an idealization
+of the order itself, and by a condemnation of deviations
+from it. All this is frequently expressed as the
+“sense of justice” which is the foundation of certain
+theories of law and the state.</p>
+
+<p>The subjective event which marks the state is usually
+manifested in various “externals.” Thus the use of coercion
+is well-nigh universal. The externals may be broadened
+to include behavior which may be treated as a substitute
+for coercion. Ordering and obeying relationships
+which function in a coercive crisis may continue when
+peace comes. There may be an apparent “elaboration
+backward” of processes antecedent to coercion in foreign
+and domestic affairs, and this may obviate a resort to the
+<i>ultima ratio</i>. The regulation of the use of coercion, and
+the maintenance of a certain degree of mobilization during
+non-crisis periods, devolves upon “leaders,” who may
+preside over initiations, goods distribution, and general
+ceremonials. The process by which “heads” are selected
+may involve electoral colleges, elections, and agitations.</p>
+
+<p>It is worth observing that in the description of political
+processes terms are employed which often carry no “subjective”
+connotations on their face. But in fact every term
+unavoidably carries subjective implications, and if these
+be ignored, there is danger that social theory will hypostatize
+“patterns” or “traditions” as extra-subjective entities,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">[247]</span>endowed with distinctive energies and amenable to
+special laws.</p>
+
+<p>Often the subjective “burr” on the pattern is so dim
+that the subjective need scarcely ever be made explicit.
+Many generalizations can be made by disregarding the
+subjective element and focusing attention upon the transformations
+through which the associated patterns pass.
+Linguistics has achieved notable success by this method.
+Phonetic arrangements are named as objects of investigation
+and the fact discovered that those sounds which occur
+in certain relationships presently alter in regular ways.</p>
+
+<p>It is theoretically possible to make a rough scale of
+descriptive conceptions according to the relative fulness
+or thinness of the subjective element in the pattern. To
+express this symbolically, the complexity of the <i>S</i> to the
+<i>E</i> (subjective to external) varies between nearly 100 and
+nearly 0. The contemporary prominence of what is called
+“social psychology” is due to the effort to draw attention
+to the consideration of patterns in which the <i>S</i> factor is
+large.</p>
+
+<p>The failure to stress the subjective dimensions of the
+events referred to as “processes,” “patterns,” or “customs”
+is not only due to the circumstance that the <i>S</i> is
+often negligible, but that the objective element may often
+appear with other subjective elements. John B may rise
+when the national anthem is played, but he may do so
+“automatically” with his mind mostly preoccupied with
+the sore on his heel. The particular <i>S</i> which is meant
+when the full pattern of patriotic ceremonialism is discussed
+may thus be supplanted by another <i>S</i> with the same
+<i>E</i>. Thus the act becomes an entirely different phenomenon,
+and may erroneously be classed with patriotic ceremonialism
+in the full sense.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">[248]</span></p>
+
+<p>This point has far-reaching consequences for political
+science. The accurate comparison of behavior patterns
+depends upon comparison of the whole pattern. It must
+not be automatically inferred that <i>S</i> exists where <i>E</i> is
+found. The nature of the subjective factor can be inferred
+from extending the observation in several directions. It
+may be lengthened (John B may complain of a sore heel
+after the anthem). It may be more intensively scrutinized
+within the same period (John B may be seen to shift his
+weight from one foot to another, and to frown when one
+heel touches the floor).</p>
+
+<p>Descriptive political conceptions are undergoing a continuous
+redefinition in the life of society, and unless the
+student of political processes is on the alert to test his
+descriptive conceptions in the light of changing reality, he
+will operate with falsifications and not with simplifications.
+“Voting,” to choose an instance, is a concept of the
+greatest complexity. It does not alone consist in the dropping
+of ballots into urns or boxes or hats, or in the punching
+of buttons on a machine. These external elements,
+the <i>E</i>’s, in the concept of voting are not the heart of the
+matter. What count especially are the subjective terms in
+the constellation of which these externals are a part, and
+a highly variable part at that. How seriously do people
+take the responsibility of collecting information about the
+personalities and issues with which they are confronted
+and judging these matters in the light of a conception
+of the public interest? Voting is an entirely different matter
+when individuals are coerced into casting ballots a
+certain way and when they are free, leisured, and interested.
+To call the casting of ballots under all circumstances
+“voting” is to deprive the term of most of its significance.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">[249]</span></p>
+
+<p>It is highly probable that the phenomenon which is
+loosely called voting in Chicago is today quite different
+from what is was fifty years ago; it is radically true that
+the phenomenon called voting in London is something
+different from voting in Cook County.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_80_80" href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> How are we to
+decide what meaning to assign to particular aspects of
+the political process as we observe them at different times
+and places? The ocean of subjective happenings which
+are related to external movements of a kind often associated
+with politics is ever changing, and it cannot be described
+by inventory methods. Not inventory but sampling
+is essential if empirical definiteness is to be attached to
+a term.</p>
+
+<p>Speaking very generally, two modes of procedure are
+possible. The first is to begin with the externalities which
+are a rather fixed feature of a pattern of social behavior
+with which the investigator is familiar, and to proceed to
+find out how the subjective features of this pattern change.
+One may study “balloting” or “modes of punishment”
+and the like from this point of view. Throughout Western
+European culture there prevails such relative homogeneity
+of pattern that research may proceed directly from this
+starting-point.</p>
+
+<p>The field ethnologist, who deals with cultures of a drastically
+different kind, must often use another avenue of
+approach. A set of external movements like “balloting”
+may not be sufficiently widespread to permit comparison.
+The ethnologist must proceed by stating to himself the
+subjective fact whose presence he would like to detect
+(such as a desire to participate earnestly in deciding communal
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">[250]</span>problems), and participate as fully in the daily
+life of the people as he can, in the hope that presently
+he will divine such a subjective viewpoint and its characteristic
+modes of expression. It is true that there are
+some movements of man whose significance is practically
+universal, but these are too few to enable the utter alien
+to dispense with a long period of participation in the day-to-day
+life of the people. What happens is that the observer
+presently begins to recognize the subjective fact
+behind the movements of the body, but this primitive
+judgment of his is a diffused judgment, based upon a mass
+of subtle particulars which he may long be unable to
+isolate in his own thinking and to point out to others; indeed,
+this process is never complete, or we should have a
+complete understanding of human life.</p>
+
+<p>Obviously both points of departure for research have
+their advantages. The American student of social patterns
+in Western Europe has thousands of subtle meanings
+established in common with Frenchmen, Germans, or British.
+This is an enormous time-saving asset. If anyone
+undertakes to use the ethnologist’s approach to a familiar
+culture, the results are likely to strike the participant in
+that culture as perfectly obvious and hardly worth the
+effort.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_81_81" href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p>
+
+<p>The whole aim of the scientific student of society is
+to make the obvious unescapable, if one wishes to put the
+truth paradoxically. The task is to bring into the center
+of rational attention the movements which are critically
+significant in determining our judgment of subjective
+events, and to discover the essential antecedents of those
+patterns of subjectivity and of movement. For all the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">[251]</span>people who are startled to find that they have spoken
+prose all their lives, there are many to emulate the rustic
+who “know’d it all the time” when scientific facts are
+stated about human nature. That which is known implicitly
+and based upon diffused, unverbalized experience
+must be made explicit if new ways of dealing with the
+world are to be invented.</p>
+
+<p>The work of investigation may eventuate in statements
+of the subjective constellations which find expression in
+particular cultural forms, or in the description of the
+subjective constellations which are connected with forms
+which are universal for all men. The frame of reference
+of the social scientist is the culture; the frame of reference
+of the human psychologist is the species.</p>
+
+<p>What is known as the “quantitative method” provides
+a valuable discipline for the student of culture because it
+directs his attention toward the discovery of events which
+are often enough repeated to raise a strong presumption
+that a particular sequence does actually exist. These
+events must be so defined that similar events can be identified
+by other workers. This necessitates an operational
+definition of the concept, which is to say, terms must be
+used to specify the position of the observer in relation to
+the configuration which it is proposed to describe.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_82_82" href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p>
+
+<p>The impatience among students of culture with the slow-footed
+quantitative approach is partly due to the diffuse,
+implicit nature of the experiences upon which is based
+the judgment about a subjective event outside one’s self,
+and the resulting bias of the student of culture against
+exaggerating the significance of items in the pattern. The
+statement that “his life-experience has been hued with
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">[252]</span>melancholy” is a generalization which presupposes a
+knowledge of a prodigious number of facts. Or the statement
+that “the prestige of public office is greater in Germany
+than in any country” depends upon possible observations
+as numerous as the sands of the sea. Any proposition
+in Bryce’s <i>Modern Democracies</i> or in Masaryk’s
+analysis of Russian civilization refers to tremendous
+ranges of data. Of course, the experience of any observer
+is puny beside the Gargantuan proportions of the facts,
+and able inquirers always proceed upon a sampling basis.
+They get in touch with men of every income group, every
+religious, every racial, and every provincial group; they
+study the manifestations of the culture in painting, literature,
+mathematics, legislation, administration, and physical
+science.</p>
+
+<p>The procedure of a Bryce was quantitative in the sense
+that many observations were accumulated before inferences
+were fixed, but it was not quantitative in the special
+mathematical sense of the word. The student of culture
+is often alienated by the quantitative approach, because
+the quantitative method necessitates the simplification of
+the number of facts taken into account; the impressionistic-quantitative
+approach of the student of culture gets
+an undivided reaction to the whole and makes simplification
+afterward, perhaps revising and indeed oscillating
+at frequent intervals.</p>
+
+<p>There is more in common between the student of culture,
+and especially of alien culture, and the student of
+the individual by prolonged-interview methods than might
+appear at first sight. The ethnologist confronting the manifestations
+of an alien culture and the psychopathologist
+confronting the alien manifestations of the unconscious
+secure unique training in their research for meanings in
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">[253]</span>details which escape the attention of the naïve man. Both
+form their idea of the subjective events from a multitude
+of signs, which may be spread over months of intimacy,
+and both are somewhat inclined to disparage the search
+for simple external facts which can be relied upon to
+indicate a specific subjective content.</p>
+
+<p>The psychopathologist possesses the most elaborate
+known means of exploring the manifold subjective events
+which may be associated with external movements. Besides
+the conscious subjective experience there is a rich
+unconscious life which he is especially proficient in exposing.
+Thus our movements are not alone the outcome
+of simple conscious processes; they are said to be “overdetermined”
+by a variety of factors.</p>
+
+<p>This concept of overdetermination is not unknown to
+popular common sense. We know that John B is proud
+of being an American, and that he wants to fight for his
+country; we comment slyly that John B’s best girl likes
+the uniform, and this is one reason why he volunteers.
+And more than that. We know that action is not always
+the outcome of experiences that point in the same direction.
+We may know that John B. is anxious to stay on the
+job a month longer and to get a promotion, and that going
+into the army at a given moment means sacrifice. Thus
+his mind is partly divided against itself. What psychopathological
+methods do is to disclose yet wider vistas,
+and to expose the operation of factors which cannot be
+readily seen. Thus a deep longing for death may be a
+contributing factor to heroism.</p>
+
+<p>The psychopathological approach is embarrassing less
+in the specific content of its revelations than in the wealth
+of meaning which it discovers behind what is at first
+glance but a simple pattern. The rôle, of a particular subjective
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">[254]</span>experience and of a movement cannot be fully
+appraised apart from the total context at which it functions,
+and this method discloses a wider context than common
+sense is aware of.</p>
+
+<p>Now the multiplicity of human motives has always been
+a source of embarrassment to people who wanted to manage
+men or merely to understand them. The clumsy machinery
+of judicial administration has been worked out
+along certain lines in the hope of introducing some degree
+of uniformity into adjudication by limiting the consideration
+of the motives which operate in a particular
+case. The judge is thus supposed to limit himself to the
+determination of the existence of a particular state of facts,
+and to act in a particular way if these facts can be established
+according to a prescribed procedure. The movement
+toward the standardization of the discretion of public
+officers expresses itself in this general pattern of thought:</p>
+
+<p>An act is prohibited by the state.</p>
+
+<p>Certain prescribed “externals” shall establish the fact of the
+act having been committed.</p>
+
+<p>The actor shall be dealt with in certain specified ways.</p>
+
+<p>This crusade against the subjective element in the mind
+of the public officer is in some measure determined by the
+desire of the judge or civil servant to avoid responsibility.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_83_83" href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p>
+
+<p>The psychopathological approach precipitates something
+very like a panic among those who have tried to box the
+manifestations of human life into conventional common-sense
+categories. A dozen motives seem to bloom where
+but one was found to bud before.</p>
+
+<p>Let us see what this does for political theory. The prolonged
+study of individuals enables us to discern the details
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">[255]</span>of the process by which the political pattern, as we
+meet it in adult life, comes to be achieved by individuals.</p>
+
+<p>When X runs for office or passes judgment, his behavior
+is overdetermined by motives, conscious and unconscious,
+which were organized in successive patterns during infancy,
+childhood and youth. The recognition of belonging
+to a communal order never functions in isolation, and the
+comparison of life-histories shows that this is implanted
+in the child on the basis of meanings which he has elaborated
+in his struggle, first against inhibitory factors in
+the environment, and presently, when he has introjected
+the demands of the environment, against his own antisocial
+impulses.</p>
+
+<p>The early restrictions which the environment imposes
+upon a child are important in that they are met by reactions
+on his part which predispose him to meet subsequent
+limitations in certain ways. These early restrictions
+are imposed upon the child by inflicting pain or by distracting
+attention to pleasurable stimuli. Inhibition is thus
+established in the organism by <i>force majeur</i> on the part of
+the environment, since the infant is simply overpowered
+or outgeneraled by the environment.</p>
+
+<p>Thus far in his development the growing individual
+has not become socialized in the sense that he has become
+self-regulating in relation to objects in the environment.
+The infant learns “sphincter morality” (in the phrase of
+Ferenczi), but this involves no emotional relationship to
+objects. His pleasures remain on his own body (autoplastic),
+and the environment is an instrument for removing
+bodily tensions in the simplest manner. Gradually the
+child begins to look for gratification by lively erogenous
+activities upon the body of another. This outward push
+of activity is again limited and frequently blocked by
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">[256]</span><i>force majeur</i>. In the place of sexual relations to objects
+there now appears a new form of relation, and the child
+socializes himself by incorporating the practices of those
+about him.</p>
+
+<p>It will be remembered that emotional bonds are established
+in two ways: by object choice (for sexual acts)
+and by identification. Identification, Freud writes, is the
+original form of emotional tie with an object. It can become
+a substitute for a libidinal object tie, and it may
+arise with every new perception of a common quality
+shared with some other person who is not an object of the
+sexual instinct. This latter is partial identification. The
+qualities of the object are copied (introjected). The energy
+for the identification is said to be supplied by aim-inhibited
+sexual instincts. The name of the state, the ceremonial
+acts of deference toward ceremonial symbols—all
+this and much more is characteristically a feature of
+the child’s growth.</p>
+
+<p>Characteristic, that is to say, frequent, but not invariable.
+Children are always brought in relation to a system
+of interferences and indulgences (ways of raising children),
+and they always perceive an order of some kind.
+But in some cases when a nation lives subjected to a state,
+the recognition of the state relation may be accompanied
+by resentment.</p>
+
+<p>The state pattern itself prevails when many people take
+it as more than a mere state of affairs, and the idea is
+reinforced by “irrelevant meanings.” Some individuals
+impose motivations upon others through the state pattern.
+These individuals, whether despots or enthusiasts,
+may be termed “radicles,” the active ones who serve as
+radiating centers for the preservation and amplification of
+the state pattern.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">[257]</span></p>
+
+<p>Freud treats the state as an emotional unity.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_84_84" href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> The members
+of the state identify themselves with an abstract object
+(the idea of the state) and are bound emotionally by
+the partial identification which arises in perceiving an
+analogous relationship to the object. Kelsen has objected
+to this conception of the state as a real subjective unity
+by arguing that identification is a process between individuals,
+and that each member of a state cannot be
+thought of as having entered into personal relationships
+with every other member. Even if his narrow construction
+of identification were well founded, the state could still
+be treated as a real subjective unity on the basis of interlocking
+identifications. A has identified with B and B with
+C, and one of the features of B which the child A would
+typically take over (introject) would be the name and
+other symbols of the state.</p>
+
+<p>Indeed, it is the interlocking character of identifications
+which reasonably insures the incorporation of the
+state symbol into the child’s conception of himself. There
+is such a process as negative identification, the rejection
+of patterns which are connected with hated persons. The
+child is usually exposed to many adults and contemporaries,
+and if they all associate themselves with the state,
+the child is almost certain to reject only those patterns
+which pertain exclusively to the hated individuals. This
+is the fundamental reason for the staying power of patterns
+once accepted in a group.</p>
+
+<p>It has been customary in the psychoanalytical literature
+on social and political processes to describe the state as a
+universal father-substitute. We are at length in a position
+to discuss the problems raised by such a generalization.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">[258]</span>The distinctive contribution of the psychopathological approach
+is the plurality of individual meanings which it
+discloses. It is an anticlimax to discover that the appearance
+of diversity is, after all, spurious, and that those who
+insist upon the strenuous simplification of human motives
+are justified. The point which I wish to insist upon is that
+the data revealed by the psychopathological procedure are
+far more significant for political and social science than
+this single-track generalization would lead one to suppose.</p>
+
+<p>The special value of the psychopathological approach
+is that it represents a supermicroscopic method of utilizing
+individual instances for the study of culture patterns.
+If we begin with a political pattern and view it
+against the private histories of actual people, we find that
+this pattern takes on variable meaning from one individual
+to another, but that broad groupings of associated meanings
+are possible of ascertainment. Any subjective event
+which is frequently associated with a political pattern is
+important. Valid generalizations depend upon multiplying
+cases which are selected from different groups in the
+culture, and which are studied by methods capable of
+disclosing subjective contexts. This is the point where
+quantitative procedures can be made profitable to the student
+of culture, whose attention is riveted on patterns
+whose subjective element is important.</p>
+
+<p>But are these studies likely to lead to anything valuable
+if subjective events are so variable that any subjective
+event may be associated with any other subjective event?
+Why not terminate the investigation at the outset by saying
+that the general law of probabilities can be relied
+upon to predict the frequency with which any two of a
+number of specified subjective events may be expected
+to occur together? Is not our empirical inquiry likely to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">[259]</span>terminate in an inventory of subjective states and their
+frequently accompanying movements, thus foredooming
+any effort to discover more-frequent-than-chance simultaneities,
+antecedents, and successions? If you look long
+enough, won’t you find every subjective event associated
+with every other one?</p>
+
+<p>A great many facts tend to substantiate this point of
+view. It is true that many imposing psychological schools
+of thought have arisen, run swiftly for a time in narrow
+channels, and then stagnated in a shallow pool of “faculties”
+or “instincts,” mere inventories of patterns which
+are abstracted from all concrete events and which are
+therefore capable of being combined in any event in
+nearly infinite combinations. The search for specific connections
+slacks down, and the psychological mill pond is
+only stirred when somebody throws a stone in the pool in
+the form of a new theory of specific causation, which
+troubles the waters until it is found that the specific event
+is found to occur with only chance frequency. In this
+sense the only contributors to psychology are those who
+are sufficiently naïve, or sufficiently unscrupulous, to exaggerate
+the rôle of a specific type of experience. So we
+have psychologies based on “fear” or “love” or “imitation,”
+or we have a long string of separate terms, “sub-fears,”
+which multiply as the range of concrete observation
+widens, and the failure of the selected factor to explain
+everything is made manifest, or disguised.</p>
+
+<p>Thus a history of psychology could be written by taking
+“completed” systems, analyzing the functional equivalence
+of the categories applied, and reducing every new system
+to a collection of synonyms for the terms of preceding
+systems. This hypothetical history of psychological theories
+would show how an inquirer, much impressed by
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_260">[260]</span>certain experiences, would seize upon certain terms to
+describe them, and how, confronted by more and more
+empirical realities, he would modify the distinctive meaning
+of his explanatory conceptions out of existence. A
+history of psychoanalytic terminology, such as Rank has
+sketched in his treatment of genetic psychology, might be
+raw material for such a comparison.</p>
+
+<p>Would nothing remain but dictionaries of synonyms, all
+rather dubious contributions to the grist of linguistic research?
+It might be that our projected history would show
+that each psychological system left a permanent legacy
+behind it in the form of a significant “mechanism” which
+had not previously been stressed. Now the whole world of
+“causation” is implicated in any event, and the whole
+number of significant mechanisms which may be discerned
+in the “mind at a moment” is infinite. So our hypothetical
+volume might conclude by accepting the assumption that
+some events can be brought about by more than chance
+frequency, subject to the reservation that experimental
+confirmation is never reliable as to the future. The critical
+configurations may never “reappear.” We commonly
+say that the probability of an event’s future repetition
+is greater if it has been oft repeated in the past. But there
+is no means of demonstrating that the future contains
+analogous configurations to the elapsed. The probability
+of the future repetition of an event is “no probability.”
+If events appear to be predictable, this is so because our
+knowledge of contingencies is limited, and our sequences
+of similar configurations may still be treated as special
+instances of “no sequence.” The stable is a special case
+of the unstable, to put the ultimate paradox. The discovery
+of aggregates of mechanisms whose rearrangement in
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">[261]</span>short periods would enrich the apparatus of social control
+is the dream (the mirage?) of psychology.</p>
+
+<p>Whether these objections will be well founded depends
+on the outcome of the test, and are incapable of dialectical
+resolution. It may be pointed out that the search for
+generalized mechanisms rests on no firmer logical foundations
+than the search for subjective sequences, since mechanisms
+are likewise aspects of the world of events, and as
+such are subject to the same “no probability” laws of
+recurrence.</p>
+
+<p>It should be repeated that the aim of life-history investigation
+is not to arrive at such thin generalizations as
+the statement that the state is a universal father-imago
+(symbol). What matters to the student of culture is not
+the subjective similarities of the species, but the subjective
+differences among members of the same and similar cultures.
+The life-history configuration is precisely the one
+which has special meaning for the study of culture, and
+has its own valid place as an object of investigation in
+the world of events.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>We may at this point briefly retrace the steps which
+have been taken in this monograph. The psychopathological
+approach has been examined in its historical setting,
+and the distinctive value of the free-fantasy method of
+using the mind has been illustrated. Its importance, likewise,
+for the understanding of political types has been
+shown with special reference to the agitators and the administrators.</p>
+
+<p>The general formula for the developmental history of
+the political man employs three terms:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+  <i>p</i> <span class="bracket">}</span> <i>d</i> <span class="bracket">}</span> <i>r</i> = <i>P</i>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">[262]</span></p>
+<p class="noindent"><i>p</i> equals private motives, <i>d</i> equals displacement on to public
+objects, <i>r</i> equals rationalization in terms of public interest.
+<i>P</i> signifies the political man, and&nbsp;<span class="bracket">}</span> means “transformed
+into.”</p>
+
+<p>The political man shares the <i>p</i>, the private motives
+which are organized in the early life of the individual,
+with every man, and the <i>d</i>, the displacement on to public
+objects, with some men. The distinctive mark of the <i>homo
+politicus</i> is the rationalization of the displacement in terms
+of public interests. Political types may be distinguished
+according to the specialized or the composite character of
+the functions which they perform and which they are desirous
+of performing. There are political agitators, administrators,
+theorists, and various combinations thereof.
+There are significant differences in the developmental history
+of each political type.</p>
+
+<p>The hallmark of the agitator is the high value which
+he places on the response of the public. As a class the
+agitators are strongly narcissistic types. Narcissism is
+encouraged by obstacles encountered in the early love relationships,
+or by overindulgence and admiration in the
+family circle. Libido is blocked in moving outward toward
+objects and settles back upon the self. Sexual objects
+which are like the self are preferred, and a strong homoerotic
+component is thus characteristic. Among the agitators
+yearning for emotional response of the homoerotic kind
+is displaced upon generalized objects, and high value is put
+on arousing emotional responses from the community at
+large. The oratorical agitator, in contradistinction to the
+publicist, seems to show a long history of successful impostorship
+in dealing with his environment. Agitators differ
+appreciably in the specificity or in the generality of
+the social objects upon which they succeed in displacing
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">[263]</span>their affects. Those who have been consciously attached to
+their parents and who have been successful impostors
+(“model children”) are disposed to choose remote and general
+objects. Those who have been conscious of suppressing
+serious grievances against the intimate circle, and who
+have been unable to carry off the impostor’s rôle successfully,
+are inclined to pick more immediate and personal
+substitutes. The rational structure tends toward theoretical
+completeness in the former case. The object choices for
+displaced affects depend on the models which are offered
+when the early identifications are being made. When the
+homoerotic attitude is the important one, the assaultive,
+provocative relation to the environment is likely to display
+itself; when the impotence fear is active, grandiose reactions
+figure more prominently.</p>
+
+<p>As a group the administrators are distinguished by the
+value which they place upon the co-ordination of effort in
+continuing activity. They differ from the agitators in that
+their affects are displaced on less remote and abstract
+objects. In the case of one important group this failure
+to achieve abstract objects is due to excessive preoccupation
+with specific individuals in the family circle, and to
+the correlative difficulty of defining the rôle of the self.
+Very original and overdriving administrators show a fundamental
+pattern which coincides with that of the agitators.
+The differences in specific development are principally
+due to the culture patterns available for identification
+at critical phases of growth. Another group of administrators
+is recruited from among those who have passed
+smoothly through their developmental crises. They have
+not overrepressed powerful hostilities, but either sublimated
+these drives, or expressed them boldly in the intimate
+circle. They display an impersonal interest in the task
+of organization itself, and assert themselves with firmness,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">[264]</span>though not with overemphasis, in professional and
+intimate life. Their lack of interest in abstractions is due
+to the fact that they have never needed them as a means
+of dealing with their emotional problems. They can take
+or leave general ideas without using them to arouse widespread
+affective responses from the public. Tied neither
+to abstractions nor to particular people, they are able to
+deal with both in a context of human relations, impersonally
+conceived. Their affects flow freely; they are not affectless,
+but affectively adjusted.</p>
+
+<p>The psychopathological method was also employed to
+discover the significance of political convictions, for it is
+evident that beliefs are expressive of a rational and logical
+“manifest” content, and that they symbolize a host of
+private motives. In this connection there was passed in
+review the history of a compulsive conformist to the pattern
+of the family, and the histories of several nonconformists.
+The private meaning of militarism and pacifism,
+and of the pessimism and censoriousness of old age, were
+explored.</p>
+
+<p>Attention was then turned from the case-history fragments
+to the problem of drawing out the implications of
+intensive personality study for the theory of the collective
+political process.</p>
+
+<p>Political movements derive their vitality from the displacement
+of private affects upon public objects. The affects
+which are organized in the family are redistributed
+upon various social objects, such as the state. Political
+crises are complicated by the concurrent reactivation of
+specific primitive impulses. One might suppose that when
+important decisions are in process of being made society
+would deliberate very calmly; but the disproportionality
+between the behavior of man during wars, revolutions, and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">[265]</span>elections, and the requirements of rational thinking is notorious.
+Evidently a reactivating process is at work here;
+there is a regressive tendency to reawaken primitive sadism
+and lust.</p>
+
+<p>Political symbols are particularly adapted to serve as
+targets for displaced effect because of their ambiguity of
+reference, in relation to individual experience, and because
+of their general circulation. Although the dynamic
+of politics is the tension of individuals, all tension does
+not produce political acts. Nor do all emotional bonds
+lead to political action. Political acts depend upon the
+symbolization of the discontent of the individual in terms
+of a more inclusive self which champions a set of demands
+for social action.</p>
+
+<p>Political demands are of only a limited relevance to
+the changes which will produce permanent reductions in
+the tension level of society. The political methods of coercion,
+exhortation, and discussion assume that the rôle
+of politics is to solve conflicts when they have happened.
+The ideal of a politics of prevention is to obviate conflict
+by the definite reduction of the tension level of society by
+effective methods, of which discussion will be but one.
+The preventive point of view insists upon a continuing
+audit of the human consequences of social acts, and especially
+of political acts. The achievement of the ideal of
+preventive politics depends less upon changes in social
+organization than upon improving the methods and the
+education of the social administrators and the social scientists.</p>
+
+<p>The empirical material utilized in the book was brought
+together in the course of prolonged interviews with individuals
+under unusually intimate conditions. At the present
+time there are no satisfactory records of what actually
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_266">[266]</span>happens under these interview conditions, and it is
+important for the future of personality study to improve
+the methodology of these procedures. The objectification
+of what transpires in the interview can be secured by arranging
+for a verbatim transcript of what goes on, and by
+recording the physical changes which occur.</p>
+
+<p>Effective personality research depends upon viewing the
+personality reactions as a system, and upon perfecting the
+procedures by which the substitutive reactions of this system
+may be exposed. Broadly speaking, the personality
+may be treated as a system of object orientations, adjustive
+thought, autistic reveries, and somatic reactions. The
+problem is to introduce interferences into the system, and
+to reveal the substitutive reactions for comparison and further
+analysis. Every “fact” about personality events is to
+be defined from the standpoint of a specified observer,
+and a major problem for the future is to check the “facts”
+of the observer in the prolonged interview against the
+“facts” of observers in other situations. Personality research
+can be made more valuable for political science
+when the adult reactions are clearly seen which chiefly
+interest the political scientist (see Appendix B).</p>
+
+<p>What, in general terms, is the relationship between research
+upon the individual and upon society? There is no
+cleavage; there is but a gradation of reference points.
+Events which are of collective interest always have an
+individual locus, and these events may be studied in their
+relation to the sequence of events “within the individual”
+or in relation to the events “among individuals.” The distinctive
+event which serves as the orienting frame for political
+research is the recognition of belonging to a community
+with a system of paramount claims and expectations.
+This event, when distributed with sufficient frequency
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">[267]</span>among the individuals who occupy a given territory during
+a specified time period, define the state, which is thus
+a manifold of events. Research which studies the order
+of events “within the individual” or “among individuals”
+is equally relevant to the understanding of the state; the
+difference is a difference of starting-point and not of final
+result.</p>
+
+<p>When the state is seen as a manifold of events the conditions
+of whose occurrence are to be understood, the theoretical
+foundation is laid for both the intensive and the
+distributive inquiries upon which the politics of prevention
+can be built. In particular will it be possible to profit as
+the years pass, and as psychopathology widens the range
+of its investigations, and increases the dependability of its
+methods.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">[268]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_A">
+    APPENDIX A
+    <br>
+    SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>The literature of psychoanalysis from its inception to 1926 is
+conveniently available in John Rickman’s <i>Index Psychoanalyticus,
+1893–1926</i>. The <i>Gesammelte Schriften</i> of Sigmund Freud
+have been published by the Internationaler Psychoanalytischer
+Verlag, Vienna, in eleven volumes. This publishing house puts
+out most of the literature of the circle around Freud. Of Freud’s
+books the beginner may be referred to his <i>General Introduction
+to Psychoanalysis, The Interpretation of Dreams</i>, and <i>Three Contributions
+to Sexual Theory</i>. An English edition of Freud’s collected
+papers is in process of publication. The most important
+technical journal is the <i>Internationale Zeitschrift für arztliche
+Psychoanalyse</i>. There is an English journal, <i>The International
+Journal of Psycho-Analysis</i>, and an American one, <i>The Psychoanalytic
+Review</i>. (A French periodical has recently appeared.)</p>
+
+<p>Among the “orthodox” psychoanalytical treatises the following
+are of particular importance:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+<p><span class="smcap">Ferenczi, S.</span> <i>Bausteine zur Psychoanalyse</i>. Leipzig, 1926.</p>
+
+<p>——. <i>Versuch einer Genitaltheorie</i>. Leipzig, 1924.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Ferenczi, S.</span>, and <span class="smcap">Hollos, S.</span> <i>Psychoanalysis and the Psychic
+Disorder of General Paresis</i>, “Nervous and Mental Disease
+Monograph Series,” No. 42. New York and Washington,
+1925.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The psychological manifestations of a physical disease are predicted on
+the basis of the psychoanalytical theory of personality development. Of
+great methodological importance.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Abraham, K.</span> <i>Klinische Beitrage zur Psychoanalyse aus den
+Jahren 1907–20</i>. Leipzig, etc., 1921.</p>
+
+<p>——. <i>Psychoanalytische Studien zur Charakterbildung</i>. Leipzig,
+etc., 1925.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The most influential approach to the problem of character formation.
+Amplified in many directions by Jones, Glover, etc.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">[269]</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Alexander, S.</span> <i>Psychoanalyse der Gesamtpersönlichkeit</i>. Leipzig,
+etc., 1927.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>A notably lucid presentation of the general theory. Recently translated
+as <i>The Psychoanalysis of the Total Personality</i> and published in the “Nervous
+and Mental Disease Monograph Series.”</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Hartmann, H.</span> <i>Die Grundlagen der Psychoanalyse.</i> Leipzig,
+1927.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>A very important book which views analytical concepts in relation to
+the data of experimental psychology.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Deutsch, Felix.</span> “Experimentelle Studien zur Psychoanalyse,”
+<i>Internationale Zeitschrift</i>, IX (1923), 484–96.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Reports the demonstration of the mechanism of repression by the use
+of post-hypnotic suggestion.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Kempf, E.</span> <i>Psychopathology</i>. St. Louis, 1921.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Stresses the function of the autonomic functions, and undertakes to
+amplify psychoanalytical theory in this direction.</p>
+</blockquote>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Among those who have broken off from Freud, after having
+been associated with him, are Stekel, Jung, and Adler. Stekel
+has published ten volumes of case histories which are valuable
+for the beginner who needs to acquire a sense of what sort of
+thing the human mind is capable. The other two are of more
+theoretical importance. Jung’s <i>Psychological Types</i> is of the
+most immediate interest to social scientists, although his speculations
+about the “racial unconscious” are suggestive. Alfred
+Adler’s standpoint is set out in his <i>Individual Psychology</i>. His
+circle in Vienna publishes a journal.</p>
+
+<p>An excellent manual is <i>The Structure and Meaning of Psychoanalysis</i>
+(New York, 1930), by William Healy, Augusta F. Bronner,
+and Anna Mae Bowers.</p>
+
+<p>The psychoanalytical movement can be placed in the general
+perspective of medical psychology by referring to such a manual
+as William A. White’s <i>Outlines of Psychiatry</i> or Bernard Hart’s
+<i>Psychopathology</i>. There are excellent books in German on medical
+psychology by Kronfeld, Birnbaum, Schilder, Kretschmer, and
+many others. The general movements in the field can be followed
+in the <i>American Journal of Psychiatry</i> or the <i>Journal of Nervous
+and Mental Diseases</i>, the latter of which is edited by William A.
+White and Smith Ely Jelliffe, who also supervise the well-known
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_270">[270]</span>series of books, usually translations, called the “Nervous and
+Mental Disease Monograph Series.” Pierre Janet’s <i>Psychological
+Healing</i> reviews the general history of psychopathology. Among
+the innumerable articles and books which undertake to appraise
+the clinical and normal implications of psychoanalysis, the symposium
+edited by Hans Prinzhorn may be chosen, <i>Krisis der Psychoanalyse</i>
+(Leipzig, 1928), Band I (the projected second volume
+will not appear). Otto Rank, who has likewise broken with
+Freud, is publishing a series of books on the psychoanalytical
+interview which promises to serve as a bridge between the general
+theory and the objective studies of the interview situation
+which are in progress in America.</p>
+
+<p>On the special problem of personality and character types, the
+volume by A. A. Roback, <i>The Psychology of Character</i>, may be
+instanced as a very comprehensive guide to the literature. His
+<i>A Bibliography on Personality</i> is also available. An acute analysis
+of typologies was offered by O. Selz before the German experimental
+psychologists in 1923. See the following:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+<p><span class="smcap">Selz, O.</span> “Über die Personlichkeitstypen und die Methoden ihrer
+Bestimmung,” <i>Bericht über den VIII. Kongress für experimentelle
+Psychologie</i>. Jena, 1924.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Klüver, H.</span> “An Analysis of Recent Work on the Problem of
+Psychological Types,” <i>Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases</i>,
+LXII, No. 6 (December, 1925).</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The current output is reviewed from time to time in relation to tests by
+Mark A. May, Gordon W. Allport, and certain other psychologists who are
+especially interested in the field. The <i>Psychological Index</i> can be consulted
+for the purpose of keeping abreast of the large quantity of published
+material.</p>
+</blockquote>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The most influential recent book is Kretschmer’s <i>Physique and
+Character</i>. The somatic factors in personality are stated with
+charm and brevity by E. Miller, <i>Types of Mind and Body</i>. Useful
+summary and critical volumes are by William I. Thomas and
+Dorothy S. Thomas, <i>The Child in America</i> (New York, 1928),
+chapters viii-xiii inclusive, and by R. G. Gordon, <i>Personality</i>
+(New York, 1926).</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_271">[271]</span></p>
+
+<p>The psychoanalytical literature which has undertaken to deal
+with politics or politicians explicitly may be appended here:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+<p><span class="smcap">Pfister, Oskar.</span> “Analytische Untersuchungen über die Psychologie
+des Hasses und der Versöhnung,” <i>Jahrbuch der
+Psychoanalyse</i>, II (1910), 134–78.</p>
+
+<p>——. “Die Bedeutung der Psychoanalyse für die Staats- und
+Gesellschaftslehre” (Vortrag an VI. Int. Psa. Kong., Hague,
+September 8–11, 1920), abstract in <i>Internationale Zeitschrift</i>,
+VI, 400.</p>
+
+<p>——. “Die menschlichen Einigungsbestrebungen im Lichte der
+Psychoanalyse,” <i>Imago</i>, XII (1926), 126–35.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The <i>Imago</i> is the psychoanalytical journal which is devoted to applications
+of psychoanalytical theory to the interpretation of culture.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Sachs, Hanns.</span> “Die Bedeutung der Psychoanalyse für Probleme
+der Soziologie” (Vortrag), abstract in <i>Centralblatt für Psychoanalyse</i>,
+II (1911), 464–69.</p>
+
+<p>——. “Ein Traum Bismarcks,” <i>Internationale Zeitschrift</i>, I
+(1913), 80–83.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Sachs, Hanns</span>, and <span class="smcap">Rank, Otto</span>. <i>Die Bedeutung der Psychoanalyse
+für die Geisteswissenschaften.</i> Wiesbaden, 1913.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>This was published in the “Grenzfragen des Nerven und Seelenlebens,”
+No. 93, a series which contains many volumes of great interest to social
+scientists. Kretschmer now is the responsible editor. The book also appears
+as No. 23 in the “Nervous and Mental Disease Monograph Series.”</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Rank, Otto.</span> “Der ‘Familienroman’ in der Psychologie des Attentäters,”
+<i>Der Künstler</i> (virte vermehrte Auflage; Leipzig,
+etc., 1925), pp. 142–48.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>This fragment first appeared in 1911.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Storfer, A. J.</span> “Zur Sonderstellung des Vatermordes.” Leipzig,
+etc., 1911.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Parricide and regicide are punished with unusual severity in different
+legal systems.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Abraham, Karl.</span> “Amenhotep IV (Echnaton),” <i>Imago</i>, I
+(1912), 334–60.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>One of the earliest applications of analytical concepts to a historical
+personage.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">[272]</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Freud, Sigmund.</span> <i>Totem und Taboo</i>. Leipzig, etc., 1913.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Outlines his hypothesis of the origin of culture in an original parricide
+by a band of revolting brothers, who resented the monopoly of the females
+by the old man of the tribe, and who undertook to repress memories of
+the crime. See the discussion by Malinowski of this hypothesis in <i>Sex and
+Repression in Savage Society</i> (New York, 1927).</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>——. “Zeitgemässes über Krieg und Tod,” <i>Imago</i>, IV (1915–16),
+1–21.</p>
+
+<p>——. <i>Massenpsychologie und Ich-Analyse</i>. Leipzig, etc., 1921.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>An application of Freud’s theories to the psychology of crowds and
+social institutions. See William McDougall, “Professor Freud’s Group Psychology
+and His Theory of Suggestion,” chapter xvii of <i>Problems of Personality</i>
+(ed. Campbell and others; New York, 1925).</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>——. <i>Unbehagen der Kultur</i>. Leipzig, etc., 1929.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Jekels, Ludwig.</span> “Der Wendepunkt im Leben Napoleons I,”
+<i>Imago</i>, III (1914), 313–81.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Kaplan, Leo.</span> “Der tragische Held und der Verbrecher,” <i>ibid.</i>,
+IV (1915), 96–124.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Jones, Ernest.</span> “War and Sublimation.” Read before the British
+Association for the Advancement of Science, Section of
+Physiology, September 10, 1915; published in <i>Reports</i> of
+the Association, LXXXV, 699 ff.</p>
+
+<p>——. (ed.). <i>The Social Aspects of Psychoanalysis</i>. London,
+1923.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Tausk, Viktor.</span> “Zur Psychologie des Deserteurs,” <i>Zeitschrift</i>,
+IV (1916–17), 193–204, 228–40.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Blüher, Hans.</span> <i>Die Rolle der Erotik in der männlichen Gesellschaft</i>.
+2 vols. Jena, 1917.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Bernfeld, Siegfried.</span> “Die Psychoanalyse in der Jugendbewegung,”
+<i>Imago</i>, V (1919), 283–89.</p>
+
+<p>——. “Über eine typische Form der männlichen Pubertät,”
+<i>ibid.</i>, IX (1923), 169–188.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Federn, Paul.</span> <i>Die Vaterlose Gesellschaft</i>. Leipzig, etc., 1919.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Clark, L. Pierce.</span> “A Psychologic Study of Abraham Lincoln,”
+<i>ibid.</i>, VIII (1921), 1–21.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">[273]</span></p>
+
+<p>——. “A Psycho-historical Study of the Epileptic Personality
+in the Genius,” <i>ibid.</i>, IX (1922), 367–401.</p>
+
+<p>——. “The Narcism of Alexander the Great,” <i>Ibid.</i>, X (1923),
+156–69.</p>
+
+<p>——. <i>Napoleon: Self-Destroyed</i>. New York, 1929.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Kolnai, Aurel.</span> <i>Psychoanalyse und Soziologie</i>. Leipzig, etc.,
+1920.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Lazell, Edward W.</span> “Psychology of War and Schizophrenia,”
+<i>Psychoanalytic Review</i>, VII (1920), 224–45.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Rinaldo, Joel.</span> <i>The Psychoanalysis of the Reformer</i>. New York,
+1921.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">White, William A.</span> <i>Thoughts of a Psychiatrist on the War and
+After</i>. New York, 1919.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Low, Barbara.</span> “Civic Ideals: Some Psycho-analytical Considerations,”
+<i>Sociological Review</i>, 1922.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Boven, William.</span> “Alexander der Grosse,” <i>Imago</i>, VIII (1922),
+418–39.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Berger, G.</span> “Zur Theorie der menschlichen Feindseligkeit,” <i>ibid.</i>,
+IX (1923), 344–67.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Lorenz, Emil.</span> <i>Der politische mythus, Beitrage zur mythologie
+der Kultur</i>. Leipzig, etc., 1923.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Illustrates the state-father relationship from the lore and literature of
+many cultures.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Reik, Theodor.</span> <i>Geständniszwang und Strafbedürfnis: Probleme
+der Psychoanalyse und der Kriminologie</i>. Leipzig, etc., 1925.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Outlines in masterly fashion the implications of the need for punishment
+and the compulsion to confess for criminology. Reik has also published
+extensively on religion from the psychoanalytical standpoint.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Kohn, Erwin</span>, <i>Lasalle der Führer</i>. Leipzig, etc., 1926.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Alexander, Franz</span>, and <span class="smcap">Staub, Hugo</span>. <i>Der Verbrecher und seine
+Richter</i>. Vienna, 1929.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>A sketch of criminology from the psychoanalytical standpoint, drawing
+heavily on Alexander’s conception of the neurotic character, as distinguished
+from the neurotics who show hysteric or compulsive symptoms.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_274">[274]</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Friedjung, Josef K.</span> “Zur Psychologie des kleinen Politikers,”
+<i>Imago</i>, XIV (1928), 498–501.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Among those who have undertaken from allied fields to apply
+psychoanalytic viewpoints may be mentioned William F. Ogburn,
+who read a paper before the economists in 1918; Thomas D.
+Eliot, sociologist; Harry Elmer Barnes, historical sociologist;
+E. D. Martin, social psychologist; Preserved Smith, historian;
+R. V. Harlow, historian; W. H. R. Rivers, ethnologist; and Theodore
+Schroeder, lawyer. See especially:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+<p><span class="smcap">Barnes, Harry Elmer.</span> <i>The New History and the Social Studies</i>,
+chap. iii. New York, 1925.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Discusses the bibliography in English.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Swoboda, Hermann.</span> “Zur Psychologie des Parlamentarismus,”
+<i>Oesterreichische Rundschau</i>, Band XIV, Heft 1, January 1,
+1908.</p>
+
+<p>——. “Die Kunst des Regierens,” <i>ibid.</i>, Band XVII, December
+15, 1908.</p>
+
+<p>——. “Der Volksvertreter,” <i>ibid.</i>, Band XXXII, Heft 3, August
+1, 1912.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>These articles of Swoboda are the first well-considered applications of
+psychoanalysis to politics by a non-specialist. The first article treats the
+rôle of parliamentarism as “catharsis,” and specifically refers to the work
+of Breuer and Freud.</p>
+</blockquote>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Aside from specifically psychoanalytical efforts to interpret
+individuals and collective trends, there have been many efforts on
+the part of other psychiatrists and physicians, or their followers,
+to offer such interpretations. The whole literature of “pathography”
+is abstracted and discussed here:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+<p><span class="smcap">Lange-Eichbaum, Wilhelm.</span> <i>Genie-Irrsinn, und Ruhm.</i> Leipzig,
+1928.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Students of politics will be most interested in the references
+and abstracts concerning Rousseau, Alexander the Great, Amenhotep
+IV, Bismarck, Blücher, emperors and princes, Frederick
+the Great, Lincoln, Loyola, Ludwig II of Bavaria, Napoleon, and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">[275]</span>Robespierre. Möbius put “pathography” on a scientific basis.
+The following is one of the best of the “pathographies,” since it
+stresses the diseased aspects of the personality in the perspective
+of the total development of the subject’s career:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+<p><span class="smcap">Heidenhain, Adolf</span>, <i>J.-J. Rousseau, Persönlichkeit, Philosophie
+and Psychose</i>, “Grenzfragen des Nerven-und Seelenlebens,”
+Heft 117. Munich, 1924.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The study of the effect of individual pathology on culture, and
+of culture upon individual pathology, is envisaged as a program
+in the following:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+<p><span class="smcap">Birnbaum, Karl.</span> <i>Grundzüge der Kulturpsychopathologie</i>,
+“Grenzfragen des Nerven- und Seelenlebens,” Heft 116. Munich,
+1924.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The reckless extension of individual pathological terms to the
+state of society as a whole has caused much confusion, but a case
+can be made out for a valid use of the concept of the pathological.
+Thus:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+<p><span class="smcap">Schneersohn, F.</span> “Zur Grundlegung einer Völker- und Massenpsychopathologie
+(Soziopsychopathologie),” <i>Ethos</i>, I (1925–26),
+81–120.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>This includes an exhaustive bibliography of the efforts of psychiatrists
+to extend their conceptions to society, and a detailed consideration of the
+methodological issues involved.</p>
+</blockquote>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Special attention should be called to the forthcoming volume
+by Harry Stack Sullivan on <i>Personal Psychopathology</i> in which a
+systematic treatment of the whole field of psychiatry and sociology
+is presented. Dr. Sullivan has vastly stimulated a <i>rapprochement</i>
+between physician and social scientist in the United States. See
+the <i>Proceedings</i> of the two colloquiums on personality investigation,
+held under the auspices of the American Psychiatric Association,
+first published in the <i>American Journal of Psychiatry</i> for
+May, 1929, and May, 1930, and separately obtainable.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_276">[276]</span></p>
+
+
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_B">
+    APPENDIX B
+    <br>
+    QUESTION LIST ON POLITICAL PRACTICES
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<p>This question list refers directly to the organized political
+life of the subject. Questions which are designed to
+elicit preferences are not included. For general personality
+questions and trait lists, the usual sources may be consulted
+for suggestions.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_85_85" href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p>
+
+<p>The question list here must, of course, be modified if
+used orally or with naïve subjects. An effort is always
+to be made to elicit specific incidents which arise in the
+mind. “Reminiscences” and not theories about the self
+are desired.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+<p>1. List the various associations and organizations of which you
+have been a member and in which you enjoyed rights which
+were approximately equal to those exercised by everyone
+else. Specify in each case whether you were almost inactive,
+moderately active, quite active. State when you became a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_277">[277]</span>member and how your subsequent activity fluctuated. Give
+dates when possible. Remember that you have been a member
+of various democratically organized political units. Mention
+also the prep-school class organizations, school and college
+organizations, alumni associations, profession organizations,
+civic associations, parties, and elective public offices.
+Organizations which were autocratically organized
+(that is, which exercised authority over those who had no
+formal right to choose the officials) should not be included.
+Do not omit associations of war veterans, Daughters or Sons
+of the Revolution, pacifists, anarchists, reform agitators, constitutional
+defense leagues, etc.</p>
+
+<p>2. List the various organizations with which you have been associated
+either as one in autocratic authority or as one subject
+to autocratic authority. This should include schools
+which you have attended, appointive offices in the government,
+most business connections, trusteeships, etc.</p>
+
+<p>3. List your various free-lance activities which have involved
+scarcely any organization but which have been a source of
+income. Partnerships which have involved practically no
+staff, private secretaryships, and such are meant to be listed
+here.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The following questions are intended to bring out the
+salient facts in connection with your relationship to each
+democratically organized and autocratically organized association
+or institution with which you were affiliated.
+Answer for each organization which you have listed in so
+far as applicable.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="hang">
+<p>4. Just how did you become a member of this organization?
+What steps did you take? Who helped you? Why were
+you taken in? If you organized this body, why did you do
+it? When did you first entertain the idea? How did your
+plans develop? What assistance did you get and by what
+means? What was your reputation inside the organization
+when you first came in? Were you, for instance, ignored or
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">[278]</span>regarded as promising or accepted and given responsibility
+immediately?</p>
+
+<p>5. What friends or enemies did you have inside the organization
+when you first came into it?</p>
+
+<p>6. To what offices or positions of authority in the organization
+were you elected or appointed?</p>
+
+<p>7. In each case explain how it came about. When did you
+first entertain the idea that selection was possible? How
+much did you hesitate and ponder before deciding to try
+for the position or before accepting it if it was thrust upon
+you? What alternatives did you consider? With whom did
+you talk over the matter? What was urged on you? What
+were the disadvantages which deterred you or the advantages
+which lured you? Just what did you do to get the
+office or position? Who were your chief aids? Who were
+your chief competitors? What were the points in your favor
+and in favor of the others? How did the various cliques,
+groups, and other components of the organization line up?
+Sketch your strategy and practices in dealing with each one
+before selection. Did any issues of policy figure and how?</p>
+
+<p>8. What were the cases in which you ran or were considered
+at one stage or another for selection? Answer the questions
+as before for each instance.</p>
+
+<p>9. What appointive power or influence did you exercise in office?
+Whom did you consult in making or influencing these
+appointments? To what extent did you consider competence?
+The rewarding of friends? The division or elimination
+of your opponents?</p>
+
+<p>10. What objectives, if any, had you thought out when you assumed
+responsibility?</p>
+
+<p>11. What were the chief issues on which you took a position?
+How did your influence make itself felt in each instance (in
+public speaking, interviewing, appointive pressure, etc.)?
+How did each major issue happen to emerge? How did you
+arrive at your position? Whom did you consult? What
+considerations were balanced on both sides of the question?
+To what extent did you make issues by interjecting specific
+proposals into the situation? How did you happen to do
+this? What were the elements in the organization which were
+lined up on either side of the question? What concessions
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">[279]</span>did you make in order to achieve your ends? Do you regard
+your concessions as too cheaply bought as you look
+back upon them? What results did you secure which satisfy
+you?</p>
+
+<p>12. During your tenure were there personal misunderstandings,
+quarrels, and hatreds between you and anybody? How did
+they come about? What did you do and what was the relation
+of what you did to what happened?</p>
+
+<p>13. Were there personal misunderstandings, quarrels, and antipathies
+among others inside the organization which you were
+asked to settle or which you tried to settle? What did you
+do and what relation did it bear to what finally happened?</p>
+
+<p>14. Were there personal misunderstandings, quarrels, and antipathies
+between members of your own organization and people
+in other organizations which you were asked to settle or
+which you tried to settle? What did you do and what relation
+did it bear to what finally happened?</p>
+
+<p>15. Did your organization have any ill feelings as a body for
+other organizations or groups when you came into office?
+What did you do to inflame or reduce it? What effect? Why?</p>
+
+<p>16. Did your organization have any friendly feelings as a body
+for other organizations or groups? What did you do to
+cement or to disrupt these relations? Why? With what effect
+on the course of events?</p>
+
+<p>17. Did your organization develop any friendly or unfriendly
+relations with organizations or groups to which they had
+been previously indifferent during your term in office?
+What did you do that had anything to do with this result?
+Why?</p>
+
+<p>18. Did your organization use physical, legal, or other forms of
+pressure upon any other organization or group during your
+term? What was your rôle in suggesting, supporting, directing,
+or obstructing the adoption of these tactics? Why?
+What resulted?</p>
+
+<p>19. Did your organization use physical, legal, economic, or
+other forms of pressure upon any of its own members during
+your term? What was your rôle in suggesting, supporting,
+directing, or obstructing the adoption of these tactics? Why?
+With what effect?</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_280">[280]</span></p>
+
+<p>20. By whom were you praised during and after your term of
+office for your record? How were you praised or recognized
+and honored and for what? Effect on you?</p>
+
+<p>21. By whom were you adversely criticized during and after
+your term in office for your record? How were you censured
+and for what? Effect on you?</p>
+
+<p>22. Were you re-elected or reappointed, promoted or demoted,
+after serving your term or before? Why?</p>
+
+<p>23. How did you get along with your immediate superiors, collaborators,
+and assistants? To what extent did you manipulate
+them? What different tactics did you employ with each?
+What success?</p>
+
+<p>24. What were your formal and ceremonial duties in the organization
+as an officer? Did you enjoy them?</p>
+
+<p>25. How did you enjoy your other official activities?</p>
+
+<p>26. As a non-official, or non-position-holding member of the organization,
+what did you enjoy about it? The ceremonies?
+The routine operations? The uncertain features?</p>
+
+<p>27. As a member of the rank and file, what policies and activities
+did you initiate, support, or oppose? Why? How much
+did you do and to what effect? How did the elements of the
+organization line up? Were you usually in the minority or
+the majority? What elements were usually with you?</p>
+
+<p>28. How did your reputation change during your years in the
+organizations?</p>
+
+<p>29. What particular friends and enemies did you acquire?</p>
+
+<p>30. As a member of the rank and file, did you have personal misunderstandings,
+quarrels, and hatreds between you and other
+members? Why? What did you do? Results?</p>
+
+<p>31. Did you arbitrate any grievances or try to smooth them out?
+Success? Why?</p>
+
+<p>32. What was your attitude toward other organizations or groups
+with which your organization either competed or had some
+relations? As a member of the rank and file, what did you
+do to change or intensify prevailing attitudes? Influence?</p>
+
+<p>33. Did your organization use physical or other means of pressure
+against outside organizations and other members of
+your organization? As a member of the rank and file, what
+did you do and with what effect? Did you think your organization
+was the best of its kind?</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">[281]</span></p>
+
+<p>34. Have you severed your connection or become inactive? Why?</p>
+
+<p>35. If you are still active, what are your plans and hopes?</p>
+
+<p>36. How did this particular organization touch the administrative,
+legislative, and judicial branches of the government?
+The political parties? How? What methods were used to
+bring pressure to bear? What was your part in them?</p>
+
+<p>37. As you look back on your life in the organization do you
+think of practices which you indulged in or tolerated which
+you regard as perhaps questionable? Instances? Did you
+so regard them at the time? What would have happened if
+you had not indulged in them? Should an organization be
+run on a different basis now?</p>
+
+<p>38. What effect did life in the organization have upon your
+activity in the politics of the community at large? Did you
+have impulses to express yourself publicly or privately upon
+matters which you felt it expedient to follow? Or were you
+driven to such expression and activity?</p>
+
+<p>39. If you were to judge entirely in terms of your experience
+as a member of this organization, what would be your judgment
+of the honesty and efficiency of the public service and
+the party machine?</p>
+
+<p>40. What political prejudices or philosophies were current
+among various elements inside the organization?</p>
+
+<p>41. Think of various members of this organization who were
+rather typical. How did you act toward them when you met
+them? What topics of conversation, of anecdote, etc., did
+you indulge in? What activities in common were there?</p>
+
+<p>42. Did you think that you were imposed upon by any members
+as you look back upon it now? Did you estimate some
+of them too highly? Who? Why?</p>
+
+<p>43. Did you underestimate some? Who? Why?</p>
+
+<p>44. Were you estimated too high or too low? By whom? Why?</p>
+
+<p>45. What things apart from common dishonesty would have
+caused you to lose standing in the organization? What opinions
+and activities would have compromised you?</p>
+
+<p>46. Did you risk loss of standing at any time by word or deed?
+Were you tempted to? Why did you refrain?</p>
+
+<p>47. When you tried to add others to the organization, whom
+did you seek? What type of people, in general, were you
+interested in?</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_282">[282]</span></p>
+
+<p>48. Did the organization live up to your ideal? Why?</p>
+
+<p>49. Who were the most powerful ones in the organization at different
+periods? What were your relations with them? What
+did you do consciously to win them? Success? What did
+you do to antagonize them? How did they take it? What,
+in short, was the attitude of the leaders toward you?</p>
+
+<p>50. Did you ever have a sense of frustration arising from your
+failure to participate in discussions of policy, either because
+you hesitated to express yourself or because you expressed
+yourself badly?</p>
+
+<p>51. What is your matured judgment of the utility of this organization
+in society?</p>
+
+<p>52. How did your organization connections help or hurt you socially
+or any other way?</p>
+
+<p>53. How did your outside connections help or hurt you in the
+organization?</p>
+
+<p>54. What, generally speaking, were your advantages and disadvantages
+with reference to securing and holding a prominent
+position in the organization?</p>
+
+<p>55. In general, what place did this organization play in your
+life?</p>
+
+<p>56. With respect to each one of your so-called free-lance or
+very personal activities, answer such questions as these: How
+did you happen to take it up? Upon what factors would
+your success and failure depend? What did you do to manage
+the persons upon whom success or failure depended?
+With what result? What reaction did your experience have
+upon your outlook upon political life generally?</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_283">[283]</span></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">
+    INDEX
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<ul class="index">
+  <li class="ifrst">Abraham, Karl, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Adjustive thinking, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Adler, Alfred, <a href="#Page_71">71</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Administrators:</li>
+  <li class="isub1">definition and histories of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a> ff.;</li>
+  <li class="isub1">general theory of, <a href="#Page_151">151</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Adolescence and politics, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Agitators:</li>
+  <li class="isub1">definition and histories of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a> ff.;</li>
+  <li class="isub1">general theory of, <a href="#Page_124">124</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Aichhorn, August, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Alexander, Franz, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>
+    n., <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Allport, Floyd, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Anderson, John, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Apfelbach, Hans, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Aristotle, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Attitudes, <a href="#Page_234">234</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Autistic reveries, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Bernfeld, S., <a href="#Page_177">177</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Bernheim, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Biography, political, uses and limitations of, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Birnbaum, K., <a href="#Page_200">200</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Bjerre, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Blackstone, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Bleuler, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Blondel, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Blüher, Hans, <a href="#Page_178">178</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Boas, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Bodin, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Boss, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Breuer, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Bridgman, P. W., <a href="#Page_251">251</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Brücke, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Bryce, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Bühler, Charlotte, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Burrow, Trigant, <a href="#Page_201">201</a> n.</li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Carlyle, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Case histories, <a href="#Page_3">3</a> ff., <a href="#Page_78">78</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Catharsis, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Catlin, G. E. G., <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Charcot, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Chave, <a href="#Page_59">59</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Chicago, University of, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a> n., <a href="#Page_207">207</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Christensen, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Composite types, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Comte, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Consensus, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Convictions, political, <a href="#Page_153">153</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Conway, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Co-relational types, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Cowley, W. H., <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Crises, political, <a href="#Page_179">179</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Croner, Else, <a href="#Page_232">232</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Crowd, <a href="#Page_193">193</a> n.</li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Debate, zone of, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">De Grange, <a href="#Page_10">10</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Democracy, <a href="#Page_194">194</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Despot, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Deutsch, Helene, <a href="#Page_123">123</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Developmental types, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Dicey, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Dictator, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Dilthey, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Discussion, <a href="#Page_194">194</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Dream, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Durkheim, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Eder, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Education, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Ellis, Havelock, <a href="#Page_83">83</a> n., <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Emotional bonds, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Energy of developed personality, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Events, subjective and external, <a href="#Page_240">240</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Exhortation, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Fabian Society, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Familiarization, a purpose of the study, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Federn, Paul, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Ferenczi, S., <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a> n., <a href="#Page_105">105</a> n., <a href="#Page_150">150</a>
+    n., <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a> n., <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Fliess, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Follett, Mary L., <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Forms of expression, thought and interest, <a href="#Page_235">235</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Formula for development of political man, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Frazer, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Free-fantasy, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_284">[284]</span>Freud, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a> ff., <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>
+    ff., <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a> n., <a href="#Page_111">111</a> n., <a href="#Page_179">179</a> n., <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>
+    ff., <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Friendship and politics, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Functional meaning of politics, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Garner, J. W., <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Giese, Fritz, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Glover, E., <a href="#Page_103">103</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Gneist, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Goodenough, Florence, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Gosnell, H. F., <a href="#Page_53">53</a> n., <a href="#Page_249">249</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Gould, <a href="#Page_7">7</a> n.</li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Hall, G. Stanley, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Hamilton, G. V., <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Hartman, Dale, <a href="#Page_59">59</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Healy, William, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Heimsoth, K. G., <a href="#Page_178">178</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Hetzer, Hildegard, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Hobbes, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Hoffmann, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx"><i>Homo politicus</i>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Hoover, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Hypnosis, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Identification, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Institutional meaning of politics, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Interview as a method, <a href="#Page_204">204</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Intimacy and politics, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Ireland, <a href="#Page_7">7</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Irrationality and politics, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a> ff.</li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Janet, Pierre, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a> n., <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Jellinek, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Jones, E., <a href="#Page_103">103</a> n., <a href="#Page_179">179</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Jung, <a href="#Page_62">62</a> ff., <a href="#Page_73">73</a> ff., <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Keilholz, A., <a href="#Page_179">179</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Kelsen, Hans, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a> ff., <a href="#Page_257">257</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Kempf, E. J., <a href="#Page_115">115</a> n., <a href="#Page_159">159</a> n., <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Kjellén, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Koller, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Kretschmer, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Kropotkin, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Laband, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Lange-Eichbaum, W., <a href="#Page_7">7</a> n., <a href="#Page_200">200</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Laski, H. J., <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Lassalle, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Lasswell, H. D., <a href="#Page_3">3</a> n., <a href="#Page_28">28</a> n., <a href="#Page_39">39</a> n., <a href="#Page_202">202</a> n., <a href="#Page_204">204</a>
+    n., <a href="#Page_205">205</a> n., <a href="#Page_221">221</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Lazarus, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Lee, Sir Edward, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Lenin, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Liébeault, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Logical thought, limitations of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Lombroso, <a href="#Page_7">7</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Lowell, A. L., <a href="#Page_53">53</a> n., <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Lowie, R. H., <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Lynd, R. S. and Helen, <a href="#Page_250">250</a> n.</li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Machiavelli, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Marx, Karl, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Masaryk, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Masturbation, cultural history of, <a href="#Page_83">83</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Meaning of political patterns, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Mechanism types, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Merriam, Charles E., <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a> n., <a href="#Page_59">59</a>,
+    <a href="#Page_249">249</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Meynart, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Michels, Robert, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a> n., <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Möbius, <a href="#Page_7">7</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Moore, Henry T., <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Morgan, J. P., &amp; Co., <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Morley, John, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Movements, vitality of political, <a href="#Page_173">173</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Mowrer, E. A., <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Munro, W. B., <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a> n.</li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Nancy, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Nexo, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Nuclear types, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Nunberg, <a href="#Page_220">220</a> n.</li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Object orientation, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Old Testament prophets, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Paine, Tom, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Paley, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Park, Robert E., <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Parten, Mildred, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Pathological, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Personality, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Persuasion, personal, oratorical and written, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Political methods, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Political movements, <a href="#Page_173">173</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Political patterns, <a href="#Page_248">248</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Political practices, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Political symbolization, <a href="#Page_183">183</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Political tension level, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Political types, <a href="#Page_38">38</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Politician, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Politics:</li>
+  <li class="isub1">and conflict, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li>
+  <li class="isub1">effect of, on politicians, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li>
+  <li class="isub1">institutional and functional meaning of, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">[285]</span>Prevention, politics of, <a href="#Page_173">173</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Propaganda and unconscious motives, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Psychoanalysis, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Psychopathology, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Public, <a href="#Page_193">193</a> n.</li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Quantitative approach, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Radiating nucleus, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Radin, Paul, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Rado, S., <a href="#Page_179">179</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Rank, O., <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Reactive interpretation, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Reich, Wilhelm, <a href="#Page_105">105</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Reik, Theodor, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Reininger, Karl, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Revolution, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Rice, S. A., <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Rich, Gilbert J., <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Rinaldo, Joel, <a href="#Page_104">104</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Rohmer, <a href="#Page_53">53</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Rôles, specialized and composite, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Rousseau, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Ruggiero, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Ruml, B., <a href="#Page_201">201</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Rush, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Sadger, Wilhelm, <a href="#Page_103">103</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Schmidt, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Sexuality, rôle of, <a href="#Page_66">66</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Shaw, Bernard, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Sidgwick, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Simmel, Georg, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Smith, Adam, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Social scientist, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Somatic reactions, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Specialized types, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Spranger, Eduard, <a href="#Page_49">49</a> ff., <a href="#Page_232">232</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Statesman, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Staub, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Steindhal, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Stekel, Wilhelm, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Strachey, Lytton, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Sullivan, Harry Stack, <a href="#Page_126">126</a> n., <a href="#Page_207">207</a> n., <a href="#Page_233">233</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Sward Keith, <a href="#Page_59">59</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Symbolization in politics, <a href="#Page_185">185</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Symbols, political, as targets of displacement, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Tendency interpretations, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Tension level, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Thomas, Dorothy S., <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Thomas, W. I., <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Thurstone, L. L., <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Tissot, <a href="#Page_83">83</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Types:</li>
+  <li class="isub1">co-relational, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li>
+  <li class="isub1">developmental, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li>
+  <li class="isub1">institutional and functional, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li>
+  <li class="isub1">nuclear, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li>
+  <li class="isub1">specialized and composite, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Typologies, popular and scientific, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Values, changes of, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Vienna, University of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Vierkandt, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Views, political, <a href="#Page_234">234</a> ff.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Violence a political method, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Voltaire, <a href="#Page_83">83</a> n.</li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Wagner-Jauregg, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Walker, Marjorie, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Wallas, Graham, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Weber, Max, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Weininger, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Wertheimer and Hesketh, <a href="#Page_81">81</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">White, William A., <a href="#Page_179">179</a> n.</li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Willoughby, W. W., <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Winkler, Viktor, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Wittals, Fritz, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Wordsworth, W., <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li>
+
+
+  <li class="ifrst">Zilboorg, Gregory, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>
+
+  <li class="indx">Znaniecki, F., <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>
+</ul>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<div class="chapter">
+  <h2 class="nobreak" id="FOOTNOTES">
+    FOOTNOTES
+  </h2>
+</div>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1_1" href="#FNanchor_1_1" class="label">[1]</a> See Harold D. Lasswell, “The Study of the Ill as a Method of Research
+on Political Personalities,” <i>American Political Science Review</i>, November,
+1929.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2_2" href="#FNanchor_2_2" class="label">[2]</a> “Psychosis” means the more serious mental disturbances; “neurosis”
+means the less serious ones.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3_3" href="#FNanchor_3_3" class="label">[3]</a> The best summary of this literature is Wilhelm Lange-Eichbaum, <i>Genie-Irrsinn
+und Ruhm</i>. See also the works of Ireland, Lombroso, Möbius, and
+Gould.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4_4" href="#FNanchor_4_4" class="label">[4]</a> See De Grange’s excellent treatment of this matter in his paper on
+the methodology of Comte in the case book to be published by the Social
+Science Research Council.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5_5" href="#FNanchor_5_5" class="label">[5]</a> What has been said above is current in the biography of Freud by
+Fritz Wittals, and in Freud’s autobiographical sketches.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6_6" href="#FNanchor_6_6" class="label">[6]</a> Modified from “Self-Analysis and Judicial Thinking,” <i>International
+Journal of Ethics</i>, April, 1930.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7_7" href="#FNanchor_7_7" class="label">[7]</a> The training should, of course, be conducted by a specialist alert to his
+responsibilities.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8_8" href="#FNanchor_8_8" class="label">[8]</a> “Politik als Beruf,” in <i>Gesammelte Schriften</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9_9" href="#FNanchor_9_9" class="label">[9]</a> I summarized some of this literature in “Types of Political Personalities,”
+<i>Proceedings of the American Sociological Society, 1927</i>. Reprinted in
+<i>Personality and the Group</i> (edited by Burgess).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10_10" href="#FNanchor_10_10" class="label">[10]</a> <i>Personality in Politics.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11_11" href="#FNanchor_11_11" class="label">[11]</a> <i>The History of European Liberalism.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12_12" href="#FNanchor_12_12" class="label">[12]</a> <i>Physique and Character</i>, chap. xiii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13_13" href="#FNanchor_13_13" class="label">[13]</a> <i>Quantitative Methods in Politics</i>, chap. v.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14_14" href="#FNanchor_14_14" class="label">[14]</a> <i>The Science and Method of Politics.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15_15" href="#FNanchor_15_15" class="label">[15]</a> <i>The New State.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16_16" href="#FNanchor_16_16" class="label">[16]</a> It is not profitable to pursue these distinctions farther. I should prefer
+to distinguish the statesman from the politician by treating the latter as a
+function of a democratically organized community and as one who is limited
+to persuasion in the advancement of his conceptions of public right.
+The statesman may use force, and is not necessarily a function of democratically
+organized society.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17_17" href="#FNanchor_17_17" class="label">[17]</a> His viewpoint is best expressed in “Die Typen der Weltanschauung,” in
+<i>Weltanschauung-Philosophie und Religion in Darstellungen</i> (edited by M.
+Frischeisen-Kohler).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18_18" href="#FNanchor_18_18" class="label">[18]</a> <i>Soziologie</i>, chap. iii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19_19" href="#FNanchor_19_19" class="label">[19]</a> <i>Grundriss der Sozialökonomik</i>, III, 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20_20" href="#FNanchor_20_20" class="label">[20]</a> See Robert Michels, <i>Political Parties</i>; C. E. Merriam, <i>American Party
+System</i>, and <i>Introduction</i> to H. F. Gosnell’s <i>Boss Platt and His New York
+Machine</i>; Martin Conway, <i>Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War</i>; Lowell,
+<i>Public Opinion in War and Peace</i>; Rohmer, <i>Die Vier Parteien</i>; A. Christensen,
+<i>Politics and Crowd Morality</i>; W. B. Munro, <i>Personality in Politics</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21_21" href="#FNanchor_21_21" class="label">[21]</a> <i>Die öffentliche Persönlichkeit.</i> Beihefte zur <i>Zeitschrift für angewandte
+Psychologie</i>, Vol. XLIV.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22_22" href="#FNanchor_22_22" class="label">[22]</a> “Innate Factors in Radicalism and Conservatism,” <i>Journal of Abnormal
+and Social Psychology</i>, XX (1925–26), 234–44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23_23" href="#FNanchor_23_23" class="label">[23]</a> Allport really used a rank-order method of handling opinion expressions
+which he unjustifiably treated as marking definite positions along a
+base line. Thurstone has greatly improved the technique of opinion measurement.
+See Thurstone and Chave, <i>The Measurement of Attitude</i> (Chicago,
+1929). For Allport’s original paper (with D. A. Hartman), see “Measurement
+and Motivation of Atypical Opinion in a Certain Group,” <i>American
+Political Science Review</i>, XIX (1925), 735–60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24_24" href="#FNanchor_24_24" class="label">[24]</a> “Three Distinctions in the Study of Leaders,” <i>Journal of Abnormal and
+Social Psychology</i>, Vol. XXIII (July-September, 1928).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25_25" href="#FNanchor_25_25" class="label">[25]</a> By Keith Sward, Social Science Research Council Fellow, and others.
+I discuss the problem of evaluating test results later on.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26_26" href="#FNanchor_26_26" class="label">[26]</a> “A Biochemical Approach to the Study of Personality,” <i>Journal of Abnormal
+and Social Psychology</i>, Vol. XXIII (July-September, 1928).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27_27" href="#FNanchor_27_27" class="label">[27]</a> Hans Apfelbach, <i>Der Aufbau des Charakters</i>. Cf. Otto Weininger,
+<i>Geschlecht und Charakter</i>; Fliess, <i>Ablauf des Lebens</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28_28" href="#FNanchor_28_28" class="label">[28]</a> C. G. Jung, <i>Psychological Types</i>, chap. x.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29_29" href="#FNanchor_29_29" class="label">[29]</a> <i>Beyond the Pleasure Principle.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30_30" href="#FNanchor_30_30" class="label">[30]</a> “The Significance of Physical Constitution in Mental Disease,” <i>Medicine</i>,
+V (1926), 375–451.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31_31" href="#FNanchor_31_31" class="label">[31]</a> The popular superstition about the dangers of masturbation seems to
+have become widespread in Western Europe in the eighteenth century.
+Havelock Ellis dates it from the appearance of a sensational book by an
+anonymous English doctor which was called <i>Onania: or the Heinous Sin
+of Self-Pollution and All Its Frightful Consequences in Both Sexes, Considered,
+with Spiritual and Physical Advice, etc.</i> This is said to have
+passed through eighty editions and to have been translated into German.
+Tissot, a physician of Lausanne, contributed his <i>Traité</i> on the same subject
+in Latin in 1760. This appeared in French four years later, and subsequently
+in nearly all European languages. His watchword was that masturbation
+was a crime, “an act of suicide.” Voltaire popularized his viewpoint
+in the <i>Dictionnaire philosophique</i>, and the tradition became firmly set. See
+Havelock Ellis, <i>Studies in the Psychology of Sex</i>, I, 248–49. The cultural
+relativity of this attitude toward masturbation is brought out in ethnological
+reports.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32_32" href="#FNanchor_32_32" class="label">[32]</a> <i>Psychoanalytische Studien zur Charakterbildung</i> (International Psychoanalytische
+Bibliothek, 1925), Nr. XVI. Freud’s first contribution to the
+subject was published in 1908. His brief article, “Charakter and Analerotik,”
+is reprinted in the fifth volume of the <i>Gesammelte Schriften</i>. Others
+who have written in the same field are Sadger, Ferenczi, Jones, and E.
+Glover.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33_33" href="#FNanchor_33_33" class="label">[33]</a> Joel Rinaldo paraphrases Freud in his <i>Psychoanalysis of the “Reformer”</i>
+and without supporting cases argues that the reformer is always
+a meddling hysteric. This is not to be taken for granted, for he may more
+often prove to be an obsessive type, when he shows mental pathology. For
+the best picture of the two clinical types, see Janet, <i>Les névroses</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34_34" href="#FNanchor_34_34" class="label">[34]</a> See Ferenczi, <i>Versuch einer Genitaltheorie</i> (Internationale Psychoanalytische
+Bibliothek, 1924), Band XV, esp. Sec. V. Also Wilhelm Reich,
+<i>Die Funktion des Orgasmus</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35_35" href="#FNanchor_35_35" class="label">[35]</a> See Freud’s discussion of paranoia in his “Psychoanalytische Bemerkungen
+über einen autobiographisch beschriebenen Fall von Paranoia,”
+<i>Gesammelte Schriften</i>, Band VIII.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36_36" href="#FNanchor_36_36" class="label">[36]</a> This grandfather committed suicide at an unreported age, and his
+youngest son is said to be “very nervous.” B’s oldest sister had a nervous
+breakdown in high school. The third sister is “neurotic.” B is described
+as having been a frail infant, and a shy child. Bed-wetting continued until
+he was twelve or fourteen, and he occasionally had attacks of indigestion.
+Physical examination failed to disclose any significant physical factor in
+his difficulties.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37_37" href="#FNanchor_37_37" class="label">[37]</a> Examples are given in Kempf’s <i>Psychopathology</i>, and in other textbooks
+on the subject.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38_38" href="#FNanchor_38_38" class="label">[38]</a> See Helene Deutsch, <i>Psychoanalyse der weiblichen Sexualfunction</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39_39" href="#FNanchor_39_39" class="label">[39]</a> See “The Dynamics of Schizophrenic Reactions Related to Pregnancy
+and Childbirth,” <i>American Journal of Psychiatry</i>, VIII (1929), 733–66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40_40" href="#FNanchor_40_40" class="label">[40]</a> The physician in charge of this case comments that there may be a
+homosexual <i>anlage</i> on the physical level, but that this is not certain.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_41_41" href="#FNanchor_41_41" class="label">[41]</a> Harry Stack Sullivan has stressed the critical importance for personality
+growth of the adolescent phase in which the individual is impelled
+to enter into intimate emotional relations with one or two other persons of
+his own age. Those who partially fail in this show various warps in their
+subsequent development.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_42_42" href="#FNanchor_42_42" class="label">[42]</a> “Der neurotische Charakter,” <i>Internationale Zeitschrift für Psychoanalyse</i>,
+XIV (1928), 26–44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_43_43" href="#FNanchor_43_43" class="label">[43]</a> Abraham and Ferenczi have reported cases of this kind.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_44_44" href="#FNanchor_44_44" class="label">[44]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 448.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_45_45" href="#FNanchor_45_45" class="label">[45]</a> See the chapter on “Psycho-analysis in Relation to Politics” in <i>Social
+Aspects of Psycho-Analysis</i> (London, 1924).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_46_46" href="#FNanchor_46_46" class="label">[46]</a> “Dogma und Zwangsidee,” <i>Imago</i>, XIII (1927), 247–382.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_47_47" href="#FNanchor_47_47" class="label">[47]</a> Succinctly described in “Über eine typische Form der männlichen
+pubertät,” <i>Imago</i>, IX (1923), 169 ff. On the homoerotic elements see Hans
+Blüher, <i>Die deutsche Wandervogelbewegung als erotisches Phänomen</i>, and
+his more elaborate volume cited in the Bibliography.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_48_48" href="#FNanchor_48_48" class="label">[48]</a> I was kindly permitted to see this manuscript which is not yet published.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_49_49" href="#FNanchor_49_49" class="label">[49]</a> See Sandor Rado, “Die psychischen Wirkungen der Rauschgifte,” <i>Internationale
+Zeitschrift für Psychoanalyse</i>, XII (1926), 540–56; A. Keilholz,
+“Analyseversuch bei Delirium Tremens,” <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 478–92; and
+Stekel’s volumes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_50_50" href="#FNanchor_50_50" class="label">[50]</a> For a sketch of the unconscious processes involved in warfare see S.
+Freud, “Zeitgemässes über Krieg und Tod,” <i>Imago</i>, IV (1915–16), 1–21;
+Ernest Jones, <i>Essays in Psycho-Analysis</i>; William A. White, <i>Thoughts of
+a Psychiatrist on the War and After</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_51_51" href="#FNanchor_51_51" class="label">[51]</a> <i>Chicago Daily News</i>, July 20, 1927.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_52_52" href="#FNanchor_52_52" class="label">[52]</a> The distinction between the crowd and the public is best developed
+in the writings of Robert E. Park. Freud undertook to explain the crowd
+on the theory that an emotional bond was forged by identification of the
+individual with a leader, and by a process of partial identification through
+the perception of this similar relationship to the leader. He set out from
+the observation that when people are interacting upon one another they
+behave differently than when they are alone. The loss of individuality represents
+a relinquishment of narcissistic gratification which can only come
+when libido is directed outward toward objects. Freud’s theory applies
+strictly to a special case of crowd behavior only. Crowd states may also
+arise when interlocking partial identifications occur on the perception of
+a common threat. Crowd behavior often arises before anybody assumes a
+“leading” rôle, and rival leaders are “selected” by the crowd.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_53_53" href="#FNanchor_53_53" class="label">[53]</a> <i>Studies in the Psychology of Sex</i>, I, 231.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_54_54" href="#FNanchor_54_54" class="label">[54]</a> Kempf, <i>Psychopathology</i>, p. 704.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_55_55" href="#FNanchor_55_55" class="label">[55]</a> Franz Alexander, “Mental Hygiene and Criminology,” <i>First International
+Congress on Mental Hygiene</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_56_56" href="#FNanchor_56_56" class="label">[56]</a> For an appreciation of the rôle of the pathological person in society
+see Wilhelm Lange-Eichbaum, <i>Genie-Irrsinn, und Ruhm</i>, and Karl Birnbaum,
+<i>Grundzüge der Kulturpsychopathologie</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_57_57" href="#FNanchor_57_57" class="label">[57]</a> Something like this is no doubt the thought in Trigant Burrow’s very
+obscure book on <i>The Social Basis of Consciousness</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_58_58" href="#FNanchor_58_58" class="label">[58]</a> This point was forcibly made by Beardsley Ruml in his speech at
+the dedication of the Social Science Research Building at the University
+of Chicago. See <i>The New Social Science</i>, edited by Leonard D. White, pp.
+99–111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_59_59" href="#FNanchor_59_59" class="label">[59]</a> I have suggested that those who write human biography should be
+included among those who require this comprehensive training. See “The
+Scientific Study of Human Biography,” <i>Scientific Monthly</i>, January, 1930.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_60_60" href="#FNanchor_60_60" class="label">[60]</a> Modified and expanded from “The Psychoanalytic Interview as a
+Method of Research on Personalities,” in <i>The Child’s Emotions</i>, pp. 136–59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_61_61" href="#FNanchor_61_61" class="label">[61]</a> See Harold D. Lasswell, “The Problem of Adequate Personality Records:
+A Proposal,” <i>American Journal of Psychiatry</i>, May 1929. Also Appendix
+B of <i>The Proceedings of the First Colloquium on Personality Investigation</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_62_62" href="#FNanchor_62_62" class="label">[62]</a> We are now engaged upon studies of this kind at the Personality
+Laboratory in the Social Science Research Building at the University of
+Chicago. Harry Stack Sullivan is conducting a series of researches on expression
+changes, with particular reference to schizophrenia, which are of
+the greatest importance.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_63_63" href="#FNanchor_63_63" class="label">[63]</a> The topic of reliable criteria will be dealt with in detail in the reports
+upon experiments in progress.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_64_64" href="#FNanchor_64_64" class="label">[64]</a> The best technical discussions of the nature of the analytical situation
+are in the writings of Freud, Rank, Ferenczi, Nunberg, and Alexander.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_65_65" href="#FNanchor_65_65" class="label">[65]</a> Expanded from an article with the same title which appeared in the
+<i>Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology</i>, January, 1930.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_66_66" href="#FNanchor_66_66" class="label">[66]</a> Dorothy Swaine Thomas and Associates, <i>Some New Techniques for
+Studying Social Behavior</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_67_67" href="#FNanchor_67_67" class="label">[67]</a> “Die ersten sozialen Verhaltungsweisen des Kindes,” <i>Quellen und
+Studien zur Jugendkunde</i>, Heft 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_68_68" href="#FNanchor_68_68" class="label">[68]</a> Referred to by John E. Anderson, “The Genesis of Social Reactions in
+the Young Child,” <i>The Unconscious: A Symposium</i>. These researches are
+abstracted in William I. Thomas and Dorothy S. Thomas, <i>The Child in
+America</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_69_69" href="#FNanchor_69_69" class="label">[69]</a> <i>Über soziale Verhaltungsweisen in der Vorpubertät</i>, “Wiener Arbeiten
+zur pädogogischen Psychologie” (herausgegeben von Charlotte Bühler and
+Viktor Fadrus), Heft 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_70_70" href="#FNanchor_70_70" class="label">[70]</a> <i>Das volkstümliche Kinderspiel</i>, Heft 6, in the same series as the above.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_71_71" href="#FNanchor_71_71" class="label">[71]</a> “Psychologie des Jugendführers,” <i>Quellen und Studien zur Jugendkunde</i>
+(herausgegeben von Dr. Charlotte Bühler).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_72_72" href="#FNanchor_72_72" class="label">[72]</a> <i>Das Problem des Charakteraufbaus</i>, pp. 68–80. See E. Spranger, <i>Psychologie
+des Jugendalters</i>, and Else Croner, “Die Psyche der weiblichen
+Jugend,” <i>Schriften zur Frauenbildung</i>, Heft 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_73_73" href="#FNanchor_73_73" class="label">[73]</a> <i>Internationale Psychoanalytische Bibliotek</i>, Band XIX.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_74_74" href="#FNanchor_74_74" class="label">[74]</a> See especially p. 278. Harry Stack Sullivan is tracing out the developmental
+history of various forms of personality in his forthcoming volume
+on <i>Personal Psychopathology</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_75_75" href="#FNanchor_75_75" class="label">[75]</a> Paul Federn commented in his pamphlet that a democratic state
+must depend upon a democratic family life.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_76_76" href="#FNanchor_76_76" class="label">[76]</a> See his excellent methodological chapter in <i>The Psychology of Murder</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_77_77" href="#FNanchor_77_77" class="label">[77]</a> <i>The Origin of the State.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_78_78" href="#FNanchor_78_78" class="label">[78]</a> Not to be confused with mind-body parallelism, which is not accepted.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_79_79" href="#FNanchor_79_79" class="label">[79]</a> Cf. Kelsen, <i>Der Soziologische und der juristische Staatsbegriff</i>; “Der
+Begriff des Staates und die Sozialpsychologie,” <i>Imago</i>, VIII (1922), 97–141;
+“The Conception of the State and Social Psychology,” <i>International
+Journal of Psycho-Analysis</i>, V (1924), 1–38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_80_80" href="#FNanchor_80_80" class="label">[80]</a> Perhaps the most important part of the Merriam and Gosnell study
+of <i>Non-Voting</i> is the symposium of conversational scraps which suggest
+what balloting actually means to various classes and sections of a modern
+metropolitan community.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_81_81" href="#FNanchor_81_81" class="label">[81]</a> Such criticism has been directed against the pioneer venture of the
+Lynds, <i>Middletown</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_82_82" href="#FNanchor_82_82" class="label">[82]</a> An able discussion of the operational concept is in P. W. Bridgman,
+<i>The Logic of Modern Physics</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_83_83" href="#FNanchor_83_83" class="label">[83]</a> Alexander and Staub have commented on this in <i>Der Verbrecher und
+seine Richter</i>. But it is principally due to the suspicion of the public
+officer.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_84_84" href="#FNanchor_84_84" class="label">[84]</a> See his sketch of social psychology in <i>Massenpsychologie und Ich-Analyse</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_85_85" href="#FNanchor_85_85" class="label">[85]</a> More specifically, Kretschmer’s <i>Psychobiogramm</i>, published in H. Hoffmann,
+<i>Das Problem des Charakteraufbaus</i>, as an appendix; Heyman’s
+trait list (republished in <i>Gesammelte Kelinere Schriften</i>, Dritter Teil);
+the psychograms of W. Stern (in <i>Die differentielle Psychologie in ihren
+methodischen Grundlagen</i>), of Baade, Lipman, and Stern (<i>Zeitschrift für
+angewandte Psychologie</i>, Band III), of P. Margis (Breslau dissertation,
+1911, <i>Das Problem und die Methoden der Psychographie mit einer Individualanalyse
+von E. T. A. Hoffmann</i>), of L. Lewin (<i>Friedrich Hebbel:
+Beitrag zu einem Psychogramm</i> [Berlin, 1913]), of E. Stern (“Patho-psychographische
+Untersuchungen,” <i>Archiv für Psychiatrie und Nervenkrankheiten</i>,
+Band LXI), of F. Kehrer and S. Fischer (“Modell einer klinisch-experimentellen
+Pathographie,” <i>Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und
+Psychiatrie</i>, Band LXXXV); the outlines of Dr. Paul Federn (<i>Schema der
+Libidoaufnahme</i>, MSS in my possession), of F. D. Wells (MSS in my possession),
+of G. V. Hamilton, of Adolf Meyer (mimeographed MSS in my
+possession), of Amsden and Hoch, of Floyd Allport, and the lists of Woodworth,
+Laird, House, Freyd and Thurstone.</p></div>
+
+<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78273 ***</div>
+</body>
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